proofreading team. conditions in utah. speech of hon. thomas kearns, of utah, in the senate of the united states, tuesday, february , . washington. . speech of hon. thomas kearns. * * * * * polygamous marriages and plural cohabitation. the president pro tempore. the chair lays before the senate the resolution submitted by the senator from idaho [mr. dubois], which will be read. the secretary read the resolution submitted yesterday by mr. dubois, as follows: _resolved_, that the committee on the judiciary be, and it is hereby, authorized and instructed to prepare and report to the senate within thirty days after the beginning of the next session of congress a joint resolution of the two houses of congress proposing to the several states amendments to the constitution of the united states which shall provide, in substance, for the prohibition and punishment of polygamous marriages and plural cohabitation contracted or practiced within the united states and in every place subject to the jurisdiction of the united states; and which shall, in substance, also require all persons taking office under the constitution or laws of the united states, or of any state, to take and subscribe an oath that he or she is not, and will not be, a member or adherent of any organization whatever the laws, rules, or nature of which organization require him or her to disregard his or her duty to support and maintain the constitution and laws of the united states and of the several states. mr. kearns. mr. president, i will not permit this occasion to pass without saying, with brevity and such clearness as i can command, what it seems to me should be said by a senator, under these circumstances, before leaving public life. something is due to the state which has honored me; something is due to the record which i have endeavored to maintain honorably before the world and something, by way of information, is due to the senate and the country. utah, the newest of the states, to me the best beloved of all the states, appears to be the only one concerning which there is a serious conflict with the country. i was not born in utah, but i have spent all the years of my manhood there, and i love the commonwealth and its people. in what i say there is malice toward none, and i hope to make it just to all. if the present day does not accept my statements and appreciate my motives, i can only trust that time will prove more gentle and that in the future those who care to revert to these remarks will know that they are animated purely by a hope to bring about a better understanding between utah and this great nation. utah was admitted to statehood after, and because of, a long series of pledges exacted from the mormon leaders, the like of which had never before been known in american history. except for those pledges, the sentiment of the united states would never have assented to utah's admission. except for the belief on the part of congress and the country that the extraordinary power which abides in that state would maintain these pledges, utah would not have been admitted. there is every reason to believe that the president who signed the bill would have vetoed it if he had not been convinced that the pledges made would be kept. the pledges. as a citizen of the state and a witness to the events and words which constitute those pledges, as a senator of the united states, i give my word of honor to you that i believed that these pledges consisted of the following propositions: first. that the mormon leaders would live within the laws pertaining to plural marriage and the continued plural marriage relation, and that they would enforce this obligation upon all of their followers, under penalty of disfellowship. second. that the leaders of the mormon church would no longer exercise political sway, and that their followers would be free and would exercise their freedom in politics, in business, and in social affairs. as a citizen and a senator i give my word of honor to you that i believed that these pledges would be kept in the spirit in which congress and the country accepted them, and that there would never be any violation, evasion, denial, or equivocation concerning them. i appeal to such members of this body as were in either house of congress during the years to , if it was not their belief at that time that the foregoing were the pledges and that they would be kept; and i respectfully insist that every senator here who was a member of either house at that time would have refused to vote for utah's admission unless he had firmly believed as i have stated. . utah, secured her statehood by a solemn compact made by the mormon leaders in behalf of themselves and their people. . that compact has been broken willfully and frequently. . no apostle of the mormon church has publicly protested against that violation. i know the gravity of the utterances that i have just made. i know what are the probable consequences to myself. but i have pondered long and earnestly upon the subject and have come to the conclusion that duty to the innocent people of my state and that obligation to the senate and the country require that i shall clearly define my attitude. religion not involved. this is no quarrel with religion. this is no assault upon any man's faith. this is rather the reverence toward the inherent right of all men to believe as they please, which separates religious faith from irreligious practice. the mormon people have a system of their own, somewhat complex, and gathered from the mysticisms of all the ages. it does not appeal to most men; but in its purely theological domain it is theirs, and i respect it as their religion and them as its believers. the trouble arises now, as it has frequently arisen in the past, from the fact that some of the accidental leaders of the movement since the first zealot founder have sought to make of this religion not only a system of morals, sometimes quite original in themselves, but also a system of social relation, a system of finance, a system of commerce, and a system of politics. the social aspect. i dismiss the religion with my profound respect; if it can comfort them, i would not, if i could, disturb it. coming to the social aspect of the society, it is apparent that the great founder sought first to establish equality among men, and then to draw from those equal ranks a special class, who were permitted to practice polygamy and to whom special privileges were accorded in their association with the consecrated temples and the administration of mystic ordinances therein. the polygamous group, or cult as it may be called, soon became the ruling factor in the organization; and it may be observed that ever since the founding of the church almost every man of prominence in the community has belonged to this order. it was so in the time of the martyrs, joseph and hyrum smith, who were killed at carthage jail in illinois, and both of whom were polygamists, although it was denied at the time. there were living until recently, and perhaps there are living now, women who testified that they were married in polygamy to one or the other of these two men, joseph having the larger number. it has been so ever since and is so to-day that nearly every man of the governing class has been or is a polygamist. brigham young succeeded joseph smith, and he set up a kind of kingly rulership, not unbecoming to a man of his vast empire-building power. the mormons have been taught to revere joseph smith as a direct prophet from god. he saw the face of the all father. he held communion with the son. the holy ghost was his constant companion. he settled every question, however trivial, by revelation from almighty god. but brigham was different. while claiming a divine right of leadership, he worked out his great mission by palpable and material means. i do not know that he ever pretended to have received a revelation from the time that he left nauvoo until he reached the shores of the dead sea, nor through all the thirty years of his leadership there. he seemed to regard his people as children who had to be led through their serious calamities by holding out to them the glittering thought of divine guardianship. so firmly did brigham establish the social order in utah that all of the people were equal, except the governing body. this may be said to consist of the president and his two counsellors, they three constituting the first presidency; the twelve apostles; the presiding bishopric, consisting of three men, the chief bishops of the church but much lower in rank than the apostles; the seven presidents of seventies, who are, under the apostles, the subordinate head of the missionary service of the church; and the presiding patriarch. these altogether constitute a body of twenty-six men. there are local authorities in the different stakes of zion, as they are called, corresponding to counties in a state, but with these it is not necessary to deal. practically all of these men under brigham young were polygamists. they constituted what one of their number once called the "elite class" of the community. to attain this rank one usually had to show ability, and attaining the rank he was quite certain to enter into or extend his already existing plural-marriage relations. these rulers were looked upon with great reverence. brigham young, besides being a prophet of god, as they believed, had led them through the greatest march of the ages. his nod became almost superhuman in its significance. his frown was as terrible to them as the wrath of god. he upheld all the members of the polygamistic and governing class by his favoritism toward them. he supremely, and they subordinately, ruled the community as if they were a king and a house of peers, with no house of commons. not elsewhere in the united states, and not in any foreign country where civilization dwells, has there been such a complete mastery of man over modern men. the subordinates and the mass would perform the slightest will of brigham young. when he was not present the mass would perform the will of any of the subordinates speaking in his name. below this privileged class stood the common mass. it had its various gradations of title, but, with the exception of rare instances of personal power, there was equality in the mass. for instance, as business was a part of their system, the local religious authority in some remote part might be the business subordinate of some other man of less ecclesiastical rank, with the result that this peculiar intermingling kept them all practically upon one level of social order; and the man who made adobes under the hot sun of the desert through all the week might still be the religious superior of the richest man in the local community, and they met on terms of equality and friendship. their children might intermarry, the difference in wealth being countervailed by a difference in ecclesiastical authority. it was a strange social system, this, with brigham young and his coterie of advisers, to the number of twenty-six, standing at the head, self-perpetuating, the chief being able to select constantly to fill the ranks as they might be depleted by death; and all these ruling over one solid mass of equal caste who thought that the rulers were animated by divine revelation, holding the right to govern in all things on earth and with authority extending into heaven. so firmly intrenched was their social system that when brigham young passed away his various successors who came in time to his place by accident of seniority of service found ample opportunity without difficulty to perpetuate this system and to maintain their social autocracy. as the matter has appeared so fully before the country, i will not speak further of the method of succession, but will merely call to your minds that after brigham young came john taylor, then wilford woodruff, then lorenzo snow, then joseph f. smith, the present ruler. under these several men the social autocracy has had its varying fortunes, but at the present time it is probably at as high a point as it ever reached under the original joseph or under brigham young. the president of the church, joseph f. smith, affects a regal state. his home consists of a series of villas, rather handsome in design, and surrounded by such ample grounds as to afford sufficient exclusiveness. in addition to this he has an official residence of historic character near to the office which he occupies as president. when he travels he is usually accompanied by a train of friends, who are really servitors. when he attends social functions he appears like a ruler among his subjects. and in this respect i am not speaking of mormon associations alone, for there are many gentiles in and out of utah who seem to take delight in paying this extraordinary deference. if i have seemed to speak at length upon this mere social phase it has not been without a definite purpose. i want you to know how this religion, claiming to recognize and secure the equality of men, immediately established and has maintained for the mass of its adherents that social equality, but has elevated a class of its rulers to regal authority and splendor. understanding how the chief among them has the dignity of a monarch in their social relations, you will better understand the business and political autocracy which he has been able to establish. in all this social system each apostle has his great part. he is inseparable from it. he wields now, as does a minister at court, such part of the power as the monarch may permit him to enjoy, and it is his hope and expectation that he will outlive those who are his seniors in rank in order that he may become the ruler. therefore, if there be evil in this social relation as i have portrayed it, every apostle is responsible for a part of that evil. they enjoy the honors of the social class; they help to exert the tyranny over the subjugated mass. those of you who do me the honor to follow my remarks will realize how close is the relation between the apostles and the president, and that the apostle is a responsible part of the governing power. while i may speak of the president of the church segregated from his associates and as the monarch, it must be understood constantly that he maintains his power by the support of the apostles, who keep the mass in order and in subjugation to his will, expressed through them. the business monopoly. whatever may have been its origin or excuse, the business power of the president of the church and of the select class which he admits into business relations with him is now a practical monopoly, or is rapidly becoming a monopoly, of everything that he touches. i want to call your attention to the extraordinary list of worldly concerns in which this spiritual leader holds official position. the situation is more amazing when you are advised that this man came to his presidency purely by accident, namely, the death of his seniors in rank; that he had never known any business ability, and that he comes to the presidency and the directorship of the various corporations solely because he is president of the church. he is already reputed to be a wealthy man, and his statement would seem to indicate that he has large holdings in the various corporations with which he is associated, although previous to his accession to the presidency of the church he made a kind of proud boast among his people of his poverty. he conducts railways, street-car lines, power and light companies, coal mines, salt works, sugar factories, shoe factories, mercantile houses, drug stores, newspapers, magazines, theaters, and almost every conceivable kind of business, and in all of these, inasmuch as he is the dominant factor by virtue of his being the prophet of god, he asserts indisputable sway. it is considered an evidence of deference to him, and good standing in the church, for his hundreds of thousands of followers to patronize exclusively the institutions which he controls. and this fact alone, without any business ability on his part, but with capable subordinate guidance for his enterprises, insures their success, and danger and possible ruin for every competitive enterprise. independent of these business concerns, he is in receipt of an income like unto that which a royal family derives from a national treasury. one-tenth of all the annual earnings of all the mormons in all the world flows to him. these funds amount to the sum of $ , , annually, or per cent upon $ , , , which is one-quarter of the entire taxable wealth of the state of utah. it is the same as if he owned, individually, in addition to all his visible enterprises, one-quarter of all the wealth of the state and derived from it per cent of income without taxation and without discount. the hopelessness of contending in a business way with this autocrat must be perfectly apparent to your minds. the original purpose of this vast tithe, as often stated by speakers for the church, was the maintenance of the poor, the building of meetinghouses, etc. to-day the tithes are transmuted, in the localities where they are paid, into cash, and they flow into the treasury of the head of the church. no account is made, or ever has been made, of these tithes. the president expends them according to his own will and pleasure, and with no examination of his accounts, except by those few men whom he selects for that purpose and whom he rewards for their zeal and secrecy. shortly after the settlement of the mormon church property question with the united states the church issued a series of bonds, amounting approximately to $ , , , which were taken by financial institutions. this was probably to wipe out a debt which had accumulated during a long period of controversy with the nation. but since, and including the year , which was about the time of the issue of the bonds, approximately $ , , have been paid as tithes. if any of the bonds are still outstanding, it is manifestly because the president of the church desires for reasons of his own to have an existing indebtedness. it will astound you to know that every dollar of united states money paid to any servant of the government who is a mormon is tithed for the benefit of this monarch. out of every $ , thus paid he gets $ to swell his grandeur. this is also true of money paid out of the public treasury of the state of utah to mormon officials. but what is worst of all, the monarch dips into the sacred public school fund and extracts from every mormon teacher one-tenth of his or her earnings and uses it for his unaccounted purposes; and, by means of these purposes and the power which they constitute, he defies the laws of his state, the sentiment of his country, and is waging war of nullification on the public school system, so dear to the american people. no right-thinking man will oppose any person as a servant of the nation or the state or as a teacher in the public schools on account of religious faith. as i have before remarked, this is no war upon the religion of the mormons; and i am only calling attention to the monstrous manner in which this monarch invades all the provinces of human life and endeavors to secure his rapacious ends. in all this there is no thought on my part of opposition to voluntary gifts by individuals for religious purposes or matters connected legitimately with religion. my comment and criticism are against the tyranny which misuses a sacred name to extract from individuals the moneys which they ought not to spare from family needs, and which they do not wish to spare; my comment and criticism relate to the power of a monarch whose tyranny is so effective as that not even the moneys paid by the government are considered the property of the government's servant until after this monarch shall have seized his arbitrary tribute, with or without the willing assent of the victim, so that the monarch may engage the more extensively in commercial affairs, which are not a part of either religion or charity. with an income of per cent upon one-quarter of the entire assessed valuation of the state of utah to-day, how long will it take this monarch, with his constantly increasing demands for revenue, to so absorb the productive power that he shall be receiving an income of per cent upon one-half the property, and then upon all of the property of the state? this is worse than the farming of taxes under the old french kings. will congress allow this awful calamity to continue? the view which the people of the united states entertained on this subject forty years ago was shown by the act of congress in , in which a provision, directed particularly against the mormon church, declared that no church in a territory of the united states should have in excess of $ , of wealth outside of the property used for purposes of worship. it is evident that as early as that time the pernicious effects of a system which used the name of god and the authority of religion to dominate in commerce and finance were fully recognized. this immense tithing fund is gathered directly from mormons, but the burden falls in some degree upon gentiles also. gentiles are in business and suffer by competition with tithe-supported business enterprises. gentiles are large employers of mormon labor; and as that labor must pay one-tenth of its earnings to support competitive concerns, the gentile employer must pay, indirectly at least, the tithe which may be utilized to compete with, and even ruin, him in business. and in return it should be noted that mormon institutions do not employ gentiles except in rare cases of necessity. the reason is obvious: gentiles do not take as kindly to the tithing system as do the mormons. the mormon citizen of utah has additional disadvantages. after paying one-tenth of all his earnings as a tithe offering, he is called upon to erect and maintain the meetinghouses and other edifices of the church; he is called upon to donate to the poor fund in his ward, through his local bishop; he is called upon to sustain the women's relief society, whose purpose is to care for the poor and to minister to the sick; he is called upon to pay his share of the expense for the , missionaries of the church who are constantly kept in the field without drawing upon, the general funds of the church. when all this is done, it is found that, in defiance of the old and deserved boast of the predecessors of the present president, there are some mormons in the poorhouses of utah, and these are sustained by the public taxes derived from the gentiles and mormons alike. broadly speaking, the gentiles compose per cent of the population and pay one-half of the taxes of utah. in the long run they carry their share of all these great charges. the almost unbearable community burden which is thus inflicted must be visible to your minds without argument from me. let it be sufficient on this point for me to say that all the property of utah is made to contribute to the grandeur of the president of the church, and that at his instance any industry, any institution, within the state, could be destroyed except the mining and smelting industry. even this industry his personal and church organ has attacked with a threat of extermination by the courts, or by additional legislation, if the smelters do not meet the view expressed by the church organ. mr. president, i ask to have read at this point an editorial from the deseret evening news of october , , which i send to the desk. the president pro tempore. the secretary will read as requested. the secretary read as follows: deseret evening news. [organ of the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints.] salt lake city, _october , _. away with the nuisance. the people of salt lake city are waking up to the realization of the trouble of which our cousins out in the country are complaining. the sulphurous fumes which have been tasted by many folks here, particularly late at night, are not only those of a partisan nature emanating from the smokestacks of the slanderers and maligners, but are treats bestowed upon our citizens by the smelters, and are samples of the goods, or rather evils, which farmers and horticulturists have been burdened with so long. complaints have come to us from some of the best people of the city, of different faiths and parties, that the air has been laden with sulphurous fumes that can net only be felt in the throat, but tasted in the mouth, and they rest upon the city at night, appearing like a thin fog. the fact is this smelter smoke will have to go; there is no mistake about that. if the smelters can not consume it, they will have to close up. this fair county must not be devastated and this city must not be rendered unhealthful by any such a nuisance as that which has been borne with now for a long time. the evasive policy that has been pursued, the tantalizing treatment toward the farmers who have vainly sought for redress, the destruction that has come upon vegetation and upon live stock, and now the choking fumes that reach this city all demand some practical remedy in place of the shilly-shally of the past. the deseret news has counseled peace, consideration for the smelter people in the difficulties that they have to meet, favor toward a valuable industry that should be encouraged on proper lines, and arbitration instead of litigation. but it really seems now as though an aggressive policy will have to be pursued, or ruin will come to the agricultural pursuits of salt lake county, while the city will not escape from the ravages of the smelter fiend. if the companies that control those works will not or can not dispose of the poisonous metallic fumes that pour out of their smokestacks, the fires will have to he banked and the nuisance suppressed. we do not believe the latter is the necessary alternative. we are of opinion that the evil can be disposed of, and we are sure that efforts ought to be made to effect it without further delay. it looks as if the courts will have to be appealed to to obtain compensation for damages already inflicted. also that they will have to be applied to for injunctions against the continuance of the cause of the trouble. we think there is law enough now to proceed under. but if that is not the case, then legislation must be had to fully cover the ground. litigation will have to come first, legislation afterwards. however that may be, temporizing with the evil will not do. patience has ceased to be a virtue in this matter. the conviction is fastening itself upon the public mind that no active steps are intended by the responsible parties, but simply a policy of delay. they must be taught that this will not answer the purpose, and that the injured people will not be fooled in that way. the smelter smoke must go. and it must not go in the old way. the proposition to put the matter in the hands of experts chosen by the complainants is not to be seriously considered. the onus is upon the smelter men; they are the offenders, and they must take the steps necessary to remove the cause of complaint, and also reimburse those who have been injured. we do not ask anything unreasonable. we join with those of our citizens who intend that this beautiful part of our lovely state shall not be laid waste, even if the only cure is the suppression of the destroying cause. this may as well be understood first as last. useless practical measures are adopted to abate the evil, active proceedings will have to be taken and pushed to the utmost to remove entirely the root and branch and trunk and body of this tree of destruction. the people affected are deeply in earnest, and they certainly mean business. mr. kearns. mr. president, i must not burden you with too many details, but in order for you to see how complete is the business power of this man i will cite you to one case. the great salt lake is estimated to contain , , , tons of salt. probably salt can be made cheaper on the shores of this lake than anywhere else in the world. nearly all its shore line is adaptable for salt gardens. the president of the church is interested in a large salt monopoly which has gathered in the various smaller enterprises. he is president of a railroad which runs from the salt gardens to salt lake city, connecting there with trunk lines. it costs to manufacture the salt and place it on board the cars cents per ton. he receives for it $ and $ per ton. his company and its subsidiary corporation are probably capitalized at three-quarters of a million dollars, and upon this large sum he is able to pay dividends of or per cent. not long since two men, who for many years had been tithe payers and loyal members of the church, undertook to establish a salt garden along the line of a trunk railway. one of them was a large dealer in salt, and proposed to extend his trade by making the salt and reaching territory prohibited to him by the church price of salt; the other was the owner of the land upon which it was proposed to establish the salt garden. these men formed a corporation, put in pumping stations and flumes, and the corporation became indebted to one of the financial institutions over which the church exercised considerable influence. then the president of the church sent for them. there is scarcely an instance on record where a message of this kind failed of its purpose. these men went to meet the prophet, seer, and revelator of god, as they supposed, but he had laid aside his robes of sanctity for the moment and he was a plain, unadorned, aggressive, if not an able, business man. he first denounced them for interfering with a business which he had made peculiarly his own; and, when they protested that they had no intention to interfere with his trade, but were seeking new markets, he declared in a voice of thunderous passion that if they did not cease with their projected enterprise, he would crush them. they escaped from his presence feeling like courtiers repulsed from the foot of a king's throne, and then surveyed their enterprise. if they stopped, they would lose all the money invested and their enterprise would possibly be sold out to their creditors; if they went on and invested more money, the president had the power, as he had threatened, to crush them. not only could he ruin their enterprise, but he could ostracise them socially and could make of them marked and shunned men in the community where they had always been respected. is there menace in this system? to me it seems like a great danger to all the people who are now affected, and therefore of great danger to the people of the united states, because the power of this monarchy within the republic is constantly extending. if it be an evil, every apostle is in part responsible for this tyrannical course. he helped to elect the president; he does the president's bidding, and shares in the advantages of that tyranny. i did not call the social system a violation of the pledges to the country, but i do affirm that the business tyranny of mormon leaders is an express violation of the covenant made, for they do not leave their followers free in secular affairs. they tyrannize over them, and their tyranny spreads even to the gentiles. in all this i charge that every apostle is a party to the wrong and to the violation. although i speak of the president of the church as the leader, the monarch in fact, every apostle is one of his ministers, one of his creators, and also one of his creatures, and possibly his successor; and the whole system depends upon the manner in which the apostles and the other leaders shall support the chief leader. as no apostle has ever protested against this system, but has, by every means in his power, encouraged it, he can not escape his share of the responsibility for it. it is an evil; they aid it. it is a violation of the pledge upon which statehood was granted; they profit by it. the political autocracy. i pass now to the political aspect of this hierarchy, as some call it, but this monarchy as i choose to term it. i have previously called your attention to the social and business powers, monopolies, autocracies, exercised by the leaders. through these channels of social and business relations they can spread the knowledge of their political desires without appearing obtrusively in politics. when the end of their desire is accomplished, they affect to wash their hands of all responsibility by denying that they engaged in political activities. superficial persons, and those desiring to accept this argument, are convinced by it. but never, in the palmy days of brigham young, was there a more complete political tyranny than is exercised by the present president of the mormon church and his apostles, who are merely awaiting the time when by the death of their seniors in rank they may become president, and select some other man to hold the apostleship in their place--as they now hold it in behalf of the ruling monarch. in this statement i merely call your attention to what a perfect system of ecclesiastical government is maintained by these presidents and apostles; and i do not need to more than indicate to you what a wonderous aid their ecclesiastical government can be, and is, in accomplishing their political purposes. parties are nothing to these leaders, except as parties may be used by them. so long as there is republican administration and congress, they will lead their followers to support republican tickets; but if, by any chance, the democratic party should control this government, with a prospect of continuance in power, you would see a gradual veering around under the direction of the mormon leaders. when republicans are in power the republican leaders of the mormon people are in evidence and the democratic leaders are in retirement. if the democracy were in power, the republican leaders of the mormon people would go into retirement and democrats would appear in their places. no man can be elected to either house of congress against their wish. i will not trespass upon your patience long enough to recite the innumerable circumstances that prove this assertion, but will merely refer to enough instances to illustrate the method. in , at the session of the legislature which was to elect a senator, and which was composed of sixty democrats and three republicans, moses thacher was the favored candidate of the democracy in the state. he had been an apostle of the mormon church, but had been deposed because he was out of harmony with the leaders. the hon. jos. l. rawlins was a rival candidate, but not strongly so at first. he was encouraged by the church leaders in every way; and finally, when his strength had been advanced sufficiently to need but one vote, a mormon republican was promptly moved over into the democratic column and he was elected by the joint assembly. i do not charge that hon. joseph l. rawlins, who occupied a seat with distinguished honor in this great body for six years, had any improper bargain with the church, or any knowledge of the secret methods by which his election was being compassed; but he was elected under the direction of the leaders of the church because they desired to defeat and further humiliate a deposed apostle. i will not ignore my own case. during nearly three years i have waited this great hour of justice in which i could answer the malignant falsehood and abuse which has been heaped upon a man who is dead and can not answer, and upon myself, a living man willing to wait the time for answer. lorenzo snow, a very aged man, was president of the church when i was elected to the senate. he had reached that advanced time of life, being over eighty, when men abide largely in the thoughts of their youth. he was my friend in that distant way which sometimes exists without close acquaintanceship, our friendship (if i may term it such) having arisen from the events attendant upon utah's struggle for statehood. for some reason he did not oppose my election to the senate. every other candidate for the place had sought his favor; it came to me without price or solicitation on my part. the friends and mouthpieces of some of the present leaders have been base enough to charge that i bought the senatorship from lorenzo snow, president of their own church. here and now i denounce the calumny against that old man, whose unsought and unbought favor came to me in that contest. that i ever paid him one dollar of money, or asked him to influence legislators of his faith, is as cruel a falsehood as ever came from human lips. so far as i am concerned he held his power with clean hands, and i would protect the memory of this dead man against all the abuse and misrepresentation which might be heaped upon him by those who were his adherents during life, but who now attack his fame in order that they may pay the greater deference to the present king. you must know that in that day we were but five years old as a state. our political conditions were and had been greatly unsettled. the purpose of the church to rule in politics had not yet been made so manifest and determined. lorenzo snow held his office for a brief time--about two years. what he did in that office pertaining to my election i here and now distinctly assume as my burden, for no man shall with impunity use his hatred of me to defame lorenzo snow and dishonor his memory to his living and loving descendants. as for myself, i am willing to take the senate and the country into my confidence, and make a part of the eternal records of the senate, for such of my friends as may care to read, the vindication of my course to my posterity. i had an ambition, and not an improper one, to sit in the senate of the united states. my competitors had longer experience in polities and may have understood more of the peculiar situation in the state. they sought what is known as church influence. i sought to obtain this place by purely political means. i was elected. after all their trickery my opponents were defeated, and to some extent by the very means which they had basely invoked. i have served with you four years, and have sought in a modest way to make a creditable record here. i have learned something of the grandeur and dignity of the senate, something of its ideals, which i could not know before coming here. i say to you, my fellow senators, that this place of power is infinitely more magnificent than i dreamed when i first thought of occupying a seat here. but were it thrice as great as i now know it to be, and were i back in that old time of struggle in utah, when i was seeking for this honor, i would not permit the volunteered friendship of president snow to bestow upon me, even as an innocent recipient, one atom of the church monarch's favor. my ideals have grown with my term of service in this body, and i believe that the man who would render here the highest service to his country must be careful to attain to this place by the purest civic path that mortal feet can tread. i have said enough to indicate that for my own part i never countenanced, nor knowingly condoned, the intrusion of the church monarchy into secular affairs. and i have said enough to those who know me to prove for all time that, so far as i am concerned, my election here was as honorable as that of any man who sits in this chamber; and yet i have said enough that all men may know that rather than have a dead man's memory defamed on my account, i will make his cause my own and will fight for the honor which he is not on earth to defend. this will not suit the friends and mouthpieces of the present rulers, but i have no desire to satisfy or conciliate them; and in leaving this part of the question, i avenge president snow sufficiently by saying that these men did not dare to offend his desire nor dispute his will while he was living, and only grew brave when they could cry: "lorenzo, the king, is dead! long live joseph, the king!" as a senator i have sought to fulfill my duty to the people of this country. i am about to retire from this place of dignity. no man can retain this seat from utah and retain his self-respect after he discovers the methods by which his election is procured and the objects which the church monarchy intends to achieve. some of my critics will say that i relinquished that which i could not hold. i will not pause to discuss that point further than to say that if i had chosen to adopt the policy with the present monarch of the church, which his friends and mouthpieces say i did adopt with the king who is dead, it might have been possible to retain this place of honor with dishonor. every apostle is a part of this terrible power, which can make and unmake at its mysterious will and pleasure. early in warning had been publicly uttered in the state against the continued manifestation of church power in politics. the period of unsettled conditions during which i was elected had ended and we had opportunity to see the manner in which the church monarch was resuming his forbidden sway; and we had occasion to know the indignant feelings entertained by the people of the united states when they contemplated the flagrant breaking of the pledge given to the country to secure the admission of utah. i myself, after conference with distinguished men at washington, journeyed to utah and presented a solemn protest and warning to the leaders of the church against the dangerous exercise of their political power. i did it to repay a debt which i owed to utah, and not for any selfish reason. i knew that from the day i uttered that warning the leaders of the mormon church would hate and pursue me for the purpose of wreaking their vengeance. but as the consequences of their misconduct, their pledge breaking would fall upon all of the people of the state, upon the innocent more severely than upon the guilty, i felt that i must assert my love and gratitude to the state, even though my warning should lead to my own destruction by these autocrats. if there had been one desire in my heart to effect a conjunction with this church monarchy, if i had been willing to retain office as its gift, i would not have taken this step, for i knew its consequences. i began in that hour my effort to restore to the people of utah the safety and the political freedom which are their right, and i shall continue it while i live until the fight is won. the disdain with which that message was received was final proof of the contempt in which that church monarchy holds the senate and the people of the united states, and of the disregard in which the church monarchy holds the pledges which it made in order to obtain the power of statehood. they do not need to utter explicit instructions in order to assert their demand. the methods of conveying information of their desire are numerous and sufficiently effective, as is proved by results. to show how completely all ordinary political conditions, as they obtain elsewhere in the united states, are without account in utah, i have but to cite you to the fact that after the recent election, which gave members out of on joint ballot to the republican party, and when the question of my successor became a matter of great anxiety to numerous aspirants for this place, the discussion was not concerning the fitness of candidates, nor the political popularity of the various gentlemen who composed that waiting list, nor the pledges of the legislators, but was limited to the question as to who could stand best with the church monarchy; as to whom it would like to use in this position; as to who would make for the extension of its ambitions and power in the united states. the mormon marriage relation. and now i come to a subject concerning which the people of the united states are greatly aroused. it is known that there have been plural marriages among the mormon people, by sanction of high authorities in this church monarchy, since the solemn promise was made to the country that plural marriages should end. it is well known that the plural marriage relations have been continued defiantly, according to the will and pleasure of those who had formerly violated the law, and for whose obedience to law the church monarchy pledged the faith and honor of its leaders and followers alike in order to obtain statehood. the pledge was made repeatedly, as stated in an earlier part of these remarks, that all of the mormon people would come within the law. they have not done so. the church monarch is known to be living in defiance of the laws of god and man, and in defiance of the covenant made with the country, upon which amnesty by the president, and statehood by the president and the congress, were granted. i charge that every apostle is in large part responsible for this condition, so deplorable in its effects upon the people of utah and so antagonistic to the institutions of this country. every apostle is directed by the law-breaking church monarch. every apostle teaches by example and precept to the mormon people that this church monarch is a prophet of god, to offend or criticise whom is a sin in the sight of the almighty. every apostle helps to appoint to office and sustain the seven presidents of seventies, who are below them in dignity, and they are directly responsible for them and their method of life. it is quite evident that the church monarchy is endeavoring to reestablish the rule of a polygamous class over the mass of the mormon people. of the apostles not practicing polygamy there is at most only three or four men constituting the quorum of which this could be truthfully said. special reasons may exist in some particular case why a man in this class has not entered into such relation. the general situation. briefly reviewing the matters which i have offered here, and the logical deductions therefrom, i maintain the following propositions: we set aside the religion of the mormon people as sacred from assault. outside of religion the mormons as a community are ruled by a special privileged class, constituting what i call the church monarchy. this monarchy pledged the country that there would be no more violations of law and no more defiance of the sentiment of the united states regarding polygamy and the plural marriage relation. this monarchy pledged the united states that it would refrain from controlling its subjects in secular affairs. every member of this monarchy is responsible for the system of government and for the acts of the monarchy, since (as shown in the cases of the deposed apostle, moses thatcher, and others) the man who is not in accord with the system is dropped from the ruling class. this monarchy sets up a regal social order within this republic. this monarchy monopolizes the business of one commonwealth and is rapidly reaching into others. this monarchy takes practically all the surplus product of the toil of its subjects for its own purpose, and makes no account to anyone on earth of its immense secret fund. this monarchy rules all politics in utah, and is rapidly extending its dominion into other states and territories. this monarchy permits its favorites to enter into polygamy and to maintain polygamous relations, and it protects them from prosecution by its political power. lately no effort has been made to punish any of these people by the local law. on the contrary, the ruling monarch has continued to grow in power, wealth, and importance. he sits upon innumerable boards of directors, among others that of the union pacific railway, where he joins upon terms of fraternity with the great financial and transportation magnates of the united states, who hold him in their councils because his power to benefit or to injure their possessions must be taken into account. i charge that no apostle has ever protested publicly against the continuation of this sovereign authority over the mormon kingdom. within a few months past the last apostle elected to the quorum was a polygamist--charles w. penrose--and his law-breaking career is well known. previous to penrose was living publicly with three wives. under false pretenses to president cleveland he obtained amnesty for his past offenses. he represented that he had but two wives, and that he married his second wife in , while it was generally known that he took a third wife just prior to . he promised to obey the law in the future, and to urge others to do so; yet after that amnesty, obtained by concealing his third marriage from president cleveland, he continued living with his three wives. his action in this matter has been notorious. he has publicly defended this kind of lawbreaking on the false pretense that there was a tacit understanding with the american congress and people, when utah was admitted, that these polygamists might continue to live as they had been living. and it was this traitor to his country's laws, this unrepentant knave and cheat of the nation's mercy, this defamer of congress and the people, that was elected to the apostleship to help govern the church, and through the church the state. is it not demonstrated that utah is an abnormal state? our problem is vast and complex. i have endeavored to simplify it so that the senate and the country may readily grasp the questions at issue. the remedy. will this great body, will the government of the united states, go on unheedingly while this church monarchy multiplies its purposes and multiplies its power? has the nation so little regard for its own dignity and the safety of its institutions and its people that it will permit a church monarch like joseph f. smith to defy the laws of the country, and to override the law and to overrule the administrators of the law in his own state of utah? what shall the americans of that commonwealth do if the people of the united states do not heed their cry? the vast majority of the mormon people are law-abiding, industrious, sober, and thrifty. they make good citizens in every respect except as they are dominated by this monarchy, which speaks to them in the name of god and governs them in the spirit of mammon. any remedy for existing evils which would injure the mass of the mormon people would be most deplorable. i believe that they would loosen the chains which they wear if it were possible. i think that many of them pay blood-money tithes simply to avoid social ostracism and business destruction. i believe that many of them do the political will of the church monarch because they are led to believe that the safety of the church monarchy is necessary in order that the mass may preserve the right to worship god according to the dictates of their conscience. the church monopoly, by its various agencies, is usually able to uprear the injured and innocent mass of the mormon people as a barrier to protect the members of that monarchy from public vengeance. it is the duty of this great body--the senate of the united states--to serve notice on this church monarch and his apostles that they must live within the law; that the nation is supreme; that the institutions of this country must prevail throughout the land; and that the compact upon which statehood was granted must be preserved inviolate. may heaven grant that this may be effective and that the church monarchy in utah may be taught that it must relinquish its grasp. i would not, for my life, that injury should come to the innocent mass of the people of utah; i would not that any right of theirs should be lost, but that the right of all should be preserved to all. if the senate will apply this remedy and the alien monarchy still proves defiant, it will be for others than myself to suggest a course of action consistent with the dignity of the country. in the meantime we of utah who have no sympathy with the now clearly defined purpose of this church monopoly will wage our battle for individual freedom; to lift the state to a proud position in the sisterhood, to preserve the compact which was made with the country, believing that behind the brave citizens in utah who are warring against this alien monarchy stands the sentiment and power of eighty-two millions of our fellow-citizens. [transcriber's note: the following typographical errors were corrected: tryanny to tyranny, autocracts to autocrats, monorchy to monarchy.] university of kansas publications museum of natural history volume , no. , pp. - december , additional records and extensions of known ranges of mammals from utah by stephen d. durrant, m. raymond lee, and richard m. hansen university of kansas lawrence additional records and extensions of known ranges of mammals from utah by stephen d. durrant, m. raymond lee, and richard m. hansen the museum of zoology, university of utah, contains approximately specimens in addition to those available to durrant ( ) when he prepared his account of the "mammals of utah, _taxonomy and distribution_." study of this material discloses two kinds of mammals not heretofore known to occur in utah, and extends the known limits of occurrence of many others as is set forth below in what may be thought of as a supplement to the aforementioned report of . our study was financed in part by a grant from the national science foundation. _=sorex vagrans obscurus=_ merriam. dusky shrew.--twelve specimens are available from the abajo mountains and elk ridge, san juan county, utah, as follows: north creek, mi. w monticello, ft.; mi. s twin peaks, ft.; kigalia r. s., ft.; and gooseberry r. s., ft. previously, the only known specimens from east of the colorado river in utah were from the la sal mountains in extreme eastern grand county and extreme northern san juan county. these twelve specimens extend the known area of occurrence of the species in utah approximately miles to the south, and indicate that this shrew occurs throughout the state in favorable habitats. _=sorex palustris navigator=_ (baird). water shrew.--an individual was observed by m. raymond lee at north creek, seven miles west of monticello, abajo mountains, feet, san juan county, on july , . usually we are extremely reluctant to record sight records, but do so in this instance because the water shrew is so distinctive that it can be readily recognized and because the occurrence extends the known range approximately miles southward in utah. this individual was observed at close range while swimming and foraging in north creek, and there can be no doubt of its identity. _=myotis yumanensis yumanensis=_ (h. allen). yuma myotis.--durrant ( : ) reported this subspecies from utah on the authority of hardy ( : ) who had specimens from two localities in extreme southwestern utah. durrant ( : ) referred specimen number , from willow creek, miles south of ouray, uintah county, to _myotis lucifugus carissima_. restudy of this specimen reveals that it is _myotis yumanensis yumanensis_. this identification has been corroborated by dr. philip h. krutzsch, university of pittsburgh, pennsylvania, and extends the known range of the subspecies _m. y. yumanensis_ approximately miles northeastward in utah. see also krutzsch and heppenstall ( : ) who record specimens from mi. sw jensen. _=myotis subulatus melanorhinus=_ (merriam). small-footed myotis.--this bat previously was known from only seven localities in utah, which indicated that it occurred in only the western and southern areas of the state. four additional records are now available from the following localities: logan canyon cave, miles north of logan, cache county; weber college campus, ogden, weber county; university of utah campus, salt lake city, salt lake county; six mile canyon, - / miles east of sterling, sanpete county. these occurrences extend the known range to the eastward in utah, and indicate a state-wide distribution. specimens of the subspecies _myotis s. melanorhinus_ are recorded also from as far north as double springs, custer county, idaho (davis, : ). _=pipestrellus hesperus hesperus=_ (h. allen). western pipistrelle.--heretofore, the northernmost known specimens of this bat from utah were from old lincoln highway, miles southwest of orr's ranch, tooele county. specimen number is now available from cliffs ne [ mi.] ogden, weber county, and extends the known range of this species in utah approximately miles northeastward. this pipistrelle probably inhabits all of northern and northwestern utah in suitable habitats. this probability is supported by davis' ( : ) report of a specimen from salmon creek, eight miles west of rogerson, twin falls county, idaho. see also krutzsch and heppenstall ( : ) who record a specimen from, eastern utah as far north as, desert springs which is mi. sw ouray, uintah county. _=corynorhinus rafinesquii pallescens=_ miller. long-eared bat.--formerly, the northernmost record of the long-eared bat in utah was from east of springville, utah county. specimens are now available from goldhill, tooele county, and from south fork, ogden river, weber county. professor j. s. stanford, department of zoology, utah state agricultural college, informed us (by letter) that this bat is the common cave bat in logan canyon, cache county. this northern extension of known area of occurrence of approximately miles indicates that it probably is state-wide in distribution in suitable habitats. it can be inferred from hall ( : ) that the range of _c. r. intermedius_ in nevada extended northeastward into northwestern utah, and davis ( : ) reported specimens from bingham and bannock counties, idaho, that he referred to the above mentioned subspecies. this led stanford to comment (_in litt._) that bats of this species from northern utah in cache county might be _c. r. intermedius_. insofar as we are aware, _c. r. pallescens_ differs from _c. r. intermedius_ only in being slightly paler. our specimens from goldhill and south fork of the ogden river are not beyond the range of color of specimens from elsewhere in the state that are referable to _c. r. pallescens_. inasmuch as specimens are not available from logan canyon, we deem it best pending the acquisition of specimens from that locality to refer all members of this species from utah to the subspecies _c. r. pallescens_. _=marmota flaviventer nosophora=_ howell. yellow-bellied marmot.--durrant ( : ) did not indicate that any species of the genus _marmota_ occurred on the mountains within the basin of pleistocene lake bonneville. furthermore, he commented (_op. cit._: ) upon the dearth of sciurids within this basin. one specimen, no. , , of the subspecies _m. f. nosophora_ has been taken from south willow canyon, , feet, base of deseret peak, stansbury mountains, tooele county. this specimen is noteworthy not only in that it extends the known range of this kind of mammal miles to the west in utah, but in that it is well within the basin of the ancient lake. the marmot is common in the wasatch mountains on the eastern mainland of lake bonneville, but to date has not been found on the oquirrh mountains immediately to the west. the oquirrh mountains are interposed between the stansbury and wasatch mountains. the presence of the marmot on the stansbury mountains indicates that it probably occurs also on the oquirrh mountains. _=citellus beldingi crebrus=_ hall. belding ground squirrel.--durrant ( : ) had only two specimens of this ground squirrel from standrod, boxelder county. additional specimens have been obtained from the following localities in northwestern boxelder county: grouse creek, park valley, grouse creek mountains, miles northwest of grouse creek, and goose creek. _c. b. crebrus_ now is known to inhabit all the major drainages of the raft river, goose creek, and grouse creek mountains. in addition to extending the known area of occurrence of this animal in utah, these specimens prove also that this species is not restricted to the snake river drainage as durrant ( : ) supposed, but occurs also in the great basin drainage. _=citellus richardsonii elegans=_ (kennicott). richardson ground squirrel.--recently, hansen ( : ) reported on specimens of this species from rich and summit counties. additional specimens are now available from highway [ mi. e summit--daggett co. line], miles south of utah-wyoming state line; miles west of manila, and one mile northeast of manila (carnegie museum). these localities are in daggett county. the occurrence of these ground squirrels in rich, summit and daggett counties suggests that they occur along the entire northern piedmont of the uinta mountains. _=citellus lateralis trepidus=_ (taylor). golden-mantled ground squirrel.--durrant ( : ) estimated that practically all of the area in utah that is within the great basin might be included in the range of this subspecies. actually, he had specimens from only the raft river mountains in northwestern boxelder county. he included sight records from the deep creek mountains and from the oquirrh mountains. subsequently two specimens, numbers a and a, were obtained from the deep creek mountains. to date neither specimens nor subsequent sight records have been obtained from the oquirrh mountains, and we are of the opinion that durrant erred, and that the golden-mantled ground squirrel does not inhabit these mountains. therefore, it seems at this writing that this subspecies, in utah, occurs only in the extreme western and northwestern parts of the state in the deep creek and raft river mountains, and not within the basin of pleistocene lake bonneville as formerly supposed. _=eutamias umbrinus umbrinus=_ (j. a. allen). uinta chipmunk.--two specimens, numbers , and , , from the junction of argyle and minnie maud creeks, carbon county, prove that members of this subspecies occur on the west tavaputs plateau, which is outside the range ascribed to this subspecies by white ( : ) and by durrant ( : ). the grayish color of these specimens and the reduction of ochraceous pigments constitute basis for referring the specimens to _e. u. umbrinus_, and not to _e. u. adsitus_ or _e. u. montanus_. _e. u. umbrinus_ on the west tavaputs plateau is separated from _e. u. montanus_ on the east tavaputs plateau by the green river and its deep chasm. _=perognathus formosus incolatus=_ hall. long-tailed pocket mouse.--prior to the description of this subspecies by hall ( : ), animals of this species had not been reported from within the basin of the pleistocene lake bonneville. when durrant ( ) prepared his manuscript he had but a single specimen from western millard county and one nearby record (fautin, : ). additional specimens are known from the following localities: junction of trout creek and birch creek, deep creek mountains, tooele county; six miles north of ibapah, tooele county; five miles south of timpie, tooele county; north end of newfoundland mountains, boxelder county; and groome, boxelder county. these occurrences show that the species is not restricted to the extreme western part of the state, but occurs in suitable habitats throughout the basin of pleistocene lake bonneville. the known range is extended approximately miles north and miles east. _=perognathus parvus trumbullensis=_ benson. great basin pocket mouse.--durrant ( : ), suspecting that this mouse occurred in utah, included the subspecies _p. p. trumbullensis_ in his hypothetical list. numerous specimens are now available from the following localities: pine valley mountains, enterprise reservoir, and miles west of enterprise, washington county; bown's reservoir, snow ranch, hall ranch, steep creek, garfield county; aquarius guard station, aquarius plateau, wayne county. insofar as we are aware, these occurrences are the first to be recorded from utah, and extend the known range of this subspecies miles northward. the specimens from washington county are paler than those from garfield county, and this pallor indicates intergradation with the subspecies _p. p. olivaceus_. of animals from the aquarius plateau, those from the eastern and southern localities are pale and have a marked suffusion of ochraceous in the upper parts, whereas those from the western and northern localities are extremely dark owing to a heavy suffusion of black in the upper parts. the skulls of animals from the aquarius plateau resemble those of _p. p. trumbullensis_ in the majority of diagnostic characters. in some few characters, nevertheless, the skulls resemble those of _p. p. olivaceus_, and in other characters are intermediate between these two named subspecies. in shape and size of the interparietal, in slightly longer nasals, and in slightly greater alveolar length of upper molariform teeth, animals from the aquarius plateau differ from either of the aforementioned subspecies. all characters considered, we deem it best to refer these specimens to the subspecies _p. p. trumbullensis_. _=thomomys talpoides bridgeri=_ merriam. northern pocket gopher.--an adult female, catalogue no. of the museum of natural history of the university of kansas, skin with skull, was trapped, on june , miles south and miles east of robertson, , feet, in summit county, utah, by james o. lonnquist (original number ). this is the first record of this subspecies from utah, and raises to the named kinds of pocket gophers known from utah. _=reithrodontomys megalotis megalotis=_ (baird). western harvest mouse.--durrant ( : ) reported no harvest mice from the uinta basin in northeastern utah. one specimen, no. , , was obtained from two miles east of duchesne, duchesne county. this specimen extends the known range in utah miles northward, and indicates that the harvest mouse of the subspecies _r. m. megalotis_ occurs throughout the uinta basin. _=onychomys leucogaster pallescens=_ merriam. northern grasshopper mouse.--hansen obtained specimens (in alcohol) from kennedys hole, junction of the white and green rivers, uintah county. the northernmost specimens available to durrant ( : ) were from one mile east of greenriver, grand county. these specimens from uintah county extend the known range miles to the north, and substantiate durrant's conclusion that this subspecies occurs east of the green and colorado rivers. _=clethrionomys gapperi uintaensis=_ doutt. red-backed mouse.--previously, the red-backed mouse in utah was known only from the uinta and wasatch mountains. the southernmost localities from which specimens were available were in northern wasatch county and southern salt lake county. durrant ( : ) supposed that the species ranged southward to mount timpanogos in utah county. one specimen, no. , , from the summit, miles east of mayfield, sanpete county, and from ephraim canyon, miles east of ephraim, sanpete county, show that this subspecies occurs also on the wasatch plateau of central utah. these latter specimens extend the known range of the red-backed mouse in utah approximately miles southward. owing to the practically continuous nature of the central mountain ranges of utah, students of mammals of utah usually suspect that most montane mammals occur throughout these mountain ranges. the red-backed mouse has been sought for in vain in the mountains south of the wasatch plateau. suitable habitats for this mouse occur throughout the fishlake mountains, thousand lake mountains and the aquarius plateau, but despite intensive collecting, none has been obtained from these areas. _=phenacomys intermedius intermedius=_ merriam. heather vole.--the heather vole, while not rare, is uncommon in utah. durrant ( : ) had but eight specimens from various localities in summit, wasatch, salt lake and utah counties and supposed that the species was restricted to the western uinta mountains and southern wasatch mountains. in the summers of and , intensive collecting of mammals was carried out on boulder mountain and the aquarius plateau, in wayne and garfield counties. two specimens, nos. and , were obtained from spectacle lake, boulder mountain, garfield county. these specimens extend the known area of occurrence miles southward in utah. no specimens are known from the areas between mount timpanogos in utah county, and boulder mountain in garfield county. we suspect, however, that when this intervening area has been thoroughly studied, the heather vole, like many other montane mammals, will be found throughout the entire length of the central mountain ranges. _=microtus pennsylvanicus modestus=_ (baird). pennsylvanian meadow mouse.--in utah this mouse was known only from wet meadows in valleys immediately west of the wasatch mountains, as far south as a place miles south of provo (hall and cockrum, : ). norman v. chamberlain collected several specimens "near" koosharem reservoir, sevier county. these extend the known range of this subspecies miles southward, and suggest that pennsylvanian meadow mice occur, in suitable habitat, all along the eastern margin of the great basin in utah, at least as far south as sevier county. all northern specimens are from the drainages of utah lake and great salt lake, but these specimens from sevier county are from the sevier river drainage. this species requires a fairly moist environment, and such habitat exists between the aforementioned drainages which are practically interconnected by mona reservoir and its adjacent areas of springs. _=zapus princeps utahensis=_ hall. big jumping mouse.--durrant ( : ) reported a specimen from puffer lake, beaver mountains, beaver county. he supposed that this mouse occurred also at high elevations still farther south in utah. subsequently, two specimens were obtained from garfield county; no. from steep creek, miles north of boulder and no. from east fork of boulder creek, miles north of boulder. these two specimens extend the known range of jumping mice in utah miles southeastward. several specimens have been obtained also from the fishlake plateau, and further bear out durrant's supposition that these mammals occur on all of the high mountains of central utah, at least as far south as the aquarius plateau. _=urocyon cinereoargenteus scottii=_ mearns. gray fox.--one skull, no. , , from mouth of birch creek, deep creek mountains, juab county, extends the known geographic range miles east from cherry creek canyon, nevada (see hall, : ). this record indicates that the species occurs in the mountainous areas on the western margins of pleistocene lake bonneville, and extends the known range in utah approximately miles northward. furthermore, this record proves that the gray fox occurs as far north in western utah as it does in eastern nevada, but to date none has been obtained from the mountains within the basin of the ancient lake, even though some of them are not far removed from the deep creek mountains. _=lutra canadensis nexa=_ goldman. river otter.--river otters are rare in a semi-arid state like utah, and few have been preserved as scientific specimens. durrant ( : ) had access to but one skull from an immature animal from the raft river mountain area in northwestern boxelder county. at present there are two complete specimens (skins, skulls and skeletons) in the collection of the university of utah. they were trapped by an employee of the utah state fish and game department, and were donated to the university of utah by j. perry egan, director of the above mentioned department. they are nos. and , and are from the raft river, miles south of the utah-idaho border, boxelder county. _=alces americanus shirasi=_ nelson. moose.--the moose is rare in utah, and to date records of its occurrence have been based solely upon sight records. there are, nevertheless, two specimens preserved. one is a young bull (skull only) from farmington canyon, davis county, in the collection of weber college, ogden, utah. the other is one antler (no. , ) of a young bull from henrys fork, miles south of the utah-wyoming border, summit county, and it is in the collection of the university of utah. this large cervid apparently is increasing in numbers in the state. dale jones of the utah state fish and game department reported to us that a herd of animals was observed in , in the vicinity of haydens peak, bear river drainage, summit county. a cow and a calf were seen in the vicinity of strawberry reservoir, wasatch county, in , by employees of the same department. this latter locality is the most southern and eastern point of their known occurrence in utah. _=ovis canadensis canadensis=_ shaw. mountain sheep.--formerly, the mountain sheep was not known to occur in the la sal mountains in grand and san juan counties. on october , , a two year old ram, no. , , was killed by a deer hunter at a locality - / miles north of la sal, la sal mountains, san juan county. this constitutes the first complete specimen (skin and skull) of a mountain sheep from utah. according to harold crane, of the utah state fish and game department, this ram was running with a herd of mule deer, and was the only mountain sheep that was seen. the ram was confiscated and given to the department of zoology, university of utah, for preservation as a scientific specimen. literature cited davis, w. b. . the recent mammals of idaho. the caxton printers, ltd., caldwell, idaho, pp., full-page half tones, figs. in text, april . durrant, s. d. . mammals of utah, _taxonomy and distribution_. univ. kansas publ., mus. nat. hist., : - , figs. in text, tables, august . fautin, r. w. . biotic communities of the northern desert shrub biome in western utah. ecol. monogr., : - , figs. in text, tables, october. hall, e. r. . new heteromyid rodents from nevada. proc. biol. soc. washington, : - , may . . mammals of nevada. univ. california press, berkeley, california, xi + pp., pls., figs. in text, july . hall, e. r., and cockrum, e. l. . a synopsis of the north american microtine rodents. univ. kansas publ., mus. nat. hist., : - , january . hansen, r. m. . richardson ground squirrel in utah. jour. mamm., : - , february . hardy, r. . some notes on utah bats. jour. mamm., : - , august . krutzsch, p. h., and heppenstall, c. a. . additional distributional records of bats in utah. jour. mamm., : - , february. white, j. a. . taxonomy of the chipmunks, eutamias quadrivittatus and eutamias umbrinus. univ. kansas publ., mus. nat. hist., : - , figs. in text, december . _transmitted april , ._ - * * * * * transcriber's notes italicized text is shown within _underscores_. bold text is shown within =equal signs=. page : changed northermost to northernmost (western pipistrelle.--heretofore, the northermost known specimens) wildfire by zane grey chapter i for some reason the desert scene before lucy bostil awoke varying emotions--a sweet gratitude for the fullness of her life there at the ford, yet a haunting remorse that she could not be wholly content--a vague loneliness of soul--a thrill and a fear for the strangely calling future, glorious, unknown. she longed for something to happen. it might be terrible, so long as it was wonderful. this day, when lucy had stolen away on a forbidden horse, she was eighteen years old. the thought of her mother, who had died long ago on their way into this wilderness, was the one drop of sadness in her joy. lucy loved everybody at bostil's ford and everybody loved her. she loved all the horses except her father's favorite racer, that perverse devil of a horse, the great sage king. lucy was glowing and rapt with love for all she beheld from her lofty perch: the green-and-pink blossoming hamlet beneath her, set between the beauty of the gray sage expanse and the ghastliness of the barren heights; the swift colorado sullenly thundering below in the abyss; the indians in their bright colors, riding up the river trail; the eagle poised like a feather on the air, and a beneath him the grazing cattle making black dots on the sage; the deep velvet azure of the sky; the golden lights on the bare peaks and the lilac veils in the far ravines; the silky rustle of a canyon swallow as he shot downward in the sweep of the wind; the fragrance of cedar, the flowers of the spear-pointed mescal; the brooding silence, the beckoning range, the purple distance. whatever it was lucy longed for, whatever was whispered by the wind and written in the mystery of the waste of sage and stone, she wanted it to happen there at bostil's ford. she had no desire for civilization, she flouted the idea of marrying the rich rancher of durango. bostil's sister, that stern but lovable woman who had brought her up and taught her, would never persuade her to marry against her will. lucy imagined herself like a wild horse--free, proud, untamed, meant for the desert; and here she would live her life. the desert and her life seemed as one, yet in what did they resemble each other--in what of this scene could she read the nature of her future? shudderingly she rejected the red, sullen, thundering river, with its swift, changeful, endless, contending strife--for that was tragic. and she rejected the frowning mass of red rock, upreared, riven and split and canyoned, so grim and aloof--for that was barren. but she accepted the vast sloping valley of sage, rolling gray and soft and beautiful, down to the dim mountains and purple ramparts of the horizon. lucy did not know what she yearned for, she did not know why the desert called to her, she did not know in what it resembled her spirit, but she did know that these three feelings were as one, deep in her heart. for ten years, every day of her life, she had watched this desert scene, and never had there been an hour that it was not different, yet the same. ten years--and she grew up watching, feeling--till from the desert's thousand moods she assimilated its nature, loved her bonds, and could never have been happy away from the open, the color, the freedom, the wildness. on this birthday, when those who loved her said she had become her own mistress, she acknowledged the claim of the desert forever. and she experienced a deep, rich, strange happiness. hers always then the mutable and immutable desert, the leagues and leagues of slope and sage and rolling ridge, the great canyons and the giant cliffs, the dark river with its mystic thunder of waters, the pine-fringed plateaus, the endless stretch of horizon, with its lofty, isolated, noble monuments, and the bold ramparts with their beckoning beyond! hers always the desert seasons: the shrill, icy blast, the intense cold, the steely skies, the fading snows; the gray old sage and the bleached grass under the pall of the spring sand-storms; the hot furnace breath of summer, with its magnificent cloud pageants in the sky, with the black tempests hanging here and there over the peaks, dark veils floating down and rainbows everywhere, and the lacy waterfalls upon the glistening cliffs and the thunder of the red floods; and the glorious golden autumn when it was always afternoon and time stood still! hers always the rides in the open, with the sun at her back and the wind in her face! and hers surely, sooner or later, the nameless adventure which had its inception in the strange yearning of her heart and presaged its fulfilment somewhere down that trailless sage-slope she loved so well! bostil's house was a crude but picturesque structure of red stone and white clay and bleached cottonwoods, and it stood at the outskirts of the cluster of green-inclosed cabins which composed the hamlet. bostil was wont to say that in all the world there could hardly be a grander view than the outlook down that gray sea of rolling sage, down to the black-fringed plateaus and the wild, blue-rimmed and gold-spired horizon. one morning in early spring, as was bostil's custom, he ordered the racers to be brought from the corrals and turned loose on the slope. he loved to sit there and watch his horses graze, but ever he saw that the riders were close at hand, and that the horses did not get out on the slope of sage. he sat back and gloried in the sight. he owned bands of mustangs; near by was a field of them, fine and mettlesome and racy; yet bostil had eyes only for the blooded favorites. strange it was that not one of these was a mustang or a broken wild horse, for many of the riders' best mounts had been captured by them or the indians. and it was bostil's supreme ambition to own a great wild stallion. there was plume, a superb mare that got her name from the way her mane swept in the wind when she was on the ran; and there was two face, like a coquette, sleek and glossy and running and the huge, rangy bay, dusty ben; and the black stallion sarchedon; and lastly sage king, the color of the upland sage, a racer in build, a horse splendid and proud and beautiful. "where's lucy?" presently asked bostil. as he divided his love, so he divided his anxiety. some rider had seen lucy riding off, with her golden hair flying in the wind. this was an old story. "she's up on buckles?" bostil queried, turning sharply to the speaker. "reckon so," was the calm reply. bostil swore. he did not have a rider who could equal him in profanity. "farlane, you'd orders. lucy's not to ride them hosses, least of all buckles. he ain't safe even for a man." "wal, he's safe fer lucy." "but didn't i say no?" "boss, it's likely you did, fer you talk a lot," replied farlane. "lucy pulled my hat down over my eyes--told me to go to thunder--an' then, zip! she an' buckles were dustin' it fer the sage." "she's got to keep out of the sage," growled bostil. "it ain't safe for her out there.... where's my glass? i want to take a look at the slope. where's my glass?" the glass could not be found. "what's makin' them dust-clouds on the sage? antelope? ... holley, you used to have eyes better 'n me. use them, will you?" a gray-haired, hawk-eyed rider, lean and worn, approached with clinking spurs. "down in there," said bostil, pointing. "thet's a bunch of hosses," replied holley. "wild hosses?" "i take 'em so, seein' how they throw thet dust." "huh! i don't like it. lucy oughtn't be ridin' round alone." "wal, boss, who could catch her up on buckles? lucy can ride. an' there's the king an' sarch right under your nose--the only hosses on the sage thet could outrun buckles." farlane knew how to mollify his master and long habit had made him proficient. bostil's eyes flashed. he was proud of lucy's power over a horse. the story bostil first told to any stranger happening by the ford was how lucy had been born during a wild ride--almost, as it were, on the back of a horse. that, at least, was her fame, and the riders swore she was a worthy daughter of such a mother. then, as farlane well knew, a quick road to bostil's good will was to praise one of his favorites. "reckon you spoke sense for once, farlane," replied bostil, with relief. "i wasn't thinkin' so much of danger for lucy.... but she lets thet half-witted creech go with her." "no, boss, you're wrong," put in holley, earnestly. "i know the girl. she has no use fer joel. but he jest runs after her." "an' he's harmless," added farlane. "we ain't agreed," rejoined bostil, quickly. "what do you say, holley?" the old rider looked thoughtful and did not speak for long. "wal, yes an' no," he answered, finally. "i reckon lucy could make a man out of joel. but she doesn't care fer him, an' thet settles thet.... an' maybe joel's leanin' toward the bad." "if she meets him again i'll rope her in the house," declared bostil. another clear-eyed rider drew bostil's attention from the gray waste of rolling sage. "bostil, look! look at the king! he's watchin' fer somethin'.... an' so's sarch." the two horses named were facing a ridge some few hundred yards distant, and their heads were aloft and ears straight forward. sage king whistled shrilly and sarchedon began to prance. "boys, you'd better drive them in," said bostil. "they'd like nothin' so well as gettin' out on the sage.... hullo! what's thet shootin' up behind the ridge?" "no more 'n buckles with lucy makin' him run some," replied holley, with a dry laugh. "if it ain't! ... lord! look at him come!" bostil's anger and anxiety might never have been. the light of the upland rider's joy shone in his keen gaze. the slope before him was open, and almost level, down to the ridge that had hidden the missing girl and horse. buckles was running for the love of running, as the girl low down over his neck was riding for the love of riding. the sage king whistled again, and shot off with graceful sweep to meet them; sarchedon plunged after him; two face and plume jealously trooped down, too, but dusty ben, after a toss of his head, went on grazing. the gray and the black met buckles and could not turn in time to stay with him. a girl's gay scream pealed up the slope, and buckles went lower and faster. sarchedon was left behind. then the gray king began to run as if before he had been loping. he was beautiful in action. this was play--a game--a race--plainly dominated by the spirit of the girl. lucy's hair was a bright stream of gold in the wind. she rode bareback. it seemed that she was hunched low over buckles with her knees high on his back--scarcely astride him at all. yet her motion was one with the horse. again that wild, gay scream pealed out--call or laugh or challenge. sage king, with a fleetness that made the eyes of bostil and his riders glisten, took the lead, and then sheered off to slow down, while buckles thundered past. lucy was pulling him hard, and had him plunging to a halt, when the rider holley ran out to grasp his bridle. buckles was snorting and his ears were laid back. he pounded the ground and scattered the pebbles. "no use, lucy," said bostil. "you can't beat the king at your own game, even with a runnin' start." lucy bostil's eyes were blue, as keen as her father's, and now they flashed like his. she had a hand twisted in the horse's long mane, and as, lithe and supple, she slipped a knee across his broad back she shook a little gantleted fist at bostil's gray racer. "sage king, i hate you!" she called, as if the horse were human. "and i'll beat you some day!" bostil swore by the gods his sage king was the swiftest horse in all that wild upland country of wonderful horses. he swore the great gray could look back over his shoulder and run away from any broken horse known to the riders. bostil himself was half horse, and the half of him that was human he divided between love of his fleet racers and his daughter lucy. he had seen years of hard riding on that wild utah border where, in those days, a horse meant all the world to a man. a lucky strike of grassy upland and good water south of the rio colorado made him rich in all that he cared to own. the indians, yet unspoiled by white men, were friendly. bostil built a boat at the indian crossing of the colorado and the place became known as bostil's ford. from time to time his personality and his reputation and his need brought horse-hunters, riders, sheep-herders, and men of pioneer spirit, as well as wandering desert travelers, to the ford, and the lonely, isolated hamlet slowly grew. north of the river it was more than two hundred miles to the nearest little settlement, with only a few lonely ranches on the road; to the west were several villages, equally distant, but cut off for two months at a time by the raging colorado, flooded by melting snow up in the mountains. eastward from the ford stretched a ghastly, broken, unknown desert of canyons. southward rolled the beautiful uplands, with valleys of sage and grass, and plateaus of pine and cedar, until this rich rolling gray and green range broke sharply on a purple horizon line of upflung rocky ramparts and walls and monuments, wild, dim, and mysterious. bostil's cattle and horses were numberless, and many as were his riders, he always could use more. but most riders did not abide long with bostil, first because some of them were of a wandering breed, wild-horse hunters themselves; and secondly, bostil had two great faults: he seldom paid a rider in money, and he never permitted one to own a fleet horse. he wanted to own all the fast horses himself. and in those days every rider, especially a wild-horse hunter, loved his steed as part of himself. if there was a difference between bostil and any rider of the sage, it was that, as he had more horses, so he had more love. whenever bostil could not get possession of a horse he coveted, either by purchase or trade, he invariably acquired a grievance toward the owner. this happened often, for riders were loath to part with their favorites. and he had made more than one enemy by his persistent nagging. it could not be said, however, that he sought to drive hard bargains. bostil would pay any price asked for a horse. across the colorado, in a high, red-walled canyon opening upon the river, lived a poor sheep-herder and horse-trader named creech. this man owned a number of thoroughbreds, two of which he would not part with for all the gold in the uplands. these racers, blue roan and peg, had been captured wild on the ranges by ute indians and broken to racing. they were still young and getting faster every year. bostil wanted them because he coveted them and because he feared them. it would have been a terrible blow to him if any horse ever beat the gray. but creech laughed at all offers and taunted bostil with a boast that in another summer he would see a horse out in front of the king. to complicate matters and lead rivalry into hatred young joel creech, a great horseman, but worthless in the eyes of all save his father, had been heard to say that some day he would force a race between the king and blue roan. and that threat had been taken in various ways. it alienated bostil beyond all hope of reconciliation. it made lucy bostil laugh and look sweetly mysterious. she had no enemies and she liked everybody. it was even gossiped by the women of bostil's ford that she had more than liking for the idle joel. but the husbands of these gossips said lucy was only tender-hearted. among the riders, when they sat around their lonely camp-fires, or lounged at the corrals of the ford, there was speculation in regard to this race hinted by joel creech. there never had been a race between the king and blue roan, and there never would be, unless joel were to ride off with lucy. in that case there would be the grandest race ever run on the uplands, with the odds against blue roan only if he carried double. if joel put lucy up on the roan and he rode peg there would be another story. lucy bostil was a slip of a girl, born on a horse, as strong and supple as an indian, and she could ride like a burr sticking in a horse's mane. with blue roan carrying her light weight she might run away from any one up on the king--which for bostil would be a double tragedy, equally in the loss of his daughter and the beating of his best-beloved racer. but with joel on peg, such a race would end in heartbreak for all concerned, for the king would outrun peg, and that would bring riders within gunshot. it had always been a fascinating subject, this long-looked-for race. it grew more so when joel's infatuation for lucy became known. there were fewer riders who believed lucy might elope with joel than there were who believed joel might steal his father's horses. but all the riders who loved horses and all the women who loved gossip were united in at least one thing, and that was that something like a race or a romance would soon disrupt the peaceful, sleepy tenor of bostil's ford. in addition to bostil's growing hatred for the creeches, he had a great fear of cordts, the horse-thief. a fear ever restless, ever watchful. cordts hid back in the untrodden ways. he had secret friends among the riders of the ranges, faithful followers back in the canyon camps, gold for the digging, cattle by the thousand, and fast horses. he had always gotten what he wanted--except one thing. that was a certain horse. and the horse was sage king. cordts was a bad man, a product of the early gold-fields of california and idaho, an outcast from that evil wave of wanderers retreating back over the trails so madly traveled westward. he became a lord over the free ranges. but more than all else he was a rider. he knew a horse. he was as much horse as bostil. cordts rode into this wild free-range country, where he had been heard to say that a horse-thief was meaner than a poisoned coyote. nevertheless, he became a horse-thief. the passion he had conceived for the sage king was the passion of a man for an unattainable woman. cordts swore that he would never rest, that he would not die, till he owned the king. so there was reason for bostil's great fear. chapter ii bostil went toward the house with his daughter, turning at the door to call a last word to his riders about the care of his horses. the house was a low, flat, wide structure, with a corridor running through the middle, from which doors led into the adobe-walled rooms. the windows were small openings high up, evidently intended for defense as well as light, and they had rude wooden shutters. the floor was clay, covered everywhere by indian blankets. a pioneer's home it was, simple and crude, yet comfortable, and having the rare quality peculiar to desert homes it was cool in summer and warm in winter. as bostil entered with his arm round lucy a big hound rose from the hearth. this room was immense, running the length of the house, and it contained a huge stone fireplace, where a kettle smoked fragrantly, and rude home-made chairs with blanket coverings, and tables to match, and walls covered with bridles, guns, pistols, indian weapons and ornaments, and trophies of the chase. in a far corner stood a work-bench, with tools upon it and horse trappings under it. in the opposite corner a door led into the kitchen. this room was bostil's famous living-room, in which many things had happened, some of which had helped make desert history and were never mentioned by bostil. bostil's sister came in from the kitchen. she was a huge person with a severe yet motherly face. she had her hands on her hips, and she cast a rather disapproving glance at father and daughter. "so you're back again?" she queried, severely. "sure, auntie," replied the girl, complacently. "you ran off to get out of seeing wetherby, didn't you?" lucy stared sweetly at her aunt. "he was waiting for hours," went on the worthy woman. "i never saw a man in such a stew.... no wonder, playing fast and loose with him the way you do." "i told him no!" flashed lucy. "but wetherby's not the kind to take no. and i'm not satisfied to let you mean it. lucy bostil, you don't know your mind an hour straight running. you've fooled enough with these riders of your dad's. if you're not careful you'll marry one of them.... one of these wild riders! as bad as a ute indian! ... wetherby is young and he idolizes you. in all common sense why don't you take him?" "i don't care for him," replied lucy. "you like him as well as anybody.... john bostil, what do you say? you approved of wetherby. i heard you tell him lucy was like an unbroken colt and that you'd--" "sure, i like jim," interrupted bostil; and he avoided lucy's swift look. "well?" demanded his sister. evidently bostil found himself in a corner between two fires. he looked sheepish, then disgusted. "dad!" exclaimed lucy, reproachfully. "see here, jane," said bostil, with an air of finality, "the girl is of age to-day--an' she can do what she damn pleases!" "that's a fine thing for you to say," retorted aunt jane. "like as not she'll be fetching that hang-dog joel creech up here for you to support." "auntie!" cried lucy, her eyes blazing. "oh, child, you torment me--worry me so," said the disappointed woman. "it's all for your sake.... look at you, lucy bostil! a girl of eighteen who comes of a family! and you riding around and going around as you are now--in a man's clothes!" "but, you dear old goose, i can't ride in a woman's skirt," expostulated lucy. "mind you, auntie, i can ride!" "lucy, if i live here forever i'd never get reconciled to a bostil woman in leather pants. we bostils were somebody once, back in missouri." bostil laughed. "yes, an' if i hadn't hit the trail west we'd be starvin' yet. jane, you're a sentimental old fool. let the girl alone an' reconcile yourself to this wilderness." aunt jane's eyes were wet with tears. lucy, seeing them, ran to her and hugged and kissed her. "auntie, i will promise--from to-day--to have some dignity. i've been free as a boy in these rider clothes. as i am now the men never seem to regard me as a girl. somehow that's better. i can't explain, but i like it. my dresses are what have caused all the trouble. i know that. but if i'm grown up--if it's so tremendous--then i'll wear a dress all the time, except just when i ride. will that do, auntie?" "maybe you will grow up, after all," replied aunt jane, evidently surprised and pleased. then lucy with clinking spurs ran away to her room. "jane, what's this nonsense about young joel creech?" asked bostil, gruffly. "i don't know any more than is gossiped. that i told you. have you ever asked lucy about him?" "i sure haven't," said bostil, bluntly. "well, ask her. if she tells you at all she'll tell the truth. lucy'd never sleep at night if she lied." aunt jane returned to her housewifely tasks, leaving bostil thoughtfully stroking the hound and watching the fire. presently lucy returned--a different lucy--one that did not rouse his rider's pride, but thrilled his father's heart. she had been a slim, lithe, supple, disheveled boy, breathing the wild spirit of the open and the horse she rode. she was now a girl in the graceful roundness of her slender form, with hair the gold of the sage at sunset, and eyes the blue of the deep haze of distance, and lips the sweet red of the upland rose. and all about her seemed different. "lucy--you look--like--like she used to be," said bostil, unsteadily. "my mother!" murmured lucy. but these two, so keen, so strong, so alive, did not abide long with sad memories. "lucy, i want to ask you somethin'," said bostil, presently. "what about this young joel creech?" lucy started as if suddenly recalled, then she laughed merrily. "dad, you old fox, did you see him ride out after me?" "no. i was just askin' on--on general principles." "what do you mean?" "lucy, is there anythin' between you an' joel?" he asked, gravely. "no," she replied, with her clear eyes up to his. bostil thought of a bluebell. "i'm beggin' your pardon," he said, hastily. "dad, you know how joel runs after me. i've told you. i let him till lately. i liked him. but that wasn't why. i felt sorry for him--pitied him." "you did? seems an awful waste," replied bostil. "dad, i don't believe joel is--perfectly right in his mind," lucy said, solemnly. "haw! haw! fine compliments you're payin' yourself." "listen. i'm serious. i mean i've grown to see---looking back--that a slow, gradual change has come over joel since he was kicked in the head by a mustang. i'm sure no one else has noticed it." "goin' batty over you. that's no unusual sign round this here camp. look at--" "we're talking about joel creech. lately he has done some queer things. to-day, for instance. i thought i gave him the slip. but he must have been watching. anyway, to my surprise he showed up on peg. he doesn't often get peg across the river. he said the feed was getting scarce over there. i was dying to race buckles against peg, but i remembered you wouldn't like that." "i should say not," said bostil, darkly. "well, joel caught up to me--and he wasn't nice at all. he was worse to-day. we quarreled. i said i'd bet he'd never follow me again and he said he'd bet he would. then he got sulky and hung back. i rode away, glad to be rid of him, and i climbed to a favorite place of mine. on my way home i saw peg grazing on the rim of the creek, near that big spring-hole where the water's so deep and clear. and what do you think? there was joel's head above the water. i remembered in our quarrel i had told him to go wash his dirty face. he was doing it. i had to laugh. when he saw me--he--then--then he--" lucy faltered, blushing with anger and shame. "well, what then?" demanded bostil, quietly. "he called, 'hey, luce--take off your clothes and come in for a swim!'" bostil swore. "i tell you i was mad," continued lucy, "and just as surprised. that was one of the queer things. but never before had he dared to--to-" "insult you. then what 'd you do?" interrupted bostil, curiously. "i yelled, 'i'll fix you, joel creech!'... his clothes were in a pile on the bank. at first i thought i'd throw them in the water, but when i got to them i thought of something better. i took up all but his shoes, for i remembered the ten miles of rock and cactus between him and home, and i climbed up on buckles. joel screamed and swore something fearful. but i didn't look back. and peg, you know--maybe you don't know--but peg is fond of me, and he followed me, straddling his bridle all the way in. i dropped joel's clothes down the ridge a ways, right in the trail, so he can't miss them. and that's all.... dad, was it--was it very bad?" "bad! why, you ought to have thrown your gun on him. at least bounced a rock off his head! but say, lucy, after all, maybe you've done enough. i guess you never thought of it." "what?" "the sun is hot to-day. hot! an' if joel's as crazy an' mad as you say he'll not have sense enough to stay in the water or shade till the sun's gone down. an' if he tackles that ten miles before he'll sunburn himself within an inch of his life." "sunburn? oh, dad! i'm sorry," burst out lucy, contritely. "i never thought of that. i'll ride back with his clothes." "you will not," said bostil. "let me send some one, then," she entreated. "girl, haven't you the nerve to play your own game? let creech get his lesson. he deserves it.... an' now, lucy, i've two more questions to ask." "only two?" she queried, archly. "dad, don't scold me with questions." "what shall i say to wetherby for good an' all?" lucy's eyes shaded dreamily, and she seemed to look beyond the room, out over the ranges. "tell him to go back to durango and forget the foolish girl who can care only for the desert and a horse." "all right. that is straight talk, like an indian's. an' now the last question--what do you want for a birthday present?" "oh, of course," she cried, gleefully clapping her hands. "i'd forgotten that. i'm eighteen!" "you get that old chest of your mother's. but what from me?" "dad, will you give me anything i ask for?" "yes, my girl." "anything--any horse?" lucy knew his weakness, for she had inherited it. "sure; any horse but the king." "how about sarchedon?" "why, lucy, what'd you do with that big black devil? he's too high. seventeen hands high! you couldn't mount him." "pooh! sarch kneels for me." "child, listen to reason. sarch would pull your arms out of their sockets." "he has got an iron jaw," agreed lucy. "well, then--how about dusty ben?" she was tormenting her father and she did it with glee. "no--not ben. he's the faithfulest hoss i ever owned. it wouldn't be fair to part with him, even to you. old associations ... a rider's loyalty ... now, lucy, you know--" "dad, you're afraid i'd train and love ben into beating the king. some day i'll ride some horse out in front of the gray. remember, dad! ... then give me two face." "sure not her, lucy. thet mare can't be trusted. look why we named her two face." "buckles, then, dear generous daddy who longs to give his grown-up girl anything!" "lucy, can't you be satisfied an' happy with your mustangs? you've got a dozen. you can have any others on the range. buckles ain't safe for you to ride." bostil was notably the most generous of men, the kindest of fathers. it was an indication of his strange obsession, in regard to horses, that he never would see that lucy was teasing him. as far as horses were concerned he lacked a sense of humor. anything connected with his horses was of intense interest. "i'd dearly love to own plume," said lucy, demurely. bostil had grown red in the face and now he was on the rack. the monstrous selfishness of a rider who had been supreme in his day could not be changed. "girl, i--i thought you hadn't no use for plume," he stammered. "i haven't--the jade! she threw me once. i've never forgiven her .... dad, i'm only teasing you. don't i know you couldn't give one of those racers away? you couldn't!" "lucy, i reckon you're right," bostil burst out in immense relief. "dad, i'll bet if cordts gets me and holds me as ransom for the king--as he's threatened--you'll let him have me!" "lucy, now thet ain't funny!" complained the father. "dear dad, keep your old racers! but, remember, i'm my father's daughter. i can love a horse, too. oh, if i ever get the one i want to love! a wild horse--a desert stallion--pure arabian--broken right by an indian! if i ever get him, dad, you look out! for i'll run away from sarch and ben--and i'll beat the king!" the hamlet of bostil's ford had a singular situation, though, considering the wonderful nature of that desert country, it was not exceptional. it lay under the protecting red bluff that only lucy bostil cared to climb. a hard-trodden road wound down through rough breaks in the canyon wall to the river. bostil's house, at the head of the village, looked in the opposite direction, down the sage slope that widened like a colossal fan. there was one wide street bordered by cottonwoods and cabins, and a number of gardens and orchards, beginning to burst into green and pink and white. a brook ran out of a ravine in the huge bluff, and from this led irrigation ditches. the red earth seemed to blossom at the touch of water. the place resembled an indian encampment--quiet, sleepy, colorful, with the tiny-streams of water running everywhere, and lazy columns of blue wood-smoke rising. bostil's ford was the opposite of a busy village, yet its few inhabitants, as a whole, were prosperous. the wants of pioneers were few. perhaps once a month the big, clumsy flatboat was rowed across the river with horses or cattle or sheep. and the season was now close at hand when for weeks, sometimes months, the river was unfordable. there were a score of permanent families, a host of merry, sturdy children, a number of idle young men, and only one girl--lucy bostil. but the village always had transient inhabitants--friendly utes and navajos in to trade, and sheep-herders with a scraggy, woolly flock, and travelers of the strange religious sect identified with utah going on into the wilderness. then there were always riders passing to and fro, and sometimes unknown ones regarded with caution. horse-thieves sometimes boldly rode in, and sometimes were able to sell or trade. in the matter of horse-dealing bostil's ford was as bold as the thieves. old brackton, a man of varied western experience, kept the one store, which was tavern, trading-post, freighter's headquarters, blacksmith's shop, and any thing else needful. brackton employed riders, teamsters, sometimes indians, to freight supplies in once a month from durango. and that was over two hundred miles away. sometimes the supplies did not arrive on time--occasionally not at all. news from the outside world, except that elicited from the taciturn travelers marching into utah, drifted in at intervals. but it was not missed. these wilderness spirits were the forerunners of a great, movement, and as such were big, strong, stern, sufficient unto themselves. life there was made possible by horses. the distant future, that looked bright to far-seeing men, must be and could only be fulfilled through the endurance and faithfulness of horses. and then, from these men, horses received the meed due them, and the love they were truly worth. the navajo was a nomad horseman, an arab of the painted desert, and the ute indian was close to him. it was they who developed the white riders of the uplands as well as the wild-horse wrangler or hunter. brackton's ramshackle establishment stood down at the end of the village street. there was not a sawed board in all that structure, and some of the pine logs showed how they had been dropped from the bluff. brackton, a little old gray man, with scant beard, and eyes like those of a bird, came briskly out to meet an incoming freighter. the wagon was minus a hind wheel, but the teamster had come in on three wheels and a pole. the sweaty, dust-caked, weary, thin-ribbed mustangs, and the gray-and-red-stained wagon, and the huge jumble of dusty packs, showed something of what the journey had been. "hi thar, red wilson, you air some late gettin' in," greeted old brackton. red wilson had red eyes from fighting the flying sand, and red dust pasted in his scraggy beard, and as he gave his belt an upward hitch little red clouds flew from his gun-sheath. "yep. an' i left a wheel an' part of the load on the trail," he said. with him were indians who began to unhitch the teams. riders lounging in the shade greeted wilson and inquired for news. the teamster replied that travel was dry, the water-holes were dry, and he was dry. and his reply gave both concern and amusement. "one more trip out an' back--thet's all, till it rains," concluded wilson. brackton led him inside, evidently to alleviate part of that dryness. water and grass, next to horses, were the stock subject of all riders. "it's got oncommon hot early," said one. "yes, an' them northeast winds--hard this spring," said another. "no snow on the uplands." "holley seen a dry spell comin'. wal, we can drift along without freighters. there's grass an' water enough here, even if it doesn't rain." "sure, but there ain't none across the river." "never was, in early season. an' if there was it'd be sheeped off." "creech'll be fetchin' his hosses across soon, i reckon." "you bet he will. he's trainin' for the races next month." "an' when air they comin' off?" "you got me. mebbe van knows." some one prodded a sleepy rider who lay all his splendid lithe length, hat over his eyes. then he sat up and blinked, a lean-faced, gray-eyed fellow, half good-natured and half resentful. "did somebody punch me?" "naw, you got nightmare! say, van, when will the races come off?" "huh! an' you woke me for thet? ... bostil says in a few weeks, soon as he hears from the indians. plans to have eight hundred indians here, an' the biggest purses an' best races ever had at the ford." "you'll ride the king again?" "reckon so. but bostil is kickin' because i'm heavier than i was," replied the rider. "you're skin an' bones at thet." "mebbe you'll need to work a little off, van. some one said creech's blue roan was comin' fast this year." "bill, your mind ain't operatin'," replied van, scornfully. "didn't i beat creech's hosses last year without the king turnin' a hair?" "not if i recollect, you didn't. the blue roan wasn't runnin'." then they argued, after the manner of friendly riders, but all earnest, an eloquent in their convictions. the prevailing opinion was that creech's horse had a chance, depending upon condition and luck. the argument shifted upon the arrival of two new-comers, leading mustangs and apparently talking trade. it was manifest that these arrivals were not loath to get the opinions of others. "van, there's a hoss!" exclaimed one. "no, he ain't," replied van. and that diverse judgment appeared to be characteristic throughout. the strange thing was that macomber, the rancher, had already traded his mustang and money to boot for the sorrel. the deal, whether wise or not, had been consummated. brackton came out with red wilson, and they had to have their say. "wal, durned if some of you fellers ain't kind an' complimentary," remarked macomber, scratching his head. "but then every feller can't have hoss sense." then, looking up to see lucy bostil coming along the road, he brightened as if with inspiration. lucy was at home among them, and the shy eyes of the younger riders, especially van, were nothing if not revealing. she greeted them with a bright smile, and when she saw brackton she burst out: "oh, mr. brackton, the wagon's in, and did my box come? ... to-day's my birthday." "'deed it did, lucy; an' many more happy ones to you!" he replied, delighted in her delight. "but it's too heavy for you. i'll send it up--or mebbe one of the boys--" five riders in unison eagerly offered their services and looked as if each had spoken first. then macomber addressed her: "miss lucy, you see this here sorrel?" "ah! the same lazy crowd and the same old story--a horse trade!" laughed lucy. "there's a little difference of opinion," said macomber, politely indicating the riders. "now, miss lucy, we-all know you're a judge of a hoss. and as good as thet you tell the truth. thet ain't in some hoss-traders i know.... what do you think of this mustang?" macomber had eyes of enthusiasm for his latest acquisition, but some of the cock-sureness had been knocked out of him by the blunt riders. "macomber, aren't you a great one to talk?" queried lucy, severely. "didn't you get around dad and trade him an old, blind, knock-kneed bag of bones for a perfectly good pony--one i liked to ride?" the riders shouted with laughter while the rancher struggled with confusion. "'pon my word, miss lucy, i'm surprised you could think thet of such an old friend of yours--an' your dad's, too. i'm hopin' he doesn't side altogether with you." "dad and i never agree about a horse. he thinks he got the best of you. but you know, macomber, what a horse-thief you are. worse than cordts!" "wal, if i got the best of bostil i'm willin' to be thought bad. i'm the first feller to take him in.... an' now, miss lucy, look over my sorrel." lucy bostil did indeed have an eye for a horse. she walked straight up to the wild, shaggy mustang with a confidence born of intuition and experience, and reached a hand for his head, not slowly, nor yet swiftly. the mustang looked as if he was about to jump, but he did not. his eyes showed that he was not used to women. "he's not well broken," said lucy. "some navajo has beaten his head in breaking him." then she carefully studied the mustang point by point. "he's deceiving at first because he's good to look at," said lucy. "but i wouldn't own him. a saddle will turn on him. he's not vicious, but he'll never get over his scare. he's narrow between the eyes--a bad sign. his ears are stiff--and too close. i don't see anything more wrong with him." "you seen enough," declared macomber. "an' so you wouldn't own him?" "you couldn't make me a present of him--even on my birthday." "wal, now i'm sorry, for i was thinkin' of thet," replied macomber, ruefully. it was plain that the sorrel had fallen irremediably in his estimation. "macomber, i often tell dad all you horse-traders get your deserts now and then. it's vanity and desire to beat the other man that's your downfall." lucy went away, with van shouldering her box, leaving macomber trying to return the banter of the riders. the good-natured raillery was interrupted by a sharp word from one of them. "look! darn me if thet ain't a naked indian comin'!" the riders whirled to see an apparently nude savage approaching, almost on a run. "take a shot at thet, bill," said another rider. "miss lucy might see--no, she's out of sight. but, mebbe some other woman is around." "hold on, bill," called macomber. "you never saw an indian run like thet." some of the riders swore, others laughed, and all suddenly became keen with interest. "sure his face is white, if his body's red!" the strange figure neared them. it was indeed red up to the face, which seemed white in contrast. yet only in general shape and action did it resemble a man. "damned if it ain't joel creech!" sang out bill stark. the other riders accorded their wondering assent. "gone crazy, sure!" "i always seen it comin'." "say, but ain't he wild? foamin' at the mouth like a winded hoss!" young creech was headed down the road toward the ford across which he had to go to reach home. he saw the curious group, slowed his pace, and halted. his face seemed convulsed with rage and pain and fatigue. his body, even to his hands, was incased in a thick, heavy coating of red adobe that had caked hard. "god's sake--fellers--" he panted, with eyes rolling, "take this--'dobe mud off me! ... i'm dyin'!" then he staggered into brackton's place. a howl went up from the riders and they surged after him. that evening after supper bostil stamped in the big room, roaring with laughter, red in the face; and he astonished lucy and her aunt to the point of consternation. "now--you've--done--it--lucy bostil!" he roared. "oh dear! oh dear!" exclaimed aunt jane. "done what?" asked lucy, blankly. bostil conquered his paroxysm, and, wiping his moist red face, he eyed lucy in mock solemnity. "joel!" whispered lucy, who had a guilty conscience. "lucy, i never heard the beat of it.... joel's smarter in some ways than we thought, an' crazier in others. he had the sun figgered, but what'd he want to run through town for? why, never in my life have i seen such tickled riders." "dad!" almost screamed lucy. "what did joel do?" "wal, i see it this way. he couldn't or wouldn't wait for sundown. an' he wasn't hankerin' to be burned. so he wallows in a 'dobe mud-hole an' covers himself thick with mud. you know that 'dobe mud! then he starts home. but he hadn't figgered on the 'dobe gettin' hard, which it did--harder 'n rock. an' thet must have hurt more 'n sunburn. late this afternoon he came runnin' down the road, yellin' thet he was dyin'. the boys had conniption fits. joel ain't over-liked, you know, an' here they had one on him. mebbe they didn't try hard to clean him off. but the fact is not for hours did they get thet 'dobe off him. they washed an' scrubbed an' curried him, while he yelled an' cussed. finally they peeled it off, with his skin i guess. he was raw, an' they say, the maddest feller ever seen in bostil's ford!" lucy was struggling between fear and mirth. she did not look sorry. "oh! oh! oh, dad!" "wasn't it great, lucy?" "but what--will he--do?" choked lucy. "lord only knows. thet worries me some. because he never said a word about how he come to lose his clothes or why he had the 'dobe on him. an' sure i never told. nobody knows but us." "dad, he'll do something terrible to me!" cried lucy, aghast at her premonition. chapter iii the days did not pass swiftly at bostil's ford. and except in winter, and during the spring sand-storms, the lagging time passed pleasantly. lucy rode every day, sometimes with van, and sometimes alone. she was not over-keen about riding with van--first, because he was in love with her; and secondly, in spite of that, she could not beat him when he rode the king. they were training bostil's horses for the much-anticipated races. at last word arrived from the utes and navajos that they accepted bostil's invitation and would come in force, which meant, according to holley and other old riders, that the indians would attend about eight hundred strong. "thet old chief, hawk, is comin'," holley informed bostil. "he hasn't been here fer several years. recollect thet bunch of colts he had? they're hosses, not mustangs.... so you look out, bostil!" no rider or rancher or sheepman, in fact, no one, ever lost a chance to warn bostil. some of it was in fun, but most of it was earnest. the nature of events was that sooner or later a horse would beat the king. bostil knew that as well as anybody, though he would not admit it. holley's hint made bostil look worried. most of bostil's gray hairs might have been traced to his years of worry about horses. the day he received word from the indians he sent for brackton, williams, muncie, and creech to come to his house that night. these men, with bostil, had for years formed in a way a club, which gave the ford distinction. creech was no longer a friend of bostil's, but bostil had always been fair-minded, and now he did not allow his animosities to influence him. holley, the veteran rider, made the sixth member of the club. bostil had a cedar log blazing cheerily in the wide fireplace, for these early spring nights in the desert were cold. brackton was the last guest to arrive. he shuffled in without answering the laconic greetings accorded him, and his usually mild eyes seemed keen and hard. "john, i reckon you won't love me fer this here i've got to tell you, to-night specially," he said, seriously. "you old robber, i couldn't love you anyhow," retorted bostil. but his humor did not harmonize with the sudden gravity of his look. "what's up?" "who do you suppose i jest sold whisky to?" "i've no idea," replied bostil. yet he looked as if he was perfectly sure. "cordts! ... cordts, an' four of his outfit. two of them i didn't know. bad men, judgin' from appearances, let alone company. the others was hutchinson an'--dick sears." "dick sears!" exclaimed bostil. muncie and williams echoed bostil. holley appeared suddenly interested. creech alone showed no surprise. "but sears is dead," added bostil. "he was dead--we thought," replied brackton, with a grim laugh. "but he's alive again. he told me he'd been in idaho fer two years, in the gold-fields. said the work was too hard, so he'd come back here. laughed when he said it, the little devil! i'll bet he was thinkin' of thet wagon-train of mine he stole." bostil gazed at his chief rider. "wal, i reckon we didn't kill sears, after all," replied holley. "i wasn't never sure." "lord! cordts an' sears in camp," ejaculated bostil, and he began to pace the room. "no, they're gone now," said brackton. "take it easy, boss. sit down," drawled holley. "the king is safe, an' all the racers. i swear to thet. why, cordts couldn't chop into thet log-an'-wire corral if he an' his gang chopped all night! they hate work. besides, farlane is there, an' the boys." this reassured bostil, and he resumed his chair. but his hand shook a little. "did cordts have anythin' to say?" he asked. "sure. he was friendly an' talkative," replied brackton. "he came in just after dark. left a man i didn't see out with the hosses. he bought two big packs of supplies, an' some leather stuff, an', of course, ammunition. then some whisky. had plenty of gold an' wouldn't take no change. then while his men, except sears, was carryin' out the stuff, he talked." "go on. tell me," said bostil. "wal, he'd been out north of durango an' fetched news. there's wild talk back there of a railroad goin' to be built some day, joinin' east an' west. it's interestin', but no sense to it. how could they build a railroad through thet country?" "north it ain't so cut up an' lumpy as here," put in holley. "grandest idea ever thought of for the west," avowed bostil. "if thet railroad ever starts we'll all get rich.... go on, brack." "then cordts said water an' grass was peterin' out back on the trail, same as red wilson said last week. finally he asked, 'how's my friend bostil?' i told him you was well. he looked kind of thoughtful then, an' i knew what was comin'....'how's the king?' 'grand' i told him--'grand.' 'when is them races comin' off?' i said we hadn't planned the time yet, but it would be soon--inside of a month or two. 'brackton,' he said, sharp-like, 'is bostil goin' to pull a gun on me at sight?' 'reckon he is,' i told him. 'wal, i'm not powerful glad to know thet.... i hear creech's blue hoss will race the king this time. how about it?' 'sure an' certain this year. i've creech's an' bostil's word for thet.' cordts put his hand on my shoulder. you ought to 've seen his eyes!...'i want to see thet race.... i'm goin' to.' 'wal,' i said, 'you'll have to stop bein'--you'll need to change your bizness.' then, bostil, what do you think? cordts was sort of eager an' wild. he said thet was a race he jest couldn't miss. he swore he wouldn't turn a trick or let a man of his gang stir a hand till after thet race, if you'd let him come." a light flitted across bostil's face. "i know how cordts feels," he said. "wal, it's a queer deal," went on brackton. "fer a long time you've meant to draw on cordts when you meet. we all know thet." "yes, i'll kill him!" the light left bostil's face. his voice sounded differently. his mouth opened, drooped strangely at the corners, then shut in a grim, tense line. bostil had killed more than one man. the memory, no doubt, was haunting and ghastly. "cordts seemed to think his word was guarantee of his good faith. he said he'd send an indian in here to find out if he can come to the races. i reckon, bostil, thet it wouldn't hurt none to let him come. an' hold your gun hand fer the time he swears he'll be honest. queer deal, ain't it, men? a hoss-thief turnin' honest jest to see a race! beats me! bostil, it's a cheap way to get at least a little honesty from cordts. an' refusin' might rile him bad. when all's said cordts ain't as bad as he could be." "i'll let him come," replied bostil, breathing deep. "but it'll be hard to see him, rememberin' how he's robbed me, an' what he's threatened. an' i ain't lettin' him come to bribe a few weeks' decency from him. i'm doin' it for only one reason.... because i know how he loves the king--how he wants to see the king run away from the field thet day! thet's why!" there was a moment of silence, during which all turned to creech. he was a stalwart man, no longer young, with a lined face, deep-set, troubled eyes, and white, thin beard. "bostil, if cordts loves the king thet well, he's in fer heartbreak," said creech, with a ring in his voice. down crashed bostil's heavy boots and fire flamed in his gaze. the other men laughed, and brackton interposed: "hold on, you boy riders!" he yelled. "we ain't a-goin' to have any arguments like thet.... now, bostil, it's settled, then? you'll let cordts come?" "glad to have him," replied bostil. "good. an' now mebbe we'd better get down to the bizness of this here meetin'." they seated themselves around the table, upon which bostil laid an old and much-soiled ledger and a stub of a lead-pencil. "first well set the time," he said, with animation, "an' then pitch into details.... what's the date?" no one answered, and presently they all looked blankly from one to the other. "it's april, ain't it?" queried holley. that assurance was as close as they could get to the time of year. "lucy!" called bostil, in a loud voice. she came running in, anxious, almost alarmed. "goodness! you made us jump! what on earth is the matter?" "lucy, we want to know the date," replied bostil. "date! did you have to scare auntie and me out of our wits just for that?" "who scared you? this is important, lucy. what's the date?" "it's a week to-day since last tuesday," answered lucy, sweetly. "huh! then it's tuesday again," said bostil, laboriously writing it down. "now, what's the date?" "don't you remember?" "remember? i never knew." "dad! ... last tuesday was my birthday--the day you did not give me a horse!" "aw, so it was," rejoined bostil, confused at her reproach. "an' thet date was--let's see--april sixth.... then this is april thirteenth. much obliged, lucy. run back to your aunt now. this hoss talk won't interest you." lucy tossed her head. "i'll bet i'll have to straighten out the whole thing." then with a laugh she disappeared. "three days beginnin--say june first. june first--second, an' third. how about thet for the races?" everybody agreed, and bostil laboriously wrote that down. then they planned the details. purses and prizes, largely donated by bostil and muncie, the rich members of the community, were recorded. the old rules were adhered to. any rider or any indian could enter any horse in any race, or as many horses as he liked in as many races. but by winning one race he excluded himself from the others. bostil argued for a certain weight in riders, but the others ruled out this suggestion. special races were arranged for the indians, with saddles, bridles, blankets, guns as prizes. all this appeared of absorbing interest to bostil. he perspired freely. there was a gleam in his eye, betraying excitement. when it came to arranging the details of the big race between the high-class racers, then he grew intense and harder to deal with. many points had to go by vote. muncie and williams both had fleet horses to enter in this race; holley had one; creech had two; there were sure to be several indians enter fast mustangs; and bostil had the king and four others to choose from. bostil held out stubbornly for a long race. it was well known that sage king was unbeatable in a long race. if there were any chance to beat him it must be at short distance. the vote went against bostil, much to his chagrin, and the great race was set down for two miles. "but two miles! ... two miles!" he kept repeating. "thet's blue roan's distance. thet's his distance. an' it ain't fair to the king!" his guests, excepting creech, argued with him, explained, reasoned, showed him that it was fair to all concerned. bostil finally acquiesced, but he was not happy. the plain fact was that he was frightened. when the men were departing bostil called creech back into the sitting-room. creech appeared surprised, yet it was evident that he would have been glad to make friends with bostil. "what'll you take for the roan?" bostil asked, tersely,' as if he had never asked that before. "bostil, didn't we thresh thet out before--an' fell out over it?" queried creech, with a deprecating spread of his hands. "wal, we can fall in again, if you'll sell or trade the hoss." "i'm sorry, but i can't." "you need money an' hosses, don't you?" demanded bostil, brutally. he had no conscience in a matter of horse-dealing. "lord knows, i do," replied creech. "wal, then, here's your chance. i'll give you five hundred in gold an' sarchedon to boot." creech looked as if he had not heard aright. bostil repeated the offer. "no," replied creech. "i'll make it a thousand an' throw plume in with sarch," flashed bostil. "no!" creech turned pale and swallowed hard. "two thousand an' dusty ben along with the others?" this was an unheard-of price to pay for any horse. creech saw that bostil was desperate. it was an almost overpowering temptation. evidently creech resisted it only by applying all his mind to the thought of his clean-limbed, soft-eyed, noble horse. bostil did not give creech time to speak. "twenty-five hundred an' two face along with the rest!" "my god, bostil--stop it! i can't part with blue roan. you're rich an' you've no heart. thet i always knew. at least to me you never had, since i owned them two racers. didn't i beg you, a little time back, to lend me a few hundred? to meet thet debt? an' you wouldn't, unless i'd sell the hosses. an' i had to lose my sheep. now i'm a poor man--gettin' poorer all the time. but i won't sell or trade blue roan, not for all you've got!" creech seemed to gain strength with his speech and passion with the strength. his eyes glinted at the hard, paling face of his rival. he raised a clenching fist. "an' by g--d, i'm goin' to win thet race!" during that week lucy had heard many things about joel creech, and some of them were disquieting. some rider had not only found joel's clothes on the trail, but he had recognized the track of the horse lucy rode, and at once connected her with the singular discovery. coupling that with joel's appearance in the village incased in a heaving armor of adobe, the riders guessed pretty close to the truth. for them the joke was tremendous. and joel creech was exceedingly sensitive to ridicule. the riders made life unbearable for him. they had fun out of it as long as joel showed signs of taking the joke manfully, which was not long, and then his resentment won their contempt. that led to sarcasm on their part and bitter anger on his. it came to lucy's ears that joel began to act and talk strangely. she found out that the rider van had knocked joel down in brackton's store and had kicked a gun out of his hand. van laughed off the rumor and brackton gave her no satisfaction. moreover, she heard no other rumors. the channels of gossip had suddenly closed to her. bostil, when questioned by lucy, swore in a way that amazed her, and all he told her was to leave creech alone. finally, when muncie discharged joel, who worked now and then, lucy realized that something was wrong with joel and that she was to blame for it. she grew worried and anxious and sorry, but she held her peace, and determined to find out for herself what was wrong. every day when she rode out into the sage she expected to meet him, or at least see him somewhere; nevertheless days went by and there was no sign of him. one afternoon she saw some indians driving sheep down the river road toward the ford, and, acting upon impulse, she turned her horse after them. lucy seldom went down the river road. riding down and up was merely work, and a horse has as little liking for it as she had. usually it was a hot, dusty trip, and the great, dark, overhanging walls had a depressing effect, upon her. she always felt awe at the gloomy canyon and fear at the strange, murmuring red river. but she started down this afternoon in the hope of meeting joel. she had a hazy idea of telling him she was sorry for what she had done, and of asking him to forget it and pay no more heed to the riders. the sheep raised a dust-cloud in the sandy wash where the road wound down, and lucy hung back to let them get farther ahead. gradually the tiny roar of pattering hoofs and the blended bleating and baaing died away. the dust-cloud, however, hung over the head of the ravine, and lucy had to force sarchedon through it. sarchedon did not mind sand and dust, but he surely hated the smell of sheep. lucy seldom put a spur to sarchedon; still, she gave him a lash with her quirt, and then he went on obediently, if disgustedly. he carried his head like a horse that wondered why his mistress preferred to drive him down into an unpleasant hole when she might have been cutting the sweet, cool sage wind up on the slope. the wash, with its sand and clay walls, dropped into a gulch, and there was an end of green growths. the road led down over solid rock. gradually the rims of the gorge rose, shutting out the light and the cliffs. it was a winding road and one not safe to tarry on in a stormy season. lucy had seen boulders weighing a ton go booming down that gorge during one of the sudden fierce desert storms, when a torrent of water and mud and stone went plunging on to the river. the ride through here was short, though slow. lucy always had time to adjust her faculties for the overpowering contrast these lower regions presented. long before she reached the end of the gorge she heard the sullen thunder of the river. the river was low, too, for otherwise there would have been a deafening roar. presently she came out upon a lower branch of the canyon, into a great red-walled space, with the river still a thousand feet below, and the cliffs towering as high above her. the road led down along this rim where to the left all was open, across to the split and peaked wall opposite. the river appeared to sweep round a bold, bulging corner a mile above. it was a wide, swift, muddy, turbulent stream. a great bar of sand stretched out from the shore. beyond it, through the mouth of an intersecting canyon, could be seen a clump of cottonwoods and willows that marked the home of the creeches. lucy could not see the shore nearest her, as it was almost directly under her. besides, in this narrow road, on a spirited horse, she was not inclined to watch the scenery. she hurried sarchedon down and down, under the overhanging brows of rock, to where the rim sloped out and failed. here was a half-acre of sand, with a few scant willows, set down seemingly in a dent at the base of the giant, beetling cliffs. the place was light, though the light seemed a kind of veiled red, and to lucy always ghastly. she could not have been joyous with that river moaning before her, even if it had been up on a level, in the clear and open day. as a little girl eight years old she had conceived a terror and hatred of this huge, jagged rent so full of red haze and purple smoke and the thunder of rushing waters. and she had never wholly outgrown it. the joy of the sun and wind, the rapture in the boundless open, the sweetness in the sage--these were not possible here. something mighty and ponderous, heavy as those colossal cliffs, weighted down her spirit. the voice of the river drove out any dream. here was the incessant frowning presence of destructive forces of nature. and the ford was associated with catastrophe--to sheep, to horses and to men. lucy rode across the bar to the shore where the indians were loading the sheep into an immense rude flatboat. as the sheep were frightened, the loading was no easy task. their bleating could be heard above the roar of the river. bostil's boatmen, shugrue and somers, stood knee-deep in the quicksand of the bar, and their efforts to keep free-footed were as strenuous as their handling of the sheep. presently the flock was all crowded on board, the indians followed, and then the boatmen slid the unwieldy craft off the sand-bar. then, each manning a clumsy oar, they pulled up-stream. along shore were whirling, slow eddies, and there rowing was possible. out in that swift current it would have been folly to try to contend with it, let alone make progress. the method of crossing was to row up along the shore as far as a great cape of rock jutting out, and there make into the current, and while drifting down pull hard to reach the landing opposite. heavily laden as the boat was, the chances were not wholly in favor of a successful crossing. lucy watched the slow, laborious struggle of the boatmen with the heavy oars until she suddenly remembered the object of her visit down to the ford. she appeared to be alone on her side of the river. at the landing opposite, however, were two men; and presently lucy recognized joel creech and his father. a second glance showed indians with burros, evidently waiting for the boat. joel creech jumped into a skiff and shoved off. the elder man, judging by his motions, seemed to be trying to prevent his son from leaving the shore. but joel began to row up-stream, keeping close to the shore. lucy watched him. no doubt he had seen her and was coming across. either the prospect of meeting him or the idea of meeting him there in the place where she was never herself made her want to turn at once and ride back home. but her stubborn sense of fairness overruled that. she would hold her ground solely in the hope of persuading joel to be reasonable. she saw the big flatboat sweep into line of sight at the same time joel turned into the current. but while the larger craft drifted slowly the other way, the smaller one came swiftly down and across. joel swept out of the current into the eddy, rowed across that, and slid the skiff up on the sand-bar. then he stepped out. he was bareheaded and barefooted, but it was not that which made him seem a stranger to lucy. "are you lookin' fer me?" he shouted. lucy waved a hand for him to come up. then he approached. he was a tall, lean young man, stoop-shouldered and bow-legged from much riding, with sallow, freckled face, a thin fuzz of beard, weak mouth and chin, and eyes remarkable for their small size and piercing quality and different color. for one was gray and the other was hazel. there was no scar on his face, but the irregularity of his features reminded one who knew that he had once been kicked in the face by a horse. creech came up hurriedly, in an eager, wild way that made lucy suddenly pity him. he did not seem to remember that the stallion had an antipathy for him. but lucy, if she had forgotten, would have been reminded by sarchedon's action. "look out, joel!" she called, and she gave the black's head a jerk. sarchedon went up with a snort and came down pounding the sand. quick as an indian lucy was out of the saddle. "lemme your quirt," said joel, showing his teeth like a wolf. "no. i wouldn't let you hit sarch. you beat him once, and he's never forgotten," replied lucy. the eye of the horse and the man met and clashed, and there was a hostile tension in their attitudes. then lucy dropped the bridle and drew joel over to a huge drift-log, half buried in the sand. here she sat down, but joel remained standing. his gaze was now all the stranger for its wistfulness. lucy was quick to catch a subtle difference in him, but she could not tell wherein it lay. "what'd you want?" asked joel. "i've heard a lot of things, joel," replied lucy, trying to think of just what she wanted to say. "reckon you have," said joel, dejectedly, and then he sat down on the log and dug holes in the sand with his bare feet. lucy had never before seen him look tired, and it seemed that some of the healthy brown of his cheeks had thinned out. then lucy told him, guardedly, a few of the rumors she had heard. "all thet you say is nothin' to what's happened," he replied, bitterly. "them riders mocked the life an' soul out of me." "but, joel, you shouldn't be so--so touchy," said lucy, earnestly. "after all, the joke was on you. why didn't you take it like a man?" "but they knew you stole my clothes," he protested. "suppose they did. that wasn't much to care about. if you hadn't taken it so hard they'd have let up on you." "mebbe i might have stood that. but they taunted me with bein'--loony about you." joel spoke huskily. there was no doubt that he had been deeply hurt. lucy saw tears in his eyes, and her first impulse was to put a hand on his and tell him how sorry she was. but she desisted. she did not feel at her ease with joel. "what'd you and van fight about?" she asked, presently. joel hung his head. "i reckon i ain't a-goin' to tell you." "you're ashamed of it?" joel's silence answered that. "you said something about me?" lucy could not resist her curiosity, back of which was a little heat. "it must have been--bad--else van wouldn't have struck you." "he hit me--he knocked me flat," passionately said joel. "and you drew a gun on him?" "i did, an' like a fool i didn't wait till i got up. then he kicked me! ... bostil's ford will never be big enough fer me an' van now." "don't talk foolish. you won't fight with van.... joel, maybe you deserved what you got. you say some--some rude things." "i only said i'd pay you back," burst out joel. "how?" "i swore i'd lay fer you--an' steal your clothes--so you'd have to run home naked." there was indeed something lacking in joel, but it was not sincerity. his hurt had rankled deep and his voice trembled with indignation. "but, joel, i don't go swimming in spring-holes," protested lucy, divided between amusement and annoyance. "i meant it, anyhow," said joel, doggedly. "are you absolutely honest? is that all you said to provoke van?" "it's all, lucy, i swear." she believed him, and saw the unfortunate circumstance more than ever her fault. "i'm sorry, joel. i'm much to blame. i shouldn't have lost my temper and played that trick with your clothes.... if you'd only had sense enough to stay out till after dark! but no use crying over spilt milk. now, if you'll do your share i'll do mine. i'll tell the boys i was to blame. i'll persuade them to let you alone. i'll go to muncie--" "no you won't go cryin' small fer me!" blurted out joel. lucy was surprised to see pride in him. "joel, i'll not make it appear--" "you'll not say one word about me to any one," he went on, with the blood beginning to darken his face. and now he faced her. how strange the blaze in his differently colored eyes! "lucy bostil, there's been thet done an' said to me which i'll never forgive. i'm no good in bostil's ford. mebbe i never was much. but i could get a job when i wanted it an' credit when i needed it. now i can't get nothin'. i'm no good! ... i'm no good! an' it's your fault!" "oh, joel, what can i do?" cried lucy. "i reckon there's only one way you can square me," he replied, suddenly growing pale. but his eyes were like flint. he certainly looked to be in possession of all his wits. "how?" queried lucy, sharply. "you can marry me. thet'll show thet gang! an' it'll square me. then i'll go back to work an' i'll stick. thet's all, lucy bostil." manifestly he was laboring under strong suppressed agitation. that moment was the last of real strength and dignity ever shown by joel creech. "but, joel, i can't marry you--even if i am to blame for your ruin," said lucy, simply. "why?" "because i don't love you." "i reckon thet won't make any difference, if you don't love some one else." lucy gazed blankly at him. he began to shake, and his eyes grew wild. she rose from the log. "do you love anybody else?" he asked, passionately. "none of your business!" retorted lucy. then, at a strange darkening of his face, an aspect unfamiliar to her, she grew suddenly frightened. "it's van!" he said, thickly. "joel, you're a fool!" that only infuriated him. "so they all say. an' they got my old man believin' it, too. mebbe i am.... but i'm a-goin' to kill van!" "no! no! joel, what are you saying? i don't love van. i don't care any more for him than for any other rider--or--or you." "thet's a lie, lucy bostil!" "how dare you say i lie?" demanded lucy. "i've a mind to turn my back on you. i'm trying to make up for my blunder and you--you insult me!" "you talk sweet ... but talk isn't enough. you made me no-good .... will you marry me?" "i will not!" and lucy, with her blood up, could not keep contempt out of voice and look, and she did not care. that was the first time she had ever shown anything, approaching ridicule for joel. the effect was remarkable. like a lash upon a raw wound it made him writhe; but more significant to lucy was the sudden convulsive working of his features and the wildness of his eyes. then she turned her back, not from contempt, but to hurry away from him. he leaped after her and grasped her with rude hands. "let me go!" cried lucy, standing perfectly motionless. the hard clutch of his fingers roused a fierce, hot anger. joel did not heed her command. he was forcing her back. he talked incoherently. one glimpse of his face added terror to lucy's fury. "joel, you're out of your head!" she cried, and she began to wrench and writhe out of his grasp. then ensued a short, sharp struggle. joel could not hold lucy, but he tore her blouse into shreds. it seemed to lucy that he did that savagely. she broke free from him, and he lunged at her again. with all her strength she lashed his face with the heavy leather quirt. that staggered him. he almost fell. lucy bounded to sarchedon. in a rush she was up in the saddle. joel was running toward her. blood on his face! blood on his hands! he was not the joel creech she knew. "stop!" cried lucy, fiercely. "i'll run you down!" the big black plunged at a touch of spur and came down quivering, ready to bolt. creech swerved to one side. his face was lividly white except where the bloody welts crossed it. his jaw seemed to hang loosely, making speech difficult. "jest fer--thet--" he panted, hoarsely, "i'll lay fer you--an' i'll strip you---an' i'll tie you on a hoss--an' i'll drive you naked through bostil's ford!" lucy saw the utter futility of all her good intentions. something had snapped in joel creech's mind. and in hers kindness had given precedence to a fury she did not know was in her. for the second time she touched a spur to sarchedon. he leaped out, flashed past creech, and thundered up the road. it was all lucy could do to break his gait at the first steep rise. chapter iv three wild-horse hunters made camp one night beside a little stream in the sevier valley, five hundred miles, as a crow flies, from bostil's ford. these hunters had a poor outfit, excepting, of course, their horses. they were young men, rangy in build, lean and hard from life in the saddle, bronzed like indians, still-faced, and keen-eyed. two of them appeared to be tired out, and lagged at the camp-fire duties. when the meager meal was prepared they sat, cross-legged, before a ragged tarpaulin, eating and drinking in silence. the sky in the west was rosy, slowly darkening. the valley floor billowed away, ridged and cut, growing gray and purple and dark. walls of stone, pink with the last rays of the setting sun, inclosed the valley, stretching away toward a long, low, black mountain range. the place was wild, beautiful, open, with something nameless that made the desert different from any other country. it was, perhaps, a loneliness of vast stretches of valley and stone, clear to the eye, even after sunset. that black mountain range, which looked close enough to ride to before dark, was a hundred miles distant. the shades of night fell swiftly, and it was dark by the time the hunters finished the meal. then the campfire had burned low. one of the three dragged branches of dead cedars and replenished the fire. quickly it flared up, with the white flame and crackle characteristic of dry cedar. the night wind had risen, moaning through the gnarled, stunted cedars near by, and it blew the fragrant wood-smoke into the faces of the two hunters, who seemed too tired to move. "i reckon a pipe would help me make up my mind," said one. "wal, bill," replied the other, dryly, "your mind's made up, else you'd not say smoke." "why?" "because there ain't three pipefuls of thet precious tobacco left." "thet's one apiece, then.... lin, come an' smoke the last pipe with us." the tallest of the three, he who had brought the firewood, stood in the bright light of the blaze. he looked the born rider, light, lithe, powerful. "sure, i'll smoke," he replied. then, presently, he accepted the pipe tendered him, and, sitting down beside the fire, he composed himself to the enjoyment which his companions evidently considered worthy of a decision they had reached. "so this smokin' means you both want to turn back?" queried lin, his sharp gaze glancing darkly bright in the glow of the fire. "yep, we'll turn back. an', lordy! the relief i feel!" replied one. "we've been long comin' to it, lin, an' thet was for your sake," replied the other. lin slowly pulled at his pipe and blew out the smoke as if reluctant to part with it. "let's go on," he said, quietly. "no. i've had all i want of chasin' thet damn wild stallion," returned bill, shortly. the other spread wide his hands and bent an expostulating look upon the one called lin. "we're two hundred miles out," he said. "there's only a little flour left in the bag. no coffee! only a little salt! all the hosses except your big nagger are played out. we're already in strange country. an' you know what we've heerd of this an' all to the south. it's all canyons, an' somewheres down there is thet awful canyon none of our people ever seen. but we've heerd of it. an awful cut-up country." he finished with a conviction that no one could say a word against the common sense of his argument. lin was silent, as if impressed. bill raised a strong, lean, brown hand in a forcible gesture. "we can't ketch wildfire!" that seemed to him, evidently, a more convincing argument than his comrade's. "bill is sure right, if i'm wrong, which i ain't," went on the other. "lin, we've trailed thet wild stallion for six weeks. thet's the longest chase he ever had. he's left his old range. he's cut out his band, an' left them, one by one. we've tried every trick we know on him. an' he's too smart for us. there's a hoss! why, lin, we're all but gone to the dogs chasin' wildfire. an' now i'm done, an' i'm glad of it." there was another short silence, which presently bill opened his lips to break. "lin, it makes me sick to quit. i ain't denyin' thet for a long time i've had hopes of ketchin' wildfire. he's the grandest hoss i ever laid eyes on. i reckon no man, onless he was an arab, ever seen as good a one. but now, thet's neither here nor there.... we've got to hit the back trail." "boys, i reckon i'll stick to wildfire's tracks," said lin, in the same quiet tone. bill swore at him, and the other hunter grew excited and concerned. "lin slone, are you gone plumb crazy over thet red hoss?" "i--reckon," replied slone. the working of his throat as he swallowed could be plainly seen by his companions. bill looked at his ally as if to confirm some sudden understanding between them. they took slone's attitude gravely and they wagged their heads doubtfully, as they might have done had slone just acquainted them with a hopeless and deathless passion for a woman. it was significant of the nature of riders that they accepted his attitude and had consideration for his feelings. for them the situation subtly changed. for weeks they had been three wild-horse wranglers on a hard chase after a valuable stallion. they had failed to get even close to him. they had gone to the limit of their endurance and of the outfit, and it was time to turn back. but slone had conceived that strange and rare longing for a horse--a passion understood, if not shared, by all riders. and they knew that he would catch wildfire or die in the attempt. from that moment their attitude toward slone changed as subtly as had come the knowledge of his feeling. the gravity and gloom left their faces. it seemed they might have regretted what they had said about the futility of catching wildfire. they did not want slone to see or feel the hopelessness of his task. "i tell you, lin," said bill, "your hoss nagger's as good as when we started." "aw, he's better," vouchsafed the other rider. "nagger needed to lose some weight. lin, have you got an extra set of shoes for him?" "no full set. only three left," replied lin, soberly. "wal, thet's enough. you can keep nagger shod. an' mebbe thet red stallion will get sore feet an' go lame. then you'd stand a chance." "but wildfire keeps travelin' the valleys--the soft ground," said slone. "no matter. he's leavin' the country, an' he's bound to strike sandstone sooner or later. then, by gosh! mebbe he'll wear off them hoofs." "say, can't he ring bells offen the rocks?" exclaimed bill. "oh, lordy! what a hoss!" "boys, do you think he's leavin' the country?" inquired slone, anxiously. "sure he is," replied bill. "he ain't the first stallion i've chased off the sevier range. an' i know. it's a stallion thet makes for new country, when you push him hard." "yep, lin, he's sure leavin'," added the other comrade. "why, he's traveled a bee-line for days! i'll bet he's seen us many a time. wildfire's about as smart as any man. he was born wild, an' his dam was born wild, an' there you have it. the wildest of all wild creatures--a wild stallion, with the intelligence of a man! a grand hoss, lin, but one thet'll be hell, if you ever ketch him. he has killed stallions all over the sevier range. a wild stallion thet's a killer! i never liked him for thet. could he be broke?" "i'll break him," said lin slone, grimly. "it's gettin' him thet's the job. i've got patience to break a hoss. but patience can't catch a streak of lightnin'." "nope; you're right," replied bill. "if you have some luck you'll get him--mebbe. if he wears out his feet, or if you crowd him into a narrow canyon, or ran him into a bad place where he can't get by you. thet might happen. an' then, with nagger, you stand a chance. did you ever tire thet hoss?" "not yet." "an' how fur did you ever run him without a break? why, when we ketched thet sorrel last year i rode nagger myself--thirty miles, most at a hard gallop. an' he never turned a hair!" "i've beat thet," replied lin. "he could run hard fifty miles--mebbe more. honestly, i never seen him tired yet. if only he was fast!" "wal, nagger ain't so durned slow, come to think of thet," replied bill, with a grunt. "he's good enough for you not to want another hoss." "lin, you're goin' to wear out wildfire, an' then trap him somehow--is thet the plan?" asked the other comrade. "i haven't any plan. i'll just trail him, like a cougar trails a deer." "lin, if wildfire gives you the slip he'll have to fly. you've got the best eyes for tracks of any wrangler in utah." slone accepted the compliment with a fleeting, doubtful smile on his dark face. he did not reply, and no more was said by his comrades. they rolled with backs to the fire. slone put on more wood, for the keen wind was cold and cutting; and then he lay down, his head in his saddle, with a goatskin under him and a saddle-blanket over him. all three were soon asleep. the wind whipped the sand and ashes and smoke over the sleepers. coyotes barked from near in darkness, and from the valley ridge came the faint mourn of a hunting wolf. the desert night grew darker and colder. the stewart brothers were wild-horse hunters for the sake of trades and occasional sales. but lin slone never traded nor sold a horse he had captured. the excitement of the game, and the lure of the desert, and the love of a horse were what kept him at the profitless work. his type was rare in the uplands. these were the early days of the settlement of utah, and only a few of the hardiest and most adventurous pioneers had penetrated the desert in the southern part of that vast upland. and with them came some of that wild breed of riders to which slone and the stewarts belonged. horses were really more important and necessary than men; and this singular fact gave these lonely riders a calling. before the spaniards came there were no horses in the west. those explorers left or lost horses all over the southwest. many of them were arabian horses of purest blood. american explorers and travelers, at the outset of the nineteenth century, encountered countless droves of wild horses all over the plains. across the grand canyon, however, wild horses were comparatively few in number in the early days; and these had probably come in by way of california. the stewarts and slone had no established mode of catching wild horses. the game had not developed fast enough for that. every chase of horse or drove was different; and once in many attempts they met with success. a favorite method originated by the stewarts was to find a water-hole frequented by the band of horses or the stallion wanted, and to build round this hole a corral with an opening for the horses to get in. then the hunters would watch the trap at night, and if the horses went in to drink, a gate was closed across the opening. another method of the stewarts was to trail a coveted horse up on a mesa or highland, places which seldom had more than one trail of ascent and descent, and there block the escape, and cut lines of cedars, into which the quarry was ran till captured. still another method, discovered by accident, was to shoot a horse lightly in the neck and sting him. this last, called creasing, was seldom successful, and for that matter in any method ten times as many horses were killed as captured. lin slone helped the stewarts in their own way, but he had no especial liking for their tricks. perhaps a few remarkable captures of remarkable horses had spoiled slone. he was always trying what the brothers claimed to be impossible. he was a fearless rider, but he had the fault of saving his mount, and to kill a wild horse was a tragedy for him. he would much rather have hunted alone, and he had been alone on the trail of the stallion wildfire when the stewarts had joined him. lin slone awoke next morning and rolled out of his blanket at his usual early hour. but he was not early enough to say good-by to the stewarts. they were gone. the fact surprised him and somehow relieved him. they had left him more than his share of the outfit, and perhaps that was why they had slipped off before dawn. they knew him well enough to know that he would not have accepted it. besides, perhaps they felt a little humiliation at abandoning a chase which he chose to keep up. anyway, they were gone, apparently without breakfast. the morning was clear, cool, with the air dark like that before a storm, and in the east, over the steely wall of stone, shone a redness growing brighter. slone looked away to the west, down the trail taken by his comrades, but he saw nothing moving against that cedar-dotted waste. "good-by," he said, and he spoke as if he was saying good-by to more than comrades. "i reckon i won't see sevier village soon again--an' maybe never," he soliloquized. there was no one to regret him, unless it was old mother hall, who had been kind to him on those rare occasions when he got out of the wilderness. still, it was with regret that he gazed away across the red valley to the west. slone had no home. his father and mother had been lost in the massacre of a wagon-train by indians, and he had been one of the few saved and brought to salt lake. that had happened when he was ten years old. his life thereafter had been hard, and but for his sturdy texas training he might not have survived. the last five years he had been a horse-hunter in the wild uplands of nevada and utah. slone turned his attention to the pack of supplies. the stewarts had divided the flour and the parched corn equally, and unless he was greatly mistaken they had left him most of the coffee and all of the salt. "now i hold that decent of bill an' abe," said slone, regretfully. "but i could have got along without it better 'n they could." then he swiftly set about kindling a fire and getting a meal. in the midst of his task a sudden ruddy brightness fell around him. lin slone paused in his work to look up. the sun had risen over the eastern wall. "ah!" he said, and drew a deep breath. the cold, steely, darkling sweep of desert had been transformed. it was now a world of red earth and gold rocks and purple sage, with everywhere the endless straggling green cedars. a breeze whipped in, making the fire roar softly. the sun felt warm on his cheek. and at the moment he heard the whistle of his horse. "good old nagger!" he said. "i shore won't have to track you this mornin'." presently he went off into the cedars to find nagger and the mustang that he used to carry a pack. nagger was grazing in a little open patch among the trees, but the pack-horse was missing. slone seemed to know in what direction to go to find the trail, for he came upon it very soon. the pack-horse wore hobbles, but he belonged to the class that could cover a great deal of ground when hobbled. slone did not expect the horse to go far, considering that the grass thereabouts was good. but in a wild-horse country it was not safe to give any horse a chance. the call of his wild brethren was irresistible. slone, however, found the mustang standing quietly in a clump of cedars, and, removing the hobbles, he mounted and rode back to camp. nagger caught sight of him and came at his call. this horse nagger appeared as unique in his class as slone was rare among riders. nagger seemed of several colors, though black predominated. his coat was shaggy, almost woolly, like that of a sheep. he was huge, raw-boned, knotty, long of body and long of leg, with the head of a war charger. his build did not suggest speed. there appeared to be something slow and ponderous about him, similar to an elephant, with the same suggestion of power and endurance. slone discarded the pack-saddle and bags. the latter were almost empty. he roped the tarpaulin on the back of the mustang, and, making a small bundle of his few supplies, he tied that to the tarpaulin. his blanket he used for a saddle-blanket on nagger. of the utensils left by the stewarts he chose a couple of small iron pans, with long handles. the rest he left. in his saddle-bags he had a few extra horseshoes, some nails, bullets for his rifle, and a knife with a heavy blade. "not a rich outfit for a far country," he mused. slone did not talk very much, and when he did he addressed nagger and himself simultaneously. evidently he expected a long chase, one from which he would not return, and light as his outfit was it would grow too heavy. then he mounted and rode down the gradual slope, facing the valley and the black, bold, flat mountain to the southeast. some few hundred yards from camp he halted nagger and bent over in the saddle to scrutinize the ground. the clean-cut track of a horse showed in the bare, hard sand. the hoof-marks were large, almost oval, perfect in shape, and manifestly they were beautiful to lin slone. he gazed at them for a long time, and then he looked across the dotted red valley up the vast ridgy steps, toward the black plateau and beyond. it was the look that an indian gives to a strange country. then slone slipped off the saddle and knelt to scrutinize the horse tracks. a little sand had blown into the depressions, and some of it was wet and some of it was dry. he took his time about examining it, and he even tried gently blowing other sand into the tracks, to compare that with what was already there. finally he stood up and addressed nagger. "reckon we won't have to argue with abe an' bill this mornin'," he said, with satisfaction. "wildfire made that track yesterday, before sun-up." thereupon slone remounted and put nagger to a trot. the pack-horse followed with an alacrity that showed he had no desire for loneliness. as straight as a bee-line wildfire had left a trail down into the floor of the valley. he had not stopped to graze, and he had not looked for water. slone had hoped to find a water-hole in one of the deep washes in the red earth, but if there had been any water there wildfire would have scented it. he had not had a drink for three days that slone knew of. and nagger had not drunk for forty hours. slone had a canvas water-bag hanging over the pommel, but it was a habit of his to deny himself, as far as possible, till his horse could drink also. like an indian, slone ate and drank but little. it took four hours of steady trotting to reach the middle and bottom of that wide, flat valley. a network of washes cut up the whole center of it, and they were all as dry as bleached bone. to cross these slone had only to keep wildfire's trail. and it was proof of nagger's quality that he did not have to veer from the stallion's course. it was hot down in the lowland. the heat struck up, reflected from the sand. but it was a march sun, and no more than pleasant to slone. the wind rose, however, and blew dust and sand in the faces of horse and rider. except lizards, slone did not see any living things. miles of low greasewood and sparse yellow sage led to the first almost imperceptible rise of the valley floor on that side. the distant cedars beckoned to slone. he was not patient, because he was on the trail of wildfire; but, nevertheless, the hours seemed short. slone had no past to think about, and the future held nothing except a horse, and so his thoughts revolved the possibilities connected with this chase of wildfire. the chase was hopeless in such country as he was traversing, and if wildfire chose to roam around valleys like this one slone would fail utterly. but the stallion had long ago left his band of horses, and then, one by one his favorite consorts, and now he was alone, headed with unerring instinct for wild, untrammeled ranges. he had been used to the pure, cold water and the succulent grass of the cold desert uplands. assuredly he would not tarry in such barren lands as these. for slone an ever-present and growing fascination lay in wildfire's clear, sharply defined tracks. it was as if every hoof-mark told him something. once, far up the interminable ascent, he found on a ridge-top tracks showing where wildfire had halted and turned. "ha, nagger!" cried slone, exultingly. "look there! he's begun facin' about. he's wonderin' if we're still after him. he's worried.... but we'll keep out of sight--a day behind." when slone reached the cedars the sun was low down in the west. he looked back across the fifty miles of valley to the colored cliffs and walls. he seemed to be above them now, and the cool air, with tang of cedar and juniper, strengthened the impression that he had climbed high. a mile or more ahead of him rose a gray cliff with breaks in it and a line of dark cedars or pinyons on the level rims. he believed these breaks to be the mouths of canyons, and so it turned out. wildfire's trail led into the mouth of a narrow canyon with very steep and high walls. nagger snorted his perception of water, and the mustang whistled. wildfire's tracks led to a point under the wall where a spring gushed forth. there were mountain-lion and deer tracks also, as well as those of smaller game. slone made camp here. the mustang was tired. but nagger, upon taking a long drink, rolled in the grass as if he had just begun the trip. after eating, slone took his rifle and went out to look for deer. but there appeared to be none at hand. he came across many lion tracks and saw, with apprehension, where one had taken wildfire's trail. wildfire had grazed up the canyon, keeping on and on, and he was likely to go miles in a night. slone reflected that as small as were his own chances of getting wildfire, they were still better than those of a mountain-lion. wildfire was the most cunning of all animals--a wild stallion; his speed and endurance were incomparable; his scent as keen as those animals that relied wholly upon scent to warn them of danger, and as for sight, it was slone's belief that no hoofed creature, except the mountain-sheep used to high altitudes, could see as far as a wild horse. it bothered slone a little that he was getting into a lion country. nagger showed nervousness, something unusual for him. slone tied both horses with long halters and stationed them on patches of thick grass. then he put a cedar stump on the fire and went to sleep. upon awakening and going to the spring he was somewhat chagrined to see that deer had come down to drink early. evidently they were numerous. a lion country was always a deer country, for the lions followed the deer. slone was packed and saddled and on his way before the sun reddened the canyon wall. he walked the horses. from time to time he saw signs of wildfire's consistent progress. the canyon narrowed and the walls grew lower and the grass increased. there was a decided ascent all the time. slone could find no evidence that the canyon had ever been traveled by hunters or indians. the day was pleasant and warm and still. every once in a while a little breath of wind would bring a fragrance of cedar and pinyon, and a sweet hint of pine and sage. at every turn he looked ahead, expecting to see the green of pine and the gray of sage. toward the middle of the afternoon, coming to a place where wildfire had taken to a trot, he put nagger to that gait, and by sundown had worked up to where the canyon was only a shallow ravine. and finally it turned once more, to lose itself in a level where straggling pines stood high above the cedars, and great, dark-green silver spruces stood above the pines. and here were patches of sage, fresh and pungent, and long reaches of bleached grass. it was the edge of a forest. wildfire's trail went on. slone came at length to a group of pines, and here he found the remains of a camp-fire, and some flint arrow-heads. indians had been in there, probably having come from the opposite direction to slone's. this encouraged him, for where indians could hunt so could he. soon he was entering a forest where cedars and pinyons and pines began to grow thickly. presently he came upon a faintly defined trail, just a dim, dark line even to an experienced eye. but it was a trail, and wildfire had taken it. slone halted for the night. the air was cold. and the dampness of it gave him an idea there were snow-banks somewhere not far distant. the dew was already heavy on the grass. he hobbled the horses and put a bell on nagger. a bell might frighten lions that had never heard one. then he built a fire and cooked his meal. it had been long since he had camped high up among the pines. the sough of the wind pleased him, like music. there had begun to be prospects of pleasant experience along with the toil of chasing wildfire. he was entering new and strange and beautiful country. how far might the chase take him? he did not care. he was not sleepy, but even if he had been it developed that he must wait till the coyotes ceased their barking round his camp-fire. they came so close that he saw their gray shadows in the gloom. but presently they wearied of yelping at him and went away. after that the silence, broken only by the wind as it roared and lulled, seemed beautiful to slone. he lost completely that sense of vague regret which had remained with him, and he forgot the stewarts. and suddenly he felt absolutely free, alone, with nothing behind to remember, with wild, thrilling, nameless life before him. just then the long mourn of a timber wolf wailed in with the wind. seldom had he heard the cry of one of those night wanderers. there was nothing like it--no sound like it to fix in the lone camper's heart the great solitude and the wild. chapter v in the early morning when all was gray and the big, dark pines were shadowy specters, slone was awakened by the cold. his hands were so numb that he had difficulty starting a fire. he stood over the blaze, warming them. the air was nipping, clear and thin, and sweet with frosty fragrance. daylight came while he was in the midst of his morning meal. a white frost covered the ground and crackled under his feet as he went out to bring in the horses. he saw fresh deer tracks. then he went back to camp for his rifle. keeping a sharp lookout for game, he continued his search for the horses. the forest was open and park-like. there were no fallen trees or evidences of fire. presently he came to a wide glade in the midst of which nagger and the pack-mustang were grazing with a herd of deer. the size of the latter amazed slone. the deer he had hunted back on the sevier range were much smaller than these. evidently these were mule deer, closely allied to the elk. they were so tame they stood facing him curiously, with long ears erect. it was sheer murder to kill a deer standing and watching like that, but slone was out of meat and hungry and facing a long, hard trip. he shot a buck, which leaped spasmodically away, trying to follow the herd, and fell at the edge of the glade. slone cut out a haunch, and then, catching the horses, he returned to camp, where he packed and saddled, and at once rode out on the dim trail. the wildness of the country he was entering was evident in the fact that as he passed the glade where he had shot the deer a few minutes before, there were coyotes quarreling over the carcass. stone could see ahead and on each side several hundred yards, and presently he ascertained that the forest floor was not so level as he had supposed. he had entered a valley or was traversing a wide, gently sloping pass. he went through thickets of juniper, and had to go around clumps of quaking aspen. the pines grew larger and farther apart. cedars and pinyons had been left behind, and he had met with no silver spruces after leaving camp. probably that point was the height of a divide. there were banks of snow in some of the hollows on the north side. evidently the snow had very recently melted, and it was evident also that the depth of snow through here had been fully ten feet, judging from the mutilation of the juniper-trees where the deer, standing on the hard, frozen crust, had browsed upon the branches. the quiet of the forest thrilled slone. and the only movement was the occasional gray flash of a deer or coyote across a glade. no birds of any species crossed stone's sight. he came, presently, upon a lion track in the trail, made probably a day before. slone grew curious about it, seeing how it held, as he was holding, to wildfire's tracks. after a mile or so he made sure the lion had been trailing the stallion, and for a second he felt a cold contraction of his heart. already he loved wildfire, and by virtue of all this toil of travel considered the wild horse his property. "no lion could ever get close to wildfire," he soliloquized, with a short laugh. of that he was absolutely certain. the sun rose, melting the frost, and a breath of warm air, laden with the scent of pine, moved heavily under the huge, yellow trees. slone passed a point where the remains of an old camp-fire and a pile of deer antlers were further proof that indians visited this plateau to hunt. from this camp broader, more deeply defined trails led away to the south and east. slone kept to the east trail, in which wildfire's tracks and those of the lion showed clearly. it was about the middle of the forenoon when the tracks of the stallion and lion left the trail to lead up a little draw where grass grew thick. slone followed, reading the signs of wildfire's progress, and the action of his pursuer, as well as if he had seen them. here the stallion had plowed into a snow-bank, eating a hole two feet deep; then he had grazed around a little; then on and on; there his splendid tracks were deep in the soft earth. slone knew what to expect when the track of the lion veered from those of the horse, and he followed the lion tracks. the ground was soft from the late melting of snow, and nagger sunk deep. the lion left a plain track. here he stole steadily along; there he left many tracks at a point where he might have halted to make sure of his scent. he was circling on the trail of the stallion, with cunning intent of ambush. the end of this slow, careful stalk of the lion, as told in his tracks, came upon the edge of a knoll where he had crouched to watch and wait. from this perch he had made a magnificent spring--slone estimating it to be forty feet--but he had missed the stallion. there were wildfire's tracks again, slow and short, and then deep and sharp where in the impetus of fright he had sprung out of reach. a second leap of the lion, and then lessening bounds, and finally an abrupt turn from wildfire's trail told the futility of that stalk. slone made certain that wildfire was so keen that as he grazed along he had kept to open ground. wildfire had run for a mile, then slowed down to a trot, and he had circled to get back to the trail he had left. slone believed the horse was just so intelligent. at any rate, wildfire struck the trail again, and turned at right angles to follow it. here the forest floor appeared perfectly level. patches of snow became frequent, and larger as slone went on. at length the patches closed up, and soon extended as far as he could see. it was soft, affording difficult travel. slone crossed hundreds of deer tracks, and the trail he was on eventually became a deer runway. presently, far down one of the aisles between the great pines slone saw what appeared to be a yellow cliff, far away. it puzzled him. and as he went on he received the impression that the forest dropped out of sight ahead. then the trees grew thicker, obstructing his view. presently the trail became soggy and he had to help his horse. the mustang floundered in the soft snow and earth. cedars and pinyons appeared again, making travel still more laborious. all at once there came to slone a strange consciousness of light and wind and space and void. on the instant his horse halted with a snort. slone quickly looked up. had he come to the end of the world? an abyss, a canyon, yawned beneath him, beyond all comparison in its greatness. his keen eye, educated to desert distance and dimension, swept down and across, taking in the tremendous truth, before it staggered his comprehension. but a second sweeping glance, slower, becoming intoxicated with what it beheld, saw gigantic cliff-steps and yellow slopes dotted with cedars, leading down to clefts filled with purple smoke, and these led on and on to a ragged red world of rock, bare, shining, bold, uplifted in mesa, dome, peak, and crag, clear and strange in the morning light, still and sleeping like death. this, then, was the great canyon, which had seemed like a hunter's fable rather than truth. slone's sight dimmed, blurring the spectacle, and he found that his eyes had filled with tears. he wiped them away and looked again and again, until he was confounded by the vastness and the grandeur and the vague sadness of the scene. nothing he had ever looked at had affected him like this canyon, although the stewarts had tried to prepare him for it. it was the horse-hunter's passion that reminded him of his pursuit. the deer trail led down through a break in the wall. only a few rods of it could be seen. this trail was passable, even though choked with snow. but the depth beyond this wall seemed to fascinate slone and hold him back, used as he was to desert trails. then the clean mark of wildfire's hoof brought back the old thrill. "this place fits you, wildfire," muttered slone, dismounting. he started down, leading nagger. the mustang followed. slone kept to the wall side of the trail, fearing the horses might slip. the snow held firmly at first and slone had no trouble. the gap in the rim-rock widened to a slope thickly grown over with cedars and pinyons and manzanita. this growth made the descent more laborious, yet afforded means at least for slone to go down with less danger. there was no stopping. once started, the horses had to keep on. slone saw the impossibility of ever climbing out while that snow was there. the trail zigzagged down and down. very soon the yellow wall hung tremendously over him, straight up. the snow became thinner and softer. the horses began to slip. they slid on their haunches. fortunately the slope grew less steep, and slone could see below where it reached out to comparatively level ground. still, a mishap might yet occur. slone kept as close to nagger as possible, helping him whenever he could do it. the mustang slipped, rolled over, and then slipped past slone, went down the slope to bring up in a cedar. slone worked down to him and extricated him. then the huge nagger began to slide. snow and loose rock slid with him, and so did slone. the little avalanche stopped of its own accord, and then slone dragged nagger on down and down, presently to come to the end of the steep descent. slone looked up to see that he had made short work of a thousand-foot slope. here cedars and pinyons grew thickly enough to make a forest. the snow thinned out to patches, and then failed. but the going remained bad for a while as the horses sank deep in a soft red earth. this eventually grew more solid and finally dry. slone worked out of the cedars to what appeared a grassy plateau inclosed by the great green-and-white slope with its yellow wall over hanging, and distant mesas and cliffs. here his view was restricted. he was down on the first bench of the great canyon. and there was the deer trail, a well-worn path keeping to the edge of the slope. slone came to a deep cut in the earth, and the trail headed it, where it began at the last descent of the slope. it was the source of a canyon. he could look down to see the bare, worn rock, and a hundred yards from where he stood the earth was washed from its rims and it began to show depth and something of that ragged outline which told of violence of flood. the trail headed many canyons like this, all running down across this bench, disappearing, dropping invisibly. the trail swung to the left under the great slope, and then presently it climbed to a higher bench. here were brush and grass and huge patches of sage, so pungent that it stung slone's nostrils. then he went down again, this time to come to a clear brook lined by willows. here the horses drank long and slone refreshed himself. the sun had grown hot. there was fragrance of flowers he could not see and a low murmur of a waterfall that was likewise invisible. for most of the time his view was shut off, but occasionally he reached a point where through some break he saw towers gleaming red in the sun. a strange place, a place of silence, and smoky veils in the distance. time passed swiftly. toward the waning of the afternoon he began to climb to what appeared to be a saddle of land, connecting the canyon wall on the left with a great plateau, gold-rimmed and pine-fringed, rising more and more in his way as he advanced. at sunset slone was more shut in than for several hours. he could tell the time was sunset by the golden light on the cliff wall again overhanging him. the slope was gradual up to this pass to the saddle, and upon coming to a spring, and the first pine-trees, he decided to halt for a camp. the mustang was almost exhausted. thereupon he hobbled the horses in the luxuriant grass round the spring, and then unrolled his pack. once as dusk came stealing down, while he was eating his meal, nagger whistled in fright. slone saw a gray, pantherish form gliding away into the shadows. he took a quick shot at it, but missed. "it's a lion country, all right," he said. and then he set about building a big fire on the other side of the grassy plot, so to have the horses between fires. he cut all the venison into thin strips, and spent an hour roasting them. then he lay down to rest, and he said: "wonder where wildfire is to-night? am i closer to him? where's he headin' for?" the night was warm and still. it was black near the huge cliff, and overhead velvety blue, with stars of white fire. it seemed to him that he had become more thoughtful and observing of the aspects of his wild environment, and he felt a welcome consciousness of loneliness. then sleep came to him and the night seemed short. in the gray dawn he arose refreshed. the horses were restive. nagger snorted a welcome. evidently they had passed an uneasy night. slone found lion tracks at the spring and in sandy places. presently he was on his way up to the notch between the great wall and the plateau. a growth of thick scrub-oak made travel difficult. it had not appeared far up to that saddle, but it was far. there were straggling pine-trees and huge rocks that obstructed his gaze. but once up he saw that the saddle was only a narrow ridge, curved to slope up on both sides. straight before slone and under him opened the canyon, blazing and glorious along the peaks and ramparts, where the rising sun struck, misty and smoky and shadowy down in those mysterious depths. it took an effort not to keep on gazing. but slone turned to the grim business of his pursuit. the trail he saw leading down had been made by indians. it was used probably once a year by them; and also by wild animals, and it was exceedingly steep and rough. wildfire had paced to and fro along the narrow ridge of that saddle, making many tracks, before he had headed down again. slone imagined that the great stallion had been daunted by the tremendous chasm, but had finally faced it, meaning to put this obstacle between him and his pursuers. it never occurred to slone to attribute less intelligence to wildfire than that. so, dismounting, slone took nagger's bridle and started down. the mustang with the pack was reluctant. he snorted and whistled and pawed the earth. but he would not be left alone, so he followed. the trail led down under cedars that fringed a precipice. slone was aware of this without looking. he attended only to the trail and to his horse. only an indian could have picked out that course, and it was cruel to put a horse to it. but nagger was powerful, sure-footed, and he would go anywhere that slone led him. gradually slone worked down and away from the bulging rim-wall. it was hard, rough work, and risky because it could not be accomplished slowly. brush and rocks, loose shale and weathered slope, long, dusty inclines of yellow earth, and jumbles of stone--these made bad going for miles of slow, zigzag trail down out of the cedars. then the trail entered what appeared to be a ravine. that ravine became a canyon. at its head it was a dry wash, full of gravel and rocks. it began to cut deep into the bowels of the earth. it shut out sight of the surrounding walls and peaks. water appeared from under a cliff and, augmented by other springs, became a brook. hot, dry, and barren at its beginning, this cleft became cool and shady and luxuriant with grass and flowers and amber moss with silver blossoms. the rocks had changed color from yellow to deep red. four hours of turning and twisting, endlessly down and down, over boulders and banks and every conceivable roughness of earth and rock, finished the pack-mustang; and slone mercifully left him in a long reach of canyon where grass and water never failed. in this place slone halted for the noon hour, letting nagger have his fill of the rich grazing. nagger's three days in grassy upland, despite the continuous travel by day, had improved him. he looked fat, and slone had not yet caught the horse resting. nagger was iron to endure. here slone left all the outfit except what was on his saddle, and the sack containing the few pounds of meat and supplies, and the two utensils. this sack he tied on the back of his saddle, and resumed his journey. presently he came to a place where wildfire had doubled on his trail and had turned up a side canyon. the climb out was hard on slone, if not on nagger. once up, slone found himself upon a wide, barren plateau of glaring red rock and clumps of greasewood and cactus. the plateau was miles wide, shut in by great walls and mesas of colored rock. the afternoon sun beat down fiercely. a blast of wind, as if from a furnace, swept across the plateau, and it was laden with red dust. slone walked here, where he could have ridden. and he made several miles of up-and-down progress over this rough plateau. the great walls of the opposite side of the canyon loomed appreciably closer. what, slone wondered, was at the bottom of this rent in the earth? the great desert river was down there, of course, but he knew nothing of it. would that turn back wildfire? slone thought grimly how he had always claimed nagger to be part fish and part bird. wildfire was not going to escape. by and by only isolated mescal plants with long, yellow-plumed spears broke the bare monotony of the plateau. and slone passed from red sand and gravel to a red, soft shale, and from that to hard, red rock. here wildfire's tracks were lost, the first time in seven weeks. but slone had his direction down that plateau with the cleavage lines of canyons to right and left. at times slone found a vestige of the old indian trail, and this made him doubly sure of being right. he did not need to have wildfire's tracks. he let nagger pick the way, and the horse made no mistake in finding the line of least resistance. but that grew harder and harder. this bare rock, like a file, would soon wear wildfire's hoofs thin. and slone rejoiced. perhaps somewhere down in this awful chasm he and nagger would have it out with the stallion. slone began to look far ahead, beginning to believe that he might see wildfire. twice he had seen wildfire, but only at a distance. then he had resembled a running streak of fire, whence his name, which slone had given him. this bare region of rock began to be cut up into gullies. it was necessary to head them or to climb in and out. miles of travel really meant little progress straight ahead. but slone kept on. he was hot and nagger was hot, and that made hard work easier. sometimes on the wind came a low thunder. was it a storm or an avalanche slipping or falling water? he could not tell. the sound was significant and haunting. of one thing he was sure--that he could not have found his back-trail. but he divined he was never to retrace his steps on this journey. the stretch of broken plateau before him grew wilder and bolder of outline, darker in color, weirder in aspect, and progress across it grew slower, more dangerous. there were many places nagger should not have been put to--where a slip meant a broken leg. but slone could not turn back. and something besides an indomitable spirit kept him going. again the sound resembling thunder assailed his ears, louder this time. the plateau appeared to be ending in a series of great capes or promontories. slone feared he would soon come out upon a promontory from which he might see the impossibility of further travel. he felt relieved down in the gullies, where he could not see far. he climbed out of one, presently, from which there extended a narrow ledge with a slant too perilous for any horse. he stepped out upon that with far less confidence than nagger. to the right was a bulge of low wall, and a few feet to the left a dark precipice. the trail here was faintly outlined, and it was six inches wide and slanting as well. it seemed endless to slone, that ledge. he looked only down at his feet and listened to nagger's steps. the big horse trod carefully, but naturally, and he did not slip. that ledge extended in a long curve, turning slowly away from the precipice, and ascending a little at the further end. slone, drew a deep breath of relief when he led nagger up on level rock. suddenly a strange yet familiar sound halted slone, as if he had been struck. the wild, shrill, high-pitched, piercing whistle of a stallion! nagger neighed a blast in reply and pounded the rock with his iron-shod hoofs. with a thrill slone looked ahead. there, some few hundred yards distant, on a promontory, stood a red horse. "my lord! ... it's wildfire!" breathed slone, tensely. he could not believe his sight. he imagined he was dreaming. but as nagger stamped and snorted defiance slone looked with fixed and keen gaze, and knew that beautiful picture was no lie. wildfire was as red as fire. his long mane, wild in the wind, was like a whipping, black-streaked flame. silhouetted there against that canyon background he seemed gigantic, a demon horse, ready to plunge into fiery depths. he was looking back over his shoulder, his head very high, and every line of him was instinct with wildness. again he sent out that shrill, air-splitting whistle. slone understood it to be a clarion call to nagger. if nagger had been alone wildfire would have killed him. the red stallion was a killer of horses. all over the utah ranges he had left the trail of a murderer. nagger understood this, too, for he whistled back in rage and terror. it took an iron arm to hold him. then wildfire plunged, apparently down, and vanished from slone's sight. slone hurried onward, to be blocked by a huge crack in the rocky plateau. this he had to head. and then another and like obstacle checked his haste to reach that promontory. he was forced to go more slowly. wildfire had been close only as to sight. and this was the great canyon that dwarfed distance and magnified proximity. climbing down and up, toiling on, he at last learned patience. he had seen wildfire at close range. that was enough. so he plodded on, once more returning to careful regard of nagger. it took an hour of work to reach the point where wildfire had disappeared. a promontory indeed it was, overhanging a valley a thousand feet below. a white torrent of a stream wound through it. there were lines of green cottonwoods following the winding course. then slone saw wildfire slowly crossing the flat toward the stream. he had gone down that cliff, which to slone looked perpendicular. wildfire appeared to be walking lame. slone, making sure of this, suffered a pang. then, when the significance of such lameness dawned upon him he whooped his wild joy and waved his hat. the red stallion must have heard, for he looked up. then he went on again and waded into the stream, where he drank long. when he started to cross, the swift current drove him back in several places. the water wreathed white around him. but evidently it was not deep, and finally he crossed. from the other side he looked up again at nagger and slone, and, going on, he soon was out of sight in the cottonwoods. "how to get down!" muttered slone. there was a break in the cliff wall, a bare stone slant where horses had gone down and come up. that was enough for slone to know. he would have attempted the descent if he were sure no other horse but wildfire had ever gone down there. but slone's hair began to rise stiff on his head. a horse like wildfire, and mountain sheep and indian ponies, were all very different from nagger. the chances were against nagger. "come on, old boy. if i can do it, you can," he said. slone had never seen a trail as perilous as this. he was afraid for his horse. a slip there meant death. the way nagger trembled in every muscle showed his feelings. but he never flinched. he would follow slone anywhere, providing slone rode him or led him. and here, as riding was impossible, slone went before. if the horse slipped there would be a double tragedy, for nagger would knock his master off the cliff. slone set his teeth and stepped down. he did not let nagger see his fear. he was taking the greatest risk he had ever run. the break in the wall led to a ledge, and the ledge dropped from step to step, and these had bare, slippery slants between. nagger was splendid on a bad trail. he had methods peculiar to his huge build and great weight. he crashed down over the stone steps, both front hoofs at once. the slants he slid down on his haunches with his forelegs stiff and the iron shoes scraping. he snorted and heaved and grew wet with sweat. he tossed his head at some of the places. but he never hesitated and it was impossible for him to go slowly. whenever slone came to corrugated stretches in the trail he felt grateful. but these were few. the rock was like smooth red iron. slone had never seen such hard rock. it took him long to realize that it was marble. his heart seemed a tense, painful knot in his breast, as if it could not beat, holding back in the strained suspense. but nagger never jerked on the bridle. he never faltered. many times he slipped, often with both front feet, but never with all four feet. so he did not fall. and the red wall began to loom above slone. then suddenly he seemed brought to a point where it was impossible to descend. it was a round bulge, slanting fearfully, with only a few little rough surfaces to hold a foot. wildfire had left a broad, clear-swept mark at that place, and red hairs on some of the sharp points. he had slid down. below was an offset that fortunately prevented further sliding, slone started to walk down this place, but when nagger began to slide slone had to let go the bridle and jump. both he and the horse landed safely. luck was with them. and they went on, down and down, to reach the base of the great wall, scraped and exhausted, wet with sweat, but unhurt. as slone gazed upward he felt the impossibility of believing what he knew to be true. he hugged and petted the horse. then he led on to the roaring stream. it was green water white with foam. slone waded in and found the water cool and shallow and very swift. he had to hold to nagger to keep from being swept downstream. they crossed in safety. there in the sand showed wildfire's tracks. and here were signs of another indian camp, half a year old. the shade of the cottonwoods was pleasant. slone found this valley oppressively hot. there was no wind and the sand blistered his feet through his boots. wildfire held to the indian trail that had guided him down into this wilderness of worn rock. and that trail crossed the stream at every turn of the twisting, narrow valley. slone enjoyed getting into the water. he hung his gun over the pommel and let the water roll him. a dozen times he and nagger forded the rushing torrent. then they came to a box-like closing of the valley to canyon walls, and here the trail evidently followed the stream bed. there was no other way. slone waded in, and stumbled, rolled, and floated ahead of the sturdy horse. nagger was wet to his breast, but he did not fall. this gulch seemed full of a hollow rushing roar. it opened out into a wide valley. and wildfire's tracks took to the left side and began to climb the slope. here the traveling was good, considering what had been passed. once up out of the valley floor slone saw wildfire far ahead, high on the slope. he did not appear to be limping, but he was not going fast. slone watched as he climbed. what and where would be the end of this chase? sometimes wildfire was plain in his sight for a moment, but usually he was hidden by rocks. the slope was one great talus, a jumble of weathered rock, fallen from what appeared a mountain of red and yellow wall. here the heat of the sun fell upon him like fire. the rocks were so hot slone could not touch them with bare hand. the close of the afternoon was approaching, and this slope was interminably long. still, it was not steep, and the trail was good. at last from the height of slope wildfire appeared, looking back and down. then he was gone. slone plodded upward. long before he reached that summit be heard the dull rumble of the river. it grew to be a roar, yet it seemed distant. would the great desert river stop wildfire in his flight? slone doubted it. he surmounted the ridge, to find the canyon opening in a tremendous gap, and to see down, far down, a glittering, sun-blasted slope merging into a deep, black gulch where a red river swept and chafed and roared. somehow the river was what he had expected to see. a force that had cut and ground this canyon could have been nothing but a river like that. the trail led down, and slone had no doubt that it crossed the river and led up out of the canyon. he wanted to stay there and gaze endlessly and listen. at length he began the descent. as he proceeded it seemed that the roar of the river lessened. he could not understand why this was so. it took half an hour to reach the last level, a ghastly, black, and iron-ribbed canyon bed, with the river splitting it. he had not had a glimpse of wildfire on this side of the divide, but he found his tracks, and they led down off the last level, through a notch in the black bank of marble to a sand-bar and the river. wildfire had walked straight off the sand into the water. slone studied the river and shore. the water ran slow, heavily, in sluggish eddies. from far up the canyon came the roar of a rapid, and from below the roar of another, heavier and closer. the river appeared tremendous, in ways slone felt rather than realized, yet it was not swift. studying the black, rough wall of rock above him, he saw marks where the river had been sixty feet higher than where he stood on the sand. it was low, then. how lucky for him that he had gotten there before flood season! he believed wildfire had crossed easily, and he knew nagger could make it. then he piled and tied his supplies and weapons high on the saddle, to keep them dry, and looked for a place to take to the water. wildfire had sunk deep before reaching the edge. manifestly he had lunged the last few feet. slone found a better place, and waded in, urging nagger. the big horse plunged, almost going under, and began to swim. slone kept up-stream beside him. he found, presently, that the water was thick and made him tired, so it was necessary to grasp a stirrup and be towed. the river appeared only a few hundred feet wide, but probably it was wider than it looked. nagger labored heavily near the opposite shore; still, he landed safely upon a rocky bank. there were patches of sand in which wildfire's tracks showed so fresh that the water had not yet dried out of them. slone rested his horse before attempting to climb out of that split in the rock. however, wildfire had found an easy ascent. on this side of the canyon the bare rock did not predominate. a clear trail led up a dusty, gravelly slope, upon which scant greasewood and cactus appeared. half an hour's climbing brought slone to where he could see that he was entering a vast valley, sloping up and narrowing to a notch in the dark cliffs, above which towered the great red wall and about that the slopes of cedar and the yellow rim-rock. and scarcely a mile distant, bright in the westering sunlight, shone the red stallion, moving slowly. slone pressed on steadily. just before dark he came to an ideal spot to camp. the valley had closed up, so that the lofty walls cast shadows that met. a clump of cottonwoods surrounding a spring, abundance of rich grass, willows and flowers lining the banks, formed an oasis in the bare valley. slone was tired out from the day of ceaseless toil down and up, and he could scarcely keep his eyes open. but he tried to stay awake. the dead silence of the valley, the dry fragrance, the dreaming walls, the advent of night low down, when up on the ramparts the last red rays of the sun lingered, the strange loneliness--these were sweet and comforting to him. and that night's sleep was as a moment. he opened his eyes to see the crags and towers and peaks and domes, and the lofty walls of that vast, broken chaos of canyons across the river. they were now emerging from the misty gray of dawn, growing pink and lilac and purple under the rising sun. he arose and set about his few tasks, which, being soon finished, allowed him an early start. wildfire had grazed along no more than a mile in the lead. slone looked eagerly up the narrowing canyon, but he was not rewarded by a sight of the stallion. as he progressed up a gradually ascending trail he became aware of the fact that the notch he had long looked up to was where the great red walls closed in and almost met. and the trail zigzagged up this narrow vent, so steep that only a few steps could be taken without rest. slone toiled up for an hour--an age--till he was wet, burning, choked, with a great weight on his chest. yet still he was only half-way up that awful break between the walls. sometimes he could have tossed a stone down upon a part of the trail, only a few rods below, yet many, many weary steps of actual toil. as he got farther up the notch widened. what had been scarcely visible from the valley below was now colossal in actual dimensions. the trail was like a twisted mile of thread between two bulging mountain walls leaning their ledges and fronts over this tilted pass. slone rested often. nagger appreciated this and heaved gratefully at every halt. in this monotonous toil slone forgot the zest of his pursuit. and when nagger suddenly snorted in fright slone was not prepared for what he saw. above him ran a low, red wall, around which evidently the trail led. at the curve, which was a promontory, scarcely a hundred feet in an airline above him, he saw something red moving, bobbing, coming out into view. it was a horse. wildfire--no farther away than the length of three lassoes! there he stood looking down. he fulfilled all of slone's dreams. only he was bigger. but he was so magnificently proportioned that he did not seem heavy. his coat was shaggy and red. it was not glossy. the color was what made him shine. his mane was like a crest, mounting, then failing low. slone had never seen so much muscle on a horse. yet his outline was graceful, beautiful. the head was indeed that of the wildest of all wild creatures--a stallion born wild--and it was beautiful, savage, splendid, everything but noble. whatever wildfire was, he was a devil, a murderer--he had no noble attributes. slone thought that if a horse could express hate, surely wildfire did then. it was certain that he did express curiosity and fury. slone shook a gantleted fist at the stallion, as if the horse were human. that was a natural action for a rider of his kind. wildfire turned away, showed bright against the dark background, and then disappeared. chapter vi that was the last slone saw of wildfire for three days. it took all of this day to climb out of the canyon. the second was a slow march of thirty miles into a scrub cedar and pinyon forest, through which the great red and yellow walls of the canyon could be seen. that night slone found a water-hole in a rocky pocket and a little grass for nagger. the third day's travel consisted of forty miles or more through level pine forest, dry and odorous, but lacking the freshness and beauty of the forest on the north side of the canyon. on this south side a strange feature was that all the water, when there was any, ran away from the rim. slone camped this night at a muddy pond in the woods, where wildfire's tracks showed plainly. on the following day slone rode out of the forest into a country of scanty cedars, bleached and stunted, and out of this to the edge of a plateau, from which the shimmering desert flung its vast and desolate distances, forbidding and menacing. this was not the desert upland country of utah, but a naked and bony world of colored rock and sand--a painted desert of heat and wind and flying sand and waterless wastes and barren ranges. but it did not daunt slone. for far down on the bare, billowing ridges moved a red speck, at a snail's pace, a slowly moving dot of color which was wildfire. on open ground like this, nagger, carrying two hundred and fifty pounds, showed his wonderful quality. he did not mind the heat nor the sand nor the glare nor the distance nor his burden. he did not tire. he was an engine of tremendous power. slone gained upon wildfire, and toward evening of that day he reached to within half a mile of the stallion. and he chose to keep that far behind. that night he camped where there was dry grass, but no water. next day he followed wildfire down and down, over the endless swell of rolling red ridges, bare of all but bleached white grass and meager greasewood, always descending in the face of that painted desert of bold and ragged steps. slone made fifty miles that day, and gained the valley bed, where a slender stream ran thin and spread over a wide sandy bottom. it was salty water, but it was welcome to both man and beast. the following day he crossed, and the tracks of wildfire were still wet on the sand-bars. the stallion was slowing down. slone saw him, limping along, not far in advance. there was a ten-mile stretch of level ground, blown hard as rock, from which the sustenance had been bleached, for not a spear of grass grew there. and following that was a tortuous passage through a weird region of clay dunes, blue and violet and heliotrope and lavender, all worn smooth by rain and wind. wildfire favored the soft ground now. he had deviated from his straight course. and he was partial to washes and dips in the earth where water might have lodged. and he was not now scornful of a green-scummed water-hole with its white margin of alkali. that night slone made camp with wildfire in plain sight. the stallion stopped when his pursuers stopped. and he began to graze on the same stretch with nagger. how strange this seemed to slone! here at this camp was evidence of indians. wildfire had swung round to the north in his course. like any pursued wild animal, he had began to circle. and he had pointed his nose toward the utah he had left. next morning wildfire was not in sight, but he had left his tracks in the sand. slone trailed him with nagger at a trot. toward the head of this sandy flat slone came upon old corn-fields, and a broken dam where the water had been stored, and well-defined trails leading away to the right. somewhere over there in the desert lived indians. at this point wildfire abandoned the trail he had followed for many days and cut out more to the north. it took all the morning hours to climb three great steps and benches that led up to the summit of a mesa, vast in extent. it turned out to be a sandy waste. the wind rose and everywhere were moving sheets of sand, and in the distance circular yellow dust-devils, rising high like waterspouts, and back down in the sun-scorched valley a sandstorm moved along majestically, burying the desert in its yellow pall. then two more days of sand and another day of a slowly rising ground growing from bare to gray and gray to green, and then to the purple of sage and cedar--these three grinding days were toiled out with only one water-hole. and wildfire was lame and in distress and nagger was growing gaunt and showing strain; and slone, haggard and black and worn, plodded miles and miles on foot to save his horse. slone felt that it would be futile to put the chase to a test of speed. nagger could never head that stallion. slone meant to go on and on, always pushing wildfire, keeping him tired, wearied, and worrying him, till a section of the country was reached where he could drive wildfire into some kind of a natural trap. the pursuit seemed endless. wildfire kept to open country where he could not be surprised. there came a morning when slone climbed to a cedared plateau that rose for a whole day's travel, and then split into a labyrinthine maze of canyons. there were trees, grass, water. it was a high country, cool and wild, like the uplands he had left. for days he camped on wildfire's trail, always relentlessly driving him, always watching for the trap he hoped to find. and the red stallion spent much of this time of flight in looking backward. whenever slone came in sight of him he had his head over his shoulder, watching. and on the soft ground of these canyons he had begun to recover from his lameness. but this did not worry slone. sooner or later wildfire would go down into a high-walled wash, from which there would be no outlet; or he would wander into a box-canyon; or he would climb out on a mesa with no place to descend, unless he passed slone; or he would get cornered on a soft, steep slope where his hoofs would sink deep and make him slow. the nature of the desert had changed. slone had entered a wonderful region, the like of which he had not seen--a high plateau crisscrossed in every direction by narrow canyons with red walls a thousand feet high. and one of the strange turning canyons opened into a vast valley of monuments. the plateau had weathered and washed away, leaving huge sections of stone walls, all standing isolated, different in size and shape, but all clean-cut, bold, with straight lines. they stood up everywhere, monumental, towering, many-colored, lending a singular and beautiful aspect to the great green-and-gray valley, billowing away to the north, where dim, broken battlements mounted to the clouds. the only living thing in slone's sight was wildfire. he shone red down on the green slope. slone's heart swelled. this was the setting for that grand horse--a perfect wild range. but also it seemed the last place where there might be any chance to trap the stallion. still that did not alter slone's purpose, though it lost to him the joy of former hopes. he rode down the slope, out upon the billowing floor of the valley. wildfire looked back to see his pursuers, and then the solemn stillness broke to a wild, piercing whistle. day after day, camping where night found him, slone followed the stallion, never losing sight of him till darkness had fallen. the valley was immense and the monuments miles apart. but they always seemed close together and near him. the air magnified everything. slone lost track of time. the strange, solemn, lonely days and the silent, lonely nights, and the endless pursuit, and the wild, weird valley--these completed the work of years on slone and he became satisfied, unthinking, almost savage. the toil and privation had worn him down and he was like iron. his garments hung in tatters; his boots were ripped and soleless. long since his flour had been used up, and all his supplies except the salt. he lived on the meat of rabbits, but they were scarce, and the time came when there were none. some days he did not eat. hunger did not make him suffer. he killed a desert bird now and then, and once a wildcat crossing the valley. eventually he felt his strength diminishing, and then he took to digging out the pack-rats and cooking them. but these, too, were scarce. at length starvation faced slone. but he knew he would not starve. many times he had been within rifle-shot of wildfire. and the grim, forbidding thought grew upon him that he must kill the stallion. the thought seemed involuntary, but his mind rejected it. nevertheless, he knew that if he could not catch the stallion he would kill him. that had been the end of many a desperate rider's pursuit of a coveted horse. while slone kept on his merciless pursuit, never letting wildfire rest by day, time went on just as relentlessly. spring gave way to early summer. the hot sun bleached the grass; water-holes failed out in the valley, and water could be found only in the canyons; and the dry winds began to blow the sand. it was a sandy valley, green and gray only at a distance, and out toward the north there were no monuments, and the slow heave of sand lifted toward the dim walls. wildfire worked away from this open valley, back to the south end, where the great monuments loomed, and still farther back, where they grew closer, till at length some of them were joined by weathered ridges to the walls of the surrounding plateau. for all that slone could see, wildfire was in perfect condition. but nagger was not the horse he had been. slone realized that in one way or another the pursuit was narrowing down to the end. he found a water-hole at the head of a wash in a split in the walls, and here he let nagger rest and graze one whole day--the first day for a long time that he had not kept the red stallion in sight. that day was marked by the good fortune of killing a rabbit, and while eating it his gloomy, fixed mind admitted that he was starving. he dreaded the next sunrise. but he could not hold it back. there, behind the dark monuments, standing sentinel-like, the sky lightened and reddened and burst into gold and pink, till out of the golden glare the sun rose glorious. and slone, facing the league-long shadows of the monuments, rode out again into the silent, solemn day, on his hopeless quest. for a change wildfire had climbed high up a slope of talus, through a narrow pass, rounded over with drifting sand. and slone gazed down into a huge amphitheater full of monuments, like all that strange country. a basin three miles across lay beneath him. walls and weathered slants of rock and steep slopes of reddish-yellow sand inclosed this oval depression. the floor was white, and it seemed to move gently or radiate with heat-waves. studying it, slone made out that the motion was caused by wind in long bleached grass. he had crossed small areas of this grass in different parts of the region. wildfire's tracks led down into this basin, and presently slone, by straining his eyes, made out the red spot that was the stallion. "he's lookin' to quit the country," soliloquized slone, as he surveyed the scene. with keen, slow gaze slone studied the lay of wall and slope, and when he had circled the huge depression he made sure that wildfire could not get out except by the narrow pass through which he had gone in. slone sat astride nagger in the mouth of this pass--a wash a few yards wide, walled by broken, rough rock on one side and an insurmountable slope on the other. "if this hole was only little, now," sighed slone, as he gazed at the sweeping, shimmering oval floor, "i might have a chance. but down there--we couldn't get near him." there was no water in that dry bowl. slone reflected on the uselessness of keeping wildfire down there, because nagger could not go without water as long as wildfire. for the first time slone hesitated. it seemed merciless to nagger to drive him down into this hot, windy hole. the wind blew from the west, and it swooped up the slope, hot, with the odor of dry, dead grass. but that hot wind stirred slone with an idea, and suddenly he was tense, excited, glowing, yet grim and hard. "wildfire, i'll make you run with your namesake in that high grass," called slone. the speech was full of bitter failure, of regret, of the hardness of a rider who could not give up the horse to freedom. slone meant to ride down there and fire the long grass. in that wind there would indeed be wildfire to race with the red stallion. it would perhaps mean his death; at least it would chase him out of that hole, where to follow him would be useless. "i'd make you hump now to get away if i could get behind you," muttered slone. he saw that if he could fire the grass on the other side the wind of flame would drive wildfire straight toward him. the slopes and walls narrowed up to the pass, but high grass grew to within a few rods of where slone stood. but it seemed impossible to get behind wildfire. "at night--then--i could get round him," said slone, thinking hard and narrowing his gaze to scan the circle of wall and slope. "why not? ... no wind at night. that grass would burn slow till mornin'--till the wind came up--an' it's been west for days." suddenly slone began to pound the patient nagger and to cry out to him in wild exultance. "old horse, we've got him! ... we've got him! ... we'll put a rope on him before this time to-morrow!" slone yielded to his strange, wild joy, but it did not last long, soon succeeding to sober, keen thought. he rode down into the bowl a mile, making absolutely certain that wildfire could not climb out on that side. the far end, beyond the monuments, was a sheer wall of rock. then he crossed to the left side. here the sandy slope was almost too steep for even him to go up. and there was grass that would burn. he returned to the pass assured that wildfire had at last fallen into a trap the like slone had never dreamed of. the great horse was doomed to run into living flame or the whirling noose of a lasso. then slone reflected. nagger had that very morning had his fill of good water--the first really satisfying drink for days. if he was rested that day, on the morrow he would be fit for the grueling work possibly in store for him. slone unsaddled the horse and turned him loose, and with a snort he made down the gentle slope for the grass. then slone carried his saddle to a shady spot afforded by a slab of rock and a dwarf cedar, and here he composed himself to rest and watch and think and wait. wildfire was plainly in sight no more than two miles away. gradually he was grazing along toward the monuments and the far end of the great basin. slone believed, because the place was so large, that wildfire thought there was a way out on the other side or over the slopes or through the walls. never before had the far-sighted stallion made a mistake. slone suddenly felt the keen, stabbing fear of an outlet somewhere. but it left him quickly. he had studied those slopes and walls. wildfire could not get out, except by the pass he had entered, unless he could fly. slone lay in the shade, his head propped on his saddle, and while gazing down into the shimmering hollow he began to plan. he calculated that he must be able to carry fire swiftly across the far end of the basin, so that he would not be absent long from the mouth of the pass. fire was always a difficult matter, since he must depend only on flint and steel. he decided to wait till dark, build a fire with dead cedar sticks, and carry a bundle of them with burning ends. he felt assured that the wind caused by riding would keep them burning. after he had lighted the grass all he had to do was to hurry back to his station and there await developments. the day passed slowly, and it was hot. the heat-waves rose in dark, wavering lines and veils from the valley. the wind blew almost a gale. thin, curling sheets of sand blew up over the crests of the slopes, and the sound it made was a soft, silken rustling, very low. the sky was a steely blue above and copper close over the distant walls. that afternoon, toward the close, slone ate the last of the meat. at sunset the wind died away and the air cooled. there was a strip of red along the wall of rock and on the tips of the monuments, and it lingered there for long, a strange, bright crown. nagger was not far away, but wildfire had disappeared, probably behind one of the monuments. when twilight fell slone went down after nagger and, returning with him, put on bridle and saddle. then he began to search for suitable sticks of wood. farther back in the pass he found stunted dead cedars, and from these secured enough for his purpose. he kindled a fire and burnt the ends of the sticks into red embers. making a bundle of these, he put them under his arm, the dull, glowing ends backward, and then mounted his horse. it was just about dark when he faced down into the valley. when he reached level ground he kept to the edge of the left slope and put nagger to a good trot. the grass and brush were scant here, and the color of the sand was light, so he had no difficulty in traveling. from time to time his horse went through grass, and its dry, crackling rustle, showing how it would burn, was music to slone. gradually the monuments began to loom up, bold and black against the blue sky, with stars seemingly hanging close over them. slone had calculated that the basin was smaller than it really was, in both length and breadth. this worried him. wildfire might see or hear or scent him, and make a break back to the pass and thus escape. slone was glad when the huge, dark monuments were indistinguishable from the black, frowning wall. he had to go slower here, because of the darkness. but at last he reached the slow rise of jumbled rock that evidently marked the extent of weathering on that side. here he turned to the right and rode out into the valley. the floor was level and thickly overgrown with long, dead grass and dead greasewood, as dry as tinder. it was easy to account for the dryness; neither snow nor rain had visited that valley for many months. slone whipped one of the sticks in the wind and soon had the smoldering end red and showering sparks. then he dropped the stick in the grass, with curious intent and a strange feeling of regret. instantly the grass blazed with a little sputtering roar. nagger snorted. "wildfire!" exclaimed slone. that word was a favorite one with riders, and now slone used it both to call out his menace to the stallion and to express his feeling for that blaze, already running wild. without looking back slone rode across the valley, dropping a glowing stick every quarter of a mile. when he reached the other side there were a dozen fires behind him, burning slowly, with white smoke rising lazily. then he loped nagger along the side back to the sandy ascent, and on up to the mouth of the pass. there he searched for tracks. wildfire had not gone out, and slone experienced relief and exultation. he took up a position in the middle of the narrowest part of the pass, and there, with nagger ready for anything, he once more composed himself to watch and wait. far across the darkness of the valley, low down, twelve lines of fire, widely separated, crept toward one another. they appeared thin and slow, with only an occasional leaping flame. and some of the black spaces must have been monuments, blotting out the creeping snail-lines of red. slone watched, strangely fascinated. "what do you think of that?" he said, aloud, and he meant his query for wildfire. as he watched the lines perceptibly lengthened and brightened and pale shadows of smoke began to appear. over at the left of the valley the two brightest fires, the first he had started, crept closer and closer together. they seemed long in covering distance. but not a breath of wind stirred, and besides they really might move swiftly, without looking so to slone. when the two lines met a sudden and larger blaze rose. "ah!" said the rider, and then he watched the other lines creeping together. how slowly fire moved, he thought. the red stallion would have every chance to run between those lines, if he dared. but a wild horse feared nothing like fire. this one would not run the gantlet of flames. nevertheless, slone felt more and more relieved as the lines closed. the hours of the night dragged past until at length one long, continuous line of fire spread level across the valley, its bright, red line broken only where the monuments of stone were silhouetted against it. the darkness of the valley changed. the light of the moon changed. the radiance of the stars changed. either the line of fire was finding denser fuel to consume or it was growing appreciably closer, for the flames began to grow, to leap, and to flare. slone strained his ears for the thud of hoofs on sand. the time seemed endless in its futility of results, but fleeting after it had passed; and he could tell how the hours fled by the ever-recurring need to replenish the little fire he kept burning in the pass. a broad belt of valley grew bright in the light, and behind it loomed the monuments, weird and dark, with columns of yellow and white smoke wreathing them. suddenly slone's sensitive ear vibrated to a thrilling sound. he leaned down to place his ear to the sand. rapid, rhythmic beat of hoofs made him leap to his feet, reaching for his lasso with right hand and a gun with his left. nagger lifted his head, sniffed the air, and snorted. slone peered into the black belt of gloom that lay below him. it would be hard to see a horse there, unless he got high enough to be silhouetted against that line of fire now flaring to the sky. but he heard the beat of hoofs, swift, sharp, louder--louder. the night shadows were deceptive. that wonderful light confused him, made the place unreal. was he dreaming? or had the long chase and his privations unhinged his mind? he reached for nagger. no! the big black was real, alive, quivering, pounding the sand. he scented an enemy. once more slone peered down into the void or what seemed a void. but it, too, had changed, lightened. the whole valley was brightening. great palls of curling smoke rose white and yellow, to turn back as the monuments met their crests, and then to roll upward, blotting out the stars. it was such a light as he had never seen, except in dreams. pale moonlight and dimmed starlight and wan dawn all vague and strange and shadowy under the wild and vivid light of burning grass. in the pale path before slone, that fanlike slope of sand which opened down into the valley, appeared a swiftly moving black object, like a fleeting phantom. it was a phantom horse. slone felt that his eyes, deceived by his mind, saw racing images. many a wild chase he had lived in dreams on some far desert. but what was that beating in his ears--sharp, swift, even, rhythmic? never had his ears played him false. never had he heard things in his dreams. that running object was a horse and he was coming like the wind. slone felt something grip his heart. all the time and endurance and pain and thirst and suspense and longing and hopelessness--the agony of the whole endless chase--closed tight on his heart in that instant. the running horse halted just in the belt of light cast by the burning grass. there he stood sharply defined, clear as a cameo, not a hundred paces from slone. it was wildfire. slone uttered an involuntary cry. thrill on thrill shot through him. delight and hope and fear and despair claimed him in swift, successive flashes. and then again the ruling passion of a rider held him--the sheer glory of a grand and unattainable horse. for slone gave up wildfire in that splendid moment. how had he ever dared to believe he could capture that wild stallion? slone looked and looked, filling his mind, regretting nothing, sure that the moment was reward for all he had endured. the weird lights magnified wildfire and showed him clearly. he seemed gigantic. he shone black against the fire. his head was high, his mane flying. behind him the fire flared and the valley-wide column of smoke rolled majestically upward, and the great monuments seemed to retreat darkly and mysteriously as the flames advanced beyond them. it was a beautiful, unearthly spectacle, with its silence the strangest feature. but suddenly wildfire broke that silence with a whistle which to slone's overstrained faculties seemed a blast as piercing as the splitting sound of lightning. and with the whistle wildfire plunged up toward the pass. slone yelled at the top of his lungs and fired his gun before he could terrorize the stallion and drive him back down the slope. soon wildfire became again a running black object, and then he disappeared. the great line of fire had gotten beyond the monuments and now stretched unbroken across the valley from wall to slope. wildfire could never pierce that line of flames. and now slone saw, in the paling sky to the east, that dawn was at hand. chapter vii slone looked grimly glad when simultaneously with the first red flash of sunrise a breeze fanned his cheek. all that was needed now was a west wind. and here came the assurance of it. the valley appeared hazy and smoky, with slow, rolling clouds low down where the line of fire moved. the coming of daylight paled the blaze of the grass, though here and there slone caught flickering glimpses of dull red flame. the wild stallion kept to the center of the valley, restlessly facing this way and that, but never toward the smoke. slone made sure that wildfire gradually gave ground as the line of smoke slowly worked toward him. every moment the breeze freshened, grew steadier and stronger, until slone saw that it began to clear the valley of the low-hanging smoke. there came a time when once more the blazing line extended across from slope to slope. wildfire was cornered, trapped. many times slone nervously uncoiled and recoiled his lasso. presently the great chance of his life would come--the hardest and most important throw he would ever have with a rope. he did not miss often, but then he missed sometimes, and here he must be swift and sure. it annoyed him that his hands perspired and trembled and that something weighty seemed to obstruct his breathing. he muttered that he was pretty much worn out, not in the best of condition for a hard fight with a wild horse. still he would capture wildfire; his mind was unalterably set there. he anticipated that the stallion would make a final and desperate rush past him; and he had his plan of action all outlined. what worried him was the possibility of wildfire doing some unforeseen feat at the very last. slone was prepared for hours of strained watching, and then a desperate effort, and then a shock that might kill wildfire and cripple nagger, or a long race and fight. but he soon discovered that he was wrong about the long watch and wait. the wind had grown strong and was driving the fire swiftly. the flames, fanned by the breeze, leaped to a formidable barrier. in less than an hour, though the time seemed only a few moments to the excited slone, wildfire had been driven down toward the narrowing neck of the valley, and he had begun to run, to and fro, back and forth. any moment, then, slone expected him to grow terrorized and to come tearing up toward the pass. wildfire showed evidence of terror, but he did not attempt to make the pass. instead he went at the right-hand slope of the valley and began to climb. the slope was steep and soft, yet the stallion climbed up and up. the dust flew in clouds; the gravel rolled down, and the sand followed in long streams. wildfire showed his keenness by zigzagging up the slope. "go ahead, you red devil!" yelled slone. he was much elated. in that soft bank wildfire would tire out while not hurting himself. slone watched the stallion in admiration and pity and exultation. wildfire did not make much headway, for he slipped back almost as much as he gained. he attempted one place after another where he failed. there was a bank of clay, some few feet high, and he could not round it at either end or surmount it in the middle. finally he literally pawed and cut a path, much as if he were digging in the sand for water. when he got over that he was not much better off. the slope above was endless and grew steeper, more difficult toward the top. slone knew absolutely that no horse could climb over it. he grew apprehensive, however, for wildfire might stick up there on the slope until the line of fire passed. the horse apparently shunned any near proximity to the fire, and performed prodigious efforts to escape. "he'll be ridin' an avalanche pretty soon," muttered slone. long sheets of sand and gravel slid down to spill thinly over the low bank. wildfire, now sinking to his knees, worked steadily upward till he had reached a point halfway up the slope, at the head of a long, yellow bank of treacherous-looking sand. here he was halted by a low bulge, which he might have surmounted had his feet been free. but he stood deep in the sand. for the first time he looked down at the sweeping fire, and then at slone. suddenly the bank of sand began to slide with him. he snorted in fright. the avalanche started slowly and was evidently no mere surface slide. it was deep. it stopped--then started again--and again stopped. wildfire appeared to be sinking deeper and deeper. his struggles only embedded him more firmly. then the bank of sand, with an ominous, low roar, began to move once more. this time it slipped swiftly. the dust rose in a cloud, almost obscuring the horse. long streams of gravel rattled down, and waterfalls of sand waved over the steps of the slope. just as suddenly the avalanche stopped again. slone saw, from the great oval hole it had left above, that it was indeed deep. that was the reason it did not slide readily. when the dust cleared away slone saw the stallion, sunk to his flanks in the sand, utterly helpless. with a wild whoop slone leaped off nagger, and, a lasso in each hand, he ran down the long bank. the fire was perhaps a quarter of a mile distant, and, since the grass was thinning out, it was not coming so fast as it had been. the position of the stallion was half-way between the fire and slone, and a hundred yards up the slope. like a madman slone climbed up through the dragging, loose sand. he was beside himself with a fury of excitement. he fancied his eyes were failing him, that it was not possible the great horse really was up there, helpless in the sand. yet every huge stride slone took brought him closer to a fact he could not deny. in his eagerness he slipped, and fell, and crawled, and leaped, until he reached the slide which held wildfire prisoner. the stallion might have been fast in quicksand, up to his body, for all the movement he could make. he could move only his head. he held that up, his eyes wild, showing the whites, his foaming mouth wide open, his teeth gleaming. a sound like a scream rent the air. terrible fear and hate were expressed in that piercing neigh. and shaggy, wet, dusty red, with all of brute savageness in the look and action of his head, he appeared hideous. as slone leaped within roping distance the avalanche slipped a foot or two, halted, slipped once more, and slowly started again with that low roar. he did not care whether it slipped or stopped. like a wolf he leaped closer, whirling his rope. the loop hissed round his head and whistled as he flung it. and when fiercely he jerked back on the rope, the noose closed tight round wildfire's neck. "by g--d--i--got--a rope--on him!" cried slone, in hoarse pants. he stared, unbelieving. it was unreal, that sight--unreal like the slow, grinding movement of the avalanche under him. wildfire's head seemed a demon head of hate. it reached out, mouth agape, to bite, to rend. that horrible scream could not be the scream of a horse. slone was a wild-horse hunter, a rider, and when that second of incredulity flashed by, then came the moment of triumph. no moment could ever equal that one, when he realized he stood there with a rope around that grand stallion's neck. all the days and the miles and the toil and the endurance and the hopelessness and the hunger were paid for in that moment. his heart seemed too large for his breast. "i tracked--you!" he cried, savagely. "i stayed--with you! ... an' i got a rope--on you! an'--i'll ride you--you red devil!" the passion of the man was intense. that endless, racking pursuit had brought out all the hardness the desert had engendered in him. almost hate, instead of love, spoke in slone's words. he hauled on the lasso, pulling the stallion's head down and down. the action was the lust of capture as well as the rider's instinctive motive to make the horse fear him. life was unquenchably wild and strong in that stallion; it showed in the terror which made him hideous. and man and beast somehow resembled each other in that moment which was inimical to noble life. the avalanche slipped with little jerks, as if treacherously loosing its hold for a long plunge. the line of fire below ate at the bleached grass and the long column of smoke curled away on the wind. slone held the taut lasso with his left hand, and with the right he swung the other rope, catching the noose round wildfire's nose. then letting go of the first rope he hauled on the other, pulling the head of the stallion far down. hand over hand slone closed in on the horse. he leaped on wildfire's head, pressed it down, and, holding it down on the sand with his knees, with swift fingers he tied the noose in a hackamore--an improvised halter. then, just as swiftly, he bound his scarf tight round wildfire's head, blindfolding him. "all so easy!" exclaimed slone, under his breath. "lord! who would believe it! ... is it a dream?" he rose and let the stallion have a free head. "wildfire, i got a rope on you--an' a hackamore--an' a blinder," said slone. "an' if i had a bridle i'd put that on you.... who'd ever believe you'd catch yourself, draggin' in the sand?" slone, finding himself failing on the sand, grew alive to the augmented movement of the avalanche. it had begun to slide, to heave and bulge and crack. dust rose in clouds from all around. the sand appeared to open and let him sink to his knees. the rattle of gravel was drowned in a soft roar. then he shot down swiftly, holding the lassoes, keeping himself erect, and riding as if in a boat. he felt the successive steps of the slope, and then the long incline below, and then the checking and rising and spreading of the avalanche as it slowed down on the level. all movement then was checked violently. he appeared to be half buried in sand. while he struggled to extricate himself the thick dust blew away and settled so that he could see. wildfire lay before him, at the edge of the slide, and now he was not so deeply embedded as he had been up on the slope. he was struggling and probably soon would have been able to get out. the line of fire was close now, but slone did not fear that. at his shrill whistle nagger bounded toward him, obedient, but snorting, with ears laid back. he halted. a second whistle started him again. slone finally dug himself out of the sand, pulled the lassoes out, and ran the length of them toward nagger. the black showed both fear and fight. his eyes roiled and he half shied away. "come on!" called slone, harshly. he got a hand on the horse, pulled him round, and, mounting in a flash, wound both lassoes round the pommel of the saddle. "haul him out, nagger, old boy!" cried slone, and he dug spurs into the black. one plunge of nagger's slid the stallion out of the sand. snorting, wild, blinded, wildfire got up, shaking in every limb. he could not see his enemies. the blowing smoke, right in his nose, made scent impossible. but in the taut lassoes he sensed the direction of his captors. he plunged, rearing at the end of the plunge, and struck out viciously with his hoofs. slone, quick with spur and bridle, swerved nagger aside and wildfire, off his balance, went down with a crash. slone dragged him, stretched him out, pulled him over twice before he got forefeet planted. once up, he reared again, screeching his rage, striking wildly with his hoofs. slone wheeled aside and toppled him over again. "wildfire, it's no fair fight," he called, grimly. "but you led me a chase.... an' you learn right now i'm boss!" again he dragged the stallion. he was ruthless. he would have to be so, stopping just short of maiming or killing the horse, else he would never break him. but wildfire was nimble. he got to his feet and this time he lunged out. nagger, powerful as he was, could not sustain the tremendous shock, and went down. slone saved himself with a rider's supple skill, falling clear of the horse, and he leaped again into the saddle as nagger pounded up. nagger braced his huge frame and held the plunging stallion. but the saddle slipped a little, the cinches cracked. slone eased the strain by wheeling after wildfire. the horses had worked away from the fire, and wildfire, free of the stifling smoke, began to break and lunge and pitch, plunging round nagger in a circle, running blindly, but with unerring scent. slone, by masterly horsemanship, easily avoided the rushes, and made a pivot of nagger, round which the wild horse dashed in his frenzy. it seemed that he no longer tried to free himself. he lunged to kill. "steady, nagger, old boy!" slone kept calling. "he'll never get at you.... if he slips that blinder i'll kill him!" the stallion was a fiend in his fury, quicker than a panther, wonderful on his feet, and powerful as an ox. but he was at a disadvantage. he could not see. and slone, in his spoken intention to kill wildfire should the scarf slip, acknowledged that he never would have a chance to master the stallion. wildfire was bigger, faster, stronger than slone had believed, and as for spirit, that was a grand and fearful thing to see. the soft sand in the pass was plowed deep before wildfire paused in his mad plunges. he was wet and heaving. his red coat seemed to blaze. his mane stood up and his ears lay flat. slone uncoiled the lassoes from the pommel and slacked them a little. wildfire stood up, striking at the air, snorting fiercely. slone tried to wheel nagger in close behind the stallion. both horse and man narrowly escaped the vicious hoofs. but slone had closed in. he took a desperate chance and spurred nagger in a single leap as wildfire reared again. the horses collided. slone hauled the lassoes tight. the impact threw wildfire off his balance, just as slone had calculated, and as the stallion plunged down on four feet slone spurred nagger close against him. wildfire was a little in the lead. he could only half rear now, for the heaving, moving nagger, always against him, jostled him down, and slone's iron arm hauled on the short ropes. when wildfire turned to bite, slone knocked the vicious nose back with a long swing of his fist. up the pass the horses plunged. with a rider's wild joy slone saw the long green-and-gray valley, and the isolated monuments in the distance. there, on that wide stretch, he would break wildfire. how marvelously luck had favored him at the last! "run, you red devil!" slone called. "drag us around now till you're done!" they left the pass and swept out upon the waste of sage. slone realized, from the stinging of the sweet wind in his face, that nagger was being pulled along at a tremendous pace. the faithful black could never have made the wind cut so. lower the wild stallion stretched and swifter he ran, till it seemed to slone that death must end that thunderbolt race. chapter viii lucy bostil had called twice to her father and he had not answered. he was out at the hitching-rail, with holley, the rider, and two other men. if he heard lucy he gave no sign of it. she had on her chaps and did not care to go any farther than the door where she stood. "somers has gone to durango an' shugrue is out huntin' hosses," lucy heard bostil say, gruffly. "wal now, i reckon i could handle the boat an' fetch creech's hosses over," said holley. bostil raised an impatient hand, as if to wave aside holley's assumption. then one of the other two men spoke up. lucy had seen him before, but did not know his name. "sure there ain't any need to rustle the job. the river hain't showed any signs of risin' yet. but creech is worryin'. he allus is worryin' over them hosses. no wonder! thet blue roan is sure a hoss. yesterday at two miles he showed creech he was a sight faster than last year. the grass is gone over there. creech is grainin' his stock these last few days. an' thet's expensive." "how about the flat up the canyon?" queried bostil. "ain't there any grass there?" "reckon not. it's the dryest spell creech ever had," replied the other. "an' if there was grass it wouldn't do him no good. a landslide blocked the only trail up." "bostil, them hosses, the racers special, ought to be brought acrost the river," said holley, earnestly. he loved horses and was thinking of them. "the boat's got to be patched up," replied bostil, shortly. it occurred to lucy that her father was also thinking of creech's thoroughbreds, but not like holley. she grew grave and listened intently. there was an awkward pause. creech's rider, whoever he was, evidently tried to conceal his anxiety. he flicked his boots with a quirt. the boots were covered with wet mud. probably he had crossed the river very recently. "wal, when will you have the hosses fetched over?" he asked, deliberately. "creech'll want to know." "just as soon as the boat's mended," replied bostil. "i'll put shugrue on the job to-morrow." "thanks, bostil. sure, thet'll be all right. creech'll be satisfied," said the rider, as if relieved. then he mounted, and with his companion trotted down the lane. the lean, gray holley bent a keen gaze upon bostil. but bostil did not notice that; he appeared preoccupied in thought. "bostil, the dry winter an' spring here ain't any guarantee thet there wasn't a lot of snow up in the mountains." holley's remark startled bostil. "no--it ain't--sure," he replied. "an' any mornin' along now we might wake up to hear the colorado boomin'," went on holley, significantly. bostil did not reply to that. "creech hain't lived over there so many years. what's he know about the river? an' fer that matter, who knows anythin' sure about thet hell-bent river?" "it ain't my business thet creech lives over there riskin' his stock every spring," replied bostil, darkly. holley opened his lips to speak, hesitated, looked away from bostil, and finally said, "no, it sure ain't." then he turned and walked away, head bent in sober thought. bostil came toward the open door where lucy stood. he looked somber. at her greeting he seemed startled. "what?" he said. "i just said, 'hello, dad,'" she replied, demurely. yet she thoughtfully studied her father's dark face. "hello yourself.... did you know van got throwed an' hurt?" "yes." bostil swore under his breath. "there ain't any riders on the range thet can be trusted," he said, disgustedly. "they're all the same. they like to get in a bunch an' jeer each other an' bet. they want mean hosses. they make good hosses buck. they haven't any use for a hoss thet won't buck. they all want to give a hoss a rakin' over.... think of thet fool van gettin' throwed by a two-dollar ute mustang. an' hurt so he can't ride for days! with them races comin' soon! it makes me sick." "dad, weren't you a rider once?" asked lucy. "i never was thet kind." "van will be all right in a few days." "no matter. it's bad business. if i had any other rider who could handle the king i'd let van go." "i can get just as much out of the king as van can," said lucy, spiritedly. "you!" exclaimed bostil. but there was pride in his glance. "i know i can." "you never had any use for sage king," said bostil, as if he had been wronged. "i love the king a little, and hate him a lot," laughed lucy. "wal, i might let you ride at thet, if van ain't in shape," rejoined her father. "i wouldn't ride him in the race. but i'll keep him in fine fettle." "i'll bet you'd like to see sarch beat him," said bostil, jealously. "sure i would," replied lucy, teasingly. "but, dad, i'm afraid sarch never will beat him." bostil grunted. "see here. i don't want any weight up on the king. you take him out for a few days. an' ride him! savvy thet?" "yes, dad." "give him miles an' miles--an' then comin' home, on good trails, ride him for all your worth.... now, lucy, keep your eye open. don't let any one get near you on the sage." "i won't.... dad, do you still worry about poor joel creech?" "not joel. but i'd rather lose all my stock then have cordts or dick sears get within a mile of you." "a mile!" exclaimed lucy, lightly, though a fleeting shade crossed her face. "why, i'd run away from him, if i was on the king, even if he got within ten yards of me." "a mile is close enough, my daughter," replied bostil. "don't ever forget to keep your eye open. cordts has sworn thet if he can't steal the king he'll get you." "oh! he prefers the horse to me." "wal, lucy, i've a sneakin' idea thet cordts will never leave the uplands unless he gets you an' the king both." "and, dad--you consented to let that horse-thief come to our races?" exclaimed lucy, with heat. "why not? he can't do any harm. if he or his men get uppish, the worse for them. cordts gave his word not to turn a trick till after the races." "do you trust him?" "yes. but his men might break loose, away from his sight. especially thet dick sears. he's a bad man. so be watchful whenever you ride out." as lucy went down toward the corrals she was thinking deeply. she could always tell, woman-like, when her father was excited or agitated. she remembered the conversation between him and creech's rider. she remembered the keen glance old holley had bent upon him. and mostly she remembered the somber look upon his face. she did not like that. once, when a little girl, she had seen it and never forgotten it, nor the thing that it was associated with--something tragical which had happened in the big room. there had been loud, angry voices of men--and shots--and then the men carried out a long form covered with a blanket. she loved her father, but there was a side to him she feared. and somehow related to that side was his hardness toward creech and his intolerance of any rider owning a fast horse and his obsession in regard to his own racers. lucy had often tantalized her father with the joke that if it ever came to a choice between her and his favorites they would come first. but was it any longer a joke? lucy felt that she had left childhood behind with its fun and fancies, and she had begun to look at life thoughtfully. sight of the corrals, however, and of the king prancing around, drove serious thoughts away. there were riders there, among them farlane, and they all had pleasant greetings for her. "farlane, dad says i'm to take out sage king," announced lucy. "no!" ejaculated farlane, as he pocketed his pipe. "sure. and i'm to ride him. you know how dad means that." "wal, now, i'm doggoned!" added farlane, looking worried and pleased at once. "i reckon, miss lucy, you--you wouldn't fool me?" "why, farlane!" returned lucy, reproachfully. "did i ever do a single thing around horses that you didn't want me to?" farlane rubbed his chin beard somewhat dubiously. "wal, miss lucy, not exactly while you was around the hosses. but i reckon when you onct got up, you've sorta forgot a few times." all the riders laughed, and lucy joined them. "i'm safe when i'm up, you know that," she replied. they brought out the gray, and after the manner of riders who had the care of a great horse and loved him, they curried and combed and rubbed him before saddling him. "reckon you'd better ride van's saddle," suggested farlane. "them races is close now, an' a strange saddle--" "of course. don't change anything he's used to, except the stirrups," replied lucy. despite her antipathy toward sage king, lucy could not gaze at him without all a rider's glory in a horse. he was sleek, so graceful, so racy, so near the soft gray of the sage, so beautiful in build and action. then he was the kind of a horse that did not have to be eternally watched. he was spirited and full of life, eager to run, but when farlane called for him to stand still he obeyed. he was the kind of a horse that a child could have played around in safety. he never kicked. he never bit. he never bolted. it was splendid to see him with farlane or with bostil. he did not like lucy very well, a fact that perhaps accounted for lucy's antipathy. for that matter, he did not like any woman. if he had a bad trait, it came out when van rode him, but all the riders, and bostil, too, claimed that van was to blame for that. "thar, i reckon them stirrups is right," declared farlane. "now, miss lucy, hold him tight till he wears off thet edge. he needs work." sage king would not kneel for lucy as sarchedon did, and he was too high for her to mount from the ground, so she mounted from a rock. she took to the road, and then the first trail into the sage, intending to trot him ten or fifteen miles down into the valley, and give him some fast, warm work on the return. the day was early in may and promised to grow hot. there was not a cloud in the blue sky. the wind, laden with the breath of sage, blew briskly from the west. all before lucy lay the vast valley, gray and dusky gray, then blue, then purple where the monuments stood, and, farther still, dark ramparts of rock. lucy had a habit of dreaming while on horseback, a habit all the riders had tried to break, but she did not give it rein while she rode sarchedon, and assuredly now, up on the king, she never forgot him for an instant. he shied at mockingbirds and pack-rats and blowing blossoms and even at butterflies; and he did it, lucy thought, just because he was full of mischief. sage king had been known to go steady when there had been reason to shy. he did not like lucy and he chose to torment her. finally he earned a good dig from a spur, and then, with swift pounding of hoofs, he plunged and veered and danced in the sage. lucy kept her temper, which was what most riders did not do, and by patience and firmness pulled sage king out of his prancing back into the trail. he was not the least cross-grained, and, having had his little spurt, he settled down into easy going. in an hour lucy was ten miles or more from home, and farther down in the valley than she had ever been. in fact, she had never before been down the long slope to the valley floor. how changed the horizon became! the monuments loomed up now, dark, sentinel-like, and strange. the first one, a great red rock, seemed to her some five miles away. it was lofty, straight-sided, with a green slope at its base. and beyond that the other monuments stretched out down the valley. lucy decided to ride as far as the first one before turning back. always these monuments had fascinated her, and this was her opportunity to ride near one. how lofty they were, how wonderfully colored, and how comely! presently, over the left, where the monuments were thicker, and gradually merged their slopes and lines and bulk into the yellow walls, she saw low, drifting clouds of smoke. "well, what's that, i wonder?" she mused. to see smoke on the horizon in that direction was unusual, though out toward durango the grassy benches would often burn over. and these low clouds of smoke resembled those she had seen before. "it's a long way off," she added. so she kept on, now and then gazing at the smoke. as she grew nearer to the first monument she was surprised, then amazed, at its height and surpassing size. it was mountain-high--a grand tower--smooth, worn, glistening, yellow and red. the trail she had followed petered out in a deep wash, and beyond that she crossed no more trails. the sage had grown meager and the greasewoods stunted and dead; and cacti appeared on barren places. the grass had not failed, but it was not rich grass such as the horses and cattle grazed upon miles back on the slope. the air was hot down here. the breeze was heavy and smelled of fire, and the sand was blowing here and there. she had a sense of the bigness, the openness of this valley, and then she realized its wildness and strangeness. these lonely, isolated monuments made the place different from any she had visited. they did not seem mere standing rocks. they seemed to retreat all the time as she approached, and they watched her. they interested her, made her curious. what had formed all these strange monuments? here the ground was level for miles and miles, to slope gently up to the bases of these huge rocks. in an old book she had seen pictures of the egyptian pyramids, but these appeared vaster, higher, and stranger, and they were sheerly perpendicular. suddenly sage king halted sharply, shot up his ears, and whistled. lucy was startled. that from the king meant something. hastily, with keen glance she swept the foreground. a mile on, near the monument, was a small black spot. it seemed motionless. but the king's whistle had proved it to be a horse. when lucy had covered a quarter of the intervening distance she could distinguish the horse and that there appeared some thing strange about his position. lucy urged sage king into a lope and soon drew nearer. the black horse had his head down, yet he did not appear to be grazing. he was as still as a statue. he stood just outside a clump of greasewood and cactus. suddenly a sound pierced the stillness. the king jumped and snorted in fright. for an instant lucy's blood ran cold, for it was a horrible cry. then she recognized it as the neigh of a horse in agony. she had heard crippled and dying horses utter that long-drawn and blood-curdling neigh. the black horse had not moved, so the sound could not have come from him. lucy thought sage king acted more excited than the occasion called for. then remembering her father's warning, she reined in on top of a little knoll, perhaps a hundred yards from where the black horse stood, and she bent her keen gaze forward. it was a huge, gaunt, shaggy black horse she saw, with the saddle farther up on his shoulders than it should have been. he stood motionless, as if utterly exhausted. his forelegs were braced, so that he leaned slightly back. then lucy saw a rope. it was fast to the saddle and stretched down into the cactus. there was no other horse in sight, nor any living thing. the immense monument dominated the scene. it seemed stupendous to lucy, sublime, almost frightful. she hesitated. she knew there was another horse, very likely at the other end of that lasso. probably a rider had been thrown, perhaps killed. certainly a horse had been hurt. then on the moment rang out the same neigh of agony, only weaker and shorter. lucy no longer feared an ambush. that was a cry which could not be imitated by a man or forced from a horse. there was probably death, certainly suffering, near at hand. she spurred the king on. there was a little slope to descend, a wash to cross, a bench to climb--and then she rode up to the black horse. sage king needed harder treatment than lucy had ever given him. "what's wrong with you?" she demanded, pulling him down. suddenly, as she felt him tremble, she realized that he was frightened. "that's funny!" then when she got him quiet she looked around. the black horse was indeed huge. his mane, his shaggy flanks, were lathered as if he had been smeared with heavy soap-suds. he raised his head to look at her. lucy, accustomed to horses all her life, saw that this one welcomed her arrival. but he was almost ready to drop. two taut lassoes stretched from the pommel of his saddle down a little into a depression full of brush and cactus and rocks. then lucy saw a red horse. he was down in a bad position. she heard his low, choking heaves. probably he had broken legs or back. she could not bear to see a horse in pain. she would do what was possible, even to the extent of putting him out of his misery, if nothing else could be done. yet she scanned the surroundings closely, and peered into the bushes and behind the rocks before she tried to urge sage king closer. he refused to go nearer, and lucy dismounted. the red horse was partly hidden by overbending brush. he had plunged into a hole full of cactus. there was a hackamore round his nose and a tight noose round his neck. the one round his neck was also round his forelegs. and both lassoes were held taut by the black horse. a torn and soiled rider's scarf hung limp round the red horse's nose, kept from falling off by the hackamore. "a wild horse, a stallion, being broken!" exclaimed lucy, instantly grasping the situation. "oh! where's the rider?" she gazed around, ran to and fro, glanced down the little slope, and beyond, but she did not see anything resembling the form of a man. then she ran back. lucy took another quick look at the red stallion. she did not believe either his legs or back were hurt. he was just played out and tangled and tied in the ropes, and could not get up. the shaggy black horse stood there braced and indomitable. but he, likewise, was almost ready to drop. looking at the condition of both horses and the saddle and ropes, lucy saw what a fight there had been, and a race! where was the rider? thrown, surely, and back on the trail, perhaps dead or maimed. lucy went closer to the stallion so that she could almost touch him. he saw her. he was nearly choked. foam and blood wheezed out with his heaves. she must do something quickly. and in her haste she pricked her arms and shoulders on the cactus. she led the black horse closer in, letting the ropes go, slack. the black seemed as glad of that release as she was. what a faithful brute he looked! lucy liked his eyes. then she edged down in among the cactus and brush. the red horse no longer lay in a strained position. he could lift his head. lucy saw that the noose still held tight round his neck. fearlessly she jerked it loose. then she backed away, but not quite out of his reach. he coughed and breathed slowly, with great heaves. then he snorted. "you're all right now," said lucy, soothingly. slowly she reached a hand toward his head. he drew it back as far as he could. she stepped around, closer, and more back of him, and put a hand on him, gently, for an instant. then she slipped out of the brush and, untying one lasso from the pommel, she returned to the horse and pulled it from round his legs. he was free now, except the hackamore, and that rope was slack. lucy stood near him, watching him, talking to him, waiting for him to get up. she could not be sure he was not badly hurt till he stood up. at first he made no efforts to rise. he watched lucy, less fearfully, she imagined. and she never made a move. she wanted him to see, to understand that she had not hurt him and would not hurt him. it began to dawn upon her that he was magnificent. finally, with a long, slow heave he got to his feet. lucy led him out of the hole to open ground. she seemed somehow confident. there occurred to her only one way to act. "a little horse sense, as dad would say," she soliloquized, and then, when she got him out of the brush, she stood thrilled and amazed. "oh, what a wild, beautiful horse! what a giant! he's bigger than the king. oh, if dad could see him!" the red stallion did not appear to be hurt. the twitching of his muscles must have been caused by the cactus spikes embedded in him. there were drops of blood all over one side. lucy thought she dared to try to pull these thorns out. she had never in her life been afraid of any horse. farlane, holley, all the riders, and her father, too, had tried to make her realize the danger in a horse, sooner or later. but lucy could not help it; she was not afraid; she believed that the meanest horse was actuated by natural fear of a man; she was not a man and she had never handled a horse like a man. this red stallion showed hate of the black horse and the rope that connected them; he showed some spirit at the repeated blasts of sage king. but he showed less fear of her. "he has been a proud, wild stallion," mused lucy. "and he's now broken--terribly broken--all but ruined." then she walked up to him naturally and spoke softly, and reached a hand for his shoulder. "whoa, reddy. whoa now.... there. that's a good fellow. why, i wouldn't rope you or hit you. i'm only a girl." he drew up, made a single effort to jump, which she prevented, and then he stood quivering, eying her, while she talked soothingly, and patted him and looked at him in the way she had found infallible with most horses. lucy believed horses were like people, or easier to get along with. presently she gently pulled out one of the cactus spikes. the horse flinched, but he stood. lucy was slow, careful, patient, and dexterous. the cactus needles were loose and easily removed or brushed off. at length she got him free of them, and was almost as proud as she was glad. the horse had gradually dropped his head; he was tired and his spirit was broken. "now, what shall i do?" she queried. "i'll take the back trail of these horses. they certainly hadn't been here long before i saw them. and the rider may be close. if not i'll take the horses home." she slipped the noose from the stallion's head, leaving the hackamore, and, coiling the loose lasso, she hung it over the pommel of the black's saddle. then she took up his bridle. "come on," she called. the black followed her, and the stallion, still fast to him by the lasso lucy had left tied, trooped behind with bowed head. lucy was elated. but sage king did not like the matter at all. lucy had to drop the black's bridle and catch the king, and then ride back to lead the other again. a broad trail marked the way the two horses had come, and it led off to the left, toward where the monuments were thickest, and where the great sections of wall stood, broken and battlemented. lucy was hard put to it to hold sage king, but the horses behind plodded along. the black horse struck lucy as being an ugly, but a faithful and wonderful animal. he understood everything. presently she tied the bridle she was leading him by to the end of her own lasso, and thus let him drop back a few yards, which lessened the king's fretting. intent on the trail, lucy failed to note time or distance till the looming and frowning monuments stood aloft before her. what weird effect they had! each might have been a colossal statue left there to mark the work of the ages. lucy realized that the whole vast valley had once been solid rock, just like the monuments, and through the millions of years the softer parts had eroded and weathered and blown away--gone with the great sea that had once been there. but the beauty, the solemnity, the majesty of these monuments fascinated her most. she passed the first one, a huge square butte, and then the second, a ragged, thin, double shaft, and then went between two much alike, reaching skyward in the shape of monstrous mittens. she watched and watched them, sparing a moment now and then to attend to the trail. she noticed that she was coming into a region of grass, and faint signs of water in the draws. she was getting high again, not many miles now from the wall of rock. all at once sage king shied, and lucy looked down to see a man lying on the ground. he lay inert. but his eyes were open--dark, staring eyes. they moved. and he called. but lucy could not understand him. in a flash she leaped off the king. she ran to the prostrate man--dropped to her knees. "oh!" she cried. his face was ghastly. "oh! are you--you badly hurt?" "lift me--my head," he said, faintly. she raised his head. what a strained, passionate, terrible gaze he bent upon the horses. "boy, they're mine--the black an' the red!" he cried. "they surely must be," replied lucy. "oh! tell me. are you hurt?" "boy! did you catch them--fetch them back--lookin' for me?" "i sure did." "you caught-that red devil--an' fetched him--back to me?" went on the wondering, faint voice. "boy--oh--boy!" he lifted a long, ragged arm and pulled lucy down. the action amazed her equally as his passion of gratitude. he might have been injured, but he had an arm of iron. lucy was powerless. she felt her face against his--and her breast against his. the pounding of his heart was like blows. the first instant she wanted to laugh, despite her pity. then the powerful arm--the contact affected her as nothing ever before. suppose this crippled rider had taken her for a boy--she was not a boy! she could not help being herself. and no man had ever put a hand on her. consciousness of this brought shame and anger. she struggled so violently that she freed herself. and he lay back. "see here--that's no way to act--to hug--a person," she cried, with flaming cheeks. "boy, i--" "i'm not a boy. i'm a girl." "what!" lucy tore off her sombrero, which had been pulled far forward, and this revealed her face fully, and her hair came tumbling down. the rider gazed, stupefied. then a faint tinge of red colored his ghastly cheeks. "a girl! ... why--why 'scuse me, miss. i--i took you--for a boy." he seemed so astounded, he looked so ashamed, so scared, and withal, so haggard and weak, that lucy immediately recovered her equanimity. "sure i'm a girl. but that's no matter.... you've been thrown. are you hurt?" he smiled a weak assent. "badly?" she queried. she did not like the way he lay--so limp, so motionless. "i'm afraid so. i can't move." "oh! ... what shall i do?" "can you--get me water?" he whispered, with dry lips. lucy flew to her horse to get the small canteen she always carried. but that had been left on her saddle, and she had ridden van's. then she gazed around. the wash she had crossed several times ran near where the rider lay. green grass and willows bordered it. she ran down and, hurrying along, searched for water. there was water in places, yet she had to go a long way before she found water that was drinkable. filling her sombrero, she hurried back to the side of the rider. it was difficult to give him a drink. "thanks, miss," he said, gratefully. his voice was stronger and less hoarse. "have you any broken bones?" asked lucy. "i don't know. i can't feel much." "are you in pain?" "hardly. i feel sort of thick." lucy, being an intelligent girl, born in the desert and used to its needs, had not often encountered a situation with which she was unable to cope. "let me feel if you have any broken bones.... that arm isn't broken, i'm positive." the rider smiled faintly again. how he stared with his strained, dark eyes! his face showed ghastly through the thin, soft beard and the tan. lucy found his right arm badly bruised, but not broken. she made sure his collar-bones and shoulder-blades were intact. broken ribs were harder to locate; still, as he did not feel pain from pressure, she concluded there were no fractures there. with her assistance he moved his legs, proving no broken bones there. "i'm afraid it's my--spine," he said. "but you raised your head once," she replied. "if your back was--was broken or injured you couldn't raise your head." "so i couldn't. i guess i'm just knocked out. i was--pretty weak before wildfire knocked me--off nagger." "wildfire?" "that's the red stallion's name." "oh, he's named already?" "i named him--long ago. he's known on many a range." "where?" "i think far north of here. i--trailed him--days--weeks--months. we crossed the great canyon--" "the grand canyon?" "it must be that." "the grand canyon is down there," said lucy, pointing. "i live on it.... you've come a long way." "hundreds of miles! ... oh, the ground i covered that awful canyon country! ... but i stayed with wildfire. an' i put a rope on him. an' he got away.... an' it was a boy--no--a girl who--saved him for me--an' maybe saved my life, too!" lucy looked away from the dark, staring eyes. a light in them confused her. "never mind me. you say you were weak? have you been ill?" "no, miss, just starved.... i starved on wildfire's trail." lucy ran to her saddle and got the biscuits out of the pockets of her coat, and she ran back to the rider. "here. i never thought. oh, you've had a hard time of it! i understand. that wonderful flame of a horse! i'd have stayed, too. my father was a rider once. bostil. did you ever hear of him?" "bostil. the name--i've heard." then the rider lay thinking, as he munched a biscuit. "yes, i remember, but it was long ago. i spent a night with a wagon-train, a camp of many men and women, religious people, working into utah. bostil had a boat at the crossing of the fathers." "yes, they called the ferry that." "i remember well now. they said bostil couldn't count his horses--that he was a rich man, hard on riders--an' he'd used a gun more than once." lucy bowed her head. "yes, that's my dad." the rider did not seem to see how he had hurt her. "here we are talking--wasting time," she said. "i must start home. you can't be moved. what shall i do?" "that's for you to say, bostil's daughter." "my name's lucy," replied the girl, blushing painfully, "i mean i'll be glad to do anything you think best." "you're very good." then he turned his face away. lucy looked closely at him. he was indeed a beggared rider. his clothes and his boots hung in tatters. he had no hat, no coat, no vest. his gaunt face bore traces of what might have been a fine, strong comeliness, but now it was only thin, worn, wan, pitiful, with that look which always went to a woman's heart. he had the look of a homeless rider. lucy had seen a few of his wandering type, and his story was so plain. but he seemed to have a touch of pride, and this quickened her interest. "then i'll do what i think best for you," said lucy. first she unsaddled the black nagger. with the saddle she made a pillow for the rider's head, and she covered him with the saddle blanket. before she had finished this task he turned his eyes upon her. and lucy felt she would be haunted. was he badly hurt, after all? it seemed probable. how strange he was! "i'll water the horses--then tie wildfire here on a double rope. there's grass." "but you can't lead him," replied the rider. "he'll follow me." "that red devil!" the rider shuddered as he spoke. lucy had some faint inkling of what a terrible fight that had been between man and horse. "yes; when i found him he was broken. look at him now." but the rider did not appear to want to see the stallion. he gazed up at lucy, and she saw something in his eyes that made her think of a child. she left him, had no trouble in watering the horses, and haltered wildfire among the willows on a patch of grass. then she returned. "i'll go now," she said to the rider. "where?" "home. i'll come back to-morrow, early, and bring some one to help you--" "girl, if you want to help me more--bring me some bread an' meat. don't tell any one. look what a ragamuffin i am.... an' there's wildfire. i don't want him seen till i'm--on my feet again. i know riders.... that's all. if you want to be so good--come." "i'll come," replied lucy, simply. "thank you. i owe you--a lot.... what did you say your name was?" "lucy--lucy bostil." "oh, i forgot.... are you sure you tied wildfire good an' tight?" "yes, i'm sure. i'll go now. i hope you'll be better to-morrow." lucy hesitated, with her hand on the king's bridle. she did not like to leave this young man lying there helpless on the desert. but what else could she do? what a strange adventure had befallen her! at the following thought that it was not yet concluded she felt a little stir of excitement at her pulses. she was so strangely preoccupied that she forgot it was necessary for her to have a step to mount sage king. she realized it quickly enough when she attempted it. then she led him off in the sage till she found a rock. mounting, she turned him straight across country, meaning to cut out miles of travel that would have been necessary along her back-trail. once she looked back. the rider was not visible; the black horse, nagger, was out of sight, but wildfire, blazing in the sun, watched her depart. chapter ix lucy bostil could not control the glow of strange excitement under which she labored, but she could put her mind on the riding of sage king. she did not realize, however, that she was riding him under the stress and spell of that excitement. she had headed out to make a short cut, fairly sure of her direction, yet she was not unaware of the fact that she would be lost till she ran across her trail. that might be easy to miss and time was flying. she put the king to a brisk trot, winding through the aisles of the sage. soon she had left the monument region and was down on the valley floor again. from time to time she conquered a desire to look back. presently she was surprised and very glad to ride into a trail where she saw the tracks she had made coming out. with much relief she turned sage king into this trail, and then any anxiety she had felt left her entirely. but that did not mitigate her excitement. she eased the king into a long, swinging lope. and as he warmed to the work she was aroused also. it was hard to hold him in, once he got out of a trot, and after miles and miles of this, when she thought best to slow down he nearly pulled her arms off. still she finally got him in hand. then followed miles of soft and rough going, which seemed long and tedious. beyond that was the home stretch up the valley, whose gradual slope could be seen only at a distance. here was a straight, broad trail, not too soft nor too hard, and for all the years she could remember riders had tried out and trained their favorites on that course. lucy reached down to assure herself that the cinch was tight, then she pulled her sombrero down hard, slackened the bridle, and let the king go. he simply broke his gait, he was so surprised. lucy saw him trying to look back at her, as if he could not realize that this young woman rider had given him a free rein. perhaps one reason he disliked her had been always and everlastingly that tight rein. like the wary horse he was he took to a canter, to try out what his new freedom meant. "say, what's the matter with you?" called lucy, disdainfully. "are you lazy? or don't you believe i can ride you?" whereupon she dug him with her spurs. sage king snorted. his action shifted marvelously. thunder rolled from under his hoofs. and he broke out of that clattering roar into his fleet stride, where his hoof-beats were swift, regular, rhythmic. lucy rode him with teeth and fists clenched, bending low. after all, she thought, it was no trick to ride him. in that gait he was dangerous, for a fall meant death; but he ran so smoothly that riding him was easy and certainly glorious. he went so fast that the wind blinded her. the trail was only a white streak in blurred gray. she could not get her breath; the wind seemed to whip the air away from her. and then she felt the lessening of the tremendous pace. sage king had run himself out and the miles were behind her. gradually her sight became clear, and as the hot and wet horse slowed down, satisfied with his wild run, lucy realized that she was up on the slope only a few miles from home. suddenly she thought she saw something dark stir behind a sage-bush just ahead. before she could move a hand at the bridle sage king leaped with a frantic snort. it was a swerving, nimble, tremendous bound. he went high. lucy was unseated, but somehow clung on, and came down with him, finding the saddle. and it seemed, while in the air, she saw a long, snaky, whipping loop of rope shoot out and close just where sage king's legs had been. she screamed. the horse broke and ran. lucy, righting herself, looked back to see joel creech holding a limp lasso. he had tried to rope the king. the blood of her father was aroused in lucy. she thought of the horse--not herself. if the king had not been so keen-sighted, so swift, he would have gone down with a broken leg. lucy never in her life had been so furious. joel shook his fist at her and yelled, "i'd 'a' got you--on any other hoss!" she did not reply, though she had to fight herself to keep from pulling her gun and shooting at him. she guided the running horse back into the trail, rapidly leaving creech out of sight. "he's gone crazy, that's sure," said lucy. "and he means me harm!" she ran the king clear up to the corrals, and he was still going hard when she turned down the lane to the barns. then she pulled him in. farlane was there to meet her. she saw no other riders and was glad. "wal, miss lucy, the king sure looks good," said farlane, as she jumped off and flung him the bridle. "he's just had about right, judgin'.... say, girl, you're all pale! oh, say, you wasn't scared of the king, now?" "no," replied lucy, panting. "wal, what's up, then?" the rider spoke in an entirely different voice, and into his clear, hazel eyes a little dark gleam shot. "joel creech waylaid me out in the sage--and--and tried to catch me." lucy checked herself. it might not do to tell how joel had tried to catch her. "he did? an' you on the king!" farlane laughed, as if relieved. "wal, he's tried thet before. miss lucy. but when you was up on the gray--thet shows joel's crazy, sure." "he sure is. farlane, i--i am mad!" "wal, cool off, miss lucy. it ain't nothin' to git set up about. an' don't tell the old man." "why not?" demanded lucy. "wal, because he's in a queer sort of bad mood lately. it wouldn't be safe. he hates them creeches. so don't tell him." "all right, farlane, i won't. don't you tell, either," replied lucy, soberly. "sure i'll keep mum. but if joel doesn't watch out i'll put a crimp in him myself." lucy hurried away down the lane and entered the house without meeting any one. in her room she changed her clothes and lay down to rest and think. strangely enough, lucy might never have encountered joel creech out in the sage, for all the thought she gave him. her mind was busy with the crippled rider. who was he? where was he from? what strange passion he had shown over the recovery of that wonderful red horse! lucy could not forget the feeling of his iron arm when he held her in a kind of frenzied gratitude. a wild upland rider, living only for a wild horse! how like indians some of these riders! yet this fellow had seemed different from most of the uncouth riders she had known. he spoke better. he appeared to have had some little schooling. lucy did not realize that she was interested in him. she thought she was sorry for him and interested in the stallion. she began to compare wildfire with sage king, and if she remembered rightly wildfire, even in his disheveled state, had appeared a worthy rival of the king. what would bostil say at sight of that flame-colored stallion? lucy thrilled. later she left her room to see if the hour was opportune for her plan to make up a pack of supplies for the rider. her aunt was busy in the kitchen, and bostil had not come in. lucy took advantage of the moment to tie up a pack and carry it to her room. somehow the task pleased her. she recalled the lean face of the rider. and that recalled his ragged appearance. why not pack up an outfit of clothes? bostil had a stock-room full of such accessories for his men. then lucy, glowing with the thought, hurried to bostil's stock-room, and with deft hands and swift judgment selected an outfit for the rider, even down to a comb and razor. all this she carried quickly to her room, where in her thoughtfulness she added a bit of glass from a broken mirror, and soap and a towel. then she tied up a second pack. bostil did not come home to supper, a circumstance that made lucy's aunt cross. they ate alone, and, waiting awhile, were rather late in clearing away the table. after this lucy had her chance in the dusk of early evening, and she carried both packs way out into the sage and left them near the trail. "hope a coyote doesn't come along," she said. that possibility, however, did not worry her as much as getting those packs up on the king. how in the world would she ever do it? she hurried back to the house, stealthily keeping to the shadow of the cottonwoods, for she would have faced an embarrassing situation if she had met her father, even had he been in a good humor. and she reached the sitting-room unobserved. the lamps had been lighted and a log blazed on the hearth. she was reading when bostil entered. "hello, lucy!" he said. he looked tired, and lucy knew he had been drinking, because when he had been he never offered to kiss her. the strange, somber shade was still on his face, but it brightened somewhat at sight of her. lucy greeted him as always. "farlane tells me you handled the king great--better 'n van has worked him lately," said bostil. "but don't tell him i told you." that was sweet praise from farlane. "oh, dad, it could hardly be true," expostulated lucy. "both you and farlane are a little sore at van now." "i'm a lot sore," replied bostil, gruffly. "anyway, how did farlane know how i handled sage king?" queried lucy. "wal, every hair on a hoss talks to farlane, so holley says.... lucy, you take the king out every day for a while. ride him now an' watch out! joel creech was in the village to-day. he sure sneaked when he seen me. he's up to some mischief." lucy did not want to lie and she did not know what to say. presently bostil bade her good night. lucy endeavored to read, but her mind continually wandered back to the adventure of the day. next morning she had difficulty in concealing her impatience, but luck favored her. bostil was not in evidence, and farlane, for once, could spare no more time than it took to saddle sage king. lucy rode out into the sage, pretty sure that no one watched her. she had hidden the packs near the tallest bunch of greasewood along the trail; and when she halted behind it she had no fear of being seen from the corrals. she got the packs. the light one was not hard to tie back of the saddle, but the large one was a very different matter. she decided to carry it in front. there was a good-sized rock near, upon which she stepped, leading sage king alongside; and after an exceedingly trying moment she got up, holding the pack. for a wonder sage king behaved well. then she started off, holding the pack across her lap, and she tried the king's several gaits to see which one would lend itself more comfortably to the task before her. the trouble was that sage king had no slow gait, even his walk was fast. and lucy was compelled to hold him into that. she wanted to hurry, but that seemed out of the question. she tried to keep from gazing out toward the monuments, because they were so far away. how would she find the crippled rider? it flashed into her mind that she might find him dead, and this seemed horrible. but her common sense persuaded her that she would find him alive and better. the pack was hard to hold, and sage king fretted at the monotonous walk. the hours dragged. the sun grew hot. and it was noon, almost, when she reached the point where she cut off the trail to the left. thereafter, with the monuments standing ever higher, and the distance perceptibly lessening, the minutes passed less tediously. at length she reached the zone of lofty rocks, and found them different, how, she could not tell. she rode down among them, and was glad when she saw the huge mittens--her landmarks. at last she espied the green-bordered wash and the few cedar-trees. then a horse blazed red against the sage and another shone black. that sight made lucy thrill. she rode on, eager now, but moved by the strangeness of the experience. before she got quite close to the cedars she saw a man. he took a few slow steps out of the shade. his back was bent. lucy recognized the rider, and in her gladness to see him on his feet she cried out. then, when sage king reached the spot, lucy rolled the pack off to the ground. "oh, that was a job!" she cried. the rider looked up with eyes that seemed keener, less staring than she remembered. "you came? ... i was afraid you wouldn't," he said. "sure i came.... you're better--not badly hurt?" she said, gravely, "i--i'm so glad." "i've got a crimp in my back, that's all." lucy was quick to see that after the first glance at her he was all eyes for sage king. she laughed. how like a rider! she watched him, knowing that presently he would realize what a horse she was riding. she slipped off and threw the bridle, and then, swiftly untying the second pack, she laid it down. the rider, with slow, painful steps and bent back, approached sage king and put a lean, strong, brown hand on him, and touched him as if he wished to feel if he were real. then he whistled softly. when he turned to lucy his eyes shone with a beautiful light. "it's sage king, bostil's favorite," said lucy. "sage king! ... he looks it.... but never a wild horse?" "no." "a fine horse," replied the rider. "of course he can run?" this last held a note of a rider's jealousy. lucy laughed. "run! ... the king is bostil's favorite. he can run away from any horse in the uplands." "i'll bet you wildfire can beat him," replied the rider, with a dark glance. "come on!" cried lucy, daringly. then the rider and girl looked more earnestly at each other. he smiled in a way that changed his face--brightened out the set hardness. "i reckon i'll have to crawl," he said, ruefully. "but maybe i can ride in a few days--if you'll come back again." his remark brought to lucy the idea that of course she would hardly see this rider again after to-day. even if he went to the ford, which event was unlikely, he would not remain there long. the sensation of blankness puzzled her, and she felt an unfamiliar confusion. "i--i've brought you--some things," she said, pointing to the larger pack. "grub, you mean?" "no." "that was all i asked you for, miss," he said, somewhat stiffly. "yes, but--i--i thought--" lucy became unaccountably embarrassed. suppose this strange rider would be offended. "your clothes were--so torn.... and no wonder you were thrown--in those boots! ... so i thought i'd--" "you thought i needed clothes as bad as grub," he said, bitterly. "i reckon that's so." his look, more than his tone, cut lucy; and involuntarily she touched his arm. "oh, you won't refuse to take them! please don't!" at her touch a warmth came into his face. "take them? i should smile i will." he tried to reach down to lift the pack, but as it was obviously painful for him to bend, lucy intercepted him. "but you've had no breakfast," she protested. "why not eat before you open that pack?" "nope. i'm not hungry.... maybe i'll eat a little, after i dress up." he started to walk away, then turned. "miss bostil, have you been so good to every wanderin' rider you happened to run across?" "good!" she exclaimed, flushing. she dropped her eyes before his. "nonsense. ... anyway, you're the first wandering rider i ever met--like this." "well, you're good," he replied, with emotion. then he walked away with slow, stiff steps and disappeared behind the willows in the little hollow. lucy uncoiled the rope on her saddle and haltered sage king on the best grass near at hand. then she opened the pack of supplies, thinking the while that she must not tarry here long. "but on the king i can run back like the wind," she mused. the pack contained dried fruits and meat and staples, also an assortment of good things to eat that were of a perishable nature, already much the worse for the long ride. she spread all this out in the shade of a cedar. the utensils were few--two cups, two pans, and a tiny pot. she gathered wood, and arranged it for a fire, so that the rider could start as soon as he came back. he seemed long in coming. lucy waited, yet still he did not return. finally she thought of the red stallion, and started off down the wash to take a look at him. he was grazing. he had lost some of the dirt and dust and the bedraggled appearance. when he caught sight of her he lifted his head high and whistled. how wild he looked! and his whistle was shrill, clear, strong. both the other horses answered it. lucy went on closer to wildfire. she was fascinated now. "if he doesn't know me!" she cried. never had she been so pleased. she had expected every sign of savageness on his part, and certainly had not intended to go near him. but wildfire did not show fear or hate in his recognition. lucy went directly to him and got a hand on him. wildfire reared a little and shook a little, but this disappeared presently under her touch. he held his head very high and watched her with wonderful eyes. gradually she drew his head down. standing before him, she carefully and slowly changed the set of the hackamore, which had made a welt on his nose. it seemed to have been her good fortune that every significant move she had made around this stallion had been to mitigate his pain. lucy believed he knew this as well as she knew it. her theory, an often disputed one, was that horses were as intelligent as human beings and had just the same fears, likes, and dislikes. lucy knew she was safe when she untied the lasso from the strong root where she had fastened it, and led the stallion down the wash to a pool of water. and she stood beside him with a hand on his shoulder while he bent his head to sniff at the water. he tasted it, plainly with disgust. it was stagnant water, full of vermin. but finally he drank. lucy led him up the wash to another likely place, and tied him securely. when she got back to the camp in the cedars the rider was there, on his knees, kindling the fire. his clean-shaved face and new apparel made him vastly different. he was young, and, had he not been so gaunt, he would have been fine-looking, lucy thought. "wildfire remembered me," lucy burst out. "he wasn't a bit scary. let me handle him. followed me to water." "he's taken to you," replied the rider, seriously. "i've heard of the like, but not so quick. was he in a bad fix when you got to him yesterday?" lucy explained briefly. "aha! ... if that red devil has any love in him i'll never get it. i wish i could have done so much for him. but always when he sees me he'll remember." lucy saw that the rider was in difficulties. he could not bend his back, and evidently it pained him to try. his brow was moist. "let me do that," she said. "thanks. it took about all my strength to get into this new outfit," he said, relinquishing, his place to lucy. when she looked up from her task, presently, he was sitting in the shade of the cedar, watching her. he had the expression of a man who hardly believed what he saw. "did you have any trouble gettin' away, without tellin'--about me?" he asked. "no. but i sure had a job with those packs," she replied. "you must be a wonder with a horse." as far as vanity was concerned lucy had only one weakness--and he had touched upon it. "well, dad and holley and farlane argue much about me. still, i guess they all agree i can ride." "holley an' farlane are riders?" he questioned. "yes, dad's right-hand men." "your dad hires many riders, i supposed?" "sure i never heard of him turning any rider down, at least not without a try." "i wonder if he would give me a job?" lucy glanced up quickly. the idea surprised her--pleased her. "in a minute," she replied. "and he'd be grand to you. you see, he'd have an eye for wildfire." the rider nodded his head as if he understood how that would be. "and of course you'd never sell nor trade wildfire?" went on lucy. the rider's smile was sad, but it was conclusive. "then you'd better stay away from bostil," returned lucy, shortly. he remained silent, and lucy, busy about the campfire, did not speak again till the simple fare was ready. then she spread a tarpaulin in the shade. "i'm pretty hungry myself," she said. "but i don't suppose i know what hunger is." "after a while a fellow loses the feelin' of hunger," he replied. "i reckon it'll come back quick.... this all looks good." so they began to eat. lucy's excitement, her sense of the unreality of this adventure, in no wise impaired her appetite. she seemed acutely sensitive to the perceptions of the moment. the shade of the cedars was cool. and out on the desert she could see the dark smoky veils of heat lifting. the breeze carried a dry odor of sand and grass. she heard bees humming by. and all around the great isolated monuments stood up, red tops against the blue sky. it was a silent, dreaming, impressive place, where she felt unlike herself. "i mustn't stay long," she said, suddenly remembering. "will you come back--again?" he asked. the question startled lucy. "why--i--i don't know.... won't you ride in to the ford just as soon as you're able?" "i reckon not." "but it's the only place where there's people in hundreds of miles. surely you won't try to go back the way you came?" "when wildfire left that country i left it. we can't back." "then you've no people--no one you care for?" she asked, in sweet seriousness. "there's no one. i'm an orphan. my people were lost in an indian massacre--with a wagon-train crossin' wyomin'. a few escaped, an' i was one of the youngsters. i had a tough time, like a stray dog, till i grew up. an' then i took to the desert." "oh, i see. i--i'm sorry," replied lucy. "but that's not very different from my dad's story, of his early years.... what will you do now?" "i'll stay here till my back straightens out.... will you ride out again?" "yes," replied lucy, without looking at him; and she wondered if it were really she who was speaking. then he asked her about the ford, and bostil, and the ranches and villages north, and the riders and horses. lucy told him everything she knew and could think of, and, lastly, after waxing eloquent on the horses of the uplands, particularly bostil's, she gave him a graphic account of cordts and dick sears. "horse-thieves!" exclaimed the rider, darkly. there was a grimness as well as fear in his tone. "i've heard of sears, but not cordts. where does this band hang out?" "no one knows. holley says they hide up in the canyon country. none of the riders have ever tried to track them far. it would be useless. holley says there are plateaus of rich grass and great forests. the ute indians say that much, too. but we know little about the wild country." "aren't there any hunters at bostil's ford?" "wild-horse hunters, you mean?" "no. bear an' deer hunters." "there's none. and i suppose that's why we're not familiar with the wild canyon country. i'd like to ride in there sometime and camp. but our people don't go in for that. they love the open ranges. no one i know, except a half-witted boy, ever rode down among these monuments. and how wonderful a place! it can't be more than twenty miles from home.... i must be going soon. i'm forgetting sage king. did i tell you i was training him for the races?" "no, you didn't. what races? tell me," he replied, with keen interest. then lucy told him about the great passion of her father--about the long, time-honored custom of free-for-all races, and the great races that had been run in the past; about the creeches and their swift horses; about the rivalry and speculation and betting; and lastly about the races to be run in a few weeks--races so wonderful in prospect that even the horse-thief, cordts, had begged to be allowed to attend. "i'm going to see the king beat creech's roan," shouted the rider, with red in his cheeks and a flash in his eye. his enthusiasm warmed lucy's interest, yet it made her thoughtful. ideas flashed into her mind. if the rider attended the races he would have that fleet stallion with him. he could not be separated from the horse that had cost him so dearly. what would bostil and holley and farlane say at sight of wildfire? suppose wildfire was to enter the races! it was probable that he could run away from the whole field--even beat the king. lucy thrilled and thrilled. what a surprise it would be! she had the rider's true love of seeing the unheralded horse win over the favorite. she had for years wanted to see a horse--and ride a horse--out in front of sage king. then suddenly all these flashing ideas coruscated seemingly into a gleam--a leaping, radiant, wonderful thought. irresistibly it burst from her. "let me ride your wildfire in the great race?" she cried, breathlessly. his response was instantaneous--a smile that was keen and sweet and strong, and a proffered hand. impulsively lucy clasped that hand with both hers. "you don't mean it," she said. "oh, it's what auntie would call one of my wild dreams! ... and i'm growing up--they say.... but-- oh, if i could ride wildfire against the field in that race.... if i only could!" she was on fire with the hope, flushing, tingling. she was unconscious of her effect upon the rider, who gazed at her with a new-born light in his eyes. "you can ride him. i reckon i'd like to see that race just as much as bostil or cordts or any man.... an' see here, girl, wildfire can beat this gray racer of your father's." "oh!" cried lucy. "wildfire can beat the king," repeated the rider, intensely. "the tame horse doesn't step on this earth that can run with wildfire. he's a stallion. he has been a killer of horses. it's in him to kill. if he ran a race it would be that instinct in him." "how can we plan it?" went on lucy, impulsively. she had forgotten to withdraw her hands from his. "it must be a surprise--a complete surprise. if you came to the ford we couldn't keep it secret. and dad or farlane would prevent me, somehow." "it's easy. ride out here as often as you can. bring a light saddle an' let me put you up on wildfire. you'll run him, train him, get him in shape. then the day of the races or the night before i'll go in an' hide out in the sage till you come or send for wildfire." "oh, it'll be glorious," she cried, with eyes like stars. "i know just where to have you hide. a pile of rocks near the racecourse. there's a spring and good grass. i could ride out to you just before the big race, and we'd come back, with me on wildfire. the crowd always stays down at the end of the racecourse. only the starters stay out there.... oh, i can see bostil when that red stallion runs into sight!" "well, is it settled?" queried the rider, strangely. lucy was startled into self-consciousness by his tone. how strangely he must have felt. and his eyes were piercing. "you mean--that i ride wildfire?" she replied, shyly. "yes, if you'll let me." "i'll be proud." "you're very good.... and do you think wildfire can beat the king?" "i know it." "how do you?" "i've seen both horses." "but it will be a grand race." "i reckon so. it's likely to be the grandest ever seen. but wildfire will win because he's run wild all his life--an' run to kill other horses.... the only question is--can you ride him?" "yes. i never saw the horse i couldn't ride. bostil says there are some i can't ride. farlane says not. only two horses have thrown me, the king and sarchedon. but that was before they knew me. and i was sort of wild. i can make your wildfire love me." "that's the last part of it i'd ever doubt," replied the rider. "it's settled, then. i'll camp here. i'll be well in a few days. then i'll take wildfire in hand. you will ride out whenever you have a chance, without bein' seen. an' the two of us will train the stallion to upset that race." "yes--then--it's settled." lucy's gaze was impelled and held by the rider's. why was he so pale? but then he had been injured--weakened. this compact between them had somehow changed their relation. she seemed to have known him long. "what's your name?" she asked. "lin slone," replied the rider. then she released her hands. "i must ride in now. if this isn't a dream i'll come back soon." she led sage king to a rock and mounted him. "it's good to see you up there," said slone. "an' that splendid horse! ... he knows what he is. it'll break bostil's heart to see that horse beat." "dad'll feel bad, but it'll do him good," replied lucy. that was the old rider's ruthless spirit speaking out of his daughter's lips. slone went close to the king and, putting a hand on the pommel, he looked up at lucy. "maybe--it is--a dream--an' you won't come back," he said, with unsteady voice. "then i'll come in dreams," she flashed. "be careful of yourself.... good-by." and at a touch the impatient king was off. from far up the slope near a monument lucy looked back. slone was watching her. she waved a gauntleted hand--and then looked back no more. chapter x two weeks slipped by on the wings of time and opportunity and achievement, all colored so wonderfully for lucy, all spelling that adventure for which she had yearned. lucy was riding down into the sage toward the monuments with a whole day before her. bostil kept more and more to himself, a circumstance that worried her, though she thought little about it. van had taken up the training of the king; and lucy had deliberately quarreled with him so that she would be free to ride where she listed. farlane nagged her occasionally about her rides into the sage, insisting that she must not go so far and stay so long. and after van's return to work he made her ride sarchedon. things had happened at the ford which would have concerned lucy greatly had she not been over-excited about her own affairs. some one had ambushed bostil in the cottonwoods near his house and had shot at him, narrowly missing him. bostil had sworn he recognized the shot as having come from a rifle, and that he knew to whom it belonged. the riders did not believe this, and said some boy, shooting at a rabbit or coyote, had been afraid to confess he had nearly hit bostil. the riders all said bostil was not wholly himself of late. the river was still low. the boat had not been repaired. and creech's horses were still on the other side. these things concerned lucy, yet they only came and went swiftly through her mind. she was obsessed by things intimately concerning herself. "oh, i oughtn't to go," she said, aloud. but she did not even check sarchedon's long swing, his rocking-chair lope. she had said a hundred times that she ought not go again out to the monuments. for lin slone had fallen despairingly, terribly in love with her. it was not this, she averred, but the monuments and the beautiful wildfire that had woven a spell round her she could not break. she had ridden wildfire all through that strange region of monuments and now they claimed something of her. just as wonderful was wildfire's love for her. the great stallion hated slone and loved lucy. of all the remarkable circumstances she had seen or heard about a horse, this fact was the most striking. she could do anything with him. all that savageness and wildness disappeared when she approached him. he came at her call. he whistled at sight of her. he sent out a ringing blast of disapproval when she rode away. every day he tried to bite or kick slone, but he was meek under lucy's touch. but this morning there came to lucy the first vague doubt of herself. once entering her mind, that doubt became clear. and then she vowed she liked slone as she might a brother. and something within her accused her own conviction. the conviction was her real self, and the accusation was some other girl lately born in her. lucy did not like this new person. she was afraid of her. she would not think of her unless she had to. "i never cared for him--that way," she said, aloud. "i don't--i couldn't--ever--i--i--love lin slone!" the spoken thought--the sound of the words played havoc with lucy's self-conscious calmness. she burned. she trembled. she was in a rage with herself. she spurred sarchedon into a run and tore through the sage, down into the valley, running him harder than she should have run him. then she checked him, and, penitent, petted him out of all proportion to her thoughtlessness. the violent exercise only heated her blood and, if anything, increased this sudden and new torment. why had she discarded her boy's rider outfit and chaps for a riding-habit made by her aunt, and one she had scorned to wear? some awful, accusing voice thundered in lucy's burning ears that she had done this because she was ashamed to face lin slone any more in that costume--she wanted to appear different in his eyes, to look like a girl. if that shameful suspicion was a fact why was it---what did it mean? she could not tell, yet she was afraid of the truth. all of a sudden lin slone stood out clearer in her mental vision--the finest type of a rider she had ever known--a strong, lithe, magnificent horseman, whose gentleness showed his love for horses, whose roughness showed his power--a strange, intense, lonely man in whom she had brought out pride, gratitude, kindness, passion, and despair. she felt her heart swell at the realization that she had changed him, made him kinder, made him divide his love as did her father, made him human, hopeful, longing for a future unfettered by the toils of desert allurement. she could not control her pride. she must like him very much. she confessed that, honestly, without a qualm. it was only bewildering moments of strange agitation and uncertainty that bothered her. she had refused to be concerned by them until they had finally impinged upon her peace of mind. then they accused her; now she accused herself. she ought not go to meet lin slone any more. "but then--the race!" she murmured. "i couldn't give that up.... and oh! i'm afraid the harm is done! what can i do?" after the race--what then? to be sure, all of bostil's ford would know she had been meeting slone out in the sage, training his horse. what would people say? "dad will simply be radiant, if he can buy wildfire--and a fiend if he can't," she muttered. lucy saw that her own impulsiveness had amounted to daring. she had gone too far. she excused that--for she had a rider's blood--she was bostil's girl. but she had, in her wildness and joy and spirit, spent many hours alone with a rider, to his undoing. she could not excuse that. she was ashamed. what would he say when she told him she could see him no more? the thought made her weak. he would accept and go his way--back to that lonely desert, with only a horse. "wildfire doesn't love him!" she said. and the scarlet fired her neck and cheek and temple. that leap of blood seemed to release a riot of emotions. what had been a torment became a torture. she turned sarchedon homeward, but scarcely had faced that way when she wheeled him again. she rode slowly and she rode swiftly. the former was hateful because it held her back--from what she no longer dared think; the latter was fearful because it hurried her on swiftly, irresistibly to her fate. lin slone had changed his camp and had chosen a pass high up where the great walls had began to break into sections. here there was intimacy with the sheer cliffs of red and yellow. wide avenues between the walls opened on all points of the compass, and that one to the north appeared to be a gateway down into the valley of monuments. the monuments trooped down into the valley to spread out and grow isolated in the distance. slone's camp was in a clump of cedars surrounding a spring. there was grass and white sage where rabbits darted in and out. lucy did not approach this camp from that roundabout trail which she had made upon the first occasion of her visiting slone. he had found an opening in the wall, and by riding this way into the pass lucy cut off miles. in fact, the camp was not over fifteen miles from bostil's ford. it was so close that lucy was worried lest some horse-tracker should stumble on the trail and follow her up into the pass. this morning she espied slone at his outlook on a high rock that had fallen from the great walls. she always looked to see if he was there, and she always saw him. the days she had not come, which were few, he had spent watching for her there. his tasks were not many, and he said he had nothing to do but wait for her. lucy had a persistent and remorseful, yet sweet memory of slone at his lonely lookout. here was a fine, strong, splendid young man who had nothing to do but watch for her--a waste of precious hours! she waved her hand from afar, and he waved in reply. then as she reached the cedared part of the pass slone was no longer visible. she put sarchedon to a run up the hard, wind-swept sand, and reached the camp before slone had climbed down from his perch. lucy dismounted reluctantly. what would he say about the riding-habit that she wore? she felt very curious to learn, and shyer than ever before, and altogether different. the skirt made her more of a girl, it seemed. "hello, lin!" she called. there was nothing in her usual greeting to betray the state of her mind. "good mornin'--lucy," he replied, very slowly. he was looking at her, she thought, with different eyes. and he seemed changed, too, though he had long been well, and his tall, lithe rider's form, his lean, strong face, and his dark eyes were admirable in her sight. only this morning, all because she had worn a girl's riding-skirt instead of boy's chaps, everything seemed different. perhaps her aunt had been right, after all, and now things were natural. slone gazed so long at her that lucy could not keep silent. she laughed. "how do you like--me--in this?" "i like you much better," slone said, bluntly. "auntie made this--and she's been trying to get me to ride in it." "it changes you, lucy.... but can you ride as well?" "i'm afraid not.... what's wildfire going to think of me?" "he'll like you better, too.... lucy, how's the king comin' on?" "lin, i'll tell you, if i wasn't as crazy about wildfire as you are, i'd say he'll have to kill himself to beat the king," replied lucy, with gravity. "sometimes i doubt, too," said slone. "but i only have to look at wildfire to get back my nerve.... lucy, that will be the grandest race ever run!" "yes," sighed lucy. "what's wrong? don't you want wildfire to win?" "yes and no. but i'm going to beat the king, anyway.... bring on your wildfire!" lucy unsaddled sarchedon and turned him loose to graze while slone went out after wildfire. and presently it appeared that lucy might have some little time to wait. wildfire had lately been trusted to hobbles, which fact made it likely that he had strayed. lucy gazed about her at the great looming red walls and out through the avenues to the gray desert beyond. this adventure of hers would soon have an end, for the day of the races was not far distant, and after that it was obvious she would not have occasion to meet slone. to think of never coming to the pass again gave lucy a pang. unconsciously she meant that she would never ride up here again, because slone would not be here. a wind always blew through the pass, and that was why the sand was so clean and hard. to-day it was a pleasant wind, not hot, nor laden with dust, and somehow musical in the cedars. the blue smoke from slone's fire curled away and floated out of sight. it was lonely, with the haunting presence of the broken walls ever manifest. but the loneliness seemed full of content. she no longer wondered at slone's desert life. that might be well for a young man, during those years when adventure and daring called him, but she doubted that it would be well for all of a man's life. and only a little of it ought to be known by a woman. she saw how the wildness and loneliness and brooding of such a life would prevent a woman's development. yet she loved it all and wanted to live near it, so that when the need pressed her she could ride out into the great open stretches and see the dark monuments grow nearer and nearer, till she was under them, in the silent and colored shadows. slone returned presently with wildfire. the stallion shone like a flame in the sunlight. his fear and hatred of slone showed in the way he obeyed. slone had mastered him, and must always keep the upper hand of him. it had from the first been a fight between man and beast, and lucy believed it would always be so. but wildfire was a different horse when he saw lucy. day by day evidently slone loved him more and tried harder to win a little of what wildfire showed at sight of lucy. still slone was proud of lucy's control over the stallion. he was just as much heart and soul bent on winning the great race as lucy was. she had ridden wildfire bareback at first, and then they had broken him to the saddle. it was serious business, that training of wildfire, and slone had peculiar ideas regarding it. lucy rode him up and down the pass until he was warm. then slone got on sarchedon. wildfire always snorted and showed fight at sight of sage king or nagger, and the stallion sarchedon infuriated him because sarchedon showed fight, too. slone started out ahead of lucy, and then they raced down the long pass. the course was hard-packed sand. fast as sarchedon was, and matchless as a horseman as was slone, the race was over almost as soon as it began. wildfire ran indeed like fire before the wind. he wanted to run, and the other horse made him fierce. like a burr lucy stuck low over his neck, a part of the horse, and so light he would not have known he was carrying her but for the repeated calls in his ears. lucy never spurred him. she absolutely refused to use spurs on him. this day she ran away from slone, and, turning at the end of the two-mile course they had marked out, she loped wildfire back. slone turned with her, and they were soon in camp. lucy did not jump off. she was in a transport. every race kindled a mounting fire in her. she was scarlet of face, out of breath, her hair flying. and she lay on wildfire's neck and hugged him and caressed him and talked to him in low tones of love. slone dismounted and got sarchedon out of the way, then crossed to where lucy still fondled wildfire. he paused a moment to look at her, but when she saw him he started again, and came close up to her as she sat the saddle. "you went past me like a bullet," he said. "oh, can't he run!" murmured lucy. "could he beat the king to-day?" slone had asked that question every day, more than once. "yes, he could--to-day. i know it," replied lucy. "oh--i get so--so excited. i--i make a fool of myself--over him. but to ride him--going like that--lin! it's just glorious!" "you sure can ride him," replied slone. "i can't see a fault anywhere--in him--or in your handling him. he never breaks. he goes hard, but he saves something. he gets mad--fierce--all the time, yet he wants to go your way. lucy, i never saw the like of it. somehow you an' wildfire make a combination. you can't be beat." "do i ride him--well?" she asked, softly. "i could never ride him so well." "oh, lin--you just want to please me. why, van couldn't ride with you." "i don't care, lucy," replied slone, stoutly. "you rode this horse perfect. i've found fault with you on the king, on your mustangs, an' on this black horse sarch. but on wildfire! you grow there." "what will dad say, and farlane, and holley, and van? oh, i'll crow over van," said lucy. "i'm crazy to ride wildfire out before all the indians and ranchers and riders, before the races, just to show him off, to make them stare." "no, lucy. the best plan is to surprise them all. enter your horse for the race, but don't show up till all the riders are at the start." "yes, that'll be best.... and, lin, only five days more--five days!" her words made slone thoughtful, and lucy, seeing that, straightway grew thoughtful, too. "sure--only five days more," repeated slone, slowly. his tone convinced lucy that he meant to speak again as he had spoken once before, precipitating the only quarrel they had ever had. "does any one at bostil's ford know you meet me out here?" he asked, suddenly. "only auntie. i told her the other day. she had been watching me. she thought things. so i told her." "what did she say?" went on slone, curiously. "she was mad," replied lucy. "she scolded me. she said.... but, anyway, i coaxed her not to tell on me." "i want to know what she said," spoke up the rider, deliberately. lucy blushed, and it was a consciousness of confusion as well as slone's tone that made her half-angry. "she said when i was found out there'd be a--a great fuss at the ford. there would be talk. auntie said i'm now a grown-up girl.... oh, she carried on! ... bostil would likely shoot you. and if he didn't some of the riders would.... oh, lin, it was perfectly ridiculous the way auntie talked." "i reckon not," replied slone. "i'm afraid i've done wrong to let you come out here.... but i never thought. i'm not used to girls. i'll--i'll deserve what i get for lettin' you came." "it's my own business," declared lucy, spiritedly. "and i guess they'd better let you alone." slone shook his head mournfully. he was getting one of those gloomy spells that lucy hated. nevertheless, she felt a stir of her pulses. "lucy, there won't be any doubt about my stand--when i meet bostil," said slone. some thought had animated him. "what do you mean?" lucy trembled a little. there was a sternness about slone, a dignity that seemed new. "i'll ask him to--to let you marry me." lucy stared aghast. slone appeared in dead earnest. "nonsense!" she exclaimed, shortly. "i reckon the possibility is--that," replied slone, bitterly, "but my motive isn't." "it is. why, you've known me only a few days.... dad would be mad. like as not he'd knock you down.... i tell you, lin, my dad is--is pretty rough. and just at this time of the races.... and if wildfire beats the king! ... whew!" "when wildfire beats the king, not if," corrected slone. "dad will be dangerous," warned lucy. "please don't---don't ask him that. then everybody would know i--i--you---you--" "that's it. i want everybody at your home to know." "but it's a little place," flashed lucy. "every one knows me. i'm the only girl. there have been--other fellows who.... and oh! i don't want you made fun of!" "why?" he asked. lucy turned away her head without answering. something deep within her was softening her anger. she must fight to keep angry; and that was easy enough, she thought, if she could only keep in mind slone's opposition to her. strangely, she discovered that it had been sweet to find him always governed by her desire or will. "maybe you misunderstand," he began, presently. and his voice was not steady. "i don't forget i'm only--a beggarly rider. i couldn't have gone into the ford at all--i was such a ragamuffin--" "don't talk like that!" interrupted lucy, impatiently. "listen," he replied. "my askin' bostil for you doesn't mean i've any hope. ... it's just i want him an' everybody to know that i asked." "but dad--everybody will think that you think there's reason--why--i--why, you ought to ask," burst out lucy, with scarlet face. "sure, that's it," he replied. "but there's no reason. none! not a reason under the sun," retorted lucy, hotly. "i found you out here. i did you a--a little service. we planned to race wildfire. and i came out to ride him.... that's all." slone's dark, steady gaze disconcerted lucy. "but, no one knows me, and we've been alone in secret." "it's not altogether--that. i--i told auntie," faltered lucy. "yes, just lately." "lin slone, i'll never forgive you if you ask dad that," declared lucy, with startling force. "i reckon that's not so important." "oh!--so you don't care." lucy felt herself indeed in a mood not comprehensible to her. her blood raced. she wanted to be furious with slone, but somehow she could not wholly be so. there was something about him that made her feel small and thoughtless and selfish. slone had hurt her pride. but the thing that she feared and resented and could not understand was the strange gladness slone's declaration roused in her. she tried to control her temper so she could think. two emotions contended within her--one of intense annoyance at the thought of embarrassment surely to follow slone's action, and the other a vague, disturbing element, all sweet and furious and inexplicable. she must try to dissuade him from approaching her father. "please don't go to dad." she put a hand on slone's arm as he stood close up to wildfire. "i reckon i will," he said. "lin!" in that word there was the subtle, nameless charm of an intimacy she had never granted him until that moment. he seemed drawn as if by invisible wires. he put a shaking hand on hers and crushed her gauntleted fingers. and lucy, in the current now of her woman's need to be placated if not obeyed, pressed her small hand to his. how strange to what lengths a little submission to her feeling had carried her! every spoken word, every movement, seemed to exact more from her. she did not know herself. "lin! ... promise not to--speak to dad!" "no." his voice rang. "don't give me away--don't tell my dad!" "what?" he queried, incredulously. lucy did not understand what. but his amazed voice, his wide-open eyes of bewilderment, seemed to aid her into piercing the maze of her own mind. a hundred thoughts whirled together, and all around them was wrapped the warm, strong feeling of his hand on hers. what did she mean that he would tell her father? there seemed to be a deep, hidden self in her. up out of these depths came a whisper, like a ray of light, and it said to her that there was more hope for lin slone than he had ever had in one of his wildest dreams. "lin, if you tell dad--then he'll know--and there won't be any hope for you!" cried lucy, honestly. if slone caught the significance of her words he did not believe it. "i'm goin' to bostil after the race an' ask him. that's settled," declared slone, stubbornly. at this lucy utterly lost her temper. "oh! you--you fool!" she cried. slone drew back suddenly as if struck, and a spot of dark blood leaped to his lean face. "no! it seems to me the right way." "right or wrong there's no sense in it--because--because. oh! can't you see?" "i see more than i used to," he replied. "i was a fool over a horse. an' now i'm a fool over a girl.... i wish you'd never found me that day!" lucy whirled in the saddle and made wildfire jump. she quieted him, and, leaping off, threw the bridle to slone. "i won't ride your horse in the race!" she declared with sudden passion. she felt herself shaking all over. "lucy bostil, i wish i was as sure of heaven as i am you'll be up on wildfire in that race," he said. "i won't ride your horse." "my horse. oh, i see.... but you'll ride wildfire." "i won't." slone suddenly turned white, and his eyes flashed dark fire. "you won't be able to help ridin' him any more than i could help it." "a lot you know about me, lin slone!" returned lucy, with scorn. "i can be as--as bull-headed as you, any day." slone evidently controlled his temper, though his face remained white. he even smiled at her. "you are bostil's daughter," he said. "yes." "you are blood an' bone, heart an' soul a rider, if any girl ever was. you're a wonder with a horse--as good as any man i ever saw. you love wildfire. an' look--how strange! that wild stallion--that killer of horses, why he follows you, he whistles for you, he runs like lightnin' for you; he loves you." slone had attacked lucy in her one weak point. she felt a force rending her. she dared not look at wildfire. yes--all, that was true slone had said. how desperately hard to think of forfeiting the great race she knew she could win! "never! i'll never ride your wildfire again!" she said, very, low. "mine! ... so that's the trouble. well, wildfire won't be mine when you ride the race." "what do you mean?" demanded lucy. "you'll sell him to bostil.... bah! you couldn't ..." "sell wildfire!--after what it cost me to catch an' break him? ... not for all your father's lands an' horses an' money!" slone's voice rolled out with deep, ringing scorn. and lucy, her temper quelled, began to feel the rider's strength, his mastery of the situation, and something vague, yet splendid about him that hurt her. slone strode toward her. lucy backed against the cedar-tree and could go no farther. how white he was now! lucy's heart gave a great, fearful leap, for she imagined slone intended to take her in his arms. but he did not. "when you ride--wildfire in that--race he'll be--yours!" said slone, huskily. "how can that be?" questioned lucy, in astonishment. "i give him to you." "you--give--wildfire--to me?" gasped lucy. "yes. right now." the rider's white face and dark eyes showed the strain of great and passionate sacrifice. "lin slone! ... i can't--understand you." "you've got to ride wildfire in that race. you've got to beat the king.... so i give wildfire to you. an' now you can't help but ride him." "why--why do you give him--to me?" faltered lucy. all her pride and temper had vanished, and she seemed lost in blankness. "because you love wildfire. an' wildfire loves you.... if that isn't reason enough--then ... because i love him--as no rider ever loved a horse.... an' i love you as no man ever loved a girl!" slone had never before spoken words of love to lucy. she dropped her head. she knew of his infatuation. but he had always been shy except once when he had been bold, and that had caused a quarrel. with a strange pain at her breast lucy wondered why slone had not spoken that way before? it made as great a change in her as if she had been born again. it released something. a bolt shot back in her heart. she knew she was quivering like a leaf, with no power to control her muscles. she knew if she looked up then slone might see the depths of her soul. even with her hands shutting out the light she thought the desert around had changed and become all mellow gold and blue and white, radiant as the moonlight of dreams--and that the monuments soared above them grandly, and were beautiful and noble, like the revelations of love and joy to her. and suddenly she found herself sitting at the foot of the cedar, weeping, with tear-wet hands over her face. "there's nothin' to---to cry about," slone was saying. "but i'm sorry if i hurt you." "will--you--please--fetch sarch?" asked lucy, tremulously. while slone went for the horse and saddled him lucy composed herself outwardly. and she had two very strong desires--one to tell slone something, and the other to run. she decided she would do both together. slone brought sarchedon. lucy put on her gauntlets, and, mounting the horse, she took a moment to arrange her skirts before she looked down at slone. he was now pale, rather than white, and instead of fire in his eyes there was sadness. lucy felt the swelling and pounding of her heart--and a long, delicious shuddering thrill that ran over her. "lin, i won't take wildfire," she said. "yes, you will. you can't refuse. remember he's grown to look to you. it wouldn't be right by the horse." "but he's all you have in the world," she protested. yet she knew any protestations would be in vain. "no. i have good old faithful nagger." "would you go try to hunt another wild stallion--like wildfire?" asked lucy, curiously. she was playing with the wonderful sweet consciousness of her power to render happiness when she chose. "no more horse-huntin' for me," declared slone. "an' as for findin' one like wildfire--that'd never be." "suppose i won't accept him?" "how could you refuse? not for me but for wildfire's sake! ... but if you could be mean an' refuse, why, wildfire can go back to the desert." "no!" exclaimed lucy. "i reckon so." lucy paused a moment. how dry her tongue seemed! and her breathing was labored! an unreal shimmering gleam shone on all about her. even the red stallion appeared enveloped in a glow. and the looming monuments looked down upon her, paternal, old, and wise, bright with the color of happiness. "wildfire ought to have several more days' training--then a day of rest--and then the race," said lucy, turning again to look at slone. a smile was beginning to change the hardness of his face. "yes, lucy," he said. "and i'll have to ride him?" "you sure will--if he's ever to beat the king." lucy's eyes flashed blue. she saw the crowd--the curious, friendly indians--the eager riders--the spirited horses--the face of her father--and last the race itself, such a race as had never been ran, so swift, so fierce, so wonderful. "then lin," began lucy, with a slowly heaving breast, "if i accept wildfire will you keep him for me--until ... and if i accept him, and tell you why, will you promise to say--" "don't ask me again!" interrupted slone, hastily. "i will speak to bostil." "wait, will you ... promise not to say a word--a single word to me--till after the race?" "a word--to you! what about?" he queried, wonderingly. something in his eyes made lucy think of the dawn. "about--the--because--why, i'm--i'll accept your horse." "yes," he replied, swiftly. lucy settled herself in the saddle and, shortening the bridle, she got ready to spur sarchedon into a bolt. "lin, i'll accept wildfire because i love you." sarchedon leaped forward. lucy did not see slone's face nor hear him speak. then she was tearing through the sage, out past the whistling wildfire, with the wind sweet in her face. she did not look back. chapter xi all through may there was an idea, dark and sinister, growing in bostil's mind. fiercely at first he had rejected it as utterly unworthy of the man he was. but it returned. it would not be denied. it was fostered by singular and unforeseen circumstances. the meetings with creech, the strange, sneaking actions of young joel creech, and especially the gossip of riders about the improvement in creech's swift horse--these things appeared to loom larger and larger and to augment in bostil's mind the monstrous idea which he could not shake off. so he became brooding and gloomy. it appeared to be an indication of his intense preoccupation of mind that he seemed unaware of lucy's long trips down into the sage. but bostil had observed them long before holley and other riders had approached him with the information. "let her alone," he growled to his men. "i gave her orders to train the king. an' after van got well mebbe lucy just had a habit of ridin' down there. she can take care of herself." to himself, when alone, bostil muttered: "wonder what the kid has looked up now? some mischief, i'll bet!" nevertheless, he did not speak to her on the subject. deep in his heart he knew he feared his keen-eyed daughter, and during these days he was glad she was not in evidence at the hours when he could not very well keep entirely to himself. bostil was afraid lucy might divine what he had on his mind. there was no one else he cared for. holley, that old hawk-eyed rider, might see through him, but bostil knew holley would be loyal, whatever he saw. toward the end of the month, when somers returned from horse-hunting, bostil put him and shugrue to work upon the big flatboat down at the crossing. bostil himself went down, and he walked--a fact apt to be considered unusual if it had been noticed. "put in new planks," was his order to the men. "an' pour hot tar in the cracks. then when the tar dries shove her in ... but i'll tell you when." every morning young creech rowed over to see if the boat was ready to take the trip across to bring his father's horses back. the third morning of work on the boat bostil met joel down there. joel seemed eager to speak to bostil. he certainly was a wild-looking youth. "bostil, my ole man is losin' sleep waitin' to git the hosses over," he said, frankly. "feed's almost gone." "that'll be all right, joel," replied bostil. "you see, the river ain't begun to raise yet.... how're the hosses comin' on?" "grand, sir--grand!" exclaimed the simple joel. "peg is runnin' faster than last year, but blue roan is leavin' her a mile. dad's goin' to bet all he has. the roan can't lose this year." bostil felt like a bull bayed at by a hound. blue roan was a young horse, and every season he had grown bigger and faster. the king had reached the limit of his speed. that was great, bostil knew, and enough to win over any horse in the uplands, providing the luck of the race fell even. luck, however, was a fickle thing. "i was advisin' dad to swim the hosses over," declared joel, deliberately. "a-huh! you was? ... an' why?" rejoined bostil. joel's simplicity and frankness vanished, and with them his rationality. he looked queer. his contrasting eyes shot little malignant gleams. he muttered incoherently, and moved back toward the skiff, making violent gestures, and his muttering grew to shouting, though still incoherent. he got in the boat and started to row back over the river. "sure he's got a screw loose," observed somers. shugrue tapped his grizzled head significantly. bostil made no comment. he strode away from his men down to the river shore, and, finding a seat on a stone, he studied the slow eddying red current of the river and he listened. if any man knew the strange and remorseless colorado, that man was bostil. he never made any mistakes in anticipating what the river was going to do. and now he listened, as if indeed the sullen, low roar, the murmuring hollow gurgle, the sudden strange splash, were spoken words meant for his ears alone. the river was low. it seemed tired out. it was a dirty red in color, and it swirled and flowed along lingeringly. at times the current was almost imperceptible; and then again it moved at varying speed. it seemed a petulant, waiting, yet inevitable stream, with some remorseless end before it. it had a thousand voices, but not the one bostil listened to hear. he plodded gloomily up the trail, resting in the quiet, dark places of the canyon, loath to climb out into the clear light of day. and once in the village, bostil shook himself as if to cast off an evil, ever-present, pressing spell. the races were now only a few days off. piutes and navajos were camped out on the sage, and hourly the number grew as more came in. they were building cedar sunshades. columns of blue smoke curled up here and there. mustangs and ponies grazed everywhere, and a line of indians extended along the racecourse, where trials were being held. the village was full of riders, horse-traders and hunters, and ranchers. work on the ranges had practically stopped for the time being, and in another day or so every inhabitant of the country would be in bostil's ford. bostil walked into the village, grimly conscious that the presence of the indians and riders and horses, the action and color and bustle, the near approach of the great race-day--these things that in former years had brought him keen delight and speculation--had somehow lost their tang. he had changed. something was wrong in him. but he must go among these visitors and welcome them as of old; he who had always been the life of these racing-days must be outwardly the same. and the task was all the harder because of the pleasure shown by old friends among the indians and the riders at meeting him. bostil knew he had been a cunning horse-trader, but he had likewise been a good friend. many were the riders and indians who owed much to him. so everywhere he was hailed and besieged, until finally the old excitement of betting and bantering took hold of him and he forgot his brooding. brackton's place, as always, was a headquarters for all visitors. macomber had just come in full of enthusiasm and pride over the horse he had entered, and he had money to wager. two navajo chiefs, called by white men old horse and silver, were there for the first time in years. they were ready to gamble horse against horse. cal blinn and his riders of durango had arrived; likewise colson, sticks, and burthwait, old friends and rivals of bostil's. for a while brackton's was merry. there was some drinking and much betting. it was characteristic of bostil that he would give any odds asked on the king in a race; and, furthermore, he would take any end of wagers on other horses. as far as his own horses were concerned he bet shrewdly, but in races where his horses did not figure he seemed to find fun in the betting, whether or not he won. the fact remained, however, that there were only two wagers against the king, and both were put up by indians. macomber was betting on second or third place for his horse in the big race. no odds of bostil's tempted him. "say, where's wetherby?" rolled out bostil. "he'll back his hoss." "wetherby's ridin' over to-morrow," replied macomber. "but you gotta bet him two to one." "see hyar, bostil," spoke up old cal blinn, "you jest wait till i git an eye on the king's runnin'. mebbe i'll go you even money." "an' as fer me, bostil," said colson, "i ain't set up yit which hoss i'll race." burthwait, an old rider, came forward to brackton's desk and entered a wager against the field that made all the men gasp. "by george! pard, you ain't a-limpin' along!" ejaculated bostil, admiringly, and he put a hand on the other's shoulder. "bostil, i've a grand hoss," replied burthwait. "he's four years old, i guess, fer he was born wild, an' you never seen him." "wild hoss? ... huh!" growled bostil. "you must think he can run." "why, bostil, a streak of lightnin' ain't anywheres with him." "wal, i'm glad to hear it," said bostil, gruffly. "brack, how many hosses entered now for the big race?" the lean, gray brackton bent earnestly over his soiled ledger, while the riders and horsemen round him grew silent to listen. "thar's the sage king by bostil," replied brackton. "blue roan an' peg, by creech; whitefoot, by macomber; rocks, by holley; hoss-shoes, by blinn; bay charley, by burthwait. then thar's the two mustangs entered by old hoss an' silver--an' last--wildfire, by lucy bostil." "what's thet last?" queried bostil. "wildfire, by lucy bostil," repeated brackton. "has the girl gone an' entered a hoss?" "she sure has. she came in to-day, regular an' business-like, writ her name an' her hoss's--here 'tis--an' put up the entrance money." "wal, i'll be d--d!" exclaimed bostil. he was astonished and pleased. "she said she'd do it. but i didn't take no stock in her talk.... an' the hoss's name?" "wildfire." "huh! ... wildfire. mebbe thet girl can't think of names for hosses! what's this hoss she calls wildfire?" "she sure didn't say," replied brackton. "holley an' van an' some more of the boys was here. they joked her a little. you oughter seen the look lucy give them. but fer once she seemed mum. she jest walked away mysterious like." "lucy's got a pony off some indian, i reckon," returned bostil, and he laughed. "then thet makes ten hosses entered so far?" "right. an' there's sure to be one more. i guess the track's wide enough for twelve." "wal, brack, there'll likely be one hoss out in front an' some stretched out behind," replied bostil, dryly. "the track's sure wide enough." "won't thet be a grand race!" exclaimed an enthusiastic rider. "wisht i had about a million to bet!" "bostil, i 'most forgot," went on brackton, "cordts sent word by the piutes who come to-day thet he'd be here sure." bostil's face subtly changed. the light seemed to leave it. he did not reply to brackton--did not show that he heard the comment on all sides. public opinion was against bostil's permission to allow cordts and his horse-thieves to attend the races. bostil appeared grave, regretful. yet it was known by all that in the strangeness and perversity of his rider's nature he wanted cordts to see the king win that race. it was his rider's vanity and defiance in the teeth of a great horse-thief. but no good would come of cordts's presence--that much was manifest. there was a moment of silence. all these men, if they did not fear bostil, were sometimes uneasy when near him. some who were more reckless than discreet liked to irritate him. that, too, was a rider's weakness. "when's creech's hosses comin' over?" asked colson, with sudden interest. "wal, i reckon--soon," replied bostil, constrainedly, and he turned away. by the time he got home all the excitement of the past hour had left him and gloom again abided in his mind. he avoided his daughter and forgot the fact of her entering a horse in the race. he ate supper alone, without speaking to his sister. then in the dusk he went out to the corrals and called the king to the fence. there was love between master and horse. bostil talked low, like a woman, to sage king. and the hard old rider's heart was full and a lump swelled in his throat, for contact with the king reminded him that other men loved other horses. bostil returned to the house and went to his room, where he sat thinking in the dark. by and by all was quiet. then seemingly with a wrench he bestirred himself and did what for him was a strange action. removing his boots, he put on a pair of moccasins. he slipped out of the house; he kept to the flagstone of the walk; he took to the sage till out of the village, and then he sheered round to the river trail. with the step and sureness and the eyes of an indian he went down through that pitch-black canyon to the river and the ford. the river seemed absolutely the same as during the day. he peered through the dark opaqueness of gloom. it moved there, the river he knew, shadowy, mysterious, murmuring. bostil went down to the edge of the water, and, sitting there, he listened. yes--the voices of the stream were the same. but after a long time he imagined there was among them an infinitely low voice, as if from a great distance. he imagined this; he doubted; he made sure; and then all seemed fancy again. his mind held only one idea and was riveted round it. he strained his hearing, so long, so intently, that at last he knew he had heard what he was longing for. then in the gloom he took to the trail, and returned home as he had left, stealthily, like an indian. but bostil did not sleep nor rest. next morning early he rode down to the river. somers and shugrue had finished the boat and were waiting. other men were there, curious and eager. joel creech, barefooted and ragged, with hollow eyes and strange actions, paced the sands. the boat was lying bottom up. bostil examined the new planking and the seams. then he straightened his form. "turn her over," he ordered. "shove her in. an' let her soak up to-day." the men seemed glad and relieved. joel creech heard and he came near to bostil. "you'll--you'll fetch dad's hosses over?" he queried. "sure. to-morrow," replied bostil, cheerily. joel smiled, and that smile showed what might have been possible for him under kinder conditions of life. "now, bostil, i'm sorry fer what i said," blurted joel. "shut up. go tell your old man." joel ran down to his skiff and, leaping in, began to row vigorously across. bostil watched while the workmen turned the boat over and slid it off the sand-bar and tied it securely to the mooring. bostil observed that not a man there saw anything unusual about the river. but, for that matter, there was nothing to see. the river was the same. that night when all was quiet in and around the village bostil emerged from his house and took to his stealthy stalk down toward the river. the moment he got out into the night oppression left him. how interminable the hours had been! suspense, doubt, anxiety, fear no longer burdened him. the night was dark, with only a few stars, and the air was cool. a soft wind blew across his heated face. a neighbor's dog, baying dismally, startled bostil. he halted to listen, then stole on under the cottonwoods, through the sage, down the trail, into the jet-black canyon. yet he found his way as if it had been light. in the darkness of his room he had been a slave to his indecision; now in the darkness of the looming cliffs he was free, resolved, immutable. the distance seemed short. he passed out of the narrow canyon, skirted the gorge over the river, and hurried down into the shadowy amphitheater under the looming walls. the boat lay at the mooring, one end resting lightly the sand-bar. with strong, nervous clutch bostil felt the knots of the cables. then he peered into the opaque gloom of that strange and huge v-shaped split between the great canyon walls. bostil's mind had begun to relax from the single idea. was he alone? except for the low murmur of the river there was dead silence--a silence like no other--a silence which seemed held under imprisoning walls. yet bostil peered long into the shadows. then he looked up. the ragged ramparts far above frowned bold and black at a few cold stars, and the blue of its sky was without the usual velvety brightness. how far it was up to that corrugated rim! all of a sudden bostil hated this vast ebony pit. he strode down to the water and, sitting upon the stone he had occupied so often, he listened. he turned his ear up-stream, then down-stream, and to the side, and again up-stream and listened. the river seemed the same. it was slow, heavy, listless, eddying, lingering, moving--the same apparently as for days past. it splashed very softly and murmured low and gurgled faintly. it gave forth fitful little swishes and musical tinkles and lapping sounds. it was flowing water, yet the proof was there of tardiness. now it was almost still, and then again it moved on. it was a river of mystery telling a lie with its low music. as bostil listened all those soft, watery sounds merged into what seemed a moaning, and that moaning held a roar so low as to be only distinguishable to the ear trained by years. no--the river was not the same. for the voice of its soft moaning showed to bostil its meaning. it called from the far north--the north of great ice-clad peaks beginning to glisten under the nearing sun; of vast snow-filled canyons dripping and melting; of the crystal brooks suddenly colored and roiled and filled bank-full along the mountain meadows; of many brooks plunging down and down, rolling the rocks, to pour their volume into the growing turbid streams on the slopes. it was the voice of all that widely separated water spilled suddenly with magical power into the desert river to make it a mighty, thundering torrent, red and defiled, terrible in its increasing onslaught into the canyon, deep, ponderous, but swift--the colorado in flood. and as bostil heard that voice he trembled. what was the thing he meant to do? a thousand thoughts assailed him in answer and none were clear. a chill passed over him. suddenly he felt that the cold stole up from his feet. they were both in the water. he pulled them out and, bending down, watched the dim, dark line of water. it moved up and up, inch by inch, swiftly. the river was on the rise! bostil leaped up. he seemed possessed of devils. a rippling hot gash of blood fired his every vein and tremor after tremor shook him. "by g---d! i had it right--she's risin'!" he exclaimed, hoarsely. he stared in fascinated certainty at the river. all about it and pertaining to it had changed. the murmur and moan changed to a low, sullen roar. the music was gone. the current chafed at its rock-bound confines. here was an uneasy, tormented, driven river! the light from the stars shone on dark, glancing, restless waters, uneven and strange. and while bostil watched, whether it was a short time or long, the remorseless, destructive nature of the river showed itself. bostil began to pace the sands. he thought of those beautiful race-horses across the river. "it's not too late!" he muttered. "i can get the boat over an' back--yet!" he knew that on the morrow the colorado in flood would bar those horses, imprison them in a barren canyon, shut them in to starve. "it'd be hellish! ... bostil, you can't do it. you ain't thet kind of a man.... bostil poison a water-hole where hosses loved to drink, or burn over grass! ... what would lucy think of you? ... no, bostil, you've let spite rule bad. hurry now and save them hosses!" he strode down to the boat. it swung clear now, and there was water between it and the shore. bostil laid hold of the cables. as he did so he thought of creech and a blackness enfolded him. he forgot creech's horses. something gripped him, burned him--some hard and bitter feeling which he thought was hate of creech. again the wave of fire ran over him, and his huge hands strained on the cables. the fiend of that fiendish river had entered his soul. he meant ruin to a man. he meant more than ruin. he meant to destroy what his enemy, his rival loved. the darkness all about him, the gloom and sinister shadow of the canyon, the sullen increasing roar of the' river--these lent their influence to the deed, encouraged him, drove him onward, fought and strangled the resistance in his heart. as he brooded all the motives for the deed grew like that remorseless river. had not his enemy's son shot at him from ambush? was not his very life at stake? a terrible blow must be dealt creech, one that would crush him or else lend him manhood enough to come forth with a gun. bostil, in his torment, divined that creech would know who had ruined him. they would meet then, as bostil had tried more than once to bring about a meeting. bostil saw into his soul, and it was a gulf like this canyon pit where the dark and sullen river raged. he shrank at what he saw, but the furies of passion held him fast. his hands tore at the cables. then he fell to pacing to and fro in the gloom. every moment the river changed its voice. in an hour flood would be down. too late, then! bostil again remembered the sleek, slim, racy thoroughbreds--blue roan, a wild horse he had longed to own, and peg, a mare that had no equal in the uplands. where did bostil's hate of a man stand in comparison with love of a horse? he began to sweat and the sweat burned him. "how soon'll creech hear the river an' know what's comin'?" muttered bostil, darkly. and that question showed him how he was lost. all this strife of doubt and fear and horror were of no use. he meant to doom creech's horses. the thing had been unalterable from the inception of the insidious, hateful idea. it was irresistible. he grew strong, hard, fierce, and implacable. he found himself. he strode back to the cables. the knots, having dragged in the water, were soaking wet and swollen. he could not untie them. then he cut one strand after another. the boat swung out beyond his reach. instinctively bostil reached to pull it back. "my god! ... it's goin'!" he whispered. "what have i done?" he--bostil--who had made this crossing of the fathers more famous as bostil's ford--he--to cut the boat adrift! the thing was inconceivable. the roar of the river rose weird and mournful and incessant, with few breaks, and these were marked by strange ripping and splashing sounds made as the bulges of water broke on the surface. twenty feet out the boat floated, turning a little as it drifted. it seemed loath to leave. it held on the shore eddy. hungrily, spitefully the little, heavy waves lapped it. bostil watched it with dilating eyes. there! the current caught one end and the water rose in a hollow splash over the corner. an invisible hand, like a mighty giant's, seemed to swing the boat out. it had been dark; now it was opaque, now shadowy, now dim. how swift this cursed river! was there any way in which bostil could recover his boat? the river answered him with hollow, deep mockery. despair seized upon him. and the vague shape of the boat, spectral and instinct with meaning, passed from bostil's strained gaze. "so help me god, i've done it!" he groaned, hoarsely. and he staggered back and sat down. mind and heart and soul were suddenly and exquisitely acute to the shame of his act. remorse seized upon his vitals. he suffered physical agony, as if a wolf gnawed him internally. "to hell with creech an' his hosses, but where do i come in as a man?" he whispered. and he sat there, arms tight around his knees, locked both mentally and physically into inaction. the rising water broke the spell and drove him back. the river was creeping no longer. it swelled. and the roar likewise swelled. bostil hurried across the flat to get to the rocky trail before he was cut off, and the last few rods he waded in water up to his knees. "i'll leave no trail there," he muttered, with a hard laugh. it sounded ghastly to him, like the laugh of the river. and there at the foot of the rocky trail he halted to watch and listen. the old memorable boom came to his ears. the flood was coming. for twenty-three years he had heard the vanguard boom of the colorado in flood. but never like this, for in the sound he heard the strife and passion of his blood, and realized himself a human counterpart of that remorseless river. the moments passed and each one saw a swelling of the volume of sound. the sullen roar just below him was gradually lost in a distant roar. a steady wind now blew through the canyon. the great walls seemed to gape wider to prepare for the torrent. bostil backed slowly up the trail as foot by foot the water rose. the floor of the amphitheater was now a lake of choppy, angry waves. the willows bent and seethed in the edge of the current. beyond ran an uneven, bulging mass that resembled some gray, heavy moving monster. in the gloom bostil could see how the river turned a corner of wall and slanted away from it toward the center, where it rose higher. black objects that must have been driftwood appeared on this crest. they showed an instant, then flashed out of sight. the boom grew steadier, closer, louder, and the reverberations, like low detonations of thunder, were less noticeable because all sounds were being swallowed up. a harder breeze puffed into bostil's face. it brought a tremendous thunder, as if all the colossal walls were falling in avalanche. bostil knew the crest of the flood had turned the corner above and would soon reach him. he watched. he listened, but sound had ceased. his ears seemed ringing and they hurt. all his body felt cold, and he backed up and up, with dead feet. the shadows of the canyon lightened. a river-wide froth, like a curtain, moved down, spreading mushroom-wise before it, a rolling, heaving maelstrom. bostil ran to escape the great wave that surged into the amphitheater, up and up the rocky trail. when he turned again he seemed to look down into hell. murky depths, streaked by pale gleams, and black, sinister, changing forms yawned beneath them. he watched with fixed eyes until once more the feeling of filled ears left him and an awful thundering boom assured him of actualities. it was only the colorado in flood. chapter xii bostil slept that night, but his sleep was troubled, and a strange, dreadful roar seemed to run through it, like a mournful wind over a dark desert. he was awakened early by a voice at his window. he listened. there came a rap on the wood. "bostil! ... bostil!" it was holley's voice. bostil rolled off the bed. he had slept without removing any apparel except his boots. "wal, hawk, what d'ye mean wakin' a man at this unholy hour?" growled bostil. holley's face appeared above the rude sill. it was pale and grave, with the hawk eyes like glass. "it ain't so awful early," he said. "listen, boss." bostil halted in the act of pulling on a boot. he looked at his man while he listened. the still air outside seemed filled with low boom, like thunder at a distance. bostil tried to look astounded. "hell! ... it's the colorado! she's boomin'!" "reckon it's hell all right--for creech," replied holley. "boss, why didn't you fetch them hosses over?" bostil's face darkened. he was a bad man to oppose--to question at times. "holley, you're sure powerful anxious about creech. are you his friend?" "naw! i've little use fer creech," replied holley. "an' you know thet. but i hold for his hosses as i would any man's." "a-huh! an' what's your kick?" "nothin'--except you could have fetched them over before the flood come down. that's all." the old horse-trader and his right-hand rider looked at each other for a moment in silence. they understood each other. then bostil returned to the task of pulling on wet boots and holley went away. bostil opened his door and stepped outside. the eastern ramparts of the desert were bright red with the rising sun. with the night behind him and the morning cool and bright and beautiful, bostil did not suffer a pang nor feel a regret. he walked around under the cottonwoods where the mocking-birds were singing. the shrill, screeching bray of a burro split the morning stillness, and with that the sounds of the awakening village drowned that sullen, dreadful boom of the river. bostil went in to breakfast. he encountered lucy in the kitchen, and he did not avoid her. he could tell from her smiling greeting that he seemed to her his old self again. lucy wore an apron and she had her sleeves rolled up, showing round, strong, brown arms. somehow to bostil she seemed different. she had been pretty, but now she was more than that. she was radiant. her blue eyes danced. she looked excited. she had been telling her aunt something, and that worthy woman appeared at once shocked and delighted. but bostil's entrance had caused a mysterious break in everything that had been going on, except the preparation of the morning meal. "now i rode in on some confab or other, that's sure," said bostil, good-naturedly. "you sure did, dad," replied lucy, with a bright smile. "wal, let me sit in the game," he rejoined. "dad, you can't even ante," said lucy. "jane, what's this kid up to?" asked bostil, turning to his sister. "the good lord only knows!" replied aunt jane, with a sigh. "kid? ... see here, dad, i'm eighteen long ago. i'm grown up. i can do as i please, go where i like, and anything.... why, dad, i could get--married." "haw! haw!" laughed bostil. "jane, hear the girl." "i hear her, bostil," sighed aunt jane. "wal, lucy, i'd just like to see you fetch some fool love-sick rider around when i'm feelin' good," said bostil. lucy laughed, but there was a roguish, daring flash in her eyes. "dad, you do seem to have all the young fellows scared. some day maybe one will ride along--a rider like you used to be--that nobody could bluff.... and he can have me!" "a-huh! ... lucy, are you in fun?" lucy tossed her bright head, but did not answer. "jane, what's got into her?" asked bostil, appealing to his sister. "bostil, she's in fun, of course," declared aunt jane. "still, at that, there's some sense in what she says. come to your breakfast, now." bostil took his seat at the table, glad that he could once more be amiable with his women-folk. "lucy, to-morrow'll be the biggest day bostil's ford ever seen," he said. "it sure will be, dad. the biggest surprising day the ford ever had," replied lucy. "surprisin'?" "yes, dad." "who's goin' to get surprised?" "everybody." bostil said to himself that he had been used to lucy's banter, but during his moody spell of days past he had forgotten how to take her or else she was different. "brackton tells me you've entered a hoss against the field." "it's an open race, isn't it?" "open as the desert, lucy," he replied. "what's this hoss wildfire you've entered?" "wouldn't you like to know?" taunted lucy. "if he's as good as his name you might be in at the finish.... but, lucy, my dear, talkin' good sense now--you ain't a-goin' to go up on some unbroken mustang in this big race?" "dad, i'm going to ride a horse." "but, lucy, ain't it a risk you'll be takin'--all for fun?" "fun! ... i'm in dead earnest." bostil liked the look of her then. she had paled a little; her eyes blazed; she was intense. his question had brought out her earnestness, and straightway bostil became thoughtful. if lucy had been a boy she would have been the greatest rider on the uplands; and even girl as she was, superbly mounted, she would have been dangerous in any race. "wal, i ain't afraid of your handlin' of a hoss," he said, soberly. "an' as long as you're in earnest i won't stop you. but, lucy, no bettin'. i won't let you gamble." "not even with you?" she coaxed. bostil stared at the girl. what had gotten into her? "what'll you bet?" he, queried, with blunt curiosity. "dad, i'll go you a hundred dollars in gold that i finish one--two--three." bostil threw back his head to laugh heartily. what a chip of the old block she was! "child, there's some fast hosses that'll be back of the king. you'd be throwin' away money." blue fire shone in his daughter's eyes. she meant business, all right, and bostil thrilled with pride in her. "dad, i'll bet you two hundred, even, that i beat the king!" she flashed. "wal, of all the nerve!" ejaculated bostil. "no, i won't take you up. reckon i never before turned down an even bet. understand, lucy, ridin' in the race is enough for you." "all right, dad," replied lucy, obediently. at that juncture bostil suddenly shoved back his plate and turned his face to the open door. "don't i hear a runnin' hoss?" aunt jane stopped the noise she was making, and lucy darted to the door. then bostil heard the sharp, rhythmic hoof-beats he recognized. they shortened to clatter and pound--then ceased somewhere out in front of the house. "it's the king with van up," said lucy, from the door. "dad, van's jumped off--he's coming in ... he's running. something has happened.... there are other horses coming--riders--indians." bostil knew what was coming and prepared himself. rapid footsteps sounded without. "hello, miss lucy! where's bostil?" a lean, supple rider appeared before the door. it was van, greatly excited. "come in, boy," said bostil. "what're you flustered about?" van strode in, spurs jangling, cap in hand. "boss, there's--a sixty-foot raise--in the river!" van panted. "oh!" cried lucy, wheeling toward her father. "wal, van, i reckon i knowed thet," replied bostil. "mebbe i'm gettin' old, but i can still hear.... listen." lucy tiptoed to the door and turned her head sidewise and slowly bowed it till she stiffened. outside were, sounds of birds and horses and men, but when a lull came it quickly filled with a sullen, low boom. "highest flood we--ever seen," said van. "you've been down?" queried bostil, sharply. "not to the river," replied van. "i went as far as--where the gulch opens--on the bluff. there was a string of navajos goin' down. an' some comin' up. i stayed there watchin' the flood, an' pretty soon somers come up the trail with blakesley an' brack an' some riders.... an' somers hollered out, 'the boat's gone!'" "gone!" exclaimed bostil, his loud cry showing consternation. "oh, dad! oh, van!" cried lucy, with eyes wide and lips parted. "sure she's gone. an' the whole place down there--where the willows was an' the sand-bar--it was deep under water." "what will become of creech's horses?" asked lucy, breathlessly. "my god! ain't it a shame!" went on bostil, and he could have laughed aloud at his hypocrisy. he felt lucy's blue eyes riveted upon his face. "thet's what we all was sayin'," went on van. "while we was watchin' the awful flood an' listenin' to the deep bum--bum--bum of rollin' rocks some one seen creech an' two piutes leadin' the hosses up thet trail where the slide was. we counted the hosses--nine. an' we saw the roan shine blue in the sunlight." "piutes with creech!" exclaimed bostil, the deep gloom in his eyes lighting. "by all thet's lucky! mebbe them indians can climb the hosses out of thet hole an' find water an' grass enough." "mebbe," replied van, doubtfully. "sure them piutes could if there's a chance. but there ain't any grass." "it won't take much grass travelin' by night." "so lots of the boys say. but the navajos they shook their heads. an' farlane an' holley, why, they jest held up their hands." "with them indians creech has a chance to get his hosses out," declared bostil. he was sure of his sincerity, but he was not certain that his sincerity was not the birth of a strange, sudden hope. and then he was able to meet the eyes of his daughter. that was his supreme test. "oh, dad, why, why didn't you hurry creech's horses over?" said lucy, with her tears falling. something tight within bostil's breast seemed to ease and lessen. "why didn't i? ... wal, lucy, i reckon i wasn't in no hurry to oblige creech. i'm sorry now." "it won't be so terrible if he doesn't lose the horses," murmured lucy. "where's young joel creech?" asked bostil. "he stayed on this side last night," replied van. "fact is, joel's the one who first knew the flood was on. some one said he said he slept in the canyon last night. anyway, he's ravin' crazy now. an' if he doesn't do harm to some one or hisself i'll miss my guess." "a-huh!" grunted bostil. "right you are." "dad, can't anything be done to help creech now?" appealed lucy, going close to her father. bostil put his arm around her and felt immeasurably relieved to have the golden head press close to his shoulder. "child, we can't fly acrost the river. now don't you cry about creech's hosses. they ain't starved yet. it's hard luck. but mebbe it'll turn out so creech'll lose only the race. an', lucy, it was a dead sure bet he'd have lost thet anyway." bostil fondled his daughter a moment, the first time in many a day, and then he turned to his rider at the door. "van, how's the king?" "wild to run, bostil, jest plumb wild. there won't be any hoss with the ghost of a show to-morrow." lucy raised her drooping head. "is that so, van sickle? ... listen here. if you and sage king don't get more wild running to-morrow than you ever had i'll never ride again!" with this retort lucy left the room. van stared at the door and then at bostil. "what'd i say, bostil?" he asked, plaintively. "i'm always r'ilin' her." "cheer up, van. you didn't say much. lucy is fiery these days. she's got a hoss somewhere an' she's goin' to ride him in the race. she offered to bet on him--against the king! it certainly beat me all hollow. but see here, van. i've a hunch there's a dark hoss goin' to show up in this race. so don't underrate lucy an' her mount, whatever he is. she calls him wildfire. ever see him?" "i sure haven't. fact is, i haven't seen lucy for days an' days. as for the hunch you gave, i'll say i was figurin' lucy for some real race. bostil, she doesn't make a hoss run. he'll run jest to please her. an' lucy's lighter 'n a feather. why, bostil, if she happened to ride out there on blue roan or some other hoss as fast i'd--i'd jest wilt." bostil uttered a laugh full of pride in his daughter. "wal, she won't show up on blue roan," he replied, with grim gruffness. "thet's sure as death.... come on out now. i want a look at the king." bostil went into the village. all day long he was so busy with a thousand and one things referred to him, put on him, undertaken by him, that he had no time to think. back in his mind, however, there was a burden of which he was vaguely conscious all the time. he worked late into the night and slept late the next morning. never in his life had bostil been gloomy or retrospective on the day of a race. in the press of matters he had only a word for lucy, but that earned a saucy, dauntless look. he was glad when he was able to join the procession of villagers, visitors, and indians moving out toward the sage. the racecourse lay at the foot of the slope, and now the gray and purple sage was dotted with more horses and indians, more moving things and colors, than bostil had ever seen there before. it was a spectacle that stirred him. many fires sent up blue columns of smoke from before the hastily built brush huts where the indians cooked and ate. blankets shone bright in the sun; burros grazed and brayed; horses whistled piercingly across the slope; indians lolled before the huts or talked in groups, sitting and lounging on their ponies; down in the valley, here and there, were indians racing, and others were chasing the wiry mustangs. beyond this gay and colorful spectacle stretched the valley, merging into the desert marked so strikingly and beautifully by the monuments. bostil was among the last to ride down to the high bench that overlooked the home end of the racecourse. he calculated that there were a thousand indians and whites congregated at that point, which was the best vantage-ground to see the finish of a race. and the occasion of his arrival, for all the gaiety, was one of dignity and importance. if bostil reveled in anything it was in an hour like this. his liberality made this event a great race-day. the thoroughbreds were all there, blanketed, in charge of watchful riders. in the center of the brow of this long bench lay a huge, flat rock which had been bostil's seat in the watching of many a race. here were assembled his neighbors and visitors actively interested in the races, and also the important indians of both tribes, all waiting for him. as bostil dismounted, throwing the bridle to a rider, he saw a face that suddenly froze the thrilling delight of the moment. a tall, gaunt man with cavernous black eyes and huge, drooping black mustache fronted him and seemed waiting. cordts! bostil had forgotten. instinctively bostil stood on guard. for years he had prepared himself for the moment when he would come face to face with this noted horse-thief. "bostil, how are you?" said cordts. he appeared pleasant, and certainly grateful for being permitted to come there. from his left hand hung a belt containing two heavy guns. "hello, cordts," replied bostil, slowly unbending. then he met the other's proffered hand. "i've bet heavy on the king," said cordts. for the moment there could have been no other way to bostil's good graces, and this remark made the gruff old rider's hard face relax. "wal, i was hopin' you'd back some other hoss, so i could take your money," replied bostil. cordts held out the belt and guns to bostil. "i want to enjoy this race," he said, with a smile that somehow hinted of the years he had packed those guns day and night. "cordts, i don't want to take your guns," replied bostil, bluntly. "i've taken your word an' that's enough." "thanks, bostil. all the same, as i'm your guest i won't pack them," returned cordts, and he hung the belt on the horn of bostil's saddle. "some of my men are with me. they were all right till they got outside of brackton's whisky. but now i won't answer for them." "wal, you're square to say thet," replied bostil. "an' i'll run this race an' answer for everybody." bostil recognized hutchinson and dick sears, but the others of cordts's gang he did not know. they were a hard-looking lot. hutchinson was a spare, stoop-shouldered, red-faced, squinty-eyed rider, branded all over with the marks of a bad man. and dick sears looked his notoriety. he was a little knot of muscle, short and bow-legged, rough in appearance as cactus. he wore a ragged slouch-hat pulled low down. his face and stubby beard were dust-colored, and his eyes seemed sullen, watchful. he made bostil think of a dusty, scaly, hard, desert rattlesnake. bostil eyed this right-hand man of cordts's and certainly felt no fear of him, though sears had the fame of swift and deadly skill with a gun. bostil felt that he was neither afraid nor loath to face sears in gun-play, and he gazed at the little horse-thief in a manner that no one could mistake. sears was not drunk, neither was he wholly free from the unsteadiness caused by the bottle. assuredly he had no fear of bostil and eyed him insolently. bostil turned away to the group of his riders and friends, and he asked for his daughter. "lucy's over there," said farlane, pointing to a merry crowd. bostil waved a hand to her, and lucy, evidently mistaking his action, came forward, leading one of her ponies. she wore a gray blouse with a red scarf, and a skirt over overalls and boots. she looked pale, but she was smiling, and there was a dark gleam of excitement in her blue eyes. she did not have on her sombrero. she wore her hair in a braid, and had a red band tight above her forehead. bostil took her in all at a glance. she meant business and she looked dangerous. bostil knew once she slipped out of that skirt she could ride with any rider there. he saw that she had become the center toward which all eyes shifted. it pleased him. she was his, like her mother, and as beautiful and thoroughbred as any rider could wish his daughter. "lucy, where's your hoss?" he asked, curiously. "never you mind, dad. i'll be there at the finish," she replied. "red's your color for to-day, then?" he questioned, as he put a big hand on the bright-banded head. she nodded archly. "lucy, i never thought you'd flaunt red in your old dad's face. red, when the color of the king is like the sage out yonder. you've gone back on the king." "no, dad, i never was for sage king, else i wouldn't wear red to-day." "child, you sure mean to run in this race--the big one?" "sure and certain." "wal, the only bitter drop in my cup to-day will be seein' you get beat. but if you ran second i'll give you a present thet'll make the purse look sick." even the indian chiefs were smiling. old horse, the navajo, beamed benignly upon this daughter of the friend of the indians. silver, his brother chieftain, nodded as if he understood bostil's pride and regret. some of the young riders showed their hearts in their eyes. farlane tried to look mysterious, to pretend he was in lucy's confidence. "lucy, if you are really goin' to race i'll withdraw my hoss so you can win," said wetherby, gallantly. bostil's sonorous laugh rolled down the slope. "miss lucy, i sure hate to run a hoss against yours," said old cal blinn. then colson, sticks, burthwait, the other principals, paid laughing compliments to the bright-haired girl. bostil enjoyed this hugely until he caught the strange intensity of regard in the cavernous eyes of cordts. that gave him a shock. cordts had long wanted this girl as much probably as he wanted sage king. there were dark and terrible stories that stained the name of cordts. bostil regretted his impulse in granting the horse-thief permission to attend the races. sight of lucy's fair, sweet face might inflame this cordts--this kentuckian who had boasted of his love of horses and women. behind cordts hung the little dust-colored sears, like a coiled snake, ready to strike. bostil felt stir in him a long-dormant fire--a stealing along his veins, a passion he hated. "lucy, go back to the women till you're ready to come out on your hoss," he said. "an' mind you, be careful to-day!" he gave her a meaning glance, which she understood perfectly, he saw, and then he turned to start the day's sport. the indian races run in twos and threes, and on up to a number that crowded the racecourse; the betting and yelling and running; the wild and plunging mustangs; the heat and dust and pounding of hoofs; the excited betting; the surprises and defeats and victories, the trial tests of the principals, jealously keeping off to themselves in the sage; the endless moving, colorful procession, gaudy and swift and thrilling--all these bostil loved tremendously. but they were as nothing to what they gradually worked up to--the climax--the great race. it was afternoon when all was ready for this race, and the sage was bright gray in the westering sun. everybody was resting, waiting. the tense quiet of the riders seemed to settle upon the whole assemblage. only the thoroughbreds were restless. they quivered and stamped and tossed their small, fine heads. they knew what was going to happen. they wanted to run. blacks, bays, and whites were the predominating colors; and the horses and mustangs were alike in those points of race and speed and spirit that proclaimed them thoroughbreds. bostil himself took the covering off his favorite. sage king was on edge. he stood out strikingly in contrast with the other horses. his sage-gray body was as sleek and shiny as satin. he had been trained to the hour. he tossed his head as he champed the bit, and every moment his muscles rippled under his fine skin. proud, mettlesome, beautiful! sage king was the favorite in the betting, the indians, who were ardent gamblers, plunging heavily on him. bostil saddled the horse and was long at the task. van stood watching. he was pale and nervous. bostil saw this. "van," he said, "it's your race." the rider reached a quick hand for bridle and horn, and when his foot touched the stirrup sage king was in the air. he came down, springy-quick, graceful, and then he pranced into line with the other horses. bostil waved his hand. then the troop of riders and racers headed for the starting-point, two miles up the valley. macomber and blinn, with a rider and a navajo, were up there as the official starters of the day. bostil's eyes glistened. he put a friendly hand on cordts's shoulder, an action which showed the stress of the moment. most of the men crowded around bostil. sears and hutchinson hung close to cordts. and holley, keeping near his employer, had keen eyes for other things than horses. suddenly he touched bostil and pointed down the slope. "there's lucy," he said. "she's ridin' out to join the bunch." "lucy! where? i'd forgotten my girl! ... where?" "there," repeated holly, and he pointed. others of the group spoke up, having seen lucy riding down. "she's on a red hoss," said one. "'pears all-fired big to me--her hoss," said another. "who's got a glass?" bostil had the only field-glass there and he was using it. across the round, magnified field of vision moved a giant red horse, his mane waving like a flame. lucy rode him. they were moving from a jumble of broken rocks a mile down the slope. she had kept her horse hidden there. bostil felt an added stir in his pulse-beat. certainly he had never seen a horse like this one. but the distance was long, the glass not perfect; he could not trust his sight. suddenly that sight dimmed. "holley, i can't make out nothin'," he complained. "take the glass. give me a line on lucy's mount." "boss, i don't need the glass to see that she's up on a hoss," replied holley, as he took the glass. he leveled it, adjusted it to his eyes, and then looked long. bostil grew impatient. lucy was rapidly overhauling the troop of racers on her way to the post. nothing ever hurried or excited holley. "wal, can't you see any better 'n me?" queried bostil, eagerly. "come on, holl, give us a tip before she gits to the post," spoke up a rider. cordts showed intense eagerness, and all the group were excited. lucy's advent, on an unknown horse that even her father could not disparage, was the last and unexpected addition to the suspense. they all knew that if the horse was fast lucy would be dangerous. holley at last spoke: "she's up on a wild stallion. he's red, like fire. he's mighty big--strong. looks as if he didn't want to go near the bunch. lord! what action! ... bostil, i'd say--a great hoss!" there was a moment's intense silence in the group round bostil. holley was never known to mistake a horse or to be extravagant in judgment or praise. "a wild stallion!" echoed bostil. "a-huh! an' she calls him wildfire. where'd she get him? ... gimme thet glass." but all bostil could make out was a blur. his eyes were wet. he realized now that his first sight of lucy on the strange horse had been clear and strong, and it was that which had dimmed his eyes. "holley, you use the glass--an' tell me what comes off," said bostil, as he wiped his eyes with his scarf. he was relieved to find that his sight was clearing. "my god! if i couldn't see this finish!" then everybody watched the close, dark mass of horses and riders down the valley. and all waited for holley to speak. "they're linin' up," began the rider. "havin' some muss, too, it 'pears.... bostil, thet red hoss is raisin' hell! he wants to fight. there! he's up in the air.... boys, he's a devil--a hoss-killer like all them wild stallions.... he's plungin' at the king--strikin'! there! lucy's got him down. she's handlin' him.... now they've got the king on the other side. thet's better. but lucy's hoss won't stand. anyway, it's a runnin' start.... van's got the best position. foxy van! ... he'll be leadin' before the rest know the race's on.... them indian mustangs are behavin' scandalous. guess the red stallion scared 'em. now they're all lined up back of the post.... ah! gun-smoke! they move.... it looks like a go." then holley was silent, strained, in watching. so were all the watchers silent. bostil saw far down the valley a moving, dark line of horses. "they're off! they're off!" called holley, thrillingly. bostil uttered a deep and booming yell, which rose above the shouts of the men round him and was heard even in the din of indian cries. then as quickly as the yells had risen they ceased. holley stood up on the rock with leveled glass. "mac's dropped the flag. it's a sure go. now! ... van's out there front--inside. the king's got his stride. boss, the king's stretchin' out! ... look! look! see thet red hoss leap! ... bostil, he's runnin' down the king! i knowed it. he's like lightnin'. he's pushin' the king over--off the course! see him plunge! lord! lucy can't pull him! she goes up--down--tossed--but she sticks like a burr. good, lucy! hang on! ... my gawd, bostil, the king's thrown! he's down! ... he comes up, off the course. the others flash by.... van's out of the race! ... an', bostil--an', gentlemen, there ain't anythin' more to this race but a red hoss!" bostil's heart gave a great leap and then seemed to stand still. he was half cold, half hot. what a horrible, sickening disappointment. bostil rolled out a cursing query. holley's answer was short and sharp. the king was out! bostil raved. he could not see. he could not believe. after all the weeks of preparation, of excitement, of suspense--only this! there was no race. the king was out! the thing did not seem possible. a thousand thoughts flitted through bostil's mind. rage, impotent rage, possessed him. he cursed van, he swore he would kill that red stallion. and some one shook him hard. some one's incisive words cut into his thick, throbbing ears: "luck of the game! the king ain't beat! he's only out!" then the rider's habit of mind asserted itself and bostil began to recover. for the king to fall was hard luck. but he had not lost the race! anguish and pride battled for mastery over him. even if the king were out it was a bostil who would win the great race. "he ain't beat!" muttered bostil. "it ain't fair! he's run off the track by a wild stallion!" his dimmed sight grew clear and sharp. and with a gasp he saw the moving, dark line take shape as horses. a bright horse was in the lead. brighter and larger he grew. swiftly and more swiftly he came on. the bright color changed to red. bostil heard holley calling and cordts calling--and other voices, but he did not distinguish what was said. the line of horses began to bob, to bunch. the race looked close, despite what holley had said. the indians were beginning to lean forward, here and there uttering a short, sharp yell. everything within bostil grew together in one great, throbbing, tingling mass. his rider's eye, keen once more, caught a gleam of gold above the red, and that gold was lucy's hair. bostil forgot the king. then holley bawled into his ear, "they're half-way!" the race was beautiful. bostil strained his eyes. he gloried in what he saw--lucy low over the neck of that red stallion. he could see plainer now. they were coming closer. how swiftly! what a splendid race! but it was too swift--it would not last. the indians began to yell, drowning the hoarse shouts of the riders. out of the tail of his eye bostil saw cordts and sears and hutchinson. they were acting like crazy men. strange that horse-thieves should care! the million thrills within bostil coalesced into one great shudder of rapture. he grew wet with sweat. his stentorian voice took up the call for lucy to win. "three-quarters!" bowled holley into bostil's ear. "an' lucy's give thet wild hoss free rein! look, bostil! you never in your life seen a hoss ran like thet!" bostil never had. his heart swelled. something shook him. was that his girl--that tight little gray burr half hidden in the huge stallion's flaming mane? the distance had been close between lucy and the bunched riders. but it lengthened. how it widened! that flame of a horse was running away from the others. and now they were close--coming into the home stretch. a deafening roar from the onlookers engulfed all other sounds. a straining, stamping, arm-flinging horde surrounded bostil. bostil saw lucy's golden hair whipping out from the flame-streaked mane. and then he could only see that red brute of a horse. wildfire before the wind! bostil thought of the leaping prairie flame, storm-driven. on came the red stallion--on--on! what a tremendous stride! what a marvelous recovery! what ease! what savage action! he flashed past, low, pointed, long, going faster every magnificent stride--winner by a dozen lengths. chapter xiii wildfire ran on down the valley far beyond the yelling crowd lined along the slope. bostil was deaf to the throng; he watched the stallion till lucy forced him to stop and turn. then bostil whirled to see where van was with the king. most of the crowd surged down to surround the racers, and the yells gave way to the buzz of many voices. some of the ranchers and riders remained near bostil, all apparently talking at once. bostil gathered that holley's whitefoot had ran second, and the navajo's mustang third. it was holley himself who verified what bostil had heard. the old rider's hawk eyes were warm with delight. "boss, he run second!" holley kept repeating. bostil had the heart to shake hands with holley and say he was glad, when it was on his lips to blurt out there had been no race. then bostil's nerves tingled at sight of van trotting the king up the course toward the slope. bostil watched with searching eyes. sage king did not appear to be injured. van rode straight up the slope and leaped off. he was white and shaking. the king's glossy hide was dirty with dust and bits of cactus and brush. he was not even hot. there did not appear to be a bruise or mark on him. he whinnied and rubbed his face against bostil, and then, flinching, he swept up his head, ears high. both fear and fire shone in his eyes. "wal, van, get it out of your system," said bostil, kindly. he was a harder loser before a race was run than after he had lost it. "thet red hoss run in on the king before the start an' scared the race out of him," replied van, swiftly. "we had a hunch, you know, but at thet lucy's hoss was a surprise. i'll say, sir, thet lucy rode her wild hoss an' handled him. twice she pulled him off the king. he meant to kill the king! ... ask any of the boys.... we got started. i took the lead, sir. the king was in the lead. i never looked back till i heard lucy scream. she couldn't pull wildfire. he was rushin' the king--meant to kill him. an' sage king wanted to fight. if i could only have kept him runnin'! thet would have been a race! ... but wildfire got in closer an' closer. he crowded us. he bit at the king's flank an' shoulder an' neck. lucy pulled till i yelled she'd throw the hoss an' kill us both. then wildfire jumped for us. runnin' an' strikin' with both feet at once! bostil, thet hoss's hell! then he hit us an' down we went. i had a bad spill. but the king's not hurt an' thet's a blessed wonder." "no race, van! it was hard luck. take him home," said bostil. van's story of the accident vindicated bostil's doubts. a new horse had appeared on the scene, wild and swift and grand, but sage king was still unbeaten in a fair race. there would come a reckoning, bostil grimly muttered. who owned this wildfire? holley might as well have read his mind. "reckon this feller ridin' up will take down the prize money," remarked holley, and he pointed to a man who rode a huge, shaggy, black horse and was leading lucy's pony. "a-huh!" exclaimed bostil. "a strange rider." "an' here comes lucy coaxin' the stallion back," added holley. "a wild stallion never clear broke!" ejaculated cordts. all the men looked and all had some remark of praise for lucy and her mount. bostil gazed with a strange, irresistible attraction. never had he expected to live to see a wild stallion like this one, to say nothing of his daughter mounted on him, with the record of having put sage king out of the race! a thousand pairs of eyes watched wildfire. he pranced out there beyond the crowd of men and horses. he did not want to come closer. yet he did not seem to fight his rider. lucy hung low over his neck, apparently exhausted, and she was patting him and caressing him. there were horses and indians on each side of the race track, and between these lines lucy appeared reluctant to come. bostil strode down and, waving and yelling for everybody to move back to the slope, he cleared the way and then stood out in front alone. "ride up, now," he called to lucy. it was then bostil discovered that lucy did not wear a spur and she had neither quirt nor whip. she turned wildfire and he came prancing on, head and mane and tail erect. his action was beautiful, springy, and every few steps, as lucy touched him, he jumped with marvelous ease and swiftness. bostil became all eyes. he did not see his daughter as she paraded the winner before the applauding throng. and bostil recorded in his mind that which he would never forget--a wild stallion, with unbroken spirit; a giant of a horse, glistening red, with mane like dark-striped, wind-blown flame, all muscle, all grace, all power; a neck long and slender and arching to the small, savagely beautiful head; the jaws open, and the thin-skinned, pink-colored nostrils that proved the arabian blood; the slanting shoulders and the deep, broad chest, the powerful legs and knees not too high nor too low, the symmetrical dark hoofs that rang on the little stones--all these marks so significant of speed and endurance. a stallion with a wonderful physical perfection that matched the savage, ruthless spirit of the desert killer of horses! lucy waved her hand, and the strange rider to whom holley had called attention strode out of the crowd toward wildfire. bostil's gaze took in the splendid build of this lithe rider, the clean-cut face, the dark eye. this fellow had a shiny, coiled lasso in hand. he advanced toward wildfire. the stallion snorted and plunged. if ever bostil saw hate expressed by a horse he saw it then. but he seemed to be tractable to the control of the girl. bostil swiftly grasped the strange situation. lucy had won the love of the savage stallion. that always had been the secret of her power. and she had hated sage king because he alone had somehow taken a dislike to her. horses were as queer as people, thought bostil. the rider walked straight up to the trembling wildfire. when wildfire plunged and reared up and up the rider leaped for the bridle and with an iron arm pulled the horse down. wildfire tried again, almost lifting the rider, but a stinging cut from the lasso made him come to a stand. plainly the rider held the mastery. "dad!" called lucy, faintly. bostil went forward, close, while the rider held wildfire. lucy was as wan-faced as a flower by moonlight. her eyes were dark with emotions, fear predominating. then for bostil the half of his heart that was human reasserted itself. lucy was only a girl now, and weakening. her fear, her pitiful little smile, as if she dared not hope for her father's approval yet could not help it, touched bostil to the quick, and he opened his arms. lucy slid down into them. "lucy, girl, you've won the king's race an' double-crossed your poor old dad!" "oh, dad, i never knew--i never dreamed wildfire--would jump the king," lucy faltered. "i couldn't hold him. he was terrible.... it made me sick.... daddy, tell me van wasn't hurt--or the king!" "the hoss's all right an' so's van," replied bostil. "don't cry, lucy. it was a fool trick you pulled off, but you did it great. by gad! you sure was ridin' thet red devil.... an' say, it's all right with me!" lucy did not faint then, but she came near it. bostil put her down and led her through the lines of admiring indians and applauding riders, and left her with the women. when he turned again he was in time to see the strange rider mount wildfire. it was a swift and hazardous mount, the stallion being in the air. when he came down he tore the turf and sent it flying, and when he shot up again he was doubled in a red knot, bristling with fiery hair, a furious wild beast, mad to throw the rider. bostil never heard as wild a scream uttered by a horse. likewise he had never seen so incomparable a horseman as this stranger. indians and riders alike thrilled at a sight which was after their own hearts. the rider had hooked his long spurs under the horse and now appeared a part of him. he could not be dislodged. this was not a bucking mustang, but a fierce, powerful, fighting stallion. no doubt, thought bostil, this fight took place every time the rider mounted his horse. it was the sort of thing riders loved. most of them would not own a horse that would not pitch. bostil presently decided, however, that in the case of this red stallion no rider in his right senses would care for such a fight, simply because of the extraordinary strengths, activity, and ferocity of the stallion. the riders were all betting the horse would throw the stranger. and bostil, seeing the gathering might of wildfire's momentum, agreed with them. no horseman could stick on that horse. suddenly wildfire tripped in the sage, and went sprawling in the dust, throwing his rider ahead. both man and beast were quick to rise, but the rider had a foot in the stirrup before wildfire was under way. then the horse plunged, ran free, came circling back, and slowly gave way to the rider's control. those few moments of frenzied activity had brought out the foam and the sweat--wildfire was wet. the man pulled him in before bostil and dismounted. "sometimes i ride him, then sometimes i don't," he said, with a smile. bostil held out his hand. he liked this rider. he would have liked the frank face, less hard than that of most riders, and the fine, dark eyes, straight and steady, even if their possessor had not come with the open sesame to bostil's regard--a grand, wild horse, and the nerve to ride him. "wal, you rode him longer 'n any of us figgered," said bostil, heartily shaking the man's hand. "i'm bostil. glad to meet you." "my name's slone--lin slone," replied the rider, frankly. "i'm a wild-horse hunter an' hail from utah." "utah? how'd you ever get over? wal, you've got a grand hoss--an' you put a grand rider up on him in the race.... my girl lucy--" bostil hesitated. his mind was running swiftly. back of his thoughts gathered the desire and the determination to get possession of this horse wildfire. he had forgotten what he might have said to this stranger under different circumstances. he looked keenly into slone's face and saw no fear, no subterfuge. the young man was honest. "bostil, i chased this wild horse days an' weeks an' months, hundreds of miles--across the canyon an' the river--" "no!" interrupted bostil, blankly. "yes. i'll tell you how later.... out here somewhere i caught wildfire, broke him as much as he'll ever be broken. he played me out an' got away. your girl rode along--saved my horse--an' saved my life, too. i was in bad shape for days. but i got well--an'--an' then she wanted me to let her run wildfire in the big race. i couldn't refuse.... an' it would have been a great race but for the unlucky accident to sage king. i'm sorry, sir." "slone, it jarred me some, thet disappointment. but it's over," replied bostil. "an' so thet's how lucy found her hoss. she sure was mysterious.... wal, wal." bostil became aware of others behind him. "holley, shake hands with slone, hoss-wrangler out of utah.... you, too, cal blinn.... an' macomber--an' wetherby, meet my friend here--young slone.... an', cordts, shake hands with a feller thet owns a grand hoss!" bostil laughed as he introduced the horse-thief to slone. the others laughed, too, even cordts joining in. there was much of the old rider daredevil spirit left in bostil, and it interested and amused him to see cordts and slone meet. assuredly slone had heard of the noted stealer of horses. the advantage was certainly on cordts's side, for he was good-natured and pleasant while slone stiffened, paling slightly as he faced about to acknowledge the introduction. "howdy, slone," drawled cordts, with hand outstretched. "i sure am glad to meet yuh. i'd like to trade the sage king for this red stallion!" a roar of laughter greeted this sally, all but bostil and slone joining in. the joke was on bostil, and he showed it. slone did not even smile. "howdy, cordts," he replied. "i'm glad to meet you--so i'll know you when i see you again." "wal, we're all good fellers to-day," interposed bostil. "an' now let's ride home an' eat. slone, you come with me." the group slowly mounted the slope where the horses waited. macomber, wetherby, burthwait, blinn--all bostil's friends proffered their felicitations to the young rider, and all were evidently prepossessed with him. the sun was low in the west; purple shades were blotting out the gold lights down the valley; the day of the great races was almost done. indians were still scattered here and there in groups; others were turning out the mustangs; and the majority were riding and walking with the crowd toward the village. bostil observed that cordts had hurried ahead of the group and now appeared to be saying something emphatic to dick sears and hutchinson. bostil heard cordts curse. probably he was arraigning the sullen sears. cordts had acted first rate--had lived up to his word, as bostil thought he would do. cordts and hutchinson mounted their horses and rode off, somewhat to the left of the scattered crowd. but sears remained behind. bostil thought this strange and put it down to the surliness of the fellow, who had lost on the races. bostil, wishing sears would get out of his sight, resolved never to make another blunder like inviting horse-thieves to a race. all the horses except wildfire stood in a bunch back on the bench. sears appeared to be fussing with the straps on his saddle. and bostil could not keep his glance from wandering back to gloat over wildfire's savage grace and striking size. suddenly there came a halt in the conversation of the men, a curse in holley's deep voice, a violent split in the group. bostil wheeled to see sears in a menacing position with two guns leveled low. "don't holler!" he called. "an' don't move!" "what 'n the h--l now, sears?" demanded bostil. "i'll bore you if you move--thet's what!" replied sears. his eyes, bold, steely, with a glint that bostil knew, vibrated as he held in sight all points before him. a vicious little sand-rattlesnake about to strike! "holley, turn yer back!" ordered sears. the old rider, who stood foremost of the group' instantly obeyed, with hands up. he took no chances here, for he alone packed a gun. with swift steps sears moved, pulled holley's gun, flung it aside into the sage. "sears, it ain't a hold-up!" expostulated bostil. the act seemed too bold, too wild even for dick sears. "ain't it?" scoffed sears, malignantly. "bostil, i was after the king. but i reckon i'll git the hoss thet beat him!" bostil's face turned dark-blood color and his neck swelled. "by gawd, sears! you ain't a-goin' to steal this boy's hoss!" "shut up!" hissed the horse-thief. he pushed a gun close to bostil. "i've always laid fer you! i'm achin' to bore you now. i would but fer scarin' this hoss. if you yap again i'll kill you, anyhow, an' take a chance!" all the terrible hate and evil and cruelty and deadliness of his kind burned in his eyes and stung in his voice. "sears, if it's my horse you want you needn't kill bostil," spoke up slone. the contrast of his cool, quiet voice eased the terrible strain. "lead him round hyar!" snapped sears. wildfire appeared more shy of the horses back of him than of the men. slone was able to lead him, however, to within several paces of sears. then slone dropped the reins. he still held a lasso which was loosely coiled, and the loop dropped in front of him as he backed away. sears sheathed the left-hand gun. keeping the group covered with the other, he moved backward, reaching for the hanging reins. wildfire snorted, appeared about to jump. but sears got the reins. bostil, standing like a stone, his companions also motionless, could not help but admire the daring of this upland horse-thief. how was he to mount that wild stallion? sears was noted for two qualities--his nerve before men and his skill with horses. assuredly he would not risk an ordinary mount. wildfire began to suspect sears--to look at him instead of the other horses. then quick as a cat sears vaulted into the saddle. wildfire snorted and lifted his forefeet in a lunge that meant he would bolt. sears in vaulting up had swung the gun aloft. he swept it down, but waveringly, for wildfire had begun to rear. bostil saw how fatal that single instant would have been for sears if he or holley had a gun. something whistled. bostil saw the leap of slone's lasso--the curling, snaky dart of the noose which flew up to snap around sears. the rope sung taut. sears was swept bodily clean from the saddle, to hit the ground in sodden impact. almost swifter than bostil's sight was the action of slone--flashing by--in the air--himself on the plunging horse. sears shot once, twice. then wildfire bolted as his rider whipped the lasso round the horn. sears, half rising, was jerked ten feet. an awful shriek was throttled in his throat. a streak of dust on the slope--a tearing, parting line in the sage! bostil stood amazed. the red stallion made short plunges. slone reached low for the tripping reins. when he straightened up in the saddle wildfire broke wildly into a run. it was characteristic of holley that at this thrilling, tragic instant he walked over into the sage to pick up his gun. "throwed a gun on me, got the drop, an' pitched mine away!" muttered holley, in disgust. the way he spoke meant that he was disgraced. "my gawd! i was scared thet sears would get the hoss!" rolled out bostil. holley thought of his gun; bostil thought of the splendid horse. the thoughts were characteristic of these riders. the other men, however, recovering from a horror-broken silence, burst out in acclaim of slone's feat. "dick sears's finish! roped by a boy rider!" exclaimed cal blinn, fervidly. "bostil, that rider is worthy of his horse," said wetherby. "i think sears would have bored you. i saw his finger pressing--pressing on the trigger. men like sears can't help but pull at that stage." "thet was the quickest trick i ever seen," declared macomber. they watched wildfire run down the slope, out into the valley, with a streak of rising dust out behind. they all saw when there ceased to be that peculiar rising of dust. wildfire appeared to shoot ahead at greater speed. then he slowed up. the rider turned him and faced back toward the group, coming at a stiff gallop. soon wildfire breasted the slope, and halted, snorting, shaking before the men. the lasso was still trailing out behind, limp and sagging. there was no weight upon it now. bostil strode slowly ahead. he sympathized with the tension that held slone; he knew why the rider's face was gray, why his lips only moved mutely, why there was horror in the dark, strained eyes, why the lean, strong hands, slowly taking up the lasso, now shook like leaves in the wind. there was only dust on the lasso. but bostil knew--they all knew that none the less it had dealt a terrible death to the horse-thief. somehow bostil could not find words for what he wanted to say. he put a hand on the red stallion--patted his shoulder. then he gripped slone close and hard. he was thinking how he would have gloried in a son like this young, wild rider. then he again faced his comrades. "fellers, do you think cordts was in on thet trick?" he queried. "nope. cordts was on the square," replied holley. "but he must have seen it comin' an' left sears to his fate. it sure was a fittin' last ride for a hoss-thief." bostil sent holley and farlane on ahead to find cordts and hutchinson, with their comrades, to tell them the fate of sears, and to warn them to leave before the news got to the riders. the sun was setting golden and red over the broken battlements of the canyons to the west. the heat of the day blew away on a breeze that bent the tips of the sage-brush. a wild song drifted back from the riders to the fore. and the procession of indians moved along, their gay trappings and bright colors beautiful in the fading sunset light. when bostil and, his guests arrived at the corrals, holley, with farlane and other riders, were waiting. "boss," said holley, "cordts an' his outfit never rid in. they was last seen by some navajos headin' for the canyon." "thet's good!" ejaculated bostil, in relief. "wal boys, look after the hosses. ... slone, just turn wildfire over to the boys with instructions, an' feel safe." farlane scratched his head and looked dubious. "i'm wonderin' how safe it'll be fer us." "i'll look after him," said slone. bostil nodded as if he had expected slone to refuse to let any rider put the stallion away for the night. wildfire would not go into the barn, and slone led him into one of the high-barred corrals. bostil waited, talking with his friends, until slone returned, and then they went toward the house. "i reckon we couldn't get inside brack's place now," remarked bostil. "but in a case like this i can scare up a drink." lights from the windows shone bright through the darkness under the cottonwoods. bostil halted at the door, as if suddenly remembering, and he whispered, huskily: "let's keep the women from learnin' about sears--to-night, anyway." then he led the way through the big door into the huge living-room. there were hanging-lights on the walls and blazing sticks on the hearth. lucy came running in to meet them. it did not escape bostil's keen eyes that she was dressed in her best white dress. he had never seen her look so sweet and pretty, and, for that matter, so strange. the flush, the darkness of her eyes, the added something in her face, tender, thoughtful, strong--these were new. bostil pondered while she welcomed his guests. slone, who had hung back, was last in turn. lucy greeted him as she had the others. slone met her with awkward constraint. the gray had not left his face. lucy looked up at him again, and differently. "what--what has happened?" she asked. it annoyed bostil that slone and all the men suddenly looked blank. "why, nothin'," replied slone, slowly, "'cept i'm fagged out." lucy, or any other girl, could have seen that he, was evading the truth. she flashed a look from slone to her father. "until to-day we never had a big race that something dreadful didn't happen," said lucy. "this was my day--my race. and, oh! i wanted it to pass without--without--" "wal, lucy dear," replied bostil, as she faltered. "nothin' came off thet'd make you feel bad. young slone had a scare about his hoss. wildfire's safe out there in the corral, an' he'll be guarded like the king an' sarch. slone needs a drink an' somethin' to eat, same as all of us." lucy's color returned and her smile, but bostil noted that, while she was serving them and brightly responsive to compliments, she gave more than one steady glance at slone. she was deep, thought bostil, and it angered him a little that she showed interest in what concerned this strange rider. then they had dinner, with twelve at table. the wives of bostil's three friends had been helping aunt jane prepare the feast, and they added to the merriment. bostil was not much given to social intercourse--he would have preferred to be with his horses and riders--but this night he outdid himself as host, amazed his sister jane, who evidently thought he drank too much, and delighted lucy. bostil's outward appearance and his speech and action never reflected all the workings of his mind. no one would ever know the depth of his bitter disappointment at the outcome of the race. with creech's blue roan out of the way, another horse, swifter and more dangerous, had come along to spoil the king's chance. bostil felt a subtly increasing covetousness in regard to wildfire, and this colored all his talk and action. the upland country, vast and rangy, was for bostil too small to hold sage king and wildfire unless they both belonged to him. and when old cal blinn gave a ringing toast to lucy, hoping to live to see her up on wildfire in the grand race that must be run with the king, bostil felt stir in him the birth of a subtle, bitter fear. at first he mocked it. he--bostil--afraid to race! it was a lie of the excited mind. he repudiated it. insidiously it returned. he drowned it down--smothered it with passion. then the ghost of it remained, hauntingly. after dinner bostil with the men went down to brackton's, where slone and the winners of the day received their prizes. "why, it's more money than i ever had in my whole life!" exclaimed slone, gazing incredulously at the gold. bostil was amused and pleased, and back of both amusement and pleasure was the old inventive, driving passion to gain his own ends. bostil was abnormally generous in many ways; monstrously selfish in one way. "slone, i seen you didn't drink none," he said, curiously. "no; i don't like liquor." "do you gamble?" "i like a little bet--on a race," replied slone, frankly. "wal, thet ain't gamblin'. these fool riders of mine will bet on the switchin' of a hoss's tail." he drew slone a little aside from the others, who were interested in brackton's delivery of the different prizes. "slone, how'd you like to ride for me?" slone appeared surprised. "why, i never rode for any one," he replied, slowly. "i can't stand to be tied down. i'm a horse-hunter, you know." bostil eyed the young man, wondering what he knew about the difficulties of the job offered. it was no news to bostil that he was at once the best and the worst man to ride for in all the uplands. "sure, i know. but thet doesn't make no difference," went on bostil, persuasively. "if we got along--wal, you'd save some of thet yellow coin you're jinglin'. a roamin' rider never builds no corral!" "thank you, bostil," replied slone, earnestly. "i'll think it over. it would seem kind of tame now to go back to wild-horse wranglin', after i've caught wildfire. i'll think it over. maybe i'll do it, if you're sure i'm good enough with rope an' horse." "wal, by gawd!" blurted out bostil. "holley says he'd rather you throwed a gun on him than a rope! so would i. an' as for your handlin' a hoss, i never seen no better." slone appeared embarrassed and kept studying the gold coins in his palm. some one touched bostil, who, turning, saw brackton at his elbow. the other men were now bantering with the indians. "come now while i've got a minnit," said brackton, taking up a lantern. "i've somethin' to show you." bostil followed brackton, and slone came along. the old man opened a door into a small room, half full of stores and track. the lantern only dimly lighted the place. "look thar!" and brackton flashed the light upon a man lying prostrate. bostil recognized the pale face of joel creech. "brack! ... what's this? is he dead?" bostil sustained a strange, incomprehensible shock. sight of a dead man had never before shocked him. "nope, he ain't dead, which if he was might be good for this community," replied brackton. "he's only fallen in a fit. fust off i reckoned he was drunk. but it ain't thet." "wal, what do you want to show him to me for?" demanded bostil, gruffly. "i reckoned you oughter see him." "an' why, brackton?" brackton set down the lantern and, pushing slone outside, said: "jest a minnit, son," and then he closed the door. "joel's been on my hands since the flood cut him off from home," said brackton. "an' he's been some trial. but nobody else would have done nothin' for him, so i had to. i reckon i felt sorry for him. he cried like a baby thet had lost its mother. then he gets wild-lookin' an' raved around. when i wasn't busy i kept an eye on him. but some of the time i couldn't, an' he stole drinks, which made him wuss. an' when i seen he was tryin' to sneak one of my guns, i up an' gets suspicious. once he said, 'my dad's hosses are goin' to starve, an' i'm goin' to kill somebody!' he was out of his head an' dangerous. wal, i was worried some, but all i could do was lock up my guns. last night i caught him confabin' with some men out in the dark, behind the store. they all skedaddled except joel, but i recognized cordts. i didn't like this, nuther. joel was surly an' ugly. an' when one of the riders called him he said: 'thet boat never drifted off. fer the night of the flood i went down there myself an' tied the ropes. they never come untied. somebody cut them--jest before the flood--to make sure my dad's hosses couldn't be crossed. somebody figgered the river an' the flood. an' if my dad's hosses starve i'm goin' to kill somebody!'" brackton took up the lantern and placed a hand on the door ready to go out. "then a rider punched joel--i never seen who--an' joel had a fit. i dragged him in here. an' as you see, he ain't come to yet." "wal, brackton, the boy's crazy," said bostil. "so i reckon. an' i'm afeared he'll burn us out--he's crazy on fires, anyway--or do somethin' like." "he's sure a problem. wal, we'll see," replied bostil, soberly. and they went out to find slone waiting. then bostil called his guests, and with slone also accompanying him, went home. bostil threw off the recurring gloom, and he was good-natured when lucy came to his room to say good night. he knew she had come to say more than that. "hello, daughter!" he said. "aren't you ashamed to come facin' your poor old dad?" lucy eyed him dubiously. "no, i'm not ashamed. but i'm still a little--afraid." "i'm harmless, child. i'm a broken man. when you put sage king out of the race you broke me." "dad, that isn't funny. you make me an--angry when you hint i did something underhand." "wal, you didn't consult me." "i thought it would be fun to surprise you all. why, you're always delighted with a surprise in a race, unless it beats you.... then, it was my great and only chance to get out in front of the king. oh, how grand it'd have been! dad, i'd have run away from him the same as the others!" "no, you wouldn't," declared bostil. "dad, wildfire can beat the king!" "never, girl! knockin' a good-tempered hoss off his pins ain't beatin' him in a runnin'-race." then father and daughter fought over the old score, the one doggedly, imperturbably, the other spiritedly, with flashing eyes. it was different this time, however, for it ended in lucy saying bostil would never risk another race. that stung bostil, and it cost him an effort to control his temper. "let thet go now. tell me all about how you saved wildfire, an' slone, too." lucy readily began the narrative, and she had scarcely started before bostil found himself intensely interested. soon he became absorbed. that was the most thrilling and moving kind of romance to him, like his rider's dreams. "lucy, you're sure a game kid," he said, fervidly, when she had ended. "i reckon i don't blame slone for fallin' in love with you." "who said that!" inquired lucy. "nobody. but it's true--ain't it?" she looked up with eyes as true as ever they were, yet a little sad, he thought, a little wistful and wondering, as if a strange and grave thing confronted her. "yes, dad--it's--it's true," she answered, haltingly. "wal, you didn't need to tell me, but i'm glad you did." bostil meant to ask her then if she in any sense returned the rider's love, but unaccountably he could not put the question. the girl was as true as ever--as good as gold. bostil feared a secret that might hurt him. just as sure as life was there and death but a step away, some rider, sooner or later, would win this girl's love. bostil knew that, hated it, feared it. yet he would never give his girl to a beggarly rider. such a man as wetherby ought to win lucy's hand. and bostil did not want to know too much at present; he did not want his swift-mounting animosity roused so soon. still he was curious, and, wanting to get the drift of lucy's mind, he took to his old habit of teasing. "another moonstruck rider!" he said. "your eyes are sure full moons, lucy. i'd be ashamed to trifle with these poor fellers." "dad!" "you're a heartless flirt--same as your mother was before she met me." "i'm not. and i don't believe mother was, either," replied lucy. it was easy to strike fire from her. "wal, you did dead wrong to ride out there day after day meetin' slone, because--young woman--if he ever has the nerve to ask me for you i'll beat him up bad." "then you'd be a brute!" retorted lucy. "wal, mebbe," returned bostil, secretly delighted and surprised at lucy's failure to see through him. but she was looking inward. he wondered what hid there deep in her. "but i can't stand for the nerve of thet." "he--he means to--to ask you." "the h----.... a-huh!" lucy did not catch the slip of tongue. she was flushing now. "he said he'd never have let me meet him out there alone--unless--he--he loved me--and as our neighbors and the riders would learn of it--and talk--he wanted you and them to know he'd asked to--to marry me." "wal, he's a square young man!" ejaculated bostil, involuntarily. it was hard for bostil to hide his sincerity and impulsiveness; much harder than to hide unworthy attributes. then he got back on the other track. "that'll make me treat him decent, so when he rides up to ask for you i'll let him off with, 'no!" lucy dropped her head. bostil would have given all he had, except his horses, to feel sure she did not care for slone. "dad--i said--'no'--for myself," she murmured. this time bostil did not withhold the profane word of surprise. "... so he's asked you, then? wal, wal! when?" "to-day--out there in the rocks where he waited with wildfire for me. he--he--" lucy slipped into her father's arms, and her slender form shook. bostil instinctively felt what she then needed was her mother. her mother was dead, and he was only a rough, old, hard rider. he did not know what to do--to say. his heart softened and he clasped her close. it hurt him keenly to realize that he might have been a better, kinder father if it were not for the fear that she would find him out. but that proved he loved her, craved her respect and affection. "wal, little girl, tell me," he said. "he--he broke his word to me." "a-huh! thet's too bad. an' how did he?" "he--he--" lucy seemed to catch her tongue. bostil was positive she had meant to tell him something and suddenly changed her mind. subtly the child vanished--a woman remained. lucy sat up self-possessed once more. some powerfully impelling thought had transformed her. bostil's keen sense gathered that what she would not tell was not hers to reveal. for herself, she was the soul of simplicity and frankness. "days ago i told him i cared for him," she went on. "but i forbade him to speak of it to me. he promised. i wanted to wait till after the race--till after i had found courage to confess to you. he broke his word.... today when he put me up on wildfire he--he suddenly lost his head." the slow scarlet welled into lucy's face and her eyes grew shamed, but bravely she kept facing her father. "he--he pulled me off--he hugged me--he k-kissed me.... oh, it was dreadful--shameful! ... then i gave him back--some--something he had given me. and i told him i--i hated him--and i told him, 'no!'" "but you rode his hoss in the race," said bostil. lucy bowed her head at that. "i--i couldn't resist!" bostil stroked the bright head. what a quandary for a thick-skulled old horseman! "wal, it seems to me slone didn't act so bad, considerin'. you'd told him you cared for him. if it wasn't for thet! ... i remember i did much the same to your mother. she raised the devil, but i never seen as she cared any less for me." "i'll never forgive him," lucy cried, passionately. "i hate him. a man who breaks his word in one thing will do it in another." bostil sadly realized that his little girl had reached womanhood and love, and with them the sweet, bitter pangs of life. he realized also that here was a crisis when a word--an unjust or lying word from him would forever ruin any hope that might still exist for slone. bostil realized this acutely, but the realization was not even a temptation. "wal, listen. i'm bound to confess your new rider is sure swift. an', lucy, to-day if he hadn't been as swift with a rope as he is in love--wal, your old daddy might be dead!" she grew as white as her dress. "oh, dad! i knew something had happened," she cried, reaching for him. then bostil told her how dick sears had menaced him--how slone had foiled the horse-thief. he told the story bluntly, but eloquently, with all a rider's praise. lucy rose with hands pressed against her breast. when had bostil seen eyes like those--dark, shining, wonderful? ah! he remembered her mother's once--only once, as a girl. then lucy kissed him and without a word fled from the room. bostil stared after her. "d--n me!" he swore, as he threw a boot against the wall. "i reckon i'll never let her marry slone, but i just had to tell her what i think of him!" chapter xiv slone lay wide awake under an open window, watching the stars glimmer through the rustling foliage of the cottonwoods. somewhere a lonesome hound bayed. very faintly came the silvery tinkle of running water. for five days slone had been a guest of bostil's, and the whole five days had been torment. on the morning of the day after the races lucy had confronted him. would he ever forget her eyes--her voice? "bless you for saving my dad!" she had said. "it was brave.... but don't let dad fool you. don't believe in his kindness. above all, don't ride for him! he only wants wildfire, and if he doesn't get him he'll hate you!" that speech of lucy's had made the succeeding days hard for slone. bostil loaded him with gifts and kindnesses, and never ceased importuning him to accept his offers. but for lucy, slone would have accepted. it was she who cast the first doubt of bostil into his mind. lucy averred that her father was splendid and good in every way except in what pertained to fast horses; there he was impossible. the great stallion that slone had nearly sacrificed his life to catch was like a thorn in the rider's flesh. slone lay there in the darkness, restless, hot, rolling from side to side, or staring out at the star-studded sky--miserably unhappy all on account of that horse. almost he hated him. what pride he had felt in wildfire! how he had gloried in the gift of the stallion to lucy! then, on the morning of the race had come that unexpected, incomprehensible and wild act of which he had been guilty. yet not to save his life, his soul, could he regret it! was it he who had been responsible, or an unknown savage within him? he had kept his word to lucy, when day after day he had burned with love until that fatal moment when the touch of her, as he lifted her to wildfire's saddle, had made a madman out of him. he had swept her into his arms and held her breast to his, her face before him, and he had kissed the sweet, parting lips till he was blind. then he had learned what a little fury she was. then he learned how he had fallen, what he had forfeited. in his amaze at himself, in his humility and shame, he had not been able to say a word in his own defense. she did not know yet that his act had been ungovernable and that he had not known what he was doing till too late. and she had finished with: "i'll ride wildfire in the race--but i won't have him--and i won't have you! no!" she had the steel and hardness of her father. for slone, the watching of that race was a blend of rapture and despair. he lived over in mind all the time between the race and this hour when he lay there sleepless and full of remorse. his mind was like a racecourse with many races; and predominating in it was that swift, strange, stinging race of his memory of lucy bostil's looks and actions. what an utter fool he was to believe she had meant those tender words when, out there under the looming monuments, she had accepted wildfire! she had been an impulsive child. her scorn and fury that morning of the race had left nothing for him except footless fancies. she had mistaken love of wildfire for love of him. no, his case was hopeless with lucy, and if it had not been so bostil would have made it hopeless. yet there were things slone could not fathom--the wilful, contradictory, proud and cold and unaccountably sweet looks and actions of the girl. they haunted slone. they made him conscious he had a mind and tortured him with his development. but he had no experience with girls to compare with what was happening now. it seemed that accepted fact and remembered scorn and cold certainty were somehow at variance with hitherto unknown intuitions and instincts. lucy avoided him, if by chance she encountered him alone. when bostil or aunt jane or any one else was present lucy was kind, pleasant, agreeable. what made her flush red at sight of him and then, pale? why did she often at table or in the big living-room softly brush against him when it seemed she could have avoided that? many times he had felt some inconceivable drawing power, and looked up to find her eyes upon him, strange eyes full of mystery, that were suddenly averted. was there any meaning attachable to the fact that his room was kept so tidy and neat, that every day something was added to its comfort or color, that he found fresh flowers whenever he returned, or a book, or fruit, or a dainty morsel to eat, and once a bunch of indian paint-brush, wild flowers of the desert that lucy knew he loved? most of all, it was lucy's eyes which haunted slone--eyes that had changed, darkened, lost their audacious flash, and yet seemed all the sweeter. the glances he caught, which he fancied were stolen--and then derided his fancy--thrilled him to his heart. thus slone had spent waking hours by day and night, mad with love and remorse, tormented one hour by imagined grounds for hope and resigned to despair the next. upon the sixth morning of his stay at bostil's slone rose with something of his former will reasserting itself. he could not remain in bostil's home any longer unless he accepted bostil's offer, and this was not to be thought of. with a wrench slone threw off the softening indecision and hurried out to find bostil while the determination was hot. bostil was in the corral with wildfire. this was the second time slone had found him there. wildfire appeared to regard bostil with a much better favor than he did his master. as slone noted this a little heat stole along his veins. that was gall to a rider. "i like your hoss," said bostil, with gruff frankness. but a tinge of red showed under his beard. "bostil, i'm sorry i can't take you up on the job," rejoined slone, swiftly. "it's been hard for me to decide. you've been good to me. i'm grateful. but it's time i was tellin' you." "why can't you?" demanded bostil, straightening up with a glint in his big eyes. it was the first time he had asked slone that. "i can't ride for you," replied slone, briefly. "anythin' to do with lucy?" queried bostil. "how so?" returned slone, conscious of more heat. "wal, you was sweet on her an' she wouldn't have you," replied bostil. slone felt the blood swell and boil in his veins. this bostil could say as harsh and hard things as repute gave him credit for. "yes, i am sweet on lucy, an' she won't have me," said slone, steadily. "i asked her to let me come to you an' tell you i wanted to marry her. but she wouldn't." "wal, it's just as good you didn't come, because i might...." bostil broke off his speech and began again. "you don't lack nerve, slone. what'd you have to offer lucy?" "nothin' except--but that doesn't matter," replied slone, cut to the quick by bostil's scorn. "i'm glad you know, an' so much for that." bostil turned to look at wildfire once more, and he looked long. when he faced around again he was another man. slone felt the powerful driving passion of this old horse-trader. "slone, i'll give you pick of a hundred mustangs an' a thousand dollars for wildfire!" so he unmasked his power in the face of a beggarly rider! though it struck slone like a thunderbolt, he felt amused. but he did not show that. bostil had only one possession, among all his uncounted wealth, that could win wildfire from his owner. "no," said slone, briefly. "i'll double it," returned bostil, just as briefly. "no!" "i'll--" "save your breath, bostil," flashed slone. "you don't know me. but let me tell you--you can't buy my horse!" the great veins swelled and churned in bostil's bull neck; a thick and ugly contortion worked in his face; his eyes reflected a sick rage. slone saw that two passions shook bostil--one, a bitter, terrible disappointment, and the other, the passion of a man who could not brook being crossed. it appeared to slone that the best thing he could do was to get away quickly, and to this end he led wildfire out of the corral to the stable courtyard, and there quickly saddled him. then he went into another corral for his other horse, nagger, and, bringing him out, returned to find bostil had followed as far as the court. the old man's rage apparently had passed or had been smothered. "see here," he began, in thick voice, "don't be a d--- fool an' ruin your chance in life. i'll--" "bostil, my one chance was ruined--an' you know who did it," replied slone, as he gathered nagger's rope and wildfire's bridle together. "i've no hard feelin's.... but i can't sell you my horse. an' i can't ride for you--because--well, because it would breed trouble." "an' what kind?" queried bostil. holley and farlane and van, with several other riders, had come up and were standing open-mouthed. slone gathered from their manner and expression that anything might happen with bostil in such a mood. "we'd be racin' the king an' wildfire, wouldn't we?" replied slone. "an' supposin' we would?" returned bostil, ominously. his huge frame vibrated with a slight start. "wildfire would run off with your favorite--an' you wouldn't like that," answered slone. it was his rider's hot blood that prompted him to launch this taunt. he could not help it. "you wild-hoss chaser," roared bostil, "your wildfire may be a bloody killer, but he can't beat the king in a race!" "excuse me, bostil, but wildfire did beat the king!" this was only adding fuel to the fire. slone saw holley making signs that must have meant silence would be best. but slone's blood was up. bostil had rubbed him the wrong way. "you're a lair!" declared bostil, with a tremendous stride forward. slone saw then how dangerous the man really was. "it was no race. your wild hoss knocked the king off the track." "sage king had the lead, didn't he? why didn't he keep it?" bostil was like a furious, intractable child whose favorite precious treasure had been broken; and he burst out into a torrent of incoherent speech, apparently reasons why this and that were so. slone did not make out what bostil meant and he did not care. when bostil got out of breath slone said: "we're both wastin' talk. an' i'm not wantin' you to call me a liar twice. ... put your rider up on the king an' come on, right now. i'll--" "slone, shut up an' chase yourself," interrupted holley "you go to h--l!" returned slone, coolly. there was a moment's silence, in which slone took holley's measure. the hawk-eyed old rider may have been square, but he was then thinking only of bostil. "what am i up, against here?" demanded slone. "am i goin' to be shot because i'm takin' my own part? holley, you an' the rest of your pards are all afraid of this old devil. but i'm not--an' you stay out of this." "wal, son, you needn't git riled," replied holley, placatingly. "i was only tryin' to stave off talk you might be sorry for." "sorry for nothin'! i'm goin' to make this great horse-trader, this rich an' mighty rancher, this judge of grand horses, this bostil! ... i'm goin' to make him race the king or take water!" then slone turned to bostil. that worthy evidently had been stunned by the rider who dared call him to his face. "come on! fetch the king! let your own riders judge the race!" bostil struggled both to control himself and to speak. "naw! i ain't goin' to see thet red hoss-killer jump the king again!" "bah! you're afraid. you know there'd be no girl on his back. you know he can outrun the king an' that's why you want to buy him." slone caught his breath then. he realized suddenly, at bostil's paling face, that perhaps he had dared too much. yet, maybe the truth flung into this hard old rider's teeth was what he needed more than anything else. slone divined, rather than saw, that he had done an unprecedented thing. "i'll go now, bostil." slone nodded a good-by to the riders, and, turning away, he led the two horses down the lane toward the house. it scarcely needed sight of lucy under the cottonwoods to still his anger and rouse his regret. lucy saw him coming, and, as usual, started to avoid meeting him, when sight of the horses, or something else, caused her to come toward him instead. slone halted. both wildfire and nagger whinnied at sight of the girl. lucy took one flashing glance at them, at slone, and then she evidently guessed what was amiss. "lucy, i've done it now--played hob, sure," said slone. "what?" she cried. "i called your dad--called him good an' hard--an' he--he--" "lin! oh, don't say dad." lucy's face whitened and she put a swift hand upon his arm--a touch that thrilled him. "lin! there's blood--on your face. don't--don't tell me dad hit you?" "i should say not," declared slone, quickly lifting his hand to his face. "must be from my cut, that blood. i barked my hand holdin' wildfire." "oh! i--i was sick with--with--" lucy faltered and broke off, and then drew back quickly, as if suddenly conscious of her actions and words. then slone began to relate everything that had been said, and before he concluded his story his heart gave a wild throb at the telltale face and eyes of the girl. "you said that to dad!" she cried, in amaze and fear and admiration. "oh, dad richly deserved it! but i wish you hadn't. oh, i wish you hadn't!" "why?" asked slone. but she did not answer that. "where are you going?" she questioned. "come to think of that, i don't know," replied slone, blankly. "i started back to fetch my things out of my room. that's as far as my muddled thoughts got." "your things? ... oh!" suddenly she grew intensely white. the little freckles that had been so indistinct stood out markedly, and it was as if she had never had any tan. one brown hand went to her breast, the other fluttered to his arm again. "you mean to--to go away--for good." "sure. what else can i do?" "lin! ... oh, there comes dad! he mustn't see me. i must run.... lin, don't leave bostil's ford--don't go--don't!" then she flew round the corner of the house, to disappear. slone stood there transfixed and thrilling. even bostil's heavy tread did not break the trance, and a meeting would have been unavoidable had not bostil turned down the path that led to the back of the house. slone, with a start collecting his thoughts, hurried into the little room that had been his and gathered up his few belongings. he was careful to leave behind the gifts of guns, blankets, gloves, and other rider's belongings which bostil had presented to him. thus laden, he went outside and, tingling with emotions utterly sweet and bewildering, he led the horses down into the village. slone went down to brackton's, and put the horses into a large, high-fenced pasture adjoining brackton's house. slone felt reasonably sure his horses would be safe there, but he meant to keep a mighty close watch on them. and old brackton, as if he read slone's mind, said this: "keep your eye on thet daffy boy, joel creech. he hangs round my place, sleeps out somewheres, an' he's crazy about hosses." slone did not need any warning like that, nor any information to make him curious regarding young creech. lucy had seen to that, and, in fact, slone was anxious to meet this half-witted fellow who had so grievously offended and threatened lucy. that morning, however, creech did not put in an appearance. the village had nearly returned to its normal state now, and the sleepy tenor of its way. the indians, had been the last to go, but now none remained. the days were hot while the sun stayed high, and only the riders braved its heat. the morning, however, did not pass without an interesting incident. brackton approached slone with an offer that he take charge of the freighting between the ford and durango. "what would i do with wildfire?" was slone's questioning reply, and brackton held up his hands. a later incident earned more of slone's attention. he had observed a man in brackton's store, and it chanced that this man heard slone's reply to brackton's offer, and he said: "you'll sure need to corral thet red stallion. grandest hoss i ever seen!" that praise won slone, and he engaged in conversation with the man, who said his name was vorhees. it developed soon that vorhees owned a little house, a corral, and a patch of ground on a likely site up under the bluff, and he was anxious to sell cheap because he had a fine opportunity at durango, where his people lived. what interested slone most was the man's remark that he had a corral which could not be broken into. the price he asked was ridiculously low if the property was worth anything. an idea flashed across slone's mind. he went up to vorhees's place and was much pleased with everything, especially the corral, which had been built by a man who feared horse-thieves as much as bostil. the view from the door of the little cabin was magnificent beyond compare. slone remembered lucy's last words. they rang like bells in his ears. "don't go--don't!" they were enough to chain him to bostil's ford until the crack of doom. he dared not dream of what they meant. he only listened to their music as they pealed over and over in his ears. "vorhees, are you serious?" he asked. "the money you ask is little enough." "it's enough an' to spare," replied the man. "an' i'd take it as a favor of you." "well, i'll go you," said slone, and he laughed a little irrationally. "only you needn't tell right away that i bought you out." the deal was consummated, leaving slone still with half of the money that had been his prize in the race. he felt elated. he was rich. he owned two horses--one the grandest in all the uplands, the other the faithfulest--and he owned a neat little cabin where it was a joy to sit and look out, and a corral which would let him sleep at night, and he had money to put into supplies and furnishings, and a garden. after he drank out of the spring that bubbled from under the bluff he told himself it alone was worth the money. "looks right down on bostil's place," slone soliloquized, with glee. "won't he just be mad! an' lucy! ... whatever's she goin' to think?" the more slone looked around and thought, the more he became convinced that good fortune had knocked at his door at last. and when he returned to brackton's he was in an exultant mood. the old storekeeper gave him a nudge and pointed underhand to a young man of ragged aspect sitting gloomily on a box. slone recognized joel creech. the fellow surely made a pathetic sight, and slone pitied him. he looked needy and hungry. "say," said slone, impulsively, "want to help me carry some grub an' stuff?" "howdy!" replied creech, raising his head. "sure do." slone sustained the queerest shock of his life when he met the gaze of those contrasting eyes. yet he did not believe that his strange feeling came from sight of different-colored eyes. there was an instinct or portent in that meeting. he purchased a bill of goods from brackton, and, with creech helping, carried it up to the cabin under the bluff. three trips were needed to pack up all the supplies, and meanwhile creech had but few words to say, and these of no moment. slone offered him money, which he refused. "i'll help you fix up, an' eat a bite," he said. "nice up hyar." he seemed rational enough and certainly responded to kindness. slone found that vorhees had left the cabin so clean there was little cleaning to do. an open fireplace of stone required some repair and there was wood to cut. "joel, you start a fire while i go down after my horses," said slone. young creech nodded and slone left him there. it was not easy to catch wildfire, nor any easier to get him into the new corral; but at last slone saw him safely there. and the bars and locks on the gate might have defied any effort to open or break them quickly. creech was standing in the doorway, watching the horses, and somehow slone saw, or imagined he saw, that creech wore a different aspect. "grand wild hoss! he did what blue was a-goin' to do--beat thet there d--d bostil's king!" creech wagged his head. he was gloomy and strange. his eyes were unpleasant to look into. his face changed. and he mumbled. slone pitied him the more, but wished to see the last of him. creech stayed on, however, and grew stranger and more talkative during the meal. he repeated things often--talked disconnectedly, and gave other indications that he was not wholly right in his mind. yet slone suspected that creech's want of balance consisted only in what concerned horses and the bostils. and slone, wanting to learn all he could, encouraged creech to talk about his father and the racers and the river and boat, and finally bostil. slone became convinced that, whether young creech was half crazy or not, he knew his father's horses were doomed, and that the boat at the ferry had been cut adrift. slone could not understand why he was convinced, but he was. finally creech told how he had gone down to the river only a day before; how he had found the flood still raging, but much lower; how he had worked round the cliffs and had pulled up the rope cables to find they had been cut. "you see, bostil cut them when he didn't need to," continued creech, shrewdly. "but he didn't know the flood was comin' down so quick. he was afeared we'd come across an' git the boat thet night. an' he meant to take away them cut cables. but he hadn't no time." "bostil?" queried slone, as he gazed hard at creech. the fellow had told that rationally enough. slone wondered if bostil could have been so base. no! and yet--when it came to horses bostil was scarcely human. slone's query served to send creech off on another tangent which wound up in dark, mysterious threats. then slone caught the name of lucy. it abruptly killed his sympathy for creech. "what's the girl got to do with it?" he demanded, angrily. "if you want to talk to me don't use her name." "i'll use her name when i want," shouted creech. "not to me!" "yes, to you, mister. i ain't carin' a d--n fer you!" "you crazy loon!" exclaimed slone, with impatience and disgust added to anger. "what's the use of being decent to you?" creech crouched low, his hands digging like claws into the table, as if he were making ready to spring. at that instant he was hideous. "crazy, am i?" he yelled. "mebbe not d--n crazy! i kin tell you're gone on lucy bostil! i seen you with her out there in the rocks the mornin' of the race. i seen what you did to her. an' i'm a-goin' to tell it! ... an' i'm a-goin' to ketch lucy bostil an' strip her naked, an' when i git through with her i'll tie her on a hoss an' fire the grass! by gawd! i am!" livid and wild, he breathed hard as he got up, facing slone malignantly. "crazy or not, here goes!" muttered slone, grimly; and, leaping up, with one blow he knocked creech half out of the door, and then kicked him the rest of the way. "go on and have a fit!" cried slone. "i'm liable to kill you if you don't have one!" creech got up and ran down the path, turning twice on the way. then he disappeared among the trees. slone sat down. "lost my temper again!" he said. "this has been a day. guess i'd better cool off right now an' stay here.... that poor devil! maybe he's not so crazy. but he's wilder than an indian. i must warn lucy.... lord! i wonder if bostil could have held back repairin' that boat, an' then cut it loose? i wonder? yesterday i'd have sworn never. to-day--" slone drove the conclusion of that thought out of his consciousness before he wholly admitted it. then he set to work cutting the long grass from the wet and shady nooks under the bluff where the spring made the ground rich. he carried an armful down to the corral. nagger was roaming around outside, picking grass for himself. wildfire snorted as always when he saw slone, and slone as always, when time permitted, tried to coax the stallion to him. he had never succeeded, nor did he this time. when he left the bundle of grass on the ground and went outside wildfire readily came for it. "you're that tame, anyhow, you hungry red devil," said slone, jealously. wildfire would take a bunch of grass from lucy bostil's hand. slone's feelings had undergone some reaction, though he still loved the horse. but it was love mixed with bitterness. more than ever he made up his mind that lucy should have wildfire. then he walked around his place, planning the work he meant to start at once. several days slipped by with slone scarcely realizing how they flew. unaccustomed labor tired him so that he went to bed early and slept like a log. if it had not been for the ever-present worry and suspense and longing, in regard to lucy, he would have been happier than ever he could remember. almost at once he had become attached to his little home, and the more he labored to make it productive and comfortable the stronger grew his attachment. practical toil was not conducive to daydreaming, so slone felt a loss of something vague and sweet. many times he caught himself watching with eager eyes for a glimpse of lucy bostil down there among the cottonwoods. still, he never saw her, and, in fact, he saw so few villagers that the place began to have a loneliness which endeared it to him the more. then the view down the gray valley to the purple monuments was always thrillingly memorable to slone. it was out there lucy had saved his horse and his life. his keen desert gaze could make out even at that distance the great, dark monument, gold-crowned, in the shadow of which he had heard lucy speak words that had transformed life for him. he would ride out there some day. the spell of those looming grand shafts of colored rock was still strong upon him. one morning slone had a visitor--old brackton. slone's cordiality died on his lips before it was half uttered. brackton's former friendliness was not in evidence. indeed, he looked at slone with curiosity and disfavor. "howdy, slone! i jest wanted to see what you was doin' up hyar," he said. slone spread his hands and explained in few words. "so you took over the place, hey? we all figgered thet. but vorhees was mum. fact is, he was sure mysterious." brackton sat down and eyed slone with interest. "folks are talkin' a lot about you," he said, bluntly. "is that so?" "you 'pear to be a pretty mysterious kind of a feller, slone. i kind of took a shine to you at first, an' thet's why i come up hyar to tell you it'd be wise fer you to vamoose." "what!" exclaimed slone. brackton repeated substantially what he had said, then, pausing an instant, continued: "i've no call to give you a hunch, but i'll do it jest because i did like you fust off." the old man seemed fussy and nervous and patronizing and disparaging all at once. "what'd you beat up thet poor joel creech fer?" demanded brackton. "he got what he deserved," replied slone, and the memory, coming on the head of this strange attitude of brackton's, roused slone's temper. "wal, joel tells some queer things about you--fer instance, how you took advantage of little lucy bostil, grabbin' her an' maulin' her the way joel seen you." "d--n the loon!" muttered slone, rising to pace the path. "wal, joel's a bit off, but he's not loony all the time. he's seen you an' he's tellin' it. when bostil hears it you'd better be acrost the canyon!" slone felt the hot, sick rush of blood to his face, and humiliation and rage overtook him. "joel's down at my house. he had fits after you beat him, an' he 'ain't got over them yet. but he could blab to the riders. van sickle's lookin' fer you. an' to-day when i was alone with joel he told me some more queer things about you. i shut him up quick. but i ain't guaranteein' i can keep him shut up." "i'll bet you i shut him up," declared slone. "what more did the fool say?" "slone, hev you been round these hyar parts---down among the monuments--fer any considerable time?" queried brackton. "yes, i have--several weeks out there, an' about ten days or so around the ford." "where was you the night of the flood?" the shrewd scrutiny of the old man, the suspicion, angered slone. "if it's any of your mix, i was out on the slope among the rocks. i heard that flood comin' down long before it got here," replied slone, deliberately. brackton averted his gaze, and abruptly rose as if the occasion was ended. "wal, take my hunch an' leave!" he said, turning away. "brackton, if you mean well, i'm much obliged," returned slone, slowly, ponderingly. "but i'll not take the hunch." "suit yourself," added brackton, coldly, and he went away. slone watched him go down the path and disappear in the lane of cottonwoods. "i'll be darned!" muttered slone. "funny old man. maybe creech's not the only loony one hereabouts." slone tried to laugh off the effect of the interview, but it persisted and worried him all day. after supper he decided to walk down into the village, and would have done so but for the fact that he saw a man climbing his path. when he recognized the rider holley he sensed trouble, and straightway he became gloomy. bostil's right-hand man could not call on him for any friendly reason. holley came up slowly, awkwardly, after the manner of a rider unused to walking. slone had built a little porch on the front of his cabin and a bench, which he had covered with goatskins. it struck him a little strangely that he should bend over to rearrange these skins just as holley approached the porch. "howdy, son!" was the rider's drawled remark. "sure makes--me--puff to climb--up this mountain." slone turned instantly, surprised at the friendly tone, doubting his own ears, and wanting to verify them. he was the more surprised to see holley unmistakably amiable. "hello, holley! how are you?" he replied. "have a seat." "wal, i'm right spry fer an old bird. but i can't climb wuth a d--n .... say, this here beats bostil's view." "yes, it's fine," replied slone, rather awkwardly, as he sat down on the porch step. what could holley want with him? this old rider was above curiosity or gossip. "slone, you ain't holdin' it ag'in me--thet i tried to shut you up the other day?" he drawled, with dry frankness. "why, no, holley, i'm not. i saw your point. you were right. but bostil made me mad." "sure! he'd make anybody mad. i've seen riders bite themselves, they was so mad at bostil. you called him, an' you sure tickled all the boys. but you hurt yourself, fer bostil owns an' runs this here ford." "so i've discovered," replied slone. "you got yourself in bad right off, fer bostil has turned the riders ag'in you, an' this here punchin' of creech has turned the village folks ag'in you. what'd pitch into him fer?" slone caught the kindly interest and intent of the rider, and it warmed him as brackton's disapproval had alienated him. "wal, i reckon i'd better tell you," drawled holley, as slone hesitated, "thet lucy wants to know if you beat up joel an' why you did." "holley! did she ask you to find out?" "she sure did. the girl's worried these days, slone.... you see, you haven't been around, an' you don't know what's comin' off." "brackton was here to-day an' he told me a good deal. i'm worried, too," said slone, dejectedly. "thet hoss of yours, wildfire, he's enough to make you hated in bostil's camp, even if you hadn't made a fool of yourself, which you sure have." slone dropped his head as admission. "what creech swears he seen you do to miss lucy, out there among the rocks, where you was hid with wildfire--is there any truth in thet?" asked holley, earnestly. "tell me, slone. folks believe it. an' it's hurt you at the ford. bostil hasn't heard it yet, an' lucy she doesn't know. but i'm figgerin' thet you punched joel because he throwed it in your face." "he did, an' i lambasted him," replied slone, with force. "you did right. but what i want to know, is it true what joel seen?" "it's true, holley. but what i did isn't so bad--so bad as he'd make it look." "wal, i knowed thet. i knowed fer a long time how lucy cares fer you," returned the old rider, kindly. slone raised his head swiftly, incredulously. "holley! you can't be serious." "wal, i am. i've been sort of a big brother to lucy bostil for eighteen years. i carried her in these here hands when she weighed no more 'n my spurs. i taught her how to ride--what she knows about hosses. an' she knows more 'n her dad. i taught her to shoot. i know her better 'n anybody. an' lately she's been different. she's worried an' unhappy." "but holley, all that--it doesn't seem--" "i reckon not," went on holley, as slone halted. "i think she cares fer you. an' i'm your friend, slone. you're goin' to buck up ag'in some hell round here sooner or later. an' you'll need a friend." "thanks--holley," replied slone, unsteadily. he thrilled under the iron grasp of the rider's hard hand. "you've got another friend you can gamble on," said holley, significantly. "another! who?" "lucy bostil. an' don't you fergit thet. i'll bet she'll raise more trouble than bostil when she hears what joel creech is tellin'. fer she's bound to hear it. van sickle swears he's a-goin' to tell her an' then beat you up with a quirt." "he is, is he?" snapped slone, darkly. "i've a hunch lucy's guessed why you punched joel. but she wants to know fer sure. now, slone, i'll tell her why." "oh, don't!" said slone, involuntarily. "wal, it'll be better comin' from you an' me. take my word fer thet. i'll prepare lucy. an' she's as good a scrapper as bostil, any day." "it all scares me," replied slone. he did feel panicky, and that was from thoughts of what shame might befall lucy. the cold sweat oozed out of every pore. what might not bostil do? "holley, i love the girl. so i--i didn't insult her. bostil will never understand. an' what's he goin' to do when he finds out?" "wal, let's hope you won't git any wuss'n you give joel." "let bostil beat me!" ejaculated slone. "i think i'm willin--now--the--way i feel. but i've a temper, and bostil rubs me the wrong way." "wall leave your gun home, an' fight bostil. you're pretty husky. sure he'll lick you, but mebbe you could give the old cuss a black eye." holley laughed as if the idea gave him infinite pleasure. "fight bostil? ... lucy would hate me!" cried slone. "nix! you don't know thet kid. if the old man goes after you lucy'll care more fer you. she's jest like him in some ways." holley pulled out a stubby black pipe and, filling and lighting it, he appeared to grow more thoughtful. "it wasn't only lucy thet sent me up here to see you. bostil had been pesterin' me fer days. but i kept fightin' shy of it till lucy got hold of me." "bostil sent you? why?" "reckon you can guess. he can't sleep, thinkin' about your red hoss. none of us ever seen bostil have sich a bad case. he raised sage king. but he's always been crazy fer a great wild stallion. an' here you come along--an' your hoss jumps the king--an' there's trouble generally." "holley, do you think wildfire can beat sage king?" asked slone, eagerly. "reckon i do. lucy says so, an' i'll back her any day. but, son, i ain't paradin' what i think. i'd git in bad myself. farlane an' the other boys, they're with bostil. van he's to blame fer thet. he's takin' a dislike to you, right off. an' what he tells bostil an' the boys about thet race don't agree with what lucy tells me. lucy says wildfire ran fiery an' cranky at the start. he wanted to run round an' kill the king instead of racin'. so he was three lengths behind when macomber dropped the flag. lucy says the king got into his stride. she knows. an' there wildfire comes from behind an' climbs all over the king! ... van tells a different story." "it came off just as lucy told you," declared slone. "i saw every move." "wal, thet's neither here nor there. what you're up ag'in is this. bostil is sore since you called him. but he holds himself in because he hasn't given up hope of gittin' wildfire. an', slone, you're sure wise, ain't you, thet if bostil doesn't buy him you can't stay on here?" "i'm wise. but i won't sell wildfire," replied slone, doggedly. "wal, i'd never wasted my breath tellin' you all this if i hadn't figgered about lucy. you've got her to think of." slone turned on holley passionately. "you keep hintin' there's a hope for me, when i know there's none!" "you're only a boy," replied holley. "son, where there's life there's hope. i ain't a-goin' to tell you agin thet i know lucy bostil." slone could not stand nor walk nor keep still. he was shaking from head to foot. "wildfire's not mine to sell. he's lucy's!" confessed slone. "the devil you say!" ejaculated holley, and he nearly dropped his pipe. "i gave wildfire to her. she accepted him. it was done. then--then i lost my head an' made her mad.... an'--she said she'd ride him in the race, but wouldn't keep him. but he is hers." "oho! i see. slone, i was goin' to advise you to sell wildfire--all on account of lucy. you're young an' you'd have a big start in life if you would. but lucy's your girl an' you give her the hoss.... thet settles thet!" "if i go away from here an' leave wildfire for lucy--do you think she could keep him? wouldn't bostil take him from her?" "wal, son, if he tried thet on lucy she'd jump wildfire an' hit your trail an' hang on to it till she found you." "what'll you tell bostil?" asked slone, half beside himself. "i'm consarned if i know," replied holley. "mebbe i'll think of some idee. i'll go back now. an' say, son, i reckon you'd better hang close to home. if you meet bostil down in the village you two'd clash sure. i'll come up soon, but it'll be after dark." "holley, all this is--is good of you," said slone. "i--i'll--" "shut up, son," interrupted the rider, dryly. "thet's your only weakness, so far as i can see. you say too much." holley started down then, his long, clinking spurs digging into the steep path. he left slone a prey to deep thoughts at once anxious and dreamy. next day slone worked hard all day, looking forward to nightfall, expecting that holley would come up. he tried to resist the sweet and tantalizing anticipation of a message from lucy, but in vain. the rider had immeasurably uplifted slone's hope that lucy, at least, cared for him. not for a moment all day could slone drive away the hope. at twilight he was too eager to eat--too obsessed to see the magnificent sunset. but holley did not come, and slone went to bed late, half sick with disappointment. the next day was worse. slone found work irksome, yet he held to it. on the third day he rested and dreamed, and grew doubtful again, and then moody. on the fourth day slone found he needed supplies that he must obtain from the store. he did not forget holley's warning, but he disregarded it, thinking there would scarcely be a chance of meeting bostil at midday. there were horses standing, bridles down, before brackton's place, and riders lounging at the rail and step. some of these men had been pleasant to slone on earlier occasions. this day they seemed not to see him. slone was tingling all over when he went into the store. some deviltry was afoot! he had an angry thought that these riders could not have minds of their own. just inside the door slone encountered wetherby, the young rancher from durango. slone spoke, but wetherby only replied with an insolent stare. slone did not glance at the man to whom wetherby was talking. only a few people were inside the store, and brackton was waiting upon them. slone stood back a little in the shadow. brackton had observed his entrance, but did not greet him. then slone absolutely knew that for him the good will of bostil's ford was a thing of the past. presently brackton was at leisure, but he showed no disposition to attend to slone's wants. then slone walked up to the counter and asked for supplies. "have you got the money?" asked brackton, as if addressing one he would not trust. "yes," replied slone, growing red under an insult that he knew wetherby had heard. brackton handed out the supplies and received the money, without a word. he held his head down. it was a singular action for a man used to dealing fairly with every one. slone felt outraged. he hurried out of the place, with shame burning him, with his own eyes downcast, and in his hurry he bumped square into a burly form. slone recoiled--looked up. bostil! the old rider was eying him with cool speculation. "wal, are you drunk?" he queried, without any particular expression. yet the query was to slone like a blow. it brought his head up with a jerk, his glance steady and keen on bostil's. "bostil, you know i don't drink," he said. "a-huh! i know a lot about you, slone.... i heard you bought vorhees's place, up on the bench." "yes." "did he tell you it was mortgaged to me for more'n it's worth?" "no, he didn't." "did he make over any papers to you?" "no." "wal, if it interests you i'll show you papers thet proves the property's mine." slone suffered a pang. the little home had grown dearer and dearer to him. "all right, bostil. if it's yours--it's yours," he said, calmly enough. "i reckon i'd drove you out before this if i hadn't felt we could make a deal." "we can't agree on any deal, bostil," replied slone, steadily. it was not what bostil said, but the way he said it, the subtle meaning and power behind it, that gave slone a sense of menace and peril. these he had been used to for years; he could meet them. but he was handicapped here because it seemed that, though he could meet bostil face to face, he could not fight him. for he was lucy's father. slone's position, the impotence of it, rendered him less able to control his temper. "why can't we?" demanded bostil. "if you wasn't so touchy we could. an' let me say, young feller, thet there's more reason now thet you do make a deal with me." "deal? what about?" "about your red hoss." "wildfire! ... no deals, bostil," returned slone, and made as if to pass him. the big hand that forced slone back was far from gentle, and again he felt the quick rush of blood. "mebbe i can tell you somethin' thet'll make you sell wildfire," said bostil. "not if you talked yourself dumb!" flashed slone. there was no use to try to keep cool with this bostil, if he talked horses. "i'll race wildfire against the king. but no more." "race! wal, we don't run races around here without stakes," replied bostil, with deep scorn. "an' what can you bet? thet little dab of prize money is gone, an' wouldn't be enough to meet me. you're a strange one in these parts. i've pride an' reputation to uphold. you brag of racin' with me--an' you a beggarly rider! ... you wouldn't have them clothes an' boots if my girl hadn't fetched them to you." the riders behind bostil laughed. wetherby's face was there in the door, not amused, but hard with scorn and something else. slone felt a sickening, terrible gust of passion. it fairly shook him. and as the wave subsided the quick cooling of skin and body pained him like a burn made with ice. "yes, bostil, i'm what you say," responded slone, and his voice seemed to fill his ears. "but you're dead wrong when you say i've nothin' to bet on a race." "an' what'll you bet?" "my life an' my horse!" the riders suddenly grew silent and intense. bostil vibrated to that. he turned white. he more than any rider on the uplands must have felt the nature of that offer. "ag'in what?" he demanded, hoarsely. "your daughter lucy!" one instant the surprise held bostil mute and motionless. then he seemed to expand. his huge bulk jerked into motion and he bellowed like a mad bull. slone saw the blow coming, made no move to avoid it. the big fist took him square on the mouth and chin and laid him flat on the ground. sight failed slone for a little, and likewise ability to move. but he did not lose consciousness. his head seemed to have been burst into rays and red mist that blurred his eyes. then these cleared away, leaving intense pain. he started to get up, his brain in a whirl. where was his gun? he had left it at home. but for that he would have killed bostil. he had already killed one man. the thing was a burning flash--then all over! he could do it again. but bostil was lucy's father! slone gathered up the packages of supplies, and without looking at the men he hurried away. he seemed possessed of a fury to turn and run back. some force, like an invisible hand, withheld him. when he reached the cabin he shut himself in, and lay on his bunk, forgetting that the place did not belong to him, alive only to the mystery of his trouble, smarting with the shame of the assault upon him. it was dark before he composed himself and went out, and then he had not the desire to eat. he made no move to open the supplies of food, did not even make a light. but he went out to take grass and water to the horses. when he returned to the cabin a man was standing at the porch. slone recognized holley's shape and then his voice. "son, you raised the devil to-day." "holley, don't you go back on me!" cried slone. "i was driven!" "don't talk so loud," whispered the rider in return. "i've only a minnit. ... here--a letter from lucy.... an', son, don't git the idee thet i'll go back on you." slone took the letter with trembling fingers. all the fury and gloom instantly fled. lucy had written him! he could not speak. "son, i'm double-crossin' the boss, right this minnit!" whispered holley, hoarsely. "an' the same time i'm playin' lucy's game. if bostil finds out he'll kill me. i mustn't be ketched up here. but i won't lose track of you--wherever you go." holley slipped away stealthily in the dusk, leaving slone with a throbbing heart. "wherever you go!" he echoed. "ah! i forgot! i can't stay here." lucy's letter made his fingers tingle--made them so hasty and awkward that he had difficulty in kindling blaze enough to see to read. the letter was short, written in lead-pencil on the torn leaf of a ledger. slone could not read rapidly--those years on the desert had seen to that--and his haste to learn what lucy said bewildered him. at first all the words blurred: "come at once to the bench in the cottonwoods. i'll meet you there. my heart is breaking. it's a lie--a lie--what they say. i'll swear you were with me the night the boat was cut adrift. i know you didn't do that. i know who.... oh, come! i will stick to you. i will run off with you. i love you!" chapter xv slone's heart leaped to his throat, and its beating choked his utterances of rapture and amaze and dread. but rapture dominated the other emotions. he could scarcely control the impulse to run to meet lucy, without a single cautious thought. he put the precious letter inside his blouse, where it seemed to warm his breast. he buckled on his gun-belt, and, extinguishing the light, he hurried out. a crescent moon had just tipped the bluff. the village lanes and cabins and trees lay silver in the moon-light. a lonesome coyote barked in the distance. all else was still. the air was cool, sweet, fragrant. there appeared to be a glamour of light, of silence, of beauty over the desert. slone kept under the dark lee of the bluff and worked around so that he could be above the village, where there was little danger of meeting any one. yet presently he had to go out of the shadow into the moon-blanched lane. swift and silent as an indian he went along, keeping in the shade of what trees there were, until he came to the grove of cottonwoods. the grove was a black mystery lanced by silver rays. he slipped in among the trees, halting every few steps to listen. the action, the realization had helped to make him cool, to steel him, though never before in his life had he been so exalted. the pursuit and capture of wildfire, at one time the desire of his heart, were as nothing to this. love had called him--and life--and he knew death hung in the balance. if bostil found him seeking lucy there would be blood spilled. slone quaked at the thought, for the cold and ghastly oppression following the death he had meted out to sears came to him at times. but such thoughts were fleeting; only one thought really held his mind--and the one was that lucy loved him, had sent strange, wild, passionate words to him. he found the narrow path, its white crossed by slowly moving black bars of shadow, and stealthily he followed this, keen of eye and ear, stopping at every rustle. he well knew the bench lucy had mentioned. it was in a remote corner of the grove, under big trees near the spring. once slone thought he had a glimpse of white. perhaps it was only moonlight. he slipped on and on, and when beyond the branching paths that led toward the house he breathed freer. the grove appeared deserted. at last he crossed the runway from the spring, smelled the cool, wet moss and watercress, and saw the big cottonwood, looming dark above the other trees. a patch of moonlight brightened a little glade just at the edge of dense shade cast by the cottonwood. here the bench stood. it was empty! slone's rapture vanished. he was suddenly chilled. she was not there! she might have been intercepted. he would not see her. the disappointment, the sudden relaxation, was horrible. then a white, slender shape flashed from beside the black tree-trunk and flew toward him. it was noiseless, like a specter, and swift as the wind. was he dreaming? he felt so strange. then--the white shape reached him and he knew. lucy leaped into his arms. "lin! lin! oh, i'm so--so glad to see you!" she whispered. she seemed breathless, keen, new to him, not in the least afraid nor shy. slone could only hold her. he could not have spoken, even if she had given him a chance. "i know everything--what they accuse you of--how the riders treated you--how my dad struck you. oh! ... he's a brute! i hate him for that. why didn't you keep out of his way? ... van saw it all. oh, i hate him, too! he said you lay still--where you fell! ... dear lin, that blow may have hurt you dreadfully--shamed you because you couldn't strike back at my dad--but it reached me, too. it hurt me. it woke my heart.... where--where did he hit you? oh, i've seen him hit men! his terrible fists!" "lucy, never mind," whispered slone. "i'd stood to be shot just for this." he felt her hands softly on his face, feeling around tenderly till they found the swollen bruise on mouth and chin. "ah! ... he struck you. and i--i'll kiss you," she whispered. "if kisses will make it well--it'll be well!" she seemed strange, wild, passionate in her tenderness. she lifted her face and kissed him softly again and again and again, till the touch that had been exquisitely painful to his bruised lips became rapture. then she leaned back in his arms, her hands on his shoulders, white-faced, dark-eyed, and laughed up in his face, lovingly, daringly, as if she defied the world to change what she had done. "lucy! lucy! ... he can beat me--again!" said slone, low and hoarsely. "if you love me you'll keep out of his way," replied the girl. "if i love you? ... my god! ... i've felt my heart die a thousand times since that mornin'--when--when you--" "lin, i didn't know," she interrupted, with sweet, grave earnestness. "i know now!" and slone could not but know, too, looking at her; and the sweetness, the eloquence, the noble abandon of her avowal sounded to the depths of him. his dread, his resignation, his shame, all sped forever in the deep, full breath of relief with which he cast off that burden. he tasted the nectar of happiness, the first time in his life. he lifted his head--never, he knew, to lower it again. he would be true to what she had made him. "come in the shade," he whispered, and with his arm round her he led her to the great tree-trunk. "is it safe for you here? an' how long can you stay?" "i had it out with dad--left him licked once in his life," she replied. "then i went to my room, fastened the door, and slipped out of my window. i can stay out as long as i want. no one will know." slone's heart throbbed. she was his. the clasp of her hands on his, the gleam of her eyes, the white, daring flash of her face in the shadow of the moon--these told him she was his. how it had come about was beyond him, but he realized the truth. what a girl! this was the same nerve which she showed when she had run wildfire out in front of the fleetest horses in the uplands. "tell me, then," he began, quietly, with keen gaze roving under the trees and eyes strained tight, "tell me what's come off." "don't you know?" she queried, in amaze. "only that for some reason i'm done in bostil's ford. it can't be because i punched joel creech. i felt it before i met bostil at the store. he taunted me. we had bitter words. he told before all of them how the outfit i wore you gave me. an' then i dared him to race the king. my horse an' my life against you!" "yes, i know," she whispered, softly. "it's all over town.... oh, lin! it was a grand bet! and bostil four-flushed, as the riders say. for days a race between wildfire and the king had been in the air. there'll never be peace in bostil's ford again till that race is run." "but, lucy, could bostil's wantin' wildfire an' hatin' me because i won't sell--could that ruin me here at the ford?" "it could. but, lin, there's more. oh, i hate to tell you!" she whispered, passionately. "i thought you'd know.... joel creech swore you cut the ropes on the ferry-boat and sent it adrift." "the loon!" ejaculated slone, and he laughed low in both anger and ridicule. "lucy, that's only a fool's talk." "he's crazy. oh, if i ever get him in front of me again when i'm on sarch--i'll--i'll...." she ended with a little gasp and leaned a moment against slone. he felt her heart beat--felt the strong clasp of her hands. she was indeed bostil's flesh and blood, and there was that in her dangerous to arouse. "lin, the folks here are queer," she resumed, more calmly. "for long years dad has ruled them. they see with his eyes and talk with his voice. joel creech swore you cut those cables. swore he trailed you. brackton believed him. van believed him. they told my father. and he--my dad--god forgive him! he jumped at that. the village as one person now believes you sent the boat adrift so creech's horses could not cross and you could win the race." "lucy, if it wasn't so--so funny i'd be mad as--as--" burst out slone. "it isn't funny. it's terrible.... i know who cut those cables. .. holley knows.... dad knows--an', oh, lin--i--hate--i hate my own father!" "my god!" gasped slone, as the full signification burst upon him. then his next thought was for lucy. "listen, dear--you mustn't say that," he entreated. "he's your father. he's a good man every way except when he's after horses. then he's half horse. i understand him. i feel sorry for him.... an' if he's throwed the blame on me, all right. i'll stand it. what do i care? i was queered, anyhow, because i wouldn't part with my horse. it can't matter so much if people think i did that just to help win a race. but if they knew your--your father did it, an' if creech's horses starve, why it'd be a disgrace for him--an' you." "lin slone--you'll accept the blame!" she whispered, with wide, dark eyes on him, hands at his shoulders. "sure i will," replied slone. "i can't be any worse off." "you're better than all of them--my rider!" she cried, full-voiced and tremulous. "lin, you make me love you so--it--it hurts!" and she seemed about to fling herself into his arms again. there was a strangeness about her--a glory. "but you'll not take the shame of that act. for i won't let you. i'll tell my father i was with you when the boat was cut loose. he'll believe me." "yes, an' he'll kill me!" groaned slone. "good lord! lucy, don't do that!" "i will! an' he'll not kill you. lin, dad took a great fancy to you. i know that. he thinks he hates you. but in his heart he doesn't. if he got hold of wildfire--why, he'd never be able to do enough for you. he never could make it up. what do you think? i told him you hugged and kissed me shamefully that day." "oh, lucy! you didn't?" implored slone. "i sure did. and what do you think? he said he once did the same to my mother! ... no, lin, dad'd never kill you for anything except a fury about horses. all the fights he ever had were over horse deals. the two men--he--he--" lucy faltered and her shudder was illuminating to slone. "both of them--fights over horse trades!" "lucy, if i'm ever unlucky enough to meet bostil again i'll be deaf an' dumb. an' now you promise me you won't tell him you were with me that night." "lin, if the occasion comes, i will--i couldn't help it," replied lucy. "then fight shy of the occasion," he rejoined, earnestly. "for that would be the end of lin slone!" "then--what on earth can--we do?" lucy said, with sudden break of spirit. "i think we must wait. you wrote in your letter you'd stick to me--you'd--" he could not get the words out, the thought so overcame him. "if it comes to a finish, i'll go with you," lucy returned, with passion rising again. "oh! to ride off with you, lucy--to have you all to myself--i daren't think of it. but that's only selfish." "maybe it's not so selfish as you believe. if you left the ford--now--it'd break my heart. i'd never get over it." "lucy! you love me--that well?" then their lips met again and their hands locked, and they stood silent, straining toward each other. he held the slight form, so pliant, so responsive, so alive, close to him, and her face lay hidden on his breast; and he looked out over her head into the quivering moonlit shadows. the night was as still as one away on the desert far from the abode of men. it was more beautiful than any dream of a night in which he had wandered far into strange lands where wild horses were and forests lay black under moon-silvered peaks. "we'll run--then--if it comes to a finish," said slone, huskily. "but i'll wait. i'll stick it out here. i'll take what comes. so--maybe i'll not disgrace you more." "i told van i--i gloried in being hugged by you that day," she replied, and her little defiant laugh told what she thought of the alleged disgrace. "you torment him," remonstrated slone. "you set him against us. it would be better to keep still." "but my blood is up!" she said, and she pounded his shoulder with her fist. "i'll fight--i'll fight! ... i couldn't avoid van. it was holley who told me van was threatening you. and when i met van he told me how everybody said you insulted me--had been worse than a drunken rider--and that he'd beat you half to death. so i told van joel creech might have seen us--i didn't doubt that--but he didn't see that i liked being hugged." "what did van say then?" asked slone, all aglow with his wonderful joy. "he wilted. he slunk away.... and so i'll tell them all." "but, lucy, you've always been so--so truthful." "what do you mean?" "well, to say you liked being hugged that day was--was a story, wasn't it?" "that was what made me so furious," she admitted, shyly. "i was surprised when you grabbed me off wildfire. and my heart beat--beat--beat so when you hugged me. and when you kissed me i--i was petrified. i knew i liked it then--and i was furious with myself." slone drew a long, deep breath of utter enchantment. "you'll take back wildfire?" "oh, lin--don't--ask--me," she implored. "take him back--an' me with him." "then i will. but no one must know that yet." they drew apart then. "an' now you must go," said slone, reluctantly. "listen. i forgot to warn you about joel creech. don't ever let him near you. he's crazy an' he means evil." "oh, i know, lin! i'll watch. but i'm not afraid of him." "he's strong, lucy. i saw him lift bags that were hefty for me.... lucy, do you ride these days?" "every day. if i couldn't ride i couldn't live." "i'm afraid," said slone, nervously. "there's creech an' cordts--both have threatened you." "i'm afraid of cordts," replied lucy, with a shiver. "you should have seen him look at me race-day. it made me hot with anger, yet weak, too, somehow. but dad says i'm never in any danger if i watch out. and i do. who could catch me on sarch?" "any horse can be tripped in the sage. you told me how joel tried to rope sage king. did you ever tell your dad that?" "i forgot. but then i'm glad i didn't. dad would shoot for that, quicker than if joel tried to rope him.... don't worry, lin, i always pack a gun." "but can you use it?" lucy laughed. "do you think i can only ride?" slone remembered that holley had said he had taught lucy how to shoot as well as ride. "you'll be watchful--careful," he said, earnestly. "oh, lin, you need to be that more than i.... what will you do?" "i'll stay up at the little cabin i thought i owned till to-day." "didn't you buy it?" asked lucy, quickly. "i thought i did. but ... never mind. maybe i won't get put out just yet. an' when will i see you again?" "here, every night. wait till i come," she replied. "good night, lin." "i'll--wait!" he exclaimed, with a catch in his voice. "oh, my luck! ... i'll wait, lucy, every day--hopin' an' prayin' that this trouble will lighten. an' i'll wait at night--for you!" he kissed her good-by and watched the slight form glide away, flit to and fro, white in the dark patches, grow indistinct and vanish. he was left alone in the silent grove. slone stole back to the cabin and lay sleepless and tranced, watching the stars, till late that night. all the next day he did scarcely anything but watch and look after his horses and watch and drag the hours out and dream despite his dread. but no one visited him. the cabin was left to him that day. it had been a hot day, with great thunderhead, black and creamy white clouds rolling down from the canyon country. no rain had fallen at the ford, though storms near by had cooled the air. at sunset slone saw a rainbow bending down, ruddy and gold, connecting the purple of cloud with the purple of horizon. out beyond the valley the clouds were broken, showing rifts of blue, and they rolled low, burying the heads of the monuments, creating a wild and strange spectacle. twilight followed, and appeared to rise to meet the darkening clouds. and at last the gold on the shafts faded; the monuments faded; and the valley grew dark. slone took advantage of the hour before moonrise to steal down into the grove, there to wait for lucy. she came so quickly he scarcely felt that he waited at all; and then the time spent with her, sweet, fleeting, precious, left him stronger to wait for her again, to hold himself in, to cease his brooding, to learn faith in something deeper than he could fathom. the next day he tried to work, but found idle waiting made the time fly swifter because in it he could dream. in the dark of the rustling cottonwoods he met lucy, as eager to see him as he was to see her, tender, loving, remorseful--a hundred sweet and bewildering things all so new, so unbelievable to slone. that night he learned that bostil had started for durango with some of his riders. this trip surprised slone and relieved him likewise, for durango was over two hundred miles distant, and a journey there even for the hard riders was a matter of days. "he left no orders for me," lucy said, "except to behave myself.... is this behaving?" she whispered, and nestled close to slone, audacious, tormenting as she had been before this dark cloud of trouble. "but he left orders for holley to ride with me and look after me. isn't that funny? poor old holley! he hates to doublecross dad, he says." "i'm glad holley's to look after you," replied slone. "yesterday i saw you tearin' down into the sage on sarch. i wondered what you'd do, lucy, if cordts or that loon creech should get hold of you?" "i'd fight!" "but, child, that's nonsense. you couldn't fight either of them." "couldn't i? well, i just could. i'd--i'd shoot cordts. and i'd whip joel creech with my quirt. and if he kept after me i'd let sarch run him down. sarch hates him." "you're a brave sweetheart," mused slone. "suppose you were caught an' couldn't get away. would you leave a trail somehow?" "i sure would." "lucy, i'm a wild-horse hunter," he went on, thoughtfully, as if speaking to himself. "i never failed on a trail. i could track you over bare rock." "lin, i'll leave a trail, so never fear," she replied. "but don't borrow trouble. you're always afraid for me. look at the bright side. dad seems to have forgotten you. maybe it all isn't so bad as we thought. oh, i hope so! ... how is my horse, wildfire? i want to ride him again. i can hardly keep from going after him." and so they whispered while the moments swiftly passed. it was early during the afternoon of the next day that slone, hearing the clip-clop of unshod ponies, went outside to look. one part of the lane he could see plainly, and into it stalked joel creech, leading the leanest and gauntest ponies slone had ever seen. a man as lean and gaunt as the ponies stalked behind. the sight shocked slone. joel creech and his father! slone had no proof, because he had never seen the elder creech, yet strangely he felt convinced of it. and grim ideas began to flash into his mind. creech would hear who was accused of cutting the boat adrift. what would he say? if he believed, as all the villagers believed, then bostil's ford would become an unhealthy place for lin slone. where were the great race-horses--blue roan and peg--and the other thoroughbreds? a pang shot through slone. "oh, not lost--not starved?" he muttered. "that would be hell!" yet he believed just this had happened. how strange he had never considered such an event as the return of creech. "i'd better look him up before he looks me," said slone. it took but an instant to strap on his belt and gun. then slone strode down his path, out into the lane toward brackton's. whatever before boded ill to slone had been nothing to what menaced him now. he would have a man to face--a man whom repute called just, but stern. before slone reached the vicinity of the store he saw riders come out to meet the creech party. it so happened there were more riders than usually frequented brackton's at that hour. the old storekeeper came stumbling out and raised his hands. the riders could be heard, loud-voiced and excited. slone drew nearer, and the nearer he got the swifter he strode. instinct told him that he was making the right move. he would face this man whom he was accused of ruining. the poor mustangs hung their heads dejectedly. "bags of bones," some rider loudly said. and then slone drew close to the excited group. brackton held the center; he was gesticulating; his thin voice rose piercingly. "creech! whar's peg an' the roan? gawd almighty, man! you ain't meanin' them cayuses thar are all you've got left of thet grand bunch of hosses?" there was scarcely a sound. all the riders were still. slone fastened his eyes on creech. he saw a gaunt, haggard face almost black with dust--worn and sad--with big eyes of terrible gloom. he saw an unkempt, ragged form that had been wet and muddy, and was now dust-caked. creech stood silent in a dignity of despair that wrung slone's heart. his silence was an answer. it was joel creech who broke the suspense. "didn't i tell you-all what'd happen?" he shrilled. "parched an' starved!" "aw no!" chorused the riders. brackton shook all over. tears dimmed his eyes--tears that he had no shame for. "so help me gawd--i'm sorry!" was his broken exclamation. slone had forgotten himself and possible revelation concerning him. but when holley appeared close to him with a significant warning look, slone grew keen once more on his own account. he felt a hot flame inside him--a deep and burning anger at the man who might have saved creech's horses. and he, like brackton, felt sorrow for creech, and a rider's sense of loss, of pain. these horses--these dumb brutes--faithful and sometimes devoted, had to suffer an agonizing death because of the selfishness of men. "i reckon we'd all like to hear what come off, creech, if you don't feel too bad to tell us," said brackton. "gimme a drink," replied creech. "wal, d--n my old head!" exclaimed brackton. "i'm gittin' old. come on in. all of you! we're glad to see creech home." the riders filed in after brackton and the creeches. holley stayed close beside slone, both of them in the background. "i heerd the flood comin' thet night," said creech to his silent and tense-faced listeners. "i heerd it miles up the canyon. 'peared a bigger roar than any flood before. as it happened, i was alone, an' it took time to git the hosses up. if there'd been an indian with me--or even joel--mebbe--" his voice quavered slightly, broke, and then he resumed. "even when i got the hosses over to the landin' it wasn't too late--if only some one had heerd me an' come down. i yelled an' shot. nobody heerd. the river was risin' fast. an' thet roar had begun to make my hair raise. it seemed like years the time i waited there.... then the flood came down--black an' windy an' awful. i had hell gittin' the hosses back. "next mornin' two piutes come down. they had lost mustangs up on the rocks. all the feed on my place was gone. there wasn't nothin' to do but try to git out. the piutes said there wasn't no chance north--no water--no grass--an' so i decided to go south, if we could climb over thet last slide. peg broke her leg there, an'--i--i had to shoot her. but we climbed out with the rest of the bunch. i left it then to the piutes. we traveled five days west to head the canyons. no grass an' only a little water, salt at thet. blue roan was game if ever i seen a game hoss. then the piutes took to workin' in an' out an' around, not to git out, but to find a little grazin'. i never knowed the earth was so barren. one by one them hosses went down.... an' at last, i couldn't--i couldn't see blue roan starvin'--dyin' right before my eyes--an' i shot him, too.... an' what hurts me most now is thet i didn't have the nerve to kill him fust off." there was a long pause in creech's narrative. "them piutes will git paid if ever i can pay them. i'd parched myself but for them.... we circled an' crossed them red cliffs an' then the strip of red sand, an' worked down into the canyon. under the wall was a long stretch of beach--sandy--an' at the head of this we found bostil's boat." "wal,--!" burst out the profane brackton. "bostil's boat! ... say, 'ain't joel told you yet about thet boat?" "no, joel 'ain't said a word about the boat," replied creech. "what about it?" "it was cut loose jest before the flood." manifestly brackton expected this to be staggering to creech. but he did not even show surprise. "there's a rider here named slone--a wild-hoss wrangler," went on brackton, "an' joel swears this slone cut the boat loose so's he'd have a better chance to win the race. joel swears he tracked this feller slone." for slone the moment was fraught with many emotions, but not one of them was fear. he did not need the sudden force of holley's strong hand, pushing him forward. slone broke into the group and faced creech. "it's not true. i never cut that boat loose," he declared ringingly. "who're you?" queried creech. "my name's slone. i rode in here with a wild horse, an' he won a race. then i was blamed for this trick." creech's steady, gloomy eyes seemed to pierce slone through. they were terrible eyes to look into, yet they held no menace for him. "an' joel accused you?" "so they say. i fought with him--struck him for an insult to a girl." "come round hyar, joel," called creech, sternly. his big, scaly, black hand closed on the boy's shoulder. joel cringed under it. "son, you've lied. what for?" joel showed abject fear of his father. "he's gone on lucy--an' i seen him with her," muttered the boy. "an' you lied to hurt slone?" joel would not reply to this in speech, though that was scarcely needed to show he had lied. he seemed to have no sense of guilt. creech eyed him pityingly and then pushed him back. "men, my son has done this rider dirt," said creech. "you-all see thet. slone never cut the boat loose.... an' say, you-all seem to think cuttin' thet boat loose was the crime.... no! thet wasn't the crime. the crime was keepin' the boat out of the water fer days when my hosses could have been crossed." slone stepped back, forgotten, it seemed to him. both joy and sorrow swayed him. he had been exonerated. but this hard and gloomy creech--he knew things. and slone thought of lucy. "who did cut thet thar boat loose?" demanded brackton, incredulously. creech gave him a strange glance. "as i was sayin', we come on the boat fast at the head of the long stretch. i seen the cables had been cut. an' i seen more'n thet.... wal, the river was high an' swift. but this was a long stretch with good landin' way below on the other side. we got the boat in, an' by rowin' hard an' driftin' we got acrost, leadin' the hosses. we had five when we took to the river. two went down on the way over. we climbed out then. the piutes went to find some navajos an' get hosses. an' i headed fer the ford--made camp twice. an' joel seen me comin' out a ways." "creech, was there anythin' left in thet boat?" began brackton, with intense but pondering curiosity. "anythin' on the ropes--or so--thet might give an idee who cut her loose?" creech made no reply to that. the gloom burned darker in his eyes. he seemed a man with a secret. he trusted no one there. these men were all friends of his, but friends under strange conditions. his silence was tragic, and all about the man breathed vengeance. chapter xvi no moon showed that night, and few stars twinkled between the slow-moving clouds. the air was thick and oppressive, full of the day's heat that had not blown away. a dry storm moved in dry majesty across the horizon, and the sheets and ropes of lightning, blazing white behind the black monuments, gave weird and beautiful grandeur to the desert. lucy bostil had to evade her aunt to get out of the house, and the window, that had not been the means of exit since bostil left, once more came into use. aunt jane had grown suspicious of late, and lucy, much as she wanted to trust her with her secret, dared not do it. for some reason unknown to lucy, holley had also been hard to manage, particularly to-day. lucy certainly did not want holley to accompany her on her nightly rendezvous with slone. she changed her light gown to the darker and thicker riding-habit. there was a longed-for, all-satisfying flavor in this night adventure--something that had not all to do with love. the stealth, the outwitting of guardians, the darkness, the silence, the risk--all these called to some deep, undeveloped instinct in her, and thrilled along her veins, cool, keen, exciting. she had the blood in her of the greatest adventurer of his day. lucy feared she was a little late. allaying the suspicions of aunt jane and changing her dress had taken time. lucy burned with less cautious steps. still she had only used caution in the grove because she had promised slone to do so. this night she forgot or disregarded it. and the shadows were thick--darker than at any other time when she had undertaken this venture. she had always been a little afraid of the dark--a fact that made her contemptuous of herself. nevertheless, she did not peer into the deeper pits of gloom. she knew her way and could slip swiftly along with only a rustle of leaves she touched. suddenly she imagined she heard a step and she halted, still as a tree-trunk. there was no reason to be afraid of a step. it had been a surprise to her that she had never encountered a rider walking and smoking under the trees. listening, she assured herself she had been mistaken, and then went on. but she looked back. did she see a shadow--darker than others--moving? it was only her imagination. yet she sustained a slight chill. the air seemed more oppressive, or else there was some intangible and strange thing hovering in it. she went on--reached the lane that divided the grove. but she did not cross at once. it was lighter in this lane; she could see quite far. as she stood there, listening, keenly responsive to all the influences of the night, she received an impression that did not have its origin in sight nor sound. and only the leaves touched her--and only their dry fragrance came to her. but she felt a presence--a strange, indefinable presence. but lucy was brave, and this feeling, whatever it might be, angered her. she entered the lane and stole swiftly along toward the end of the grove. paths crossed the lane at right angles, and at these points she went swifter. it would be something to tell slone--she had been frightened. but thought of him drove away her fear and nervousness, and her anger with herself. then she came to a wider path. she scarcely noted it and passed on. then came a quick rustle--a swift shadow. between two steps--as her heart leaped--violent arms swept her off the ground. a hard hand was clapped over her mouth. she was being carried swiftly through the gloom. lucy tried to struggle. she could scarcely move a muscle. iron arms wrapped her in coils that crushed her. she tried to scream, but her lips were tight-pressed. her nostrils were almost closed between two hard fingers that smelled of horse. whoever had her, she was helpless. lucy's fury admitted of reason. then both succumbed to a paralyzing horror. cordts had got her! she knew it. she grew limp as a rag and her senses dulled. she almost fainted. the sickening paralysis of her faculties lingered. but she felt her body released--she was placed upon her feet--she was shaken by a rough hand. she swayed, and but for that hand might have fallen. she could see a tall, dark form over her, and horses, and the gloomy gray open of the sage slope. the hand left her face. "don't yap, girl!" this command in a hard, low voice pierced her ears. she saw the glint of a gun held before her. instinctive fear revived her old faculties. the horrible sick weakness, the dimness, the shaking internal collapse all left her. "i'll--be--quiet!" she faltered. she knew what her father had always feared had come to pass. and though she had been told to put no value on her life, in that event, she could not run. all in an instant--when life had been so sweet--she could not face pain or death. the man moved back a step. he was tall, gaunt, ragged. but not like cordts! never would she forget cordts. she peered up at him. in the dim light of the few stars she recognized joel creech's father. "oh, thank god!" she whispered, in the shock of blessed relief. "i thought--you were--cordts!" "keep quiet," he whispered back, sternly, and with rough hand he shook her. lucy awoke to realities. something evil menaced her, even though this man was not cordts. her mind could not grasp it. she was amazed--stunned. she struggled to speak, yet to keep within that warning command. "what--on earth--does this--mean?" she gasped, very low. she had no sense of fear of creech. once, when he and her father had been friends, she had been a favorite of creech's. when a little girl she had ridden his knee many times. between creech and cordts there was immeasurable distance. yet she had been violently seized and carried out into the sage and menaced. creech leaned down. his gaunt face, lighted by terrible eyes, made her recoil. "bostil ruined me--an' killed my hosses," he whispered, grimly. "an' i'm takin' you away. an' i'll hold you in ransom for the king an' sarchedon--an' all his racers!" "oh!" cried lucy, in startling surprise that yet held a pang. "oh, creech! ... then you mean me no harm!" the man straightened up and stood a moment, darkly silent, as if her query had presented a new aspect of the case. "lucy bostil, i'm a broken man an' wild an' full of hate. but god knows i never thought of thet--of harm to you.... no, child, i won't harm you. but you must obey an' go quietly, for there's a devil in me." "where will you take me?" she asked. "down in the canyons, where no one can track me," he said. "it'll be hard goin' fer you, child, an' hard fare.... but i'm strikin' at bostil's heart as he has broken mine. i'll send him word. an' i'll tell him if he won't give his hosses thet i'll sell you to cordts." "oh, creech--but you wouldn't!" she whispered, and her hand went to his brawny arm. "lucy, in thet case i'd make as poor a blackguard as anythin' else i've been," he said, forlornly. "but i'm figgerin' bostil will give up his hosses fer you." "creech, i'm afraid he won't. you'd better give me up. let me go back. i'll never tell. i don't blame you. i think you're square. my dad is.... but, oh, don't make me suffer! you used to--to care for me, when i was little." "thet ain't no use," he replied. "don't talk no more.... git up hyar now an' ride in front of me." he led her to a lean mustang. lucy swung into the saddle. she thought how singular a coincidence it was that she had worn a riding-habit. it was dark and thick, and comfortable for riding. suppose she had worn the flimsy dress, in which she had met slone every night save this one? thought of slone gave her a pang. he would wait and wait and wait. he would go back to his cabin, not knowing what had befallen her. suddenly lucy noticed another man, near at hand, holding two mustangs. he mounted, rode before her, and then she recognized joel creech. assurance of this brought back something of the dread. but the father could control the son! "ride on," said creech, hitting her horse from behind. and lucy found herself riding single file, with two men and a pack-horse, out upon the windy, dark sage slope. they faced the direction of the monuments, looming now and then so weirdly black and grand against the broad flare of lightning-blazed sky. ever since lucy had reached her teens there had been predictions that she would be kidnapped, and now the thing had come to pass. she was in danger, she knew, but in infinitely less than had any other wild character of the uplands been her captor. she believed, if she went quietly and obediently with creech, that she would be, at least, safe from harm. it was hard luck for bostil, she thought, but no worse than he deserved. retribution had overtaken him. how terribly hard he would take the loss of his horses! lucy wondered if he really ever would part with the king, even to save her from privation and peril. bostil was more likely to trail her with his riders and to kill the creeches than to concede their demands. perhaps, though, that threat to sell her to cordts would frighten the hard old man. the horses trotted and swung up over the slope, turning gradually, evidently to make a wide detour round the ford, until lucy's back was toward the monuments. before her stretched the bleak, barren, dark desert, and through the opaque gloom she could see nothing. lucy knew she was headed for the north, toward the wild canyons, unknown to the riders. cordts and his gang hid in there. what might not happen if the creeches fell in with cordts? lucy's confidence sustained a check. still, she remembered the creeches were like indians. and what would slone do? he would ride out on her trail. lucy shivered for the creeches if slone ever caught up with them, and remembering his wild-horse-hunter's skill at tracking, and the fleet and tireless wildfire, she grew convinced that creech could not long hold her captive. for slone would be wary. he would give no sign of his pursuit. he would steal upon the creeches in the dark and-- lucy shivered again. what an awful fate had been that of dick sears! so as she rode on lucy's mind was full. she was used to riding, and in the motion of a horse there was something in harmony with her blood. even now, with worry and dread and plotting strong upon her, habit had such power over her that riding made the hours fleet. she was surprised to be halted, to see dimly low, dark mounds of rock ahead. "git off," said creech. "where are we?" asked lucy. "reckon hyar's the rocks. an' you sleep some, fer you'll need it." he spread a blanket, laid her saddle at the head of it, and dropped another blanket. "what i want to know is--shall i tie you up or not?" asked creech. "if i do you'll git sore. an' this'll be the toughest trip you ever made." "you mean will i try to get away from you--or not?" queried lucy. "jest thet." lucy pondered. she divined some fineness of feeling in this coarse man. he wanted to spare her not only pain, but the necessity of watchful eyes on her every moment. lucy did not like to promise not to try to escape, if opportunity presented. still, she reasoned, that once deep in the canyons, where she would be in another day, she would be worse off if she did get away. the memory of cordts's cavernous, hungry eyes upon her was not a small factor in lucy's decision. "creech, if i give my word not to try to get away, would you believe me?" she asked. creech was slow in replying. "reckon i would," he said, finally. "all right, i'll give it." "an' thet's sense. now you lay down." lucy did as she was bidden and pulled the blanket over her. the place was gloomy and still. she heard the sound of mustangs' teeth on grass, and the soft footfalls of the men. presently these sounds ceased. a cold wind blew over her face and rustled in the sage near her. gradually the chill passed away, and a stealing warmth took its place. her eyes grew tired. what had happened to her? with eyes closed she thought it was all a dream. then the feeling of the hard saddle as a pillow under her head told her she was indeed far from her comfortable little room. what would poor aunt jane do in the morning when she discovered who was missing? what would holley do? when would bostil return? it might be soon and it might be days. and slone--lucy felt sorriest for him. for he loved her best. she thrilled at thought of slone on that grand horse--on her wildfire. and with her mind running on and on, seemingly making sleep impossible, the thoughts at last became dreams. lucy awakened at dawn. one hand ached with cold, for it had been outside the blanket. her hard bed had cramped her muscles. she heard the crackling of fire and smelled cedar smoke. in the gray of morning she saw the creeches round a camp-fire. lucy got up then. both men saw her, but made no comment. in that cold, gray dawn she felt her predicament more gravely. her hair was damp. she had ridden nearly all night without a hat. she had absolutely nothing of her own except what was on her body. but lucy thanked her lucky stars that she had worn the thick riding-suit and her boots, for otherwise, in a summer dress, her condition would soon have been miserable. "come an' eat," said creech. "you have sense--an' eat if it sticks in your throat." bostil had always contended in his arguments with riders that a man should eat heartily on the start of a trip so that the finish might find him strong. and lucy ate, though the coarse fare sickened her. once she looked curiously at joel creech. she felt his eyes upon her, but instantly he averted them. he had grown more haggard and sullen than ever before. the creeches did not loiter over the camp tasks. lucy was left to herself. the place appeared to be a kind of depression from which the desert rolled away to a bulge against the rosy east, and the rocks behind rose broken and yellow, fringed with cedars. "git the hosses in, if you want to," creech called to her, and then as lucy started off to where the mustangs grazed she heard him curse his son. "come back hyar! leave the girl alone or i'll rap you one!" lucy drove three of the mustangs into camp, where creech began to saddle them. the remaining one, the pack animal, lucy found among the scrub cedars at the base of the low cliffs. when she drove him in creech was talking hard to joel, who had mounted. "when you come back, work up this canyon till you git up. it heads on the pine plateau. i can't miss seein' you, or any one, long before you git up on top. an' you needn't come without bostil's hosses. you know what to tell bostil if he threatens you, or refuses to send his hosses, or turns his riders on my trail. thet's all. now git!" joel creech rode away toward the rise in the rolling, barren desert. "an' now we'll go on," said creech to lucy. when he had gotten all in readiness he ordered lucy to follow closely in his tracks. he entered a narrow cleft in the low cliffs which wound in and out, and was thick with sage and cedars. lucy, riding close to the cedars, conceived the idea of plucking the little green berries and dropping them on parts of the trail where their tracks would not show. warily she filled the pockets of her jacket. creech led the way without looking back, and did not seem to care where the horses stepped. the time had not yet come, lucy concluded, when he was ready to hide his trail. presently the narrow cleft opened into a low-walled canyon, full of debris from the rotting cliffs, and this in turn opened into a main canyon with mounting yellow crags. it appeared to lead north. far in the distance above rims and crags rose in a long, black line like a horizon of dark cloud. creech crossed this wide canyon and entered one of the many breaks in the wall. this one was full of splintered rock and weathered shale--the hardest kind of travel for both man and beast. lucy was nothing if not considerate of a horse, and here she began to help her animal in all the ways a good rider knows. much as this taxed her attention, she remembered to drop some of the cedar berries upon hard ground or rocks. and she knew she was leaving a trail for slone's keen eyes. that day was the swiftest and the most strenuous in all lucy bostil's experience in the open. at sunset, when creech halted in a niche in a gorge between lowering cliffs, lucy fell off her horse and lay still and spent on the grass. creech had a glance of sympathy and admiration for her, but he did not say anything about the long day's ride. lucy never in her life before appreciated rest nor the softness of grass nor the relief at the end of a ride. she lay still with a throbbing, burning ache in all her body. creech, after he had turned the horses loose, brought her a drink of cold water from the brook she heard somewhere near by. "how--far--did--we--come?" she whispered. "by the way round i reckon nigh on to sixty miles," he replied. "but we ain't half thet far from where we camped last night." then he set to work at camp tasks. lucy shook her head when he brought her food, but he insisted, and she had to force it down. creech appeared rough but kind. after she had become used to the hard, gaunt, black face she saw sadness and thought in it. one thing lucy had noticed was that creech never failed to spare a horse, if it was possible. he would climb on foot over bad places. night soon mantled the gorge in blackness thick as pitch. lucy could not tell whether her eyes were open or shut, so far as what she saw was concerned. her eyes seemed filled, however, with a thousand pictures of the wild and tortuous canyons and gorges through which she had ridden that day. the ache in her limbs and the fever in her blood would not let her sleep. it seemed that these were forever to be a part of her. for twelve hours she had ridden and walked with scarce a thought of the nature of the wild country, yet once she lay down to rest her mind was an endless hurrying procession of pictures--narrow red clefts choked with green growths--yellow gorges and weathered slides--dusty, treacherous divides connecting canyons--jumbles of ruined cliffs and piles of shale--miles and miles and endless winding miles yellow, low, beetling walls. and through it all she had left a trail. next day creech climbed out of that low-walled canyon, and lucy saw a wild, rocky country cut by gorges, green and bare, or yellow and cedared. the long, black-fringed line she had noticed the day before loomed closer; overhanging this crisscrossed region of canyons. every half-hour creech would lead them downward and presently climb out again. there were sand and hard ground and thick turf and acres and acres of bare rock where even a shod horse would not leave a track. but the going was not so hard--there was not so much travel on foot for lucy--and she finished that day in better condition than the first one. next day creech proceeded with care and caution. many times he left the direct route, bidding lucy wait for him, and he would ride to the rims of canyons or the tops of ridges of cedar forests, and from these vantage-points he would survey the country. lucy gathered after a while that he was apprehensive of what might be encountered, and particularly so of what might be feared in pursuit. lucy thought this strange, because it was out of the question for any one to be so soon on creech's trail. these peculiar actions of creech were more noticeable on the third day, and lucy grew apprehensive herself. she could not divine why. but when creech halted on a high crest that gave a sweeping vision of the broken table-land they had traversed lucy made out for herself faint moving specks miles behind. "i reckon you see thet," said creech "horses," replied lucy. he nodded his head gloomily, and seemed pondering a serious question. "is some one trailing us?" asked lucy, and she could not keep the tremor out of her voice. "wal, i should smile! fer two days--an' it sure beats me. they've never had a sight of us. but they keep comin'." "they! who?" she asked, swiftly. "i hate to tell you, but i reckon i ought. thet's cordts an' two of his gang." "oh--don't tell me so!" cried lucy, suddenly terrified. mention of cordts had not always had power to frighten her, but this time she had a return of that shaking fear which had overcome her in the grove the night she was captured. "cordts all right," replied creech. "i knowed thet before i seen him. fer two mornin's back i seen his hoss grazin in thet wide canyon. but i thought i'd slipped by. some one seen us. or they seen our trail. anyway, he's after us. what beats me is how he sticks to thet trail. cordts never was no tracker. an' since dick sears is dead there ain't a tracker in cordts's outfit. an' i always could hide my tracks.... beats me!" "creech, i've been leaving a trail," confessed lucy. "what!" then she told him how she had been dropping cedar berries and bits of cedar leaves along the bare and stony course they had traversed. "wal, i'm--" creech stifled an oath. then he laughed, but gruffly. "you air a cute one. but i reckon you didn't promise not to do thet.... an' now if cordts gits you there'll be only yourself to blame." "oh!" cried lucy, frantically looking back. the moving specks were plainly in sight. "how can he know he's trailing me?" "thet i can't say. mebbe he doesn't know. his hosses air fresh, though, an' if i can't shake him he'll find out soon enough who he's trailin'." "go on! we must shake him. i'll never do that again! ... for god's sake, creech, don't let him get me!" and creech led down off the high open land into canyons again. the day ended, and the night seemed a black blank to lucy. another sunrise found creech leading on, sparing neither lucy nor the horses. he kept on a steady walk or trot, and he picked out ground less likely to leave any tracks. like an old deer he doubled on his trail. he traveled down stream-beds where the water left no trail. that day the mustangs began to fail. the others were wearing out. the canyons ran like the ribs of a wash-board. and they grew deep and verdant, with looming, towered walls. that night lucy felt lost in an abyss. the dreaming silence kept her awake many moments while sleep had already seized upon her eyelids. and then she dreamed of cordts capturing her, of carrying her miles deeper into these wild and purple cliffs, of slone in pursuit on the stallion wildfire, and of a savage fight. and she awoke terrified and cold in the blackness of the night. on the next day creech traveled west. this seemed to lucy to be far to the left of the direction taken before. and lucy, in spite of her utter weariness, and the necessity of caring for herself and her horse, could not but wonder at the wild and frowning canyon. it was only a tributary of the great canyon, she supposed, but it was different, strange, impressive, yet intimate, because all about it was overpowering, near at hand, even the beetling crags. and at every turn it seemed impossible to go farther over that narrow and rock-bestrewn floor. yet creech found a way on. then came hours of climbing such slopes and benches and ledges as lucy had not yet encountered. the grasping spikes of dead cedar tore her dress to shreds, and many a scratch burned her flesh. about the middle of the afternoon creech led up over the last declivity, a yellow slope of cedar, to a flat upland covered with pine and high bleached grass. they rested. "we've fooled cordts, you can be sure of thet," said creech. "you're a game kid, an', by gawd! if i had this job to do over i'd never tackle it again!" "oh, you're sure we've lost him?" implored lucy. "sure as i am of death. an' we'll make surer in crossin' this bench. it's miles to the other side where i'm to keep watch fer joel. an' we won't leave a track all the way." "but this grass?" questioned lucy. "it'll show our tracks." "look at the lanes an' trails between. all pine mats thick an' soft an' springy. only an indian could follow us hyar on wild hoss bench." lucy gazed before her under the pines. it was a beautiful forest, with trees standing far apart, yet not so far but that their foliage intermingled. a dry fragrance, thick as a heavy perfume, blew into her face. she could not help but think of fire--how it would race through here, and that recalled joel creech's horrible threat. lucy shuddered and put away the memory. "i can't go--any farther--to-day," she said. creech looked at her compassionately. then lucy became conscious that of late he had softened. "you'll have to come," he said. "there's no water on this side, short of thet canyon-bed. an' acrost there's water close under the wall." so they set out into the forest. and lucy found that after all she could go on. the horses walked and on the soft, springy ground did not jar her. deer and wild turkey abounded there and showed little alarm at sight of the travelers. and before long lucy felt that she would become intoxicated by the dry odor. it was so strong, so thick, so penetrating. yet, though she felt she would reel under its influence, it revived her. the afternoon passed; the sun set off through the pines, a black-streaked, golden flare; twilight shortly changed to night. the trees looked spectral in the gloom, and the forest appeared to grow thicker. wolves murmured, and there were wild cries of cat and owl. lucy fell asleep on her horse. at last, sometime late in the night, when creech lifted her from the saddle and laid her down, she stretched out on the soft mat of pine needles and knew no more. she did not awaken until the afternoon of the next day. the site where creech had made his final camp overlooked the wildest of all that wild upland country. the pines had scattered and trooped around a beautiful park of grass that ended abruptly upon bare rock. yellow crags towered above the rim, and under them a yawning narrow gorge, overshadowed from above, blue in its depths, split the end of the great plateau and opened out sheer into the head of the canyon, which, according to creech, stretched away through that wilderness of red stone and green clefts. when lucy's fascinated gaze looked afar she was stunned at the vast, billowy, bare surfaces. every green cleft was a short canyon running parallel with this central and longer one. the dips and breaks showed how all these canyons were connected. they led the gaze away, descending gradually to the dim purple of distance--the bare, rolling desert upland. lucy did nothing but gaze. she was unable to walk or eat that day. creech hung around her with a remorse he apparently felt, yet could not put into words. "do you expect joel to come up this big canyon?" "i reckon i do--some day," replied creech. "an' i wish he'd hurry." "does he know the way?" "nope. but he's good at findin' places. an' i told him to stick to the main canyon. would you believe you could ride offer this rim, straight down thar fer fifty miles, an' never git off your hoss?" "no, i wouldn't believe it possible." "wal, it's so. i've done it. an' i didn't want to come up thet way because i'd had to leave tracks." "do you think we're safe--from cordts now?" she asked. "i reckon so. he's no tracker." "but suppose he does trail us?" "wal, i reckon i've a shade the best of cordts at gun-play, any day." lucy regarded the man in surprise. "oh, it's so--strange!" she said. "you'd fight for me. yet you dragged me for days over these awful rocks! ... look at me, creech. do i look much like lucy bostil?" creech hung his head. "wal, i reckoned i wasn't a blackguard, but i am." "you used to care for me when i was little. i remember how i used to take rides on your knee." "lucy, i never thought of thet when i ketched you. you was only a means to an end. bostil hated me. he ruined me. i give up to revenge. an' i could only git thet through you." "creech, i'm not defending dad. he's--he's no good where horses are concerned. i know he wronged you. then why didn't you wait and meet him like a man instead of dragging me to this misery?" "wal, i never thought of thet, either. i wished i had." he grew gloomier then and relapsed into silent watching. lucy felt better next day, and offered to help creech at the few camp duties. he would not let her. there was nothing to do but rest and wait, and the idleness appeared to be harder on creech than on lucy. he had always been exceedingly active. lucy divined that every hour his remorse grew keener, and she did all she could think of to make it so. creech made her a rude brush by gathering small roots and binding them tightly and cutting the ends square. and lucy, after the manner of an indian, got the tangles out of her hair. that day creech seemed to want to hear lucy's voice, and so they often fell into conversation. once he said, thoughtfully: "i'm tryin' to remember somethin' i heerd at the ford. i meant to ask you--" suddenly he turned to her with animation. he who had been so gloomy and lusterless and dead showed a bright eagerness. "i heerd you beat the king on a red hoss--a wild hoss! ... thet must have been a joke--like one of joel's." "no. it's true. an' dad nearly had a fit!" "wal!" creech simply blazed with excitement. "i ain't wonderin' if he did. his own girl! lucy, come to remember, you always said you'd beat thet gray racer.... fer the lord's sake tell me all about it." lucy warmed to him because, broken as he was, he could be genuinely glad some horse but his own had won a race. bostil could never have been like that. so lucy told him about the race--and then she had to tell about wildfire, and then about slone. but at first all of creech's interest centered round wildfire and the race that had not really been run. he asked a hundred questions. he was as pleased as a boy listening to a good story. he praised lucy again and again. he crowed over bostil's discomfiture. and when lucy told him that slone had dared her father to race, had offered to bet wildfire and his own life against her hand, then creech was beside himself. "this hyar slone--he called bostil's hand!" "he's a wild-horse hunter. and he can trail us!" "trail us! slone? say, lucy, are you in love with him?" lucy uttered a strange little broken sound, half laugh, half sob. "love him! ah!" "an' your dad's ag'in him! sure bostil'll hate any rider with a fast hoss. why didn't the darn fool sell his stallion to your father?" "he gave wildfire to me." "i'd have done the same. wal, now, when you git back home what's comin' of it all?" lucy shook her head sorrowfully. "god only knows. dad will never own wildfire, and he'll never let me marry slone. and when you take the king away from him to ransom me--then my life will be hell, for if dad sacrifices sage king, afterward he'll hate me as the cause of his loss." "i can sure see the sense of all that," replied creech, soberly. and he pondered. lucy saw through this man as if he had been an inch of crystal water. he was no villain, and just now in his simplicity, in his plodding thought of sympathy for her he was lovable. "it's one hell of a muss, if you'll excuse my talk," said creech. "an' i don't like the looks of what i 'pear to be throwin' in your way.... but see hyar, lucy, if bostil didn't give up--or, say, he gits the king back, thet wouldn't make your chance with slone any brighter." "i don't know." "thet race will have to be ran!" "what good will that do?" cried lucy, with tears in her eyes. "i don't want to lose dad. i--i--love him--mean as he is. and it'll kill me to lose lin. because wildfire can beat sage king, and that means dad will be forever against him." "couldn't this wild-horse feller let the king win thet race?" "oh, he could, but he wouldn't." "can't you be sweet round him--fetch him over to thet?" "oh, i could, but i won't." creech might have been plotting the happiness of his own daughter, he was so deeply in earnest. "wal, mebbe you don't love each other so much, after all.... fast hosses mean much to a man in this hyar country. i know, fer i lost mine! ... but they ain't all.... i reckon you young folks don't love so much, after all." "but--we--do!" cried lucy, with a passionate sob. all this talk had unnerved her. "then the only way is fer slone to lie to bostil." "lie!" exclaimed lucy. "thet's it. fetch about a race, somehow--one bostil can't see--an' then lie an' say the king run wildfire off his legs." suddenly it occurred to lucy that one significance of this idea of creech's had not dawned upon him. "you forget that soon my father will no longer own sage king or sarchedon or dusty ben--or any racer. he loses them or me, i thought. that's what i am here for." creech's aspect changed. the eagerness and sympathy fled from his face, leaving it once more hard and stern. he got up and stood a tall, dark, and gloomy man, brooding over his loss, as he watched the canyon. still, there was in him then a struggle that lucy felt. presently he bent over and put his big hand on her head. it seemed gentle and tender compared with former contacts, and it made lucy thrill. she could not see his face. what did he mean? she divined something startling, and sat there trembling in suspense. "bostil won't lose his only girl--or his favorite hoss! ... lucy, i never had no girl. but it seems i'm rememberin' them rides you used to have on my knee when you was little!" then he strode away toward the forest. lucy watched him with a full heart, and as she thought of his overcoming the evil in him when her father had yielded to it, she suffered poignant shame. this creech was not a bad man. he was going to let her go, and he was going to return bostil's horses when they came. lucy resolved with a passionate determination that her father must make ample restitution for the loss creech had endured. she meant to tell creech so. upon his return, however, he seemed so strange and forbidding again that her heart failed her. had he reconsidered his generous thought? lucy almost believed so. these old horse-traders were incomprehensible in any relation concerning horses. recalling creech's intense interest in wildfire and in the inevitable race to be run between him and sage king, lucy almost believed that creech would sacrifice his vengeance just to see the red stallion beat the gray. if creech kept the king in ransom for lucy he would have to stay deeply hidden in the wild breaks of the canyon country or leave the uplands. for bostil would never let that deed go unreckoned with. like bostil, old creech was half horse and half human. the human side had warmed to remorse. he had regretted lucy's plight; he wanted her to be safe at home again and to find happiness; he remembered what she had been to him when she was a little girl. creech's other side was more complex. before the evening meal ended lucy divined that creech was dark and troubled because he had resigned himself to a sacrifice harder than it had seemed in the first flush of noble feeling. but she doubted him no more. she was safe. the king would be returned. she would compel her father to pay creech horse for horse. and perhaps the lesson to bostil would be worth all the pain of effort and distress of mind that it had cost her. that night as she lay awake listening to the roar of the wind in the pines a strange premonition--like a mysterious voice---came to her with the assurance that slone was on her trail. on the following day creech appeared to have cast off the brooding mood. still, he was not talkative. he applied himself to constant watching from the rim. lucy began to feel rested. that long trip with creech had made her thin and hard and strong. she spent the hours under the shade of a cedar on the rim that protected her from sun and wind. the wind, particularly, was hard to stand. it blew a gale out of the west, a dry, odorous, steady rush that roared through the pine-tops and flattened the long, white grass. this day creech had to build up a barrier of rock round his camp-fire, to keep it from blowing away. and there was a constant danger of firing the grass. once lucy asked creech what would happen in that case. "wal, i reckon the grass would burn back even ag'in thet wind," replied creech. "i'd hate to see fire in the woods now before the rains come. it's been the longest, dryest spell i ever lived through. but fer thet my hosses-- this hyar's a west wind, an' it's blowin' harder every day. it'll fetch the rains." next day about noon, when both wind and heat were high, lucy was awakened from a doze. creech was standing near her. when he turned his long gaze away from the canyon he was smiling. it was a smile at once triumphant and sad. "joel's comin' with the hosses!" lucy jumped up, trembling and agitated. "oh! ... where? where?" creech pointed carefully with bent hand, like an indian, and lucy either could not get the direction or see far enough. "right down along the base of thet red wall. a line of hosses. jest like a few crawlin' ants' ... an' now they're creepin' out of sight." "oh, i can't see them!" cried lucy. "are you sure?" "positive an' sartin," he replied. "joel's comin'. he'll be up hyar before long. i reckon we'd jest as well let him come. fer there's water an' grass hyar. an' down below grass is scarce." it seemed an age to lucy, waiting there, until she did see horses zigzagging the ridges below. they disappeared, and then it was another age before they reappeared close under the bulge of wall. she thrilled at sight of sage king and sarchedon. she got only a glimpse of them. they must pass round under her to climb a split in the wall, and up a long draw that reached level ground back in the forest. but they were near, and lucy tried to wait. creech showed eagerness at first, and then went on with his camp-fire duties. while in camp he always cooked a midday meal. lucy saw the horses first. she screamed out. creech jumped up in alarm. joel creech, mounted on sage king, and leading sarchedon, was coming at a gallop. the other horses were following. "what's his hurry?" demanded lucy. "after climbing out of that canyon joel ought not to push the horses." "he'll git it from me if there's no reason," growled creech. "them hosses is wet." "look at sarch! he's wild. he always hated joel." "wal, lucy, i reckon i ain't likin' this hyar. look at joel!" muttered creech, and he strode out to meet his son. lucy ran out too, and beyond him. she saw only sage king. he saw her, recognized her, and, whistled even while joel was pulling him in. for once the king showed he was glad to see lucy. he had been having rough treatment. but he was not winded--only hot and wet. she assured herself of that, then ran to quiet the plunging sarch. he came down at once, and pushed his big nose almost into her face. she hugged his great, hot neck. he was quivering all over. lucy heard the other horses pounding up; she recognized two face's high whinny, like a squeal; and in her delight she was about to run to them when creech's harsh voice arrested her. and sight of joel's face suddenly made her weak. "what'd you say?" demanded creech. "i'd a good reason to run the hosses up-hill--thet's what!" snapped joel. he was frothing at the mouth. "out with it!" "cordts an' hutch!" "what?" roared creech, grasping the pale joel and shaking him. "cordts an' hutch rode in behind me down at thet cross canyon. they seen me. an' they're after me hard!" creech gave close and keen scrutiny to the strange face of his son. then he wheeled away. "help me pack. an' you, too, lucy. we've got to rustle out of hyar." lucy fought a sick faintness that threatened to make her useless. but she tried to help, and presently action made her stronger. the creeches made short work of that breaking of camp. but when it came to getting the horses there appeared danger of delay. sarchedon had led dusty ben and two face off in the grass. when joel went for them they galloped away toward the woods. joel ran back. "son, you're a smart hossman!" exclaimed creech, in disgust. "shall i git on the king an' ketch them?" "no. hold the king." creech went out after plume, but the excited and wary horse eluded him. then creech gave up, caught his own mustangs, and hurried into camp. "lucy, if cordts gits after sarch an' the others it'll be as well fer us," he said. soon they were riding into the forest, creech leading, lucy in the center, and joel coming behind on the king. two unsaddled mustangs carrying the packs were driven in front. creech limited the gait to the best that the pack-horses could do. they made fast time. the level forest floor, hard and springy, afforded the best kind of going. a cold dread had once more clutched lucy's heart. what would be the end of this flight? the way creech looked back increased her dread. how horrible it would be if cordts accomplished what he had always threatened--to run off with both her and the king! lucy lost her confidence in creech. she did not glance again at joel. once had been enough. she rode on with heavy heart. anxiety and dread and conjecture and a gradual sinking of spirit weighed her down. yet she never had a clearer perception of outside things. the forest loomed thicker and darker. the sky was seen only through a green, crisscross of foliage waving in the roaring gale. this strong wind was like a blast in lucy's face, and its keen dryness cracked her lips. when they rode out of the forest, down a gentle slope of wind-swept grass, to an opening into a canyon lucy was surprised to recognize the place. how quickly the ride through the forest had been made! creech dismounted. "git off, lucy. you, joel, hurry an' hand me the little pack.... now i'll take lucy an' the king down in hyar. you go thet way with the hosses an' make as if you was hidin' your trail, but don't. do you savvy?" joel shook his head. he looked sullen, somber, strange. his father repeated what he had said. "you're wantin' cordts to split on the trail?" asked joel. "sure. he'll ketch up with you sometime. but you needn't be afeared if he does." "i ain't a-goin' to do thet." "why not?" creech demanded, slowly, with a rising voice. "i'm a-goin' with you. what d'ye mean, dad, by this move? you'll be headin' back fer the ford. an' we'd git safer if we go the other way." creech evidently controlled his temper by an effort. "i'm takin' lucy an' the king back to bostil." joel echoed those words, slowly divining them. "takin' them both! the girl.... an' givin' up the king!" "yes, both of them. i've changed my mind, joel. now--you--" but creech never finished what he meant to say. joel creech was suddenly seized by a horrible madness. it was then, perhaps, that the final thread which linked his mind to rationality stretched and snapped. his face turned green. his strange eyes protruded. his jaw worked. he frothed at the mouth. he leaped, apparently to get near his father, but he missed his direction. then, as if sight had come back, he wheeled and made strange gestures, all the while cursing incoherently. the father's shocked face began to show disgust. then part of joel's ranting became intelligible. "shut up!" suddenly roared creech. "no, i won't!" shrieked joel, wagging his head in spent passion. "an' you ain't a-goin' to take thet girl home.... i'll take her with me.... an' you take the hosses home!" "you're crazy!" hoarsely shouted creech, his face going black. "they allus said so. but i never believed thet." "an' if i'm crazy, thet girl made me.... you know what i'm a-goin' to do? ... i'll strip her naked--an' i'll--" lucy saw old creech lunge and strike. she heard the sodden blow. joel went down. but he scrambled up with his eyes and mouth resembling those of a mad hound lucy once had seen. the fact that he reached twice for his gun and could not find it proved the breaking connection of nerve and sense. creech jumped and grappled with joel. there was a wrestling, strained struggle. creech's hair stood up and his face had a kind of sick fury, and he continued to curse and command. they fought for the possession of the gun. but joel seemed to have superhuman strength. his hold on the gun could not be broken. moreover, he kept straining to point the gun at his father. lucy screamed. creech yelled hoarsely. but the boy was beyond reason or help, and he was beyond over powering! lucy saw him bend his arm in spite of the desperate hold upon it and fire the gun. creech's hoarse entreaties ceased as his hold on joel broke. he staggered. his arms went up with a tragic, terrible gesture. he fell. joel stood over him, shaking and livid, but he showed only the vaguest realization of the deed. his actions were instinctive. he was the animal that had clawed himself free. further proof of his aberration stood out in the action of sheathing his gun; he made the motion to do so, but he only dropped it in the grass. sight of that dropped gun broke lucy's spell of horror, which had kept her silent but for one scream. suddenly her blood leaped like fire in her veins. she measured the distance to sage king. joel was turning. then lucy darted at the king, reached him, and, leaping, was half up on him when he snorted and jumped, not breaking her hold, but keeping her from getting up. then iron hands clutched her and threw her, like an empty sack, to the grass. joel creech did not say a word. his distorted face had the deriding scorn of a superior being. lucy lay flat on her back, watching him. her mind worked swiftly. she would have to fight for her body and her life. her terror had fled with her horror. she was not now afraid of this demented boy. she meant to fight, calculating like a cunning indian, wild as a trapped wildcat. lucy lay perfectly still, for she knew she had been thrown near the spot where the gun lay. if she got her hands on that gun she would kill joel. it would be the action of an instant. she watched joel while he watched her. and she saw that he had his foot on the rope round sage king's neck. the king never liked a rope. he was nervous. he tossed his head to get rid of it. creech, watching lucy all the while, reached for the rope, pulled the king closer and closer, and untied the knot. the king stood then, bridle down and quiet. instead of a saddle he wore a blanket strapped round him. it seemed that lucy located the gun without turning her eyes away from joel's. she gathered all her force--rolled over swiftly--again--got her hands on the gun just as creech leaped like a panther upon her. his weight crushed her flat--his strength made her hand-hold like that of a child. he threw the gun aside. lucy lay face down, unable to move her body while he stood over her. then he struck her, not a stunning blow, but just the hard rap a cruel rider gives to a horse that wants its own way. under that blow lucy's spirit rose to a height of terrible passion. still she did not lose her cunning; the blow increased it. that blow showed joel to be crazy. she might outwit a crazy man, where a man merely wicked might master her. creech tried to turn her. lucy resisted. and she was strong. resistance infuriated creech. he cuffed her sharply. this action only made him worse. then with hands like steel claws he tore away her blouse. the shock of his hands on her bare flesh momentarily weakened lucy, and creech dragged at her until she lay seemingly helpless before him. and lucy saw that at the sight of her like this something had come between joel creech's mad motives and their execution. once he had loved her--desired her. he looked vague. he stroked her shoulder. his strange eyes softened, then blazed with a different light. lucy divined that she was lost unless she could recall his insane fury. she must begin that terrible fight in which now the best she could hope for was to make him kill her quickly. swift and vicious as a cat she fastened her teeth in his arm. she bit deep and held on. creech howled like a dog. he beat her. he jerked and wrestled. then he lifted her, and the swing of her body tore the flesh loose from his arm and broke her hold. lucy half rose, crawled, plunged for the gun. she got it, too, only to have creech kick it out of her hand. the pain of that brutal kick was severe, but when he cut her across the bare back with the rope she shrieked out. supple and quick, she leaped up and ran. in vain! with a few bounds he had her again, tripped her up. lucy fell over the dead body of the father. yet even that did not shake her desperate nerve. all the ferocity of a desert-bred savage culminated in her, fighting for death. creech leaned down, swinging the coiled rope. he meant to do more than lash her with it. lucy's hands flashed up, closed tight in his long hair. then with a bellow he jerked up and lifted her sheer off the ground. there was an instant in which lucy felt herself swung and torn; she saw everything as a whirling blur; she felt an agony in her wrists at which creech was clawing. when he broke her hold there were handfuls of hair in lucy's fists. she fell again and had not the strength to rise. but creech was raging, and little of his broken speech was intelligible. he knelt with a sharp knee pressing her down. he cut the rope. nimbly, like a rider in moments of needful swiftness, he noosed one end of the rope round her ankle, then the end of the other piece round her wrist. he might have been tying up an unbroken mustang. rising, he retained hold on both ropes. he moved back, sliding them through his hands. then with a quick move he caught up sage king's bridle. creech paused a moment, darkly triumphant. a hideous success showed in his strange eyes. a long-cherished mad vengeance had reached its fruition. then he led the horse near to lucy. warily he reached down. he did not know lucy's strength was spent. he feared she might yet escape. with hard, quick grasp he caught her, lifted her, threw her over the king's back. he forced her down. lucy's resistance was her only salvation, because it kept him on the track of his old threat. she resisted all she could. he pulled her arms down round the king's neck and tied them close. then he pulled hard on the rope on her ankle and tied that to her other ankle. lucy realized that she was bound fast. creech had made good most of his threat. and now in her mind the hope of the death she had sought changed to the hope of life that was possible. whatever power she had ever had over the king was in her voice. if only creech would slip the bridle or cut the reins--if only sage king could be free to run! lucy could turn her face far enough to see creech. like a fiend he was reveling in his work. suddenly he picked up the gun. "look a-hyar!" he called, hoarsely. with eyes on her, grinning horribly, he walked a few paces to where the long grass had not been trampled or pressed down. the wind, whipping up out of the canyon, was still blowing hard. creech put the gun down in the grass and fired. sage king plunged. but he was not gun-shy. he steadied down with a pounding of heavy hoofs. then lucy could see again. a thin streak of yellow smoke rose--a little snaky flame--a slight crackling hiss! then as the wind caught the blaze there came a rushing, low roar. fire, like magic, raced and spread before the wind toward the forest. lucy had forgotten that creech had meant to drive her into fire. the sudden horror of it almost caused collapse. commotion within--cold and quake and nausea and agony--deadened her hearing and darkened her sight. but creech's hard hands quickened her. she could see him then, though not clearly. his face seemed inhuman, misshapen, gray. his hands pulled at her arms--a last precaution to see that she was tightly bound. then with the deft fingers of a rider he slipped sage king's bridle. lucy could not trust her sight. what made the king stand so still? his ears went up--stiff--pointed! creech stepped back and laid a violent hand on lucy's garments. she bent--twisted her neck to watch him. but her sight grew no clearer. still she saw he meant to strip her naked. he braced himself for a strong, ripping pull. his yellow teeth showed deep in his lip. his contrasting eyes were alight with insane joy. but he never pulled. something attracted his attention. he looked. he saw something. the beast in him became human--the madness changed to rationality--the devil to a craven! his ashen lips uttered a low, terrible cry. lucy felt the king trembling in every muscle. she knew that was flight. she expected his loud snort, and was prepared for it when it rang out. in a second he would bolt. she knew that. she thrilled. she tried to call to him, but her lips were weak. creech seemed paralyzed. the king shifted his position, and lucy's last glimpse of creech was one she would never forget. it was as if creech faced burning hell! then the king whistled and reared. lucy heard swift, dull, throbbing beats. beats of a fast horse's hoofs on the run! she felt a surging thrill of joy. she could not think. all of her blood and bone and muscle seemed to throb. suddenly the air split to a high-pitched, wild, whistling blast. it pierced to lucy's mind. she knew that whistle. "wildfire!" she screamed, with bursting heart. the king gave a mighty convulsive bound of terror. he, too, knew that whistle. and in that one great bound he launched out into a run. straight across the line of burning grass! lucy felt the sting of flame. smoke blinded and choked her. then clear, dry, keen wind sung in her ears and whipped her hair. the light about her darkened. the king had headed into the pines. the heavy roar of the gale overhead struck lucy with new and torturing dread. sage king once in his life was running away, bridleless, and behind him there was fire on the wings of the wind. chapter xvii for the first time in his experience bostil found that horse-trading palled upon him. this trip to durango was a failure. something was wrong. there was a voice constantly calling into his inner ear--a voice to which he refused to listen. and during the five days of the return trip the strange mood grew upon him. the last day he and his riders covered over fifty miles and reached the ford late at night. no one expected them, and only the men on duty at the corrals knew of the return. bostil, much relieved to get home, went to bed and at once fell asleep. he awakened at a late hour for him. when he dressed and went out to the kitchen he found that his sister had learned of his return and had breakfast waiting. "where's the girl?" asked bostil. "not up yet," replied aunt jane. "what!" "lucy and i had a tiff last night and she went to her room in a temper." "nothin' new about thet." "holley and i have had our troubles holding her in. don't you forget that." bostil laughed. "wal, call her an' tell her i'm home." aunt jane did as she was bidden. bostil finished his breakfast. but lucy did not come. bostil began to feel something strange, and, going to lucy's door, he knocked. there was no reply. bostil pushed open the door. lucy was not in evidence, and her room was not as tidy as usual. he saw her white dress thrown upon the bed she had not slept in. bostil gazed around with a queer contraction of the heart. that sense of something amiss grew stronger. then he saw a chair before the open window. that window was rather high, and lucy had placed a chair before it so that she could look out or get out. bostil stretched his neck, looked out, and in the red earth beneath the window he saw fresh tracks of lucy's boots. then he roared for jane. she came running, and between bostil's furious questions and her own excited answers there was nothing arrived at. but presently she spied the white dress, and then she ran to lucy's closet. from there she turned a white face to bostil. "she put on her riding-clothes!" gasped aunt jane. "supposin' she did! where is she?" demanded bostil. "she's run off with slone!" bostil could not have been shocked or hurt any more acutely by a knife-thrust. he glared at his sister. "a-huh! so thet's the way you watch her!" "watch her? it wasn't possible. she's--well, she's as smart as you are.... oh, i knew she'd do it! she was wild in love with him!" bostil strode out of the room and the house. he went through the grove and directly up the path to slone's cabin. it was empty, just as bostil expected to find it. the bars of the corral were down. both slone's horses were gone. presently bostil saw the black horse nagger down in brackton's pasture. there were riders in front of brackton's. all spoke at once to bostil, and he only yelled for brackton. the old man came hurriedly out, alarmed. "where's this slone?" demanded bostil. "slone!" ejaculated brackton. "i'm blessed if i know. ain't he home?" "no. an' he's left his black hoss in your field." "wal, by golly, thet's news to me.... bostil, there's been strange doin's lately." brackton seemed at a loss for words. "mebbe slone got out because of somethin' thet come off last night.... now, joel creech an'--an'--" bostil waited to hear no more. what did he care about the idiot creech? he strode down the lane to the corrals. farlane, van, and other riders were there, leisurely as usual. then holley appeared, coming out of the barn. he, too, was easy, cool, natural, lazy. none of these riders knew what was amiss. but instantly a change passed over them. it came because bostil pulled a gun. "holley, i've a mind to bore you!" the old hawk-eyed rider did not flinch or turn a shade off color. "what fer?" he queried. but his customary drawl was wanting. "i left you to watch lucy.... an' she's gone!" holley showed genuine surprise and distress. the other riders echoed bostil's last word. bostil lowered the gun. "i reckon what saves you is you're the only tracker thet'd have a show to find this cussed slone." holley now showed no sign of surprise, but the other riders were astounded. "lucy's run off with slone," added bostil. "wal, if she's gone, an' if he's gone, it's a cinch," replied holley, throwing up his hands. "boss, she double-crossed me same as you! ... she promised faithful to stay in the house." "promises nothin'!" roared bostil. "she's in love with this wild-hoss wrangler! she met him last night!" "i couldn't help thet," retorted holley. "an' i trusted the girl." bostil tossed his hands. he struggled with his rage. he had no fear that lucy would not soon be found. but the opposition to his will made him furious. van left the group of riders and came close to bostil. "it ain't an hour back thet i seen slone ride off alone on his red hoss." "what of thet?" demanded bostil. "sure she was waitin' somewheres. they'd have too much sense to go together.... saddle up, you boys, an' we'll--" "say, bostil, i happen to know slone didn't see lucy last night," interrupted holley. "a-huh! wal, you'd better talk out." "i trusted lucy," said holley. "but all the same, knowin' she was in love, i jest wanted to see if any girl in love could keep her word.... so about dark i went down the grove an' watched fer slone. pretty soon i seen him. he sneaked along the upper end an' i follered. he went to thet bench up by the biggest cottonwood. an' he waited a long time. but lucy didn't come. he must have waited till midnight. then he left. i watched him go back--seen him go up to his cabin." "wal, if she didn't meet him, where was she? she wasn't in her room." bostil gazed at holley and the other riders, then back to holley. what was the matter with this old rider? bostil had never seen holley seem so strange. the whole affair began to loom strangely, darkly. some portent quickened bostil's lumbering pulse. it seemed that holley's mind must have found an obstacle to thought. suddenly the old rider's face changed--the bronze was blotted out--a grayness came, and then a dead white. "bostil, mebbe you 'ain't been told yet thet--thet creech rode in yesterday.... he lost all his racers! he had to shoot both peg an' roan!" bostil's thought suffered a sudden, blank halt. then, with realization, came the shock for which he had long been prepared. "a-huh! is thet so? ... wal, an' what did he say?" holley laughed a grim, significant laugh that curdled bostil's blood. "creech said a lot! but let thet go now.... come with me." holley started with rapid strides down the lane. bostil followed. and he heard the riders coming behind. a dark and gloomy thought settled upon bostil. he could not check that, but he held back impatience and passion. holley went straight to lucy's window. he got down on his knees to scrutinize the tracks. "made more 'n twelve hours ago," he said, swiftly. "she had on her boots, but no spurs.... now let's see where she went." holley began to trail lucy's progress through the grove, silently pointing now and then to a track. he went swifter, till bostil had to hurry. the other men came whispering after them. holley was as keen as a hound on scent. "she stopped there," he said, "mebbe to listen. looks like she wanted to cross the lane, but she didn't: here she got to goin' faster." holley reached an intersecting path and suddenly halted stock-still, pointing at a big track in the dust. "my god! ... bostil, look at thet!" one riving pang tore through bostil--and then he was suddenly his old self, facing the truth of danger to one he loved. he saw beside the big track a faint imprint of lucy's small foot. that was the last sign of her progress and it told a story. "bostil, thet ain't slone's track," said holley, ringingly. "sure it ain't. thet's the track of a big man," replied bostil. the other riders, circling round with bent heads, all said one way or another that slone could not have made the trail. "an' whoever he was grabbed lucy up--made off with her?" asked bostil. "plain as if we seen it done!" exclaimed holley. there was fire in the clear, hawk eyes. "cordts!" cried bostil, hoarsely. "mebbe--mebbe. but thet ain't my idee.... come on." holley went so fast he almost ran, and he got ahead of bostil. finally several hundred yards out in the sage he halted, and again dropped to his knees. bostil and the riders hurried on. "keep back; don't stamp round so close," ordered holley. then like a man searching for lost gold in sand and grass he searched the ground. to bostil it seemed a long time before he got through. when he arose there was a dark and deadly certainty in his face, by which bostil knew the worst had befallen lucy. "four mustangs an' two men last night," said holley, rapidly. "here's where lucy was set down on her feet. here's where she mounted.... an' here's the tracks of a third man--tracks made this mornin'." bostil straightened up and faced holley as if ready to take a death-blow. "i'm reckonin' them last is slone's tracks." "yes, i know them," replied holley. "an'--them--other tracks? who made them?" "creech an' his son!" bostil felt swept away by a dark, whirling flame. and when it passed he lay in his barn, in the shade of the loft, prostrate on the fragrant hay. his strength with his passion was spent. a dull ache remained. the fight was gone from him. his spirit was broken. and he looked down into that dark abyss which was his own soul. by and by the riders came for him, got him up, and led him out. he shook them off and stood breathing slowly. the air felt refreshing; it cooled his hot, tired brain. it did not surprise him to see joel creech there, cringing behind holley. bostil lifted a hand for some one to speak. and holley came a step forward. his face was haggard, but its white tenseness was gone. he seemed as if he were reluctant to speak, to inflict more pain. "bostil," he began, huskily, "you're to send the king--an' sarch--an' ben an' two face an' plume to ransom lucy! ... if you won't--then creech'll sell her to cordts!" what a strange look came into the faces of the riders! did, they think he cared more for horseflesh than for his own flesh and blood? "send the king--an' all he wants.... an' send word fer creech to come back to the ford.... tell him i said--my sin found me out!" bostil watched joel creech ride the king out upon the slope, driving the others ahead. sage king wanted to run. sarchedon was wild and unruly. they passed out of sight. then bostil turned to his silent riders. "boys, seein' the king go thet way wasn't nothin'.... but what crucifies me is--will thet fetch her back?" "god only knows!" replied holley. "mebbe not--i reckon not! ... but, bostil, you forget slone is out there on lucy's trail. out there ahead of joel! slone he's a wild-hoss hunter--the keenest i ever seen. do you think creech can shake him on a trail? he'll kill creech, an' he'll lay fer joel goin' back--an' he'll kill him.... an' i'll bet my all he'll ride in here with lucy an' the king!" "holley, you ain't figurin' on thet red hoss of slone's ridin' down the king?" holley laughed as if bostil's query was the strangest thing of all that poignant day. "naw. slone'll lay fer joel an' rope him like he roped dick sears." "holley, i reckon you see--clearer 'n me," said bostil, plaintively. "'pears as if i never had a hard knock before. fer my nerve's broke. i can't hope.... lucy's gone! ... ain't there anythin' to do but wait?" "thet's all. jest wait. if we went out on joel's trail we'd queer the chance of creech's bein' honest. an' we'd queer slone's game. i'd hate to have him trailin' me." chapter xviii on the day that old creech repudiated his son, slone with immeasurable relief left brackton's without even a word to the rejoicing holley, and plodded up the path to his cabin. after the first flush of elation had passed he found a peculiar mood settling down upon him. it was as if all was not so well as he had impulsively conceived. he began to ponder over this strange depression, to think back. what had happened to dash the cup from his lips? did he regret being freed from guilt in the simple minds of the villagers--regret it because suspicion would fall upon lucy's father? no; he was sorry for the girl, but not for bostil. it was not this new aspect of the situation at the ford that oppressed him. he trailed his vague feelings back to a subtle shock he had sustained in a last look at creech's dark, somber face. it had been the face of a nemesis. all about creech breathed silent, revengeful force. slone worked out in his plodding thought why that fact should oppress him; and it was because in striking bostil old creech must strike through bostil's horses and his daughter. slone divined it--divined it by the subtle, intuitive power of his love for lucy. he did not reconsider what had been his supposition before creech's return--that creech would kill bostil. death would be no revenge. creech had it in him to steal the king and starve him or to do the same and worse with lucy. so slone imagined, remembering creech's face. before twilight set in slone saw the creeches riding out of the lane into the sage, evidently leaving the ford. this occasioned slone great relief, but only for a moment. what the creeches appeared to be doing might not be significant. and he knew if they had stayed in the village that he would have watched them as closely as if he thought they were trying to steal wildfire. he got his evening meal, cared for his horses, and just as darkness came on he slipped down into the grove for his rendezvous with lucy. always this made his heart beat and his nerves thrill, but to-night he was excited. the grove seemed full of moving shadows, all of which he fancied were lucy. reaching the big cottonwood, he tried to compose himself on the bench to wait. but composure seemed unattainable. the night was still, only the crickets and the soft rustle of leaves breaking a dead silence. slone had the ears of a wild horse in that he imagined sounds he did not really hear. many a lonely night while he lay watching and waiting in the dark, ambushing a water-hole where wild horses drank, he had heard soft treads that were only the substance of dreams. that was why, on this night when he was overstrained, he fancied he saw lucy coming, a silent, moving shadow, when in reality she did not come. that was why he thought he heard very stealthy steps. he waited. lucy did not come. she had never failed before and he knew she would come. waiting became hard. he wanted to go back toward the house--to intercept her on the way. still he kept to his post, watchful, listening, his heart full. and he tried to reason away his strange dread, his sense of a need of hurry. for a time he succeeded by dreaming of lucy's sweetness, of her courage, of what a wonderful girl she was. hours and hours he had passed in such dreams. one dream in particular always fascinated him, and it was one in which he saw the girl riding wildfire, winning a great race for her life. another, just as fascinating, but so haunting that he always dispelled it, was a dream where lucy, alone and in peril, fought with cordts or joel creech for more than her life. these vague dreams were slone's acceptance of the blood and spirit in lucy. she was bostil's daughter. she had no sense of fear. she would fight. and though slone always thrilled with pride, he also trembled with dread. at length even wilder dreams of lucy's rare moments, when she let herself go, like a desert whirlwind, to envelop him in all her sweetness, could not avail to keep slone patient. he began to pace to and fro under the big tree. he waited and waited. what could have detained her? slone inwardly laughed at the idea that either holley or aunt jane could keep his girl indoors when she wanted to come out to meet him. yet lucy had always said something might prevent. there was no reason for slone to be concerned. he was mistaking his thrills and excitement and love and disappointment for something in which there was no reality. yet he could not help it. the longer he waited the more shadows glided beneath the cottonwoods, the more faint, nameless sounds he heard. he waited long after he became convinced she would not come. upon his return through the grove he reached a point where the unreal and imaginative perceptions were suddenly and stunningly broken. he did hear a step. he kept on, as before, and in the deep shadow he turned. he saw a man just faintly outlined. one of the riders had been watching him--had followed him! slone had always expected this. so had lucy. and now it had happened. but lucy had been too clever. she had not come. she had found out or suspected the spy and she had outwitted him. slone had reason to be prouder of lucy, and he went back to his cabin free from further anxiety. before he went to sleep, however, he heard the clatter of a number of horses in the lane. he could tell they were tired horses. riders returning, he thought, and instantly corrected that, for riders seldom came in at night. and then it occurred to him that it might be bostil's return. but then it might be the creeches. slone had an uneasy return of puzzling thoughts. these, however, did not hinder drowsiness, and, deciding that the first thing in the morning he would trail the creeches, just to see where they had gone, he fell asleep. in the morning the bright, broad day, with its dispelling reality, made slone regard himself differently. things that oppressed him in the dark of night vanished in the light of the sun. still, he was curious about the creeches, and after he had done his morning's work he strolled out to take up their trail. it was not hard to follow in the lane, for no other horses had gone in that direction since the creeches had left. once up on the wide, windy slope the reach and color and fragrance seemed to call to slone irresistibly, and he fell to trailing these tracks just for the love of a skill long unused. half a mile out the road turned toward durango. but the creeches did not continue on that road. they entered the sage. instantly slone became curious. he followed the tracks to a pile of rocks where the creeches had made a greasewood fire and had cooked a meal. this was strange--within a mile of the ford, where brackton and others would have housed them. what was stranger was the fact that the trail started south from there and swung round toward the village. slone's heart began to thump. but he forced himself to think only of these tracks and not any significance they might have. he trailed the men down to a bench on the slope, a few hundred yards from bostil's grove, and here a trampled space marked where a halt had been made and a wait. and here slone could no longer restrain conjecture and dread. he searched and searched. he got on his knees. he crawled through the sage all around the trampled space. suddenly his heart seemed to receive a stab. he had found prints of lucy's boots in the soft earth! and he leaped up, wild and fierce, needing to know no more. he ran back to his cabin. he never thought of bostil, of holley, of anything except the story revealed in those little boot-tracks. he packed a saddle-bag with meat and biscuits, filled a canvas water-bottle, and, taking them and his rifle, he hurried out to the corral. first he took nagger down to brackton's pasture and let him in. then returning, he went at the fiery stallion as he had not gone in many a day, roped him, saddled him, mounted him, and rode off with a hard, grim certainty that in wildfire was lucy's salvation. four hours later slone halted on the crest of a ridge, in the cover of sparse cedars, and surveyed a vast, gray, barren basin yawning and reaching out to a rugged, broken plateau. he expected to find joel creech returning on the back-trail, and he had taken the precaution to ride on one side of the tracks he was following. he did not want joel to cross his trail. slone had long ago solved the meaning of the creeches' flight. they would use lucy to ransom bostil's horses, and more than likely they would not let her go back. that they had her was enough for slone. he was grim and implacable. the eyes of the wild-horse hunter had not searched that basin long before they picked out a dot which was not a rock or a cedar, but a horse. slone watched it grow, and, hidden himself, he held his post until he knew the rider was joel creech. slone drew his own horse back and tied him to a sage-bush amidst some scant grass. then he returned to watch. it appeared creech was climbing the ridge below slone, and some distance away. it was a desperate chance joel ran then, for slone had set out to kill him. it was certain that if joel had happened to ride near instead of far, slone could not have helped but kill him. as it was, he desisted because he realized that joel would acquaint bostil with the abducting of lucy, and it might be that this would be well. slone was shaking when young creech passed up and out of sight over the ridge--shaking with the deadly grip of passion such as he had never known. he waited, slowly gaining control, and at length went back for wildfire. then he rode boldly forth on the trail. he calculated that old creech would take lucy to some wild retreat in the canyons and there wait for joel and the horses. creech had almost certainly gone on and would be unaware of a pursuer so closely on his trail. slone took the direction of the trail, and he saw a low, dark notch in the rocky wall in the distance. after that he paid no more attention to choosing good ground for wildfire than he did to the trail. the stallion was more tractable than slone had ever found him. he loved the open. he smelled the sage and the wild. he settled down into his long, easy, swinging lope which seemed to eat up the miles. slone was obsessed with thoughts centering round lucy, and time and distance were scarcely significant. the sun had dipped full red in a golden west when slone reached the wall of rocks and the cleft where creech's tracks and lucy's, too, marked the camp. slone did not even dismount. riding on into the cleft, he wound at length into a canyon and out of that into a larger one, where he found that lucy had remembered to leave a trail, and down this to a break in a high wall, and through it to another winding, canyon. the sun set, but slone kept on as long as he could see the trail, and after that, until an intersecting canyon made it wise for him to halt. there were rich grass and sweet water for his horse. he himself was not hungry, but he ate; he was not sleepy, but he slept. and daylight found him urging wildfire in pursuit. on the rocky places slone found the cedar berries lucy had dropped. he welcomed sight of them, but he did not need them. this man creech could never hide a trail from him, slone thought grimly, and it suited him to follow that trail at a rapid trot. if he lost the tracks for a distance he went right on, and he knew where to look for them ahead. there was a vast difference between the cunning of creech and the cunning of a wild horse. and there was an equal difference between the going and staying powers of creech's mustangs and wildfire. yes, slone divined that lucy's salvation would be wildfire, her horse. the trail grew rougher, steeper, harder, but the stallion kept his eagerness and his pace. on many an open length of canyon or height of wild upland slone gazed ahead hoping to see creech's mustangs. he hoped for that even when he knew he was still too far behind. and then, suddenly, in the open, sandy flat of an intersecting canyon he came abruptly on a fresh trail of three horses, one of them shod. the surprise stunned him. for a moment he gazed stupidly at these strange tracks. who had made them? had creech met allies? was that likely when the man had no friends? pondering the thing, slone went slowly on, realizing that a new and disturbing feature confronted him. then when these new tracks met the trail that creech had left slone found that these strangers were as interested in creech's tracks as he was. slone found their boot-marks in the sand--the hand-prints where some one had knelt to scrutinize creech's trail. slone led his horse and walked on, more and more disturbed in mind. when he came to a larger, bare, flat canyon bottom, where the rock had been washed clear of sand, he found no more cedar berries. they had been picked up. at the other extreme edge of this stony ground he found crumpled bits of cedar and cedar berries scattered in one spot, as if thrown there by some one who read their meaning. this discovery unnerved slone. it meant so much. and if slone had any hope or reason to doubt that these strangers had taken up the trail for good, the next few miles dispelled it. they were trailing creech. suddenly slone gave a wild start, which made wildfire plunge. "cordts!" whispered slone and the cold sweat oozed out of every pore. these canyons were the hiding-places of the horse-thief. he and two of his men had chanced upon creech's trail; and perhaps their guess at its meaning was like slone's. if they had not guessed they would soon learn. it magnified slone's task a thousandfold. he had a moment of bitter, almost hopeless realization before a more desperate spirit awoke in him. he had only more men to kill--that was all. these upland riders did not pack rifles, of that slone was sure. and the sooner he came up with cordts the better. it was then he let wildfire choose his gait and the trail. sunset, twilight, dusk, and darkness came with slone keeping on and on. as long as there were no intersecting canyons or clefts or slopes by which creech might have swerved from his course, just so long slone would travel. and it was late in the night when he had to halt. early next day the trail led up out of the red and broken gulches to the cedared uplands. slone saw a black-rimmed, looming plateau in the distance. all these winding canyons, and the necks of the high ridges between, must run up to that great table-land. that day he lost two of the horse tracks. he did not mark the change for a long time after there had been a split in the party that had been trailing creech. then it was too late for him to go back to investigate, even if that had been wise. he kept on, pondering, trying to decide whether or not he had been discovered and was now in danger of ambush ahead and pursuit from behind. he thought that possibly cordts had split his party, one to trail along after creech, the others to work around to head him off. undoubtedly cordts knew this broken canyon country and could tell where creech was going, and knew how to intercept him. the uncertainty wore heavily upon slone. he grew desperate. he had no time to steal along cautiously. he must be the first to get to creech. so he held to the trail and went as rapidly as the nature of the ground would permit, expecting to be shot at from any clump of cedars. the trail led down again into a narrow canyon with low walls. slone put all his keenness on what lay before him. wildfire's sudden break and upflinging of head and his snort preceded the crack of a rifle. slone knew he had been shot at, although he neither felt nor heard the bullet. he had no chance to see where the shot came from, for wildfire bolted, and needed as much holding and guiding as slone could give. he ran a mile. then slone was able to look about him. had he been shot at from above or behind? he could not tell. it did not matter, so long as the danger was not in front. he kept a sharp lookout, and presently along the right canyon rim, five hundred feet above him, he saw a bay horse, and a rider with a rifle. he had been wrong, then, about these riders and their weapons. slone did not see any wisdom in halting to shoot up at this pursuer, and he spurred wildfire just as a sharp crack sounded above. the bullet thudded into the earth a few feet behind him. and then over bad ground, with the stallion almost unmanageable, slone ran a gantlet of shots. evidently the man on the rim had smooth ground to ride over, for he easily kept abreast of slone. but he could not get the range. fortunately for slone, broken ramparts above checked the tricks of that pursuer, and slone saw no more of him. it afforded him great relief to find that creech's trail turned into a canyon on the left; and here, with the sun already low, slone began to watch the clumps of cedars and the jumbles of rock. but he was not ambushed. darkness set in, and, being tired out, he was about to halt for the night when he caught the flicker of a campfire. the stallion saw it, too, but did not snort. slone dismounted and, leading him, went cautiously forward on foot, rifle in hand. the canyon widened at a point where two breaks occurred, and the less-restricted space was thick with cedar and pinyon. slone could tell by the presence of these trees and also by a keener atmosphere that he was slowly getting to a higher attitude. this camp-fire must belong to cordts or the one man who had gone on ahead. and slone advanced boldly. he did not have to make up his mind what to do. but he was amazed to see several dark forms moving to and fro before the bright camp-fire, and he checked himself abruptly. considering a moment, slone thought he had better have a look at these fellows. so he tied wildfire and, taking to the darker side of the canyon, he stole cautiously forward. the distance was considerable, as he had calculated. soon, however, he made out the shadowy outlines of horses feeding in the open. he hugged the canyon wall for fear they might see him. as luck would have it the night breeze was in his favor. stealthily he stole on, in the deep shadow of the wall, and under the cedars, until he came to a point opposite the camp-fire, and then he turned toward it. he went slowly, carefully, noiselessly, and at last he crawled through the narrow aisles between thick sage-brush. another clump of cedars loomed up, and he saw the flickering of firelight upon the pale-green foliage. he heard gruff voices before he raised himself to look, and by this he gauged his distance. he was close enough--almost too close. but as he crouched in dark shade and there were no horses near, he did not fear discovery. when he peered out from his covert the first thing to strike and hold his rapid glance was the slight figure of a girl. slone stifled a gasp in his throat. he thought he recognized lucy. stunned, he crouched down again with his hands clenched round his rifle. and there he remained for a long moment of agony before reason asserted itself over emotion. had he really seen lucy? he had heard of a girl now and then in the camps of these men, especially cordts. maybe creech had fallen in with comrades. no, he could not have had any comrades there but horse-thieves, and creech was above that. if creech was there he had been held up by cordts; if lucy only was with the gang, creech had been killed. slone had to force himself to look again. the girl had changed her position. but the light shone upon the men. creech was not one of the three, nor cordts, nor any man slone had seen before. they were not honest men, judging from their hard, evil looks. slone was nonplussed and he was losing self-control. again he lowered himself and waited. he caught the word "durango" and "hosses" and "fer enough in," the meaning of which was, vague. then the girl laughed. and slone found himself trembling with joy. beyond any doubt that laugh could not have been lucy's. slone stole back as he had come, reached the shadow of the wall, and drew away until he felt it safe to walk quickly. when he reached the place where he expected to find wildfire he did not see him. slone looked and looked. perhaps he had misjudged distance and place in the gloom. still, he never made mistakes of that nature. he searched around till he found the cedar stump to which he had tied the lasso. in the gloom he could not see it, and when he reached out he did not feel it. wildfire was gone! slone sank down, overcome. he cursed what must have been carelessness, though he knew he never was careless with a horse. what had happened? he did not know. but wildfire was gone--and that meant lucy's doom and his! slone shook with cold. then, as he leaned against the stump, wet and shaking, familiar sound met his ears. it was made by the teeth of a grazing horse--a slight, keen, tearing cut. wildfire was close at hand! with a sweep slone circled the stump and he found the knot of the lasso. he had missed it. he began to gather in the long rope, and soon felt the horse. in the black gloom against the wall slone could not distinguish wildfire. "whew!" he muttered, wiping the sweat off his face. "good lord! ... all for nothin'." it did not take slone long to decide to lead the horse and work up the canyon past the campers. he must get ahead of them, and once there he had no fear of them, either by night or day. he really had no hopes of getting by undiscovered, and all he wished for was to get far enough so that he could not be intercepted. the grazing horses would scent wildfire or he would scent them. for a wonder wildfire allowed himself to be led as well as if he had been old, faithful nagger. slone could not keep close in to the wall for very long, on account of the cedars, but he managed to stay in the outer edge of shadow cast by the wall. wildfire winded the horses, halted, threw up his head. but for some reason beyond slone the horse did not snort or whistle. as he knew wildfire he could have believed him intelligent enough and hateful enough to betray his master. it was one of the other horses that whistled an alarm. this came at a point almost even with the camp-fire. slone, holding wildfire down, had no time to get into a stirrup, but leaped to the saddle and let the horse go. there were hoarse yells and then streaks of fire and shots. slone heard the whizz of heavy bullets, and he feared for wildfire. but the horse drew swiftly away into the darkness. slone could not see whether the ground was smooth or broken, and he left that to wildfire. luck favored them, and presently slone pulled him in to a safe gait, and regretted only that he had not had a chance to take a shot at that camp. slone walked the horse for an hour, and then decided that he could well risk a halt for the night. before dawn he was up, warming his chilled body by violent movements, and forcing himself to eat. the rim of the west wall changed from gray to pink. a mocking-bird burst into song. a coyote sneaked away from the light of day. out in the open slone found the trail made by creech's mustangs and by the horse of cordts's man. the latter could not be very far ahead. in less than an hour slone came to a clump of cedars where this man had camped. an hour behind him! this canyon was open, with a level and narrow floor divided by a deep wash. slone put wildfire to a gallop. the narrow wash was no obstacle to wildfire; he did not have to be urged or checked. it was not long before slone saw a horseman a quarter of a mile ahead, and he was discovered almost at the same time. this fellow showed both surprise and fear. he ran his horse. but in comparison with wildfire that horse seemed sluggish. slone would have caught up with him very soon but for a change in the lay of the land. the canyon split up and all of its gorges and ravines and washes headed upon the pine-fringed plateau, now only a few miles distant. the gait of the horses had to be reduced to a trot, and then a walk. the man slone was after left creech's trail and took to a side cleft. slone, convinced he would soon overhaul him, and then return to take up creech's trail, kept on in pursuit. then slone was compelled to climb. wildfire was so superior to the other's horse, and slone was so keen at choosing ground and short cuts, that he would have been right upon him but for a split in the rock which suddenly yawned across his path. it was impassable. after a quick glance slone abandoned the direct pursuit, and, turning along this gulch, he gained a point where the horse-thief would pass under the base of the rim-wall, and here slone would have him within easy rifle shot. and the man, intent on getting out of the canyon, rode into the trap, approaching to within a hundred yards of slone, who suddenly showed himself on foot, rifle in hand. the deep gulch was a barrier to slone's further progress, but his rifle dominated the situation. "hold on!" he called, warningly. "hold on yerself!" yelled the other, aghast, as he halted his horse. he gazed down and evidently was quick to take in the facts. slone had meant to kill this man without even a word, yet now when the moment had come a feeling almost of sickness clouded his resolve. but he leveled the rifle. "i got it on you," he called. "reckon you hev. but see hyar--" "i can hit you anywhere." "wal, i'll take yer word fer thet." "all right. now talk fast.... are you one of cordts's gang?" "sure." "why are you alone?" "we split down hyar." "did you know i was on this trail?" "nope. i didn't sure, or you'd never ketched me, red hoss or no." "who were you trailin'?" "ole creech an' the girl he kidnapped." slone felt the leap of his blood and the jerk it gave the rifle as his tense finger trembled on the trigger. "girl.... what girl?" he called, hoarsely. "bostil's girl." "why did cordts split on the trail?" "he an' hutch went round fer some more of the gang, an' to head off joel creech when he comes in with bostil's hosses." slone was amazed to find how the horse thieves had calculated; yet, on second thought, the situation, once the creeches had been recognized, appeared simple enough. "what was your game?" he demanded. "i was follerin' creech jest to find out where he'd hole up with the girl." "what's cordts's game--after he heads joel creech?" "then he's goin' fer the girl." slone scarcely needed to be told all this, but the deliberate words from the lips of one of cordts's gang bore a raw, brutal proof of lucy's peril. and yet slone could not bring himself to kill this man in cold blood. he tried, but in vain. "have you got a gun?" called slone, hoarsely. "sure." "ride back the other way! ... if you don't lose me i'll kill you!" the man stared. slone saw the color return to his pale face. then he turned his horse and rode back out of sight. slone heard him rolling the stones down the long, rough slope; and when he felt sure the horse-thief had gotten a fair start he went back to mount wildfire in pursuit. this trailer of lucy never got back to lucy's trail--never got away. but slone, when that day's hard, deadly pursuit ended, found himself lost in the canyons. how bitterly he cursed both his weakness in not shooting the man at sight, and his strength in following him with implacable purpose! for to be fair, to give the horse-thief a chance for his life, slone had lost lucy's trail. the fact nearly distracted him. he spent a sleepless night of torture. all next day, like a wild man, he rode and climbed and descended, spurred by one purpose, pursued by suspense and dread. that night he tied wildfire near water and grass and fell into the sleep of exhaustion. morning came. but with it no hope. he had been desperate. and now he was in a frightful state. it seemed that days and days had passed, and nights that were hideous with futile nightmares. he rode down into a canyon with sloping walls, and broken, like all of these canyons under the great plateau. every canyon resembled another. the upland was one vast network. the world seemed a labyrinth of canyons among which he was hopelessly lost. what would--what had become of lucy? every thought in his whirling brain led back to that--and it was terrible. then--he was gazing transfixed down upon the familiar tracks left by creech's mustangs. days old, but still unfollowed! chapter xix that track led up the narrowing canyon to its head at the base of the plateau. slone, mindful of his horse, climbed on foot, halting at the zigzag turns to rest. a long, gradually ascending trail mounted the last slope, which when close at hand was not so precipitous as it appeared from below. up there the wind, sucked out of the canyons, swooped and twisted hard. at last slone led wildfire over the rim and halted for another breathing-spell. before him was a beautiful, gently sloping stretch of waving grass leading up to the dark pine forest from which came a roar of wind. beneath slone the wild and whorled canyon breaks extended, wonderful in thousands of denuded surfaces, gold and red and yellow, with the smoky depths between. wildfire sniffed the wind and snorted. slone turned, instantly alert. the wild horse had given an alarm. like a flash slone leaped into the saddle. a faint cry, away from the wind, startled slone. it was like a cry he had heard in dreams. how overstrained his perceptions! he was not really sure of anything, yet on the instant he was tense. straggling cedars on his left almost wholly obstructed slone's view. wildfire's ears and nose were pointed that way. slone trotted him down toward the edge of this cedar clump so that he could see beyond. before he reached it, however, he saw something blue, moving, waving, lifting. "smoke!" muttered slone. and he thought more of the danger of fire on that windy height than he did of another peril to himself. wildfire was hard to hold as he rounded the edge of the cedars. slone saw a line of leaping flame, a line of sweeping smoke, the grass on fire ... horses!--a man! wildfire whistled his ringing blast of hate and menace, his desert challenge to another stallion. the man whirled to look. slone saw joel creech--and sage king--and lucy, half naked, bound on his back! joy, agony, terror in lightning-swift turns, paralyzed slone. but wildfire lunged out on the run. sage king reared in fright, came down to plunge away, and with a magnificent leap cleared the line of fire. slone, more from habit than thought, sat close in the saddle. a few of wildfire's lengthening strides, quickened slone's blood. then creech moved, also awaking from a stupefying surprise, and he snatched up a gun and fired. slone saw the spurts of red, the puffs of white. but he heard nothing. the torrent of his changed blood, burning and terrible, filled his ears with hate and death. he guided the running stallion. in a few tremendous strides wildfire struck creech, and slone had one glimpse of an awful face. the impact was terrific. creech went hurtling through the air, limp and broken, to go down upon a rock, his skull cracking like a melon. the horse leaped over the body and the stone, and beyond he leaped the line of burning grass. slone saw the king running into the forest. he saw poor lucy's white body swinging with the horse's motion. one glance showed the great gray to be running wild. then the hate and passion cleared away, leaving suspense and terror. wildfire reached the pines. there down the open aisles between the black trees ran the fleet gray racer. wildfire saw him and snorted. the king was a hundred yards to the fore. "wildfire--it's come--the race--the race!" called slone. but he could not hear his own call. there was a roar overhead, heavy, almost deafening. the wind! the wind! yet that roar did not deaden a strange, shrieking crack somewhere behind. wildfire leaped in fright. slone turned. fire had run up a pine-tree, which exploded as if the trunk were powder! "my god! a race with fire! ... lucy! lucy!" in that poignant cry slone uttered his realization of the strange fate that had waited for the inevitable race between wildfire and the king; he uttered his despairing love for lucy, and his acceptance of death for her and himself. no horse could outrun wind-driven fire in a dry pine forest. slone had no hope of that. how perfectly fate and time and place and horses, himself and his sweetheart, had met! slone damned joel creech's insane soul to everlasting torment. to think--to think his idiotic and wild threat had come true--and come true with a gale in the pine-tops! slone grew old at the thought, and the fact seemed to be a dream. but the dry, pine-scented air made breathing hard; the gray racer, carrying that slender, half-naked form, white in the forest shade, lengthened into his fleet and beautiful stride; the motion of wildfire, so easy, so smooth, so swift, and the fierce reach of his head shooting forward--all these proved that it was no dream. tense questions pierced the dark chaos of slone's mind--what could he do? run the king down! make 'him kill lucy! save her from horrible death by fire! the red horse had not gained a yard on the gray. slone, keen to judge distance, saw this, and for the first time he doubted wildfire's power to ran down the king. not with such a lead! it was hopeless--so hopeless-- he turned to look back. he saw no fire, no smoke--only the dark trunks, and the massed green foliage in violent agitation against the blue sky. that revived a faint hope. if he could get a few miles ahead, before the fire began to leap across the pine-crests, then it might be possible to run out of the forest if it were not wide. then a stronger hope grew. it seemed that foot by foot wildfire was gaining on the king. slone studied the level forest floor sliding toward him. he lost his hope--then regained it again, and then he spurred the horse. wildfire hated that as he hated slone. but apparently he did not quicken his strides. and slone could not tell if he lengthened them. he was not running near his limit but, after the nature of such a horse, left to choose his gait, running slowly, but rising toward his swiftest and fiercest. slone's rider's blood never thrilled to that race, for his blood had curdled. the sickness within rose to his mind. and that flashed up whenever he dared to look forward at lucy's white form. slone could not bear this sight; it almost made him reel, yet he was driven to look. he saw that the king carried no saddle, so with lucy on him he was light. he ought to run all day with only that weight. wildfire carried a heavy saddle, a pack, a water bag, and a rifle. slone untied the pack and let it drop. he almost threw aside the water-bag, but something withheld his hand, and also he kept his rifle. what were a few more pounds to this desert stallion in his last run? slone knew it was wildfire's greatest and last race. suddenly slone's ears rang with a terrible on-coming roar. for an instant the unknown sound stiffened him, robbed him of strength. only the horn of the saddle, hooking into him, held him on. then the years of his desert life answered to a call more than human. he had to race against fire. he must beat the flame to the girl he loved. there were miles of dry forest, like powder. fire backed by a heavy gale could rage through dry pine faster than any horse could run. he might fail to save lucy. fate had given him a bitter ride. but he swore a grim oath that he would beat the flame. the intense and abnormal rider's passion in him, like bostil's, dammed up, but never fully controlled, burst within him, and suddenly he awoke to a wild and terrible violence of heart and soul. he had accepted death; he had no fear. all that he wanted to do, the last thing he wanted to do, was to ride down the king and kill lucy mercifully. how he would have gloried to burn there in the forest, and for a million years in the dark beyond, to save the girl! he goaded the horse. then he looked back. through the aisles of the forest he saw a strange, streaky, murky something moving, alive, shifting up and down, never an instant the same. it must have been the wind--the heat before the fire. he seemed to see through it, but there was nothing beyond, only opaque, dim, mustering clouds. hot puffs shot forward into his face. his eyes smarted and stung. his ears hurt and were growing deaf. the tumult was the rear of avalanches, of maelstroms, of rushing seas, of the wreck of the uplands and the ruin of the earth. it grew to be so great a roar that he no longer heard. there was only silence. and he turned to face ahead. the stallion stretched low on a dead run; the tips of the pines were bending before the wind; and wildfire, the terrible thing for which his horse was named, was leaping through the forest. but there was no sound. ahead of slone, down the aisles, low under the trees spreading over the running king, floated swiftly some medium, like a transparent veil. it was neither smoke nor air. it carried faint pin points of light, sparks, that resembled atoms of dust floating in sunlight. it was a wave of heat driven before the storm of fire. slone did not feel pain, but he seemed to be drying up, parching. and lucy must be suffering now. he goaded the stallion, raking his flanks. wildfire answered with a scream and a greater speed. all except lucy and sage king and wildfire seemed so strange and unreal--the swift rush between the pines, now growing ghostly in the dimming light, the sense of a pursuing, overpowering force, and yet absolute silence. slone fought the desire to look back. but he could not resist it. some horrible fascination compelled him. all behind had changed. a hot wind, like a blast from a furnace, blew light, stinging particles into his face. the fire was racing in the tree-tops, while below all was yet clear. a lashing, leaping flame engulfed the canopy of pines. it was white, seething, inconceivably swift, with a thousand flashing tongues. it traveled ahead of smoke. it was so thin he could see the branches through it, and the fiery clouds behind. it swept onward, a sublime and an appalling spectacle. slone could not think of what it looked like. it was fire, liberated, freed from the bowels of the earth, tremendous, devouring. this, then, was the meaning of fire. this, then, was the horrible fate to befall lucy. but no! he thought he must be insane not to be overcome in spirit. yet he was not. he would beat the flame to lucy. he felt the loss of something, some kind of a sensation which he ought to have had. still he rode that race to kill his sweetheart better than any race he had ever before ridden. he kept his seat; he dodged the snags; he pulled the maddened horse the shortest way, he kept the king running straight. no horse had ever run so magnificent a race! wildfire was outracing wind and fire, and he was overhauling the most noted racer of the uplands against a tremendous handicap. but now he was no longer racing to kill the king; he was running in terror. for miles he held that long, swift, wonderful stride without a break. he was running to his death, whether or not he distanced the fire. nothing could stop him now but a bursting heart. slone untied his lasso and coiled the noose. almost within reach of the king! one throw--one sudden swerve--and the king would go down. lucy would know only a stunning shock. slone's heart broke. could he kill her--crush that dear golden head? he could not, yet he must! he saw a long, curved, red welt on lucy's white shoulders. what was that? had a branch lashed her? slone could not see her face. she could not have been dead or in a faint, for she was riding the king, bound as she was! closer and closer drew wildfire. he seemed to go faster and faster as that wind of flame gained upon them. the air was too thick to breathe. it had an irresistible weight. it pushed horses and riders onward in their flight--straws on the crest of a cyclone. again slone looked back and again the spectacle was different. there was a white and golden fury of flame above, beautiful and blinding; and below, farther back, an inferno of glowing fire, black-streaked, with trembling, exploding puffs and streams of yellow smoke. the aisles between the burning pines were smoky, murky caverns, moving and weird. slone saw fire shoot from the tree-tops down the trunks, and he saw fire shoot up the trunks, like trains of powder. they exploded like huge rockets. and along the forest floor leaped the little flames. his eyes burned and blurred till all merged into a wide, pursuing storm too awful for the gaze of man. wildfire was running down the king. the great gray had not lessened his speed, but he was breaking. slone felt a ghastly triumph when he began to whirl the noose of the lasso round his head. already he was within range. but he held back his throw which meant the end of all. and as he hesitated wildfire suddenly whistled one shrieking blast. slone looked. ahead there was light through the forest! slone saw a white, open space of grass. a park? no--the end of the forest! wildfire, like a demon, hurtled onward, with his smoothness of action gone, beginning to break, within a length of the king. a cry escaped slone--a cry as silent as if there had been no deafening roar--as wild as the race, and as terrible as the ruthless fire. it was the cry of life--instead of death. both sage king and wildfire would beat the flame. then, with the open just ahead, slone felt a wave of hot wind rolling over him. he saw the lashing tongues of flame above him in the pines. the storm had caught him. it forged ahead. he was riding under a canopy of fire. burning pine cones, like torches, dropped all around him. he had a terrible blank sense of weight, of suffocation, of the air turning to fire. then wildfire, with his nose at sage king's flank, flashed out of the pines into the open. slone saw a grassy wide reach inclining gently toward a dark break in the ground with crags rising sheer above it, and to the right a great open space. slone felt that clear air as the breath of deliverance. his reeling sense righted. there--the king ran, blindly going to his death. wildfire was breaking fast. his momentum carried him. he was almost done. slone roped the king, and holding hard, waited for the end. they ran on, breaking, breaking. slone thought he would have to throw the king, for they were perilously near the deep cleft in the rim. but sage king went to his knees. slone leaped off just as wildfire fell. how the blade flashed that released lucy! she was wet from the horse's sweat and foam. she slid off into slone's arms, and he called her name. could she hear above that roar back there in the forest? the pieces of rope hung to her wrists and slone saw dark bruises, raw and bloody. she fell against him. was she dead? his heart contracted. how white the face! no; he saw her breast heave against his! and he cried aloud, incoherently in his joy. she was alive. she was not badly hurt. she stirred. she plucked at him with nerveless hands. she pressed close to him. he heard a smothered voice, yet so full, so wonderful! "put--your--coat--on me!" came somehow to his ears. slone started violently. abashed, shamed to realize he had forgotten she was half nude, he blindly tore off his coat, blindly folded it around her. "lin! lin!" she cried. "lucy--oh! are y-you--" he replied, huskily. "i'm not hurt. i'm all right." "but that wretch, joel. he--" "he'd killed his father--just a--minute--before you came. i fought him! oh! ... but i'm all right.... did you--" "wildfire ran him down--smashed him.... lucy! this can't be true.... yet i feel you! thank god!" with her free hand lucy returned his clasp. she seemed to be strong. it was a precious moment for slone, in which he was uplifted beyond all dreams. "let me loose--a second," she said. "i want to--get in your coat." she laughed as he released her. she laughed! and slone thrilled with unutterable sweetness at that laugh. as he turned away he felt a swift wind, then a strange impact from an invisible force that staggered him, then the rend of flesh. after that came the heavy report of a gun. slone fell. he knew he had been shot. following the rending of his flesh came a hot agony. it was in his shoulder, high up, and the dark, swift fear for his life was checked. lucy stood staring down at him, unable to comprehend, slowly paling. her hands clasped the coat round her. slone saw her, saw the edge of streaming clouds of smoke above her, saw on the cliff beyond the gorge two men, one with a smoking gun half leveled. if slone had been inattentive to his surroundings before, the sight of cordts electrified him. "lucy! drop down! quick!" "oh, what's happened? you--you--" "i've been shot. drop down, i tell you. get behind the horse an' pull my rifle." "shot!" exclaimed lucy, blankly. "yes--yes.... my god! lucy, he's goin' to shoot again!" it was then lucy bostil saw cordts across the gulch. he was not fifty yards distant, plainly recognizable, tall, gaunt, sardonic. he held the half-leveled gun ready as if waiting. he had waited there in ambush. the clouds of smoke rolled up above him, hiding the crags. "cordts!" bostil's blood spoke in the girl's thrilling cry. "hunch down, lucy!" cried slone. "pull my rifle.... i'm only winged--not hurt. hurry! he's goin'--" another heavy report interrupted slone. the bullet missed, but slone made a pretense, a convulsive flop, as if struck. "get the rifle! quick!" he called. but lucy misunderstood his ruse to deceive cordts. she thought he had been hit again. she ran to the fallen wildfire and jerked the rifle from its sheath. cordts had begun to climb round a ledge, evidently a short cut to get down and across. hutchinson saw the rifle and yelled to cordts. the horse-thief halted, his dark face gleaming toward lucy. when lucy rose the coat fell from her nude shoulders. and slone, watching, suddenly lost his agony of terror for her and uttered a pealing cry of defiance and of rapture. she swept up the rifle. it wavered. hutchinson was above, and cordts, reaching up, yelled for help. hutchinson was reluctant. but the stronger force dominated. he leaned down--clasped cordts's outstretched hands, and pulled. hutchinson bawled out hoarsely. cordts turned what seemed a paler face. he had difficulty on the slight footing. he was slow. slone tried to call to lucy to shoot low, but his lips had drawn tight after his one yell. slone saw her white, rounded shoulders bent, with cold, white face pressed against the rifle, with slim arms quivering and growing tense, with the tangled golden hair blowing out. then she shot. slone's glance shifted. he did not see the bullet strike up dust. the figures of the men remained the same--hutchinson straining, cordts.... no, cordts was not the same! a strange change seemed manifest in his long form. it did not seem instinct with effort. yet it moved. hutchinson also was acting strangely, yelling, heaving, wrestling. but he could not help cordts. he lifted violently, raised cordts a little, and then appeared to be in peril of losing his balance. cordts leaned against the cliff. then it dawned upon slone that lucy had hit the horse-thief. hard hit! he would not--he could not let go of hutchinson. his was a death clutch. the burly hutchinson slipped from his knee-hold, and as he moved cordts swayed, his feet left the ledge, he hung, upheld only by the tottering comrade. what a harsh and terrible cry from hutchinson! he made one last convulsive effort and it doomed him. slowly he lost his balance. cordts's dark, evil, haunting face swung round. both men became lax and plunged, and separated. the dust rose from the rough steps. then the dark forms shot down--cordts falling sheer and straight, hutchinson headlong, with waving arms--down and down, vanishing in the depths. no sound came up. a little column of yellow dust curled from the fatal ledge and, catching the wind above, streamed away into the drifting clouds of smoke. chapter xx a darkness, like the streaming clouds overhead, seemed to blot out slone's sight, and then passed away, leaving it clearer. lucy was bending over him, binding a scarf round his shoulder and under his arm. "lin! it's nothing!" she was saying, earnestly. "never touched a bone!" slone sat up. the smoke was clearing away. little curves of burning grass were working down along the rim. he put out a hand to grasp lucy, remembering in a flash. he pointed to the ledge across the chasm. "they're--gone!" cried lucy, with a strange and deep note in her voice. she shook violently. but she did not look away from slone. "wildfire! the king!" he added, hoarsely. "both where they dropped. oh, i'm afraid to--to look.... and, lin, i saw sarch, two face, and ben and plume go down there." she had her back to the chasm where the trail led down, and she pointed without looking. slone got up, a little unsteady on his feet and conscious of a dull pain. "sarch will go straight home, and the others will follow him," said lucy. "they got away here where joel came up the trail. the fire chased them out of the woods. sarch will go home. and that'll fetch the riders." "we won't need them if only wildfire and the king--" slone broke off and grimly, with a catch in his breath, turned to the horses. how strange that slone should run toward the king while lucy ran to wildfire! sage king was a beaten, broken horse, but he would live to run another race. lucy was kneeling beside wildfire, sobbing and crying: "wildfire! wildfire!" all of wildfire was white except where he was red, and that red was not now his glossy, flaming skin. a terrible muscular convulsion as of internal collapse grew slower and slower. yet choked, blinded, dying, killed on his feet, wildfire heard lucy's voice. "oh, lin! oh, lin!" moaned lucy. while they knelt there the violent convulsions changed to slow heaves. "he run the king down--carryin' weight--with a long lead to overcome!" slone muttered, and he put a shaking hand on the horse's wet neck. "oh, he beat the king!" cried lucy. "but you mustn't--you can't tell dad!" "what can we tell him?" "oh, i know. old creech told me what to say!" a change, both of body and spirit, seemed to pass over the great stallion. "wildfire! wildfire!" again the rider called to his horse, with a low and piercing cry. but wildfire did not hear. the morning sun glanced brightly over the rippling sage which rolled away from the ford like a gray sea. bostil sat on his porch, a stricken man. he faced the blue haze of the north, where days before all that he had loved had vanished. every day, from sunrise till sunset, he had been there, waiting and watching. his riders were grouped near him, silent, awed by his agony, awaiting orders that never came. from behind a ridge puffed up a thin cloud of dust. bostil saw it and gave a start. above the sage appeared a bobbing, black object--the head of a horse. then the big black body followed. "sarch!" exclaimed bostil. with spurs clinking the riders ran and trooped behind him. "more hosses back," said holley, quietly. "thar's plume!" exclaimed farlane. "an' two face!" added van. "dusty ben!" said another. "riderless!" finished bostil. then all were intensely quiet, watching the racers come trotting in single file down the ridge. sarchedon's shrill neigh, like a whistle-blast, pealed in from the sage. from, fields and corrals clamored the answer attended by the clattering of hundreds of hoofs. sarchedon and his followers broke from trot to canter--canter to gallop--and soon were cracking their hard hoofs on the stony court. like a swarm of bees the riders swooped down upon the racers, caught them, and led them up to bostil. on sarchedon's neck showed a dry, dust-caked stain of reddish tinge. holley, the old hawk-eyed rider, had precedence in the examination. "wal, thet's a bullet-mark, plain as day," said holley. "who shot him?" demanded bostil. holley shook his gray head. "he smells of smoke," put in farlane, who had knelt at the black's legs. "he's been runnin' fire. see thet! fetlocks all singed!" all the riders looked, and then with grave, questioning eyes at one another. "reckon thar's been hell!" muttered holley, darkly. some of the riders led the horses away toward the corrals. bostil wheeled to face the north again. his brow was lowering; his cheek was pale and sunken; his jaw was set. the riders came and went, but bostil kept his vigil. the hours passed. afternoon came and wore on. the sun lost its brightness and burned red. again dust-clouds, now like reddened smoke, puffed over the ridge. a horse carrying a dark, thick figure appeared above the sage. bostil leaped up. "is thet a gray hoss--or am--i blind?" he called, unsteadily. the riders dared not answer. they must be sure. they gazed through narrow slits of eyelids; and the silence grew intense. holley shaded the hawk eyes with his hand. "gray he is--bostil--gray as the sage.... an' so help me god if he ain't the king!" "yes, it's the king!" cried the riders, excitedly. "sure! i reckon! no mistake about thet! it's the king!" bostil shook his huge frame, and he rubbed his eyes as if they had become dim, and he stared again. "who's thet up on him?" "slone. i never seen his like on a hoss," replied holley. "an' what's--he packin'?" queried bostil, huskily. plain to all keen eyes was the glint of lucy bostil's golden hair. but only holley had courage to speak. "it's lucy! i seen thet long ago." a strange, fleeting light of joy died out of bostil's face. the change once more silenced his riders. they watched the king trotting in from the sage. his head drooped. he seemed grayer than ever and he limped. but he was sage king, splendid as of old, all the more gladdening to the riders' eyes because he had been lost. he came on, quickening a little to the clamoring welcome from the corrals. holley put out a swift hand. "bostil--the girl's alive--she's smilin'!" he called, and the cool voice was strangely different. the riders waited for bostil. slone rode into the courtyard. he was white and weary, reeling in the saddle. a bloody scarf was bound round his shoulder. he held lucy in his arms. she had on his coat. a wan smile lighted her haggard face. bostil, cursing deep, like muttering thunder, strode out. "lucy! you ain't bad hurt?" he implored, in a voice no one had ever heard before. "i'm--all right--dad," she said, and slipped down into his arms. he kissed the pale face and held her up like a child, and then, carrying her to the door of the house, he roared for aunt jane. when he reappeared the crowd of riders scattered from around slone. but it seemed that bostil saw only the king. the horse was caked with dusty lather, scratched and disheveled, weary and broken, yet he was still beautiful. he raised his drooping head and reached for his master with a look as soft and dark and eloquent as a woman's. no rider there but felt bostil's passion of doubt and hope. had the king been beaten? bostil's glory and pride were battling with love. mighty as that was, it did not at once overcome his fear of defeat. slowly the gaze of bostil moved away from sage king and roved out to the sage and back, as if he expected to see another horse. but no other horse was in sight. at last his hard eyes rested upon the white-faced slone. "been some--hard ridin'?" he queried, haltingly. all there knew that had not been the question upon his lips. "pretty hard--yes," replied slone. he was weary, yet tight-lipped, intense. "now--them creeches?" slowly continued bostil. "dead." a murmur ran through the listening riders, and they drew closer. "both of them?" "yes. joel killed his father, fightin' to get lucy.... an' i ran--wildfire over joel--smashed him!" "wal, i'm sorry for the old man," replied bostil, gruffly. "i meant to make up to him.... but thet fool boy! ... an' slone--you're all bloody." he stepped forward and pulled the scarf aside. he was curious and kindly, as if it was beyond him to be otherwise. yet that dark cold something, almost sullen clung round him. "been bored, eh? wal, it ain't low, an' thet's good. who shot you?" "cordts." "cordts!" bostil leaned forward in sudden, fierce eagerness. "yes, cordts.... his outfit run across creech's trail an' we bunched. i can't tell now.... but we had--hell! an' cordts is dead--so's hutch--an' that other pard of his.... bostil, they'll never haunt your sleep again!" slone finished with a strange sternness that seemed almost bitter. bostil raised both his huge fists. the blood was bulging his thick neck. it was another kind of passion that obsessed him. only some violent check to his emotion prevented him from embracing slone. the huge fists unclenched and the big fingers worked. "you mean to tell me you did fer cordts an' hutch what you did fer sears?" he boomed out. "they're dead--gone, bostil--honest to god!" replied slone. holley thrust a quivering, brown hand into bostil's face. "what did i tell you?" he shouted. "didn't i say wait?" bostil threw away all that deep fury of passion, and there seemed only a resistless and speechless admiration left. then ensued a moment of silence. the riders watched slone's weary face as it drooped, and bostil, as he loomed over him. "where's the red stallion?" queried bostil. that was the question hard to get out. slone raised eyes dark with pain, yet they flashed as he looked straight up into bostil's face. "wildfire's dead!" "dead!" ejaculated bostil. another moment of strained exciting suspense. "shot?" he went on. "no." "what killed him?" "the king, sir! ... killed him on his feet!" bostil's heavy jaw bulged and quivered. his hand shook as he laid it on sage king's mane--the first touch since the return of his favorite. "slone--what--is it?" he said, brokenly, with voice strangely softened. his face became transfigured. "sage king killed wildfire on his feet.... a grand race, bostil! ... but wildfire's dead--an' here's the king! ask me no more. i want to forget." bostil put his arm around the young man's shoulder. "slone, if i don't know what you feel fer the loss of thet grand hoss, no rider on earth knows! ... go in the house. boys, take him in--all of you--an' look after him." bostil wanted to be alone, to welcome the king, to lead him back to the home corral, perhaps to hide from all eyes the change and the uplift that would forever keep him from wronging another man. the late rains came and like magic, in a few days, the sage grew green and lustrous and fresh, the gray turning to purple. every morning the sun rose white and hot in a blue and cloudless sky. and then soon the horizon line showed creamy clouds that rose and spread and darkened. every afternoon storms hung along the ramparts and rainbows curved down beautiful and ethereal. the dim blackness of the storm-clouds was split to the blinding zigzag of lightning, and the thunder rolled and boomed, like the colorado in flood. the wind was fragrant, sage-laden, no longer dry and hot, but cool in the shade. slone and lucy never rode down so far as the stately monuments, though these held memories as hauntingly sweet as others were poignantly bitter. lucy never rode the king again. but slone rode him, learned to love him. and lucy did not race any more. when slone tried to stir in her the old spirit all the response he got was a wistful shake of head or a laugh that hid the truth or an excuse that the strain on her ankles from joel creech's lasso had never mended. the girl was unutterably happy, but it was possible that she would never race a horse again. she rode sarchedon, and she liked to trot or lope along beside slone while they linked hands and watched the distance. but her glance shunned the north, that distance which held the wild canyons and the broken battlements and the long, black, pine-fringed plateau. "won't you ever ride with me, out to the old camp, where i used to wait for you?" asked slone. "some day," she said, softly. "when?" "when--when we come back from durango," she replied, with averted eyes and scarlet cheek. and slone was silent, for that planned trip to durango, with its wonderful gift to be, made his heart swell. and so on this rainbow day, with storms all around them, and blue sky above, they rode only as far as the valley. but from there, before they turned to go back, the monuments appeared close, and they loomed grandly with the background of purple bank and creamy cloud and shafts of golden lightning. they seemed like sentinels--guardians of a great and beautiful love born under their lofty heights, in the lonely silence of day, in the star-thrown shadow of night. they were like that love. and they held lucy and slone, calling every day, giving a nameless and tranquil content, binding them true to love, true to the sage and the open, true to that wild upland home. the story of the mormons from the date of their origin to the year by william alexander linn preface no chapter of american history has remained so long unwritten as that which tells the story of the mormons. there are many books on the subject, histories written under the auspices of the mormon church, which are hopelessly biased as well as incomplete; more trustworthy works which cover only certain periods; and books in the nature of "exposures" by former members of the church, which the mormons attack as untruthful, and which rest, in the minds of the general reader, under a suspicion of personal bias. mormonism, therefore, to-day suggests to most persons only one doctrine--polygamy--and only one leader--brigham young, who made his name familiar to the present generations. joseph smith, jr., is known, where known at all, only in the most general way as the founder of the sect, while the real originator of the whole scheme for a new church and of its doctrines and government, sidney rigdon, is known to few persons even by name. the object of the present work is to present a consecutive history of the mormons, from the day of their origin to the present writing, and as a secular, not as a religious, narrative. the search has been for facts, not for moral deductions, except as these present themselves in the course of the story. since the usual weapon which the heads of the mormon church use to meet anything unfavorable regarding their organization or leaders is a general denial, this narrative has been made to rest largely on mormon sources of information. it has been possible to follow this plan a long way because many of the original mormons left sketches that have been preserved. thus we have mother smith's picture of her family and of the early days of the church; the prophet's own account of the revelation to him of the golden plates, of his followers' early experiences, and of his own doings, almost day by day, to the date of his death, written with an egotist's appreciation of his own part in the play; other autobiographies, like parley p. pratt's and lorenzo snow's; and, finally, the periodicals which the church issued in ohio, in missouri, in illinois, and in england, and the official reports of the discourses preached in utah,--all showing up, as in a mirror, the character of the persons who gave this church of latter day saints its being and its growth. in regard to no period of mormon history is there such a lack of accurate information as concerning that which covers their moves to ohio, thence to missouri, thence to illinois, and thence to utah. their own excuse for all these moves is covered by the one word "persecution" (meaning persecution on account of their religious belief), and so little has the non-mormon world known about the subject that this explanation has scarcely been challenged. much space is given to these early migrations, as in this way alone can a knowledge be acquired of the real character of the constituency built up by smith in ohio, and led by him from place to place until his death, and then to utah by brigham young. any study of the aims and objects of the mormon leaders must rest on the mormon bible ("book of mormon") and on the "doctrine and covenants," the latter consisting principally of the "revelations" which directed the organization of the church and its secular movements. in these alone are spread out the original purpose of the migration to missouri and the instructions of smith to his followers regarding their assumed rights to the territory they were to occupy; and without a knowledge of these "revelations" no fair judgment can be formed of the justness of the objections of the people of missouri and illinois to their new neighbors. if the fraudulent character of the alleged revelation to smith of golden plates can be established, the foundation of the whole church scheme crumbles. if rigdon's connection with smith in the preparation of the bible by the use of the "spaulding manuscript" can be proved, the fraud itself is established. considerable of the evidence on this point herein brought together is presented at least in new shape, and an adequate sketch of sidney rigdon is given for the first time. the probable service of joachim's "everlasting gospel," as suggesting the story of the revelation of the plates, has been hitherto overlooked. a few words with regard to some of the sources of information quoted: "biographical sketches of joseph smith and his progenitors for many generations" ("mother smith's history," as this book has been generally called) was first published in by the mormon press in liverpool, with a preface by orson pratt recommending it; and the millennial star (vol. xv, p. ) said of it: "being written by lucy smith, the mother of the prophet, and mostly under his inspiration, will be ample guarantee for the authenticity of the narrative.... altogether the work is one of the most interesting that has appeared in this latter dispensation." brigham young, however, saw how many of its statements told against the church, and in a letter to the millennial star (vol. xvii, p. ), dated january , , he declared that it contained "many mistakes," and said that "should it ever be deemed best to publish these sketches, it will not be done until after they are carefully corrected." the preface to the edition of , published by the reorganized church at plano, illinois, says that young ordered the suppression of the first edition, and that under this order large numbers were destroyed, few being preserved, some of which fell into the hands of those now with the reorganized church. for this destruction we see no adequate reason. james j. strang, in a note to his pamphlet, "prophetic controversy," says that mrs. corey (to whom the pamphlet is addressed) "wrote the history of the smiths called 'mother smith's history.'" mrs. smith was herself quite incapable of putting her recollections into literary shape. the autobiography of joseph smith, jr., under the title "history of joseph smith," began as a supplement to volume xiv of the millennial star, and ran through successive volumes to volume xxiv. the matter in the supplement and in the earlier numbers was revised and largely written by rigdon. the preparation of the work began after he and smith settled in nauvoo, illinois. in his last years smith rid himself almost entirely of rigdon's counsel, and the part of the autobiography then written takes the form of a diary which unmasks smith's character as no one else could do. most of the correspondence and official documents relating to the troubles in missouri and illinois are incorporated in this work. of the greatest value to the historian are the volumes of the mormon publications issued at kirtland, ohio; independence, missouri; nauvoo, illinois; and liverpool, england. the first of these, evening and morning star (a monthly, twenty-four numbers), started at independence and transferred to kirtland, covers the period from june, , to september, ; its successor, the latter day saints' messenger and advocate, was issued at kirtland from to . this was followed by the elders' journal, which was transferred from kirtland to far west, missouri, and was discontinued when the saints were compelled to leave that state. times and seasons was published at nauvoo from to . files of these publications are very scarce, the volumes of the times and seasons having been suppressed, so far as possible, by brigham young's order. the publication of the millennial star was begun in liverpool in may, , and is still continued. the early volumes contain the official epistles of the heads of the church to their followers, smith's autobiography, correspondence describing the early migrations and the experiences in utah, and much other valuable material, the authenticity of which cannot be disputed by the mormons. in the journal of discourses (issued primarily for circulation in europe) are found official reports of the principal discourses (or sermons) delivered in salt lake city during young's regime. without this official sponsor for the correctness of these reports, many of them would doubtless be disputed by the mormons of to-day. the earliest non-mormon source of original information quoted is "mormonism unveiled," by e. d. howe (painesville, ohio, ). mr. howe, after a newspaper experience in new york state, founded the cleveland (ohio) herald in , and later the painesville (ohio) telegraph. living near the scene of the mormon activity in ohio when they moved to that state, and desiring to ascertain the character of the men who were proclaiming a new bible and a new church, he sent agents to secure such information among the smiths' old acquaintances in new york and pennsylvania, and made inquiries on kindred subjects, like the "spaulding manuscript." his book was the first serious blow that smith and his associates encountered, and their wrath against it and its author was fierce. pomeroy tucker, the author of "origin and progress of the mormons" (new york, ), was personally acquainted with the smiths and with harris and cowdery before and after the appearance of the mormon bible. he read a good deal of the proof of the original edition of that book as it was going through the press, and was present during many of the negotiations with grandin about its publication. his testimony in regard to early matters connected with the church is important. two non-mormons who had an early view of the church in utah and who put their observations in book form were b. g. ferris ("utah and the mormons," new york, and ) and lieutenant j. w. gunnison of the united states topographical engineers ("the mormons," philadelphia, ). both of these works contain interesting pictures of life in utah in those early days. there are three comprehensive histories of utah,--h. h. bancroft's "history of utah" (p. ), tullidge's "history of salt lake city" (p. ), and orson f. whitney's "history of utah," in four volumes, three of which, dated respectively march, , april, , and january, , have been issued. the reorganized church has also published a "history of the church of jesus christ of latter day saints" in three volumes. while bancroft's work professes to be written from a secular standpoint, it is really a church production, the preparation of the text having been confided to mormon hands. "we furnished mr. bancroft with his material," said a prominent mormon church officer to me. its plan is to give the mormon view in the text, and to refer the reader for the other side to a mass of undigested notes, and its principal value to the student consists in its references to other authorities. its general tone may be seen in its declaration that those who have joined the church to expose its secrets are "the most contemptible of all"; that those who have joined it honestly and, discovering what company they have got into, have given the information to the world, would far better have gone their way and said nothing about it; and, as to polygamy, that "those who waxed the hottest against" the practice "are not as a rule the purest of our people" (p. ); and that the edmunds law of "capped the climax of absurdity" (p. ). tullidge wrote his history after he had taken part in the "new movement." in it he brought together a great deal of information, including the text of important papers, which is necessary to an understanding of the growth and struggles of the church. the work was censored by a committee appointed by the mormon authorities. bishop whitney's history presents the pro-mormon view of the church throughout. it is therefore wholly untrustworthy as a guide to opinion on the subjects treated, but, like tullidge's, it supplies a good deal of material which is useful to the student who is prepared to estimate its statements at their true value. the acquisition by the new york public library of the berrian collection of books, early newspapers, and pamphlets on mormonism, with the additions constantly made to this collection, places within the reach of the student all the material that is necessary for the formation of the fairest judgment on the subject. w. a. l. hackensack, n. j., . detailed contents book i. the mormon origin i. facility of human belief: the real miracle of mormon success--effrontery of the leaders' professions--attractiveness of religious beliefs to man--wherein the world does not make progress--the anglo-saxon appetite for religious novelties ii. the smith family: solomon mack and his autobiography --religious characteristics of the prophet's mother--the family life in vermont--early occupations in new york state--pictures of the prophet as a youth--recollections of the smiths by their new york neighbors iii. how joseph smith became a money-digger: his use of a divining rod--his first introduction to crystal-gazing--peeping after hidden treasure--how joseph obtained his own "peek-stone"--methods of midnight money-digging iv. first announcement of the golden bible: variations in the early descriptions--joseph's acquaintance with the hales--his elopement and marriage--what he told a neighbor about the origin of his bible discovery--early anecdotes about the book v. the different accounts of the revelation of the bible: the versions about the spanish guardian--important statement by the prophet's father--the later account in the prophet's autobiography--the angel visitor and the acquisition of the plates--mother smith's version vi. translation and publication of the bible: martin harris's connection with the work--smith's removal to pennsylvania--how the translation was carried on--harris's visit to professor anthon--the professor's account of his visit--the lost pages--the prophet's predicament and his method of escape--oliver cowdery as an assistant translator--introduction of the whitmers--the printing and proof--reading of the new bible--recollections of survivors vii. the spaulding manuscript: solomon spaulding's career--history of "the manuscript found"--statements by members of the author's family--testimony of spaulding's ohio neighbors about the resemblance of his story to the book of mormon--the manuscript found in the sandwich islands viii. sidney rigdon: his biography--connection with the campbells--efficient church work in ohio--his jealousy of his church leaders--disciples' beliefs and mormon doctrines--intimations about a new bible--rigdon's first connection with smith--the rigdon-smith translation of the scriptures--rigdon's conversion to mormonism ix. "the everlasting gospel": probable origin of the idea of a bible on plates--cyril's gift from an angel and joachim's use of it--where rigdon could have obtained the idea prominence of the "everlasting gospel" in mormon writings x. the witnesses to the plates: text of the two "testimonies"--the prophet's explanation of the first--early reputation and subsequent history of the signers--the truth about the kinderhook plates and rafinesque's glyphs xi. the mormon bible: some of its errors and absurdities--facsimile of the first edition title-page--the historical narrative of the book--its lack of literary style--appropriated chapters of the scriptures--specimen anachronisms xii. organization of the church: smith's ordination by john the baptist--the first baptisms--early branches of the church--the revelation about church officers--cowdery's ambition and how it was repressed--smith's title as seer, translator, and prophet--his arrest and release--arrival of parley p. platt and rigdon in palmyra--the command to remove to ohio xiii. the mormons' beliefs and doctrines--church government: long years of apostasy--origin of the name "mormon"--original titles of the church--belief in a speedy millennium--the future possession of the earth--smith's revelations and how they were obtained--the first published editions--counterfeit revealers--what is taught of god--brigham young's adam sermon--baptism for the dead--the church officers book ii. in ohio i. the first converts at kirtland: original missionaries sent out to the lamanites--organization of a church in ohio--effect of rigdon's conversion--general interest in the new bible and prophet--how men of education came to believe in mormonism--result of the upturning of religious belief ii. wild vagaries of the converts: convulsions and commissions--common religious excitements of those days--description of the "jerks"--smith's repressing influence iii. growth of the church: the appointment of elders--beginning of the proselyting system--smith's power entrenched--his temporal provision--repression of rigdon--the tarring and feathering of smith and rigdon--treatment of the mormons and of other new denominations compared--rigdon's punishment iv. gifts of tongues and miracles: how persons "spoke in tongues"--seeing the lord face to face--early use of miracles--the story of the "book of abraham"--the prophet as a translator of greek and egyptian. v. smith's ohio business enterprises: young's picture of the prophet's experience as a retail merchant--the land speculation--laying out of the city--building of the temple--consecration of property--how the leaders looked out for themselves--amusing explanation of section iii of the "doctrine and covenants"--the story of the kirtland bank--the church view of its responsibility for the currency--the business crash and smith's flight to missouri vi. last days at kirtland: pictures of the prophet--accusations against church leaders in missouri--serious charge against the prophet--w. w, phelps's rebellion--smith's description of leading lights of the church--charges concerning smith's morality--the church accused of practising polygamy--a lively fight at a church service--smith's and rigdon's defence of their conduct--the later history of kirtland book iii. in missouri i. the directions to the saints about their zion: western missouri in the early days--pioneer farming and home-making--the trip of the four mormon missionaries--direction about the gathering of the elect--how they were to possess the land of promise--their appropriation of the good things purchased of their enemies ii. smith's first visits to missouri: founding the city of zion and the temple--marvellous stories that were told--dissatisfaction of some of the prophet's companions iii. the expulsion from jackson county: rapid influx of mormons--result of the publication of the revelations--first friction with their non-mormon neighbors--manifesto of the mormons' opponents--their big mass meeting--demands on the mormons--destruction of the star printing-office--the mormons' agreement to leave--smith's advice to his flock--repudiation of the mormon agreement and renewal of hostilities--the battle at big blue--evacuation of the county--march of the army of zion--an inglorious finale iv. fruitless negotiations with the jackson county people: a fair offer rejected--the mormon counter propositions--governor dunklin on the situation v. in clay, caldwell, and daviess counties: welcome of the mormons by new neighbors--effect of their claims about possessing the land--ordered out of clay county--founding of far west--a welcome to smith and rigdon vi. radical dissensions in the church: trial of phelps and whitmer--conviction of oliver cowdery on serious charges--expulsion of leading members--origin of the danites--suggested by the prophet at kirtland--the danite constitution and oath--origin of the tithing system vii. beginning of active hostilities: result of smith's domineering course--jealousy caused by the scattering of the saints--founding of adam-ondi-ahman--rigdon's famous salt sermon--open defiance of the non-mormons--the mormons in politics--an election day row--arrests and threats viii. a state of civil war: calling out of the militia--proposed expulsion of the mormons from carroll county--the siege of de witt--the prophet's defiance--work of his "fur company"--gentile retaliation--the battle of crooked river--the massacre at hawn's mills--governor boggs's "order of extermination" ix. the final expulsion from the state: general lucas's terms to the mormons--surrender of far west and arrest of mormon leaders--general clark's address to the mormons--his report to the governor--general wilson's picture of adam-ondi-ahman--fate of the mormon prisoners--testimony at their trial--smith's escape--migration to illinois book iv. in illinois i. the reception of the mormons: incidents in the early history of the state--defiant lawlessness--politicians the first to welcome the newcomers--landowners among their first friends ii. the settlement of nauvoo: smith's leadership illustrated--the land purchases--a reconciliation of conflicting revelations--smith's financiering--shameful misrepresentation to immigrants iii. the building up of the city: unhealthfulness of its site--rapid growth of the place--early pictures of it--foreign proselyting--why england was a good field--method of work there--the employment of miracles--how the converts were sent over iv. the nauvoo city government: dr. galland's suggestions--an important revelation--church buildings ordered--subserviency of the legislature--dr. john c. bennett's efficient aid--authority granted to the city government--the nauvoo legion--bennett's welcome--the temple and how it was constructed v. the mormons in politics: smith's decree against van buren--how the prophet swung the mormon vote back to the democrats--the attempted assassination of governor boggs--smith's arrest and what resulted from it--defeat of a whig candidate by a revelation vi. smith a candidate for president of the united states: his letter to clay and calhoun--their replies and smith's abusive wrath--the prophet's views on national politics--reform measures that he proposed--his nomination by the church paper--experiences of missionaries sent out to work up his campaign vii. social conditions in nauvoo: character of its population--treatment of immigrant converts--some disreputable gentile neighbors--the complaints of mormon stealings--significant admissions--mormon protection against outsiders--the whittlers viii. smith's picture of himself as autocrat: glances at his autobiography--difficulties connected with the building enterprises--a plain warning to discontented workmen--trouble with rigdon--pressed by his creditors--transaction with remick--currency law passed by his city council--how smith regarded himself as a prophet--his latest prophecies ix. smith's falling out with bennett and higbee: bennett's expulsion and the explanations concerning it--his attacks on his late companions--charges against nauvoo morality--the case of nancy rigdon--the higbee incident x. the institution of polygamy: an examination of its origin--its conflict with the teachings of the mormon bible and revelations--early loosening of the marriage view under smith--proof of the practice of polygamy in nauvoo--testimony of eliza r. snow--how her brother lorenzo shook off his bachelorhood--john b. lee as a polygamist--ebenezer robinson's statement--objects of "the holy order"--the writing of the revelation about polygamy--its first public announcement--sidney rigdon's innocence in the matter xi. public announcement of the doctrine of polygamy: text of the revelation--orson pratt's presentation of it--the doctrine of sealing--necessity of sealing as a means of salvation--attempt to show that christ was a polygamist xii. the suppression of the expositor: dr. foster and the laws--rebellion against smith's teachings--leading features of the expositor--trial of the paper and its editors before the city council--destruction of the press and type--smith's proclamation xiii. uprising of the non-mormons: resolutions adopted at warsaw--organizing and arming of the people--action of governor ford--smith's arrest--departure of the prisoners for carthage xiv. the murder of the prophet: legal proceedings after his arrival in carthage--the governor and the militia--the carthage jail and its guards--action of the warsaw regiment--the attack on the jail and the killing of the prophet and his brother--funeral services in nauvoo--final resting-place of the bodies--result of indictments of the alleged murderers--review of the prophet's character xv. after smith's death: the people in a panic--the mormon leaders for peace--the future government of the church--brigham young's victory--rigdon's trial before the high council--verdict against him--his church in pennsylvania--his ambition to be the head of a distinct church--a visit from heavenly messengers--his last days xvi. rivalries over the succession: the claim of the prophet's eldest son--trouble caused by the prophet's widow--the reorganized church--strang's church in wisconsin--lyman wight's colony in texas xvii. brigham young: his early years--his initiation into the mormon church--fidelity to the prophet--embarrassments of his position as head of the church--his view about revelations--plan for home mission work--his election as president xviii. renewed trouble for the mormons: more charges of stealing--significant admission by young--business plight of nauvoo--more politics--defiant attitude of mormon leaders--an editor's view of legal rights--stories about the danites--brother william on brigham young--the "burnings"--sheriff backenstos's proclamations--lieutenant worrell's murder--mormon retaliation--appointment of the douglas-hardin commission xix. the expulsion of the mormons: general hardin's proclamation--county meetings of non-mormons--their ultimatum--the commission's negotiations--non-mormon convention at carthage--the agreement for the mormon evacuation xx. the evacuation of nauvoo: major warren as a peace preserver--the mormons' disposition of their property--departure of the leaders hastened by indictments--arrival of new citizens--continued hostility of the non-mormons--"the last mormon war"--panic in nauvoo--plan for a march on the mormon city--fruitless negotiations for a compromise--the advance against the city--the battle and its results--terms of peace--the final evacuation xxi. nauvoo after the exodus: arrival of governor ford--the final work on the temple--the "endowment" ceremony and oath--futile efforts to sell the temple--its destruction by fire and wind--the nauvoo of to-day book v. the migration to utah i. preparations for the long march: uncertainty of their destination--explanations to the people--disposition of real and personal property--collection of draft animals--activity in wagon and tent making--the old charge of counterfeiting--pecuniary sacrifices of the mormons in illinois ii. from the mississippi to the missouri: the first crossings of the river--camp arrangements--sufferings from the cold--the story of the westward march--motley make-up of the procession--expedients for obtaining supplies--terrible sufferings of the expelled remnant--privations at mt. pisgah iii. the mormon battalion: extravagant claims regarding it disproved--general kearney's invitation--source of the initial suggestion--how the mormons profited by the organization--the march to california--colonel thomas l. kane's visit to the missouri--his intimate relations with the mormon church iv. the camps on the missouri: friendly welcome of the mormons by the indians--the site of winter quarters--busy scenes on the river bank--sickness and death--the building of a temporary city v. the pioneer trip across the plains: early views of the unexplored west--the first white visitors to that country--organization of the pioneer mormon band--rules observed on the march--successful buffalo hunting--an indian alarm--dearth of forage--post-offices of the plains--a profitable ferry vi. from the rockies to salt lake valley: no definite stopping-place in view--advice received on the way--the mormon expedition to california by way of cape horn--brannan's fall from grace--westward from green river--advance explorers through a canon--first view of great salt lake valley--irrigation and crop planting begun vii. the following companies: their leaders and make-up --young's return trip--last days on the missouri--scheme for a permanent settlement in iowa--westward march of large companies book vi. in utah i. the founding of salt lake city: utah's first white explorers--first mormon services in the valley--young's view of the right to the land--the first buildings--laying out the city--early crop disappointment--discomforts of the first winter--primitive dwelling-places--the visitation of crickets--glowing accounts sent to england ii. progress of the settlement: schools and manufactures --how the city appeared in --sufferings during the winter of --immigration checked by the lack of food--aid supplied by the california goldseekers--danger of a mormon exodus--young's rebuke to his gold-seeking followers--the crop failure of and the famine of the following winter--the tabernacle and temple iii. the foreign immigration to utah: the commercial joint stock company scandal--deceptive statements made to foreign converts--john taylor's address to the saints in great britain--petition to queen victoria--mormon duplicity illustrated--young's advice to emigrants--glowing pictures of salt lake valley--the perpetual emigrating fund--details of the emigration system iv. the hand-cart tragedy: young's scheme for economy--his responsibility for the hand-cart experiment--details of the arrangement--delays at iowa city--unheeded warnings--privations by the way--early lack of provisions--suffering caused by insufficient clothing--deaths of the old and infirm--horrors of the camps in the mountains--frozen corpses found at daybreak--sufferings of a party at devil's gate--young's attempt to shift the responsibility v. early political history: the aim at independence--first local government--adoption of a constitution for the state of deseret--babbitt's application for admission as a delegate--memorial opposing his claim--his rejection--the territorial government vi. brigham young's despotism: causes that contributed to its success--helplessness of the new-comers from europe--influence of superstition--young's treatment of the gladdenites--his appropriation of property laws passed by the mormon legislature--bishops as ward magistrates--a mormon currency and alphabet--what emigrants to california learned about mormon justice vii. the "reformation": young's disclosures about the character of his flock--the stealing from one another--the threat about "laying judgment to the line"--plain declarations about the taking of human lives--first steps of the "reformation"--an inquisition and catechism--an embarrassing confession--warning to those who would leave the valley viii. some church-inspired murders: the story of the parrishes--carrying out of a cold-blooded plot--judge cradlebaugh's effort to convict the murderers--the tragedy of the aikin party--the story of frederick loba's escape ix. blood atonement: early intimations concerning it--jedediah m. grant's explanation of human sacrifices--brigham young's definition of "laying judgment to the line"--two of the sacrifices described--"the affair at san pete" x. territorial government: brigham young the first governor--colonel kane's part in his appointment--kane's false statements to president fillmore--welcome to the non-mormon officers--their early information about young's influence--pioneer anniversary speeches--judge brocchus's offence to the mormons--young's threatening and abusive reply--the judge's alarm about his personal safety--return of the non-mormon federal officers to washington--young's defence xi. mormon treatment of federal officers: a territorial election law--why colonel steptoe declined the governorship--young's assertion of his authority--his reappointment--two bad judicial appointments--judge stiles's trouble about the marshals--burning of his books and papers--how judge drummond's attempt at independence was foiled--the mormon view of land titles--hostile attitude toward the government surveyors--reports of the indian agents xii. the mormon "war": what the federal authorities had learned about mormonism--declaration of the republican national convention of --striking speech by stephen a. douglas--alfred cumming appointed governor with a new set of judges--statement in the president's message--employment of a military force--the kimball mail contract--organization of the troops--general harney's letter of instruction--threats against the advancing foe--mobilization of the nauvoo legion--captain van vliet's mission to salt lake city--young's defiance of the government--his proclamation to the citizens of utah--"general" wells's order to his officers--capture and burning of a government train--colonel alexander's futile march--colonel johnston's advance from fort laramie--harrowing experience of lieutenant colonel cooke's command xiii. the mormon purpose: correspondence between colonel alexander and brigham young--illustration of young's vituperative powers--john taylor's threat--incendiary teachings in salt lake city--a warning to saints who would desert--the army's winter camp--proclamation by governor cumming--judge eckles's court--futile preparations at washington xiv. colonel kane's mission: his wily proposition to president buchanan--his credentials from the president--arrival in california under an assumed name--visit to camp scott--general johnston ignored--reasons why both the government and the mormons desired peace--kane's success with governor cumming--the governor's departure for salt lake city--deceptions practiced on him in echo canon--his reception in the city--playing into mormon hands--the governor's introduction to the people--exodus of mormons begun xv. the peace commission: president buchanan's volte-face--a proclamation of pardon--instructions to two peace commissioners--chagrin of the military--governor cumming's misrepresentations--conferences between the commissioners and young--brother dunbar's singing of "zion"--young's method of surrender--judge eckles on plural marriages--the terms made with the mormons--march of the federal troops to the deserted city--return of the mormons to their homes xvi. the mountain meadows massacre: circumstances indicative of mormon official responsibility--the make-up of the arkansas party--motives for mormon hostility to them--parley p. pratt's shooting in arkansas--refusal of food supplies to the party after leaving salt lake city--their plight before they were attacked--successful measures for defence--disarrangement of the mormon plans--john d. lee's treacherous mission--pitiless slaughter of men, women, and children--testimony given at lee's trial--the plundering of the dead--lee's account of the planning of the massacre--responsibility of high church officers--lee's report to brigham young and brigham's instructions to him--the disclosures by "argus"--lee's execution and last words xvii. after the "war": judge cradlebaugh's attempts to enforce the law--investigation of the mountain meadows massacre--governor cumming's objections to the use of troops to assist the court--a washington decision in favor of young's authority--the story of a counterfeit plate--five thousand men under arms to protect young from arrest--sudden departure of cumming--governor dawson's brief term--his shocking treatment at mormon hands--governor harding's administration--the morrisite tragedy xviii. attitude of the mormons during the southern rebellion: press and pulpit utterances--arrival of colonel connor's force--his march through salt lake city to camp douglas--governor harding's plain message to the legislature--mormon retaliation--the governor and two judges requested to leave the territory--their spirited replies--how young escaped arrest by colonel connor's force--another yielding to mormon power at washington xix. eastern visitors to salt lake city: schuyler colfax's interviews with young--samuel bowles's praise of the mormons and his speedy correction of his views--repudiation of colfax's plan to drop polygamy--two more utah murders--colfax's second visit xx. gentile irruption and mormon schism: young's jealousy of gentile merchants--organization of the zion cooperative mercantile institution--inception of the "new movement"--its leaders and objects--the peep o' day and the utah magazine--articles that aroused young's hostility--visit of the prophet's sons to salt lake city--trial and excommunication of godbe and harrison--results of the "new movement". xxi. the last years of brigham young: new governors--shaffer's rebuke to the nauvoo legion--conflict with the new judges--brigham young and others indicted--young's temporary imprisonment--a supreme court decision in favor of the mormon marshal and attorney--outside influences affecting utah affairs--grant's special message to congress--failure of the frelinghuysen bill in the house--signing of the poland bill--ann eliza young's suit for divorce--the later governors xxii. brigham young's death: his character--explanation of his dictatorial power--exaggerated views of his executive ability--overestimations by contemporaries--young's wealth and how he acquired it--his revenue from divorces--unrestrained control of the church property--his will--suit against his executors--list of his wives--his houses in salt lake city xxiii. social aspects of polygamy: varied provisions for plural wives--home accommodations of the leaders--horace greeley's observation about woman's place in utah--means of overcoming female jealousy--young and grant on the unhappiness of mormon wives--acceptance of fanatical teachings by women--kimball on a fair division of the converts--church influence in behalf of plural marriages--a prussian convert's dilemma--president cleveland on the evils of polygamy xxiv. the fight against polygamy: first measures introduced in congress--the act of --the cullom bill of --its failure in the senate--the united states supreme court decision regarding polygamy--conviction of john miles--appeal of women of salt lake city to mrs. hayes and the women of the united states--president hayes's drastic recommendation to congress--recommendations of presidents garfield and arthur--passage of the edmunds bill--its provisions--the edmunds-tucker amendment--appointment of the utah commission--determined opposition of the mormon church--placing their flags at half mast--convictions under the new law--leaders in hiding or in exile--mormon honors for those who took their punishment--congress asked to disfranchise all polygamists--the mormon church brought to bay--woodruff's famous proclamation--how it was explained to the church--the roberts case and the vetoed act of --how statehood came xxv. the mormonism of to-day: future place of the church in american history--main points of the mormon political policy--unbroken power of the priesthood--fidelity of the younger members--extension of the membership over adjoining states--mission work at home and abroad--decreased foreign membership--effect of false promises to converts--the settlements in canada and mexico--polygamy still a living doctrine--reasons for its hold on the church--its appeal to the female members--importance of a federal constitutional amendment forbidding polygamous marriages--scope of the mormon political ambition the story of the mormons book i. -- the mormon origin chapter i. -- facility of human belief summing up his observations of the mormons as he found them in utah while secretary of the territory, five years after their removal to the great salt lake valley, b. g. ferris wrote, "the real miracle [of their success] consists in so large a body of men and women, in a civilized land, and in the nineteenth century, being brought under, governed, and controlled by such gross religious imposture." this statement presents, in concise form, the general view of the surprising features of the success of the mormon leaders, in forming, augmenting, and keeping together their flock; but it is a mistaken view. to accept it would be to concede that, in a highly civilized nation like ours, and in so late a century, the acceptance of religious beliefs which, to the nonbelievers, seem gross superstitions, is so unusual that it may be classed with the miraculous. investigation easily disproves this. it is true that the effrontery which has characterized mormonism from the start has been most daring. its founder, a lad of low birth, very limited education, and uncertain morals; its beginnings so near burlesque that they drew down upon its originators the scoff of their neighbors,--the organization increased its membership as it was driven from one state to another, building up at last in an untried wilderness a population that has steadily augmented its wealth and numbers; doggedly defending its right to practise its peculiar beliefs and obey only the officers of the church, even when its course in this respect has brought it in conflict with the government of the united states. professing only a desire to be let alone, it promulgated in polygamy a doctrine that was in conflict with the moral sentiment of the christian world, making its practice not only a privilege, but a part of the religious duty of its members. when, in recent years, congress legislated against this practice, the church fought for its peculiar institution to the last, its leading members accepting exile and imprisonment; and only the certainty of continued exclusion from the rights of citizenship, and the hopelessness of securing the long-desired prize of statehood for utah, finally induced the church to bow to the inevitable, and to announce a form of release for its members from the duty of marrying more wives than one. aside from this concession, the mormon church is to-day as autocratic in its hold on its members, as aggressive in its proselyting, and as earnest in maintaining its individual religious and political power, as it has been in any previous time in its history. in its material aspects we must concede to the mormon church organization a remarkable success; to joseph smith, jr., a leadership which would brook no rival; to brigham young the maintenance of an autocratic authority which enabled him to hold together and enlarge his church far beyond the limits that would have been deemed possible when they set out across the plains with all their possessions in their wagons. but it is no more surprising that the mormons succeeded in establishing their church in the united states than it would have been if they had been equally successful in south america; no more surprising that this success should have been won in the nineteenth century than it would have been to record it in the twelfth. in studying questions of this kind, we are, in the first place, entirely too apt to ignore the fact that man, while comparatively a "superior being," is in simple fact one species of the animals that are found upon the earth; and that, as a species, he has traits which distinguish him characteristically just as certain well-known traits characterize those animals that we designate as "lower." if a traveller from the sun should print his observations of the inhabitants of the different planets, he would have to say of those of the earth something like this: "one of man's leading traits is what is known as belief. he is a credulous creature, and is especially susceptible to appeals to his credulity in regard to matters affecting his existence after death." whatever explanation we may accept of the origin of the conception by this animal of his soul-existence, and of the evolution of shadowy beliefs into religious systems, we must concede that man is possessed of a tendency to worship something,--a recognition, at least, of a higher power with which it behooves him to be on friendly terms,--and so long as the absolute correctness of any one belief or doctrine cannot be actually proved to him, he is constantly ready to inquire into, and perhaps give credence to, new doctrines that are presented for his consideration. the acceptance by man of novelties in the way of religions is a characteristic that has marked his species ever since its record has been preserved. according to max matter, "every religion began simply as a matter of reason, and from this drifted into a superstition"; that is, into what non-believers in the new doctrine characterize as a superstition. whenever one of these driftings has found a lodgement, there has been planted a new sect. there has never been a year in the christian era when there have not been believers ready to accept any doctrine offered to them in the name of religion. as shakespeare expresses it, in the words of bassanio:-- "in religion, what damned error but some sober brow will bless it, and approve it with a text, hiding the grossness with fair ornament?" in glancing at the cause of this unchanged susceptibility to religious credulity--unchanged while the world has been making such strides in the acquisition of exact information--we may find a summing up of the situation in macaulay's blunt declaration that "natural theology is not a progressive science; a christian of the fifth century with a bible is on a par with a christian of the nineteenth century with a bible." the "orthodox" believer in that bible can only seek a better understanding of it by studying it himself and accepting the deductions of other students. nothing, as the centuries have passed, has been added to his definite knowledge of his god or his own future existence. when, therefore, some one, like a swedenborg or a joseph smith, appears with an announcement of an addition to the information on this subject, obtained by direct revelation from on high, he supplies one of the greatest desiderata that man is conscious of, and we ought, perhaps, to wonder that his followers are not so numerous, but so few. progress in medical science would no longer permit any body like the college of the physicians of london to recognize curative value in the skull of a person who had met with a violent death, as it did in the seventeenth century; but the physician of the seventeenth century with a pharmacopoeia was not "on a par with" a physician of the nineteenth century with a pharmacopoeia. nor has man changed in his mental susceptibilities as the centuries have advanced. it is a failure to recognize this fact which leads observers like ferris to find it so marvellous that a belief like mormonism should succeed in the nineteenth century. draper's studies of man's intellectual development led him to declare that "man has ever been the same in his modes of thought and motives of action, and to assert his purpose to judge past occurrences in the same way as those of our own time."* so macaulay refused to accept the doctrine that "the world is constantly becoming more and more enlightened," asserting that "the human mind, instead of marching, merely marks time." nothing offers stronger confirmation of the correctness of these views than the history of religious beliefs, and the teachings connected therewith since the death of christ. * "intellectual development of europe," vol. ii, chap. . the chain of these beliefs and teachings--including in the list only those which offer the boldest challenge to a sane man's credulity--is uninterrupted down to our own day. a few of them may be mentioned by way of illustration. in one century we find spanish priests demanding the suppression of the opera on the ground that this form of entertainment caused a drought, and a pope issuing a bull against men and women having sexual intercourse with fiends. in another, we find an english tailor, unsuccessfully, allotting endless torments to all who would not accept his declaration that god was only six feet in height, at the same time that george fox, who was successful in establishing the quaker sect, denounced as unchristian adoration of janus and woden, any mention of a month as january or a day as wednesday. luther, the protestant pioneer, believed that he had personal conferences with the devil; wesley, the founder of methodism, declared that "the giving up of (belief) in witchcraft is, in effect, giving up the bible." education and mental training have had no influence in shaping the declarations of the leaders of new religious sects.* the learned scientist, swedenborg, told of seeing the virgin mary dressed in blue satin, and of spirits wearing hats, just as confidently as the ignorant joseph smith, jr., described his angel as "a tall, slim, well-built, handsome man, with a bright pillar upon his head." * "the splendid gifts which make a seer are usually found among those whom society calls 'common or unclean.' these brutish beings are the chosen vessels in whom god has poured the elixirs which amaze humanity. such beings have furnished the prophets, the st. peters, the hermits of history." balzac, in "cousin pons." the readiness with which even believers so strictly taught as are the jews can be led astray by the announcement of a new teacher divinely inspired, is illustrated in the stories of their many false messiahs. one illustration of this--from the pen of zangwill--may be given:-- "from all the lands of the exile, crowds of the devout came to do him homage and tender allegiance--turkish jews with red fez or saffron-yellow turban; jerusalem jews in striped cotton gowns and soft felt hats; polish jews with foxskin caps and long caftans; sallow german jews, gigantic russian jews, highbred spanish jews; and with them often their wives and daughters--jerusalem jewesses with blue shirts and head-veils, egyptian jewesses with sweeping robes and black head-shawls, jewesses from ashdod and gaza, with white visors fringed with gold coins; polish jewesses with glossy wigs; syrian jewesses with eyelashes black as though lined with kohl; fat jewesses from tunis, with clinging breeches interwoven with gold and silver." this homage to a man who turned turk, and became a doorkeeper of the sultan, to save himself from torture and death! savagery and civilization meet on this plane of religious credulity. the indians of canada believed not more implicitly in the demons who howled all over the isles of demons, than did the early french sailors and the priests whose protection the latter asked. the jesuit priests of the seventeenth century accepted, and impressed upon their white followers in new france, belief in miracles which made a greater demand on credulity than did any of the exactions of the indian medicine man. that the head of a white man, which the iroquois carried to their village, spoke to them and scolded them for their perfidy, "found believers among the most intelligent men of the colony," just as did the story of the conversion of a sick huguenot immigrant, with whose gruel a mother secretly mixed a little of the powdered bone of a jesuit martyr.* and french canada is to-day as "orthodox" in its belief in miracles as was the canada of the seventeenth century. the church of st. anne de beaupre, below quebec, attracts thousands annually, and is piled with the crutches which the miraculously cured have cast aside. masses were said in in the church of notre dame de bonsecours at montreal, at the expense of a pilots' association, to ward off wrecks in the treacherous st. lawrence; and in the near-by provinces there were religious processions to check the attacks of caterpillars in the orchards. * parkman's "old regime in canada." nor need we go to catholic quebec for modern illustrations of this kind of faith. "bareheaded people stood out upon the corner in east th street yesterday afternoon," said a new york city newspaper of december , , "because they were unable to get into the church of our lady queen of angels, where a relic of st. anthony of padua was exposed for veneration." describing a service in the church of st. jean baptiste in east th street, new york, where a relic alleged to be a piece of a bone of the mother of the virgin was exposed, a newspaper of that city, on july th, , said: "there were five hundred persons, by actual count, in and around the crypt chapel of st. anne when afternoon service stopped the rush of the sick and crippled at . o'clock yesterday. there were many more at the o'clock evening mass." what did these people seek at the shrine? only the favor of st. anne and a kiss and touch of the casket that, by church authority, contains bone of her body. "france has to-day its grotto of lourdes, wales its st. winefride's well, mexico its wonder-working doll" that makes the sick well and the childless mothers, and moscow its "wonder-working picture of the mother of god," before which the czar prostrates himself." not in recent years has the appetite for some novelty on which to fasten belief been more manifest in the united states than it was at the close of the nineteenth century. old beliefs found new teachers, and promulgators of new ideas found followers. instructors in brahminism attracted considerable attention. a "chapter of the college of divine sciences and realization" instituted a revival of druid sun-adoration on the shores of lake michigan. an organization has been formed of believers in the one-over-at-acre, a persian who claimed to be the forerunner of the millennium, and in whom, as christ, it is said that more than three thousand persons in this country believe. we have among us also jaorelites, who believe in the near date of the end of the world, and that they must make their ascent to heaven from a mountain in scotland. the hold which the form of belief called christian science has obtained upon people of education and culture needs only be referred to. along with this have come the "divine healers," gaining patients in circles where it would be thought impossible for them to obtain even consideration, and one of them securing a clientage in a western city which has enabled him to establish there a church of his own. in fact, instead of finding in enlightened countries like the united states and england a poor field for the dissemination of new beliefs, the whole school of revealers find there their best opportunities. discussing this susceptibility, aliene gorren, in her "anglo-saxons and others," reaches this conclusion: "nowhere are so many persons of sound intelligence in all practical affairs so easily led to follow after crazy seers and seeresses as in england and the united states. the truth is that the mind of man refuses to be shut out absolutely from the world of the higher abstractions, and that, if it may not make its way thither under proper guidance, it will set off even at the tail of the first ragged street procession that passes." the "real miracle" in mormonism, then,--the wonderful feature of its success,--is to be sought, not in the fact that it has been able to attract believers in a new prophet, and to find them at this date and in this country, but in its success in establishing and keeping together in a republic like ours a membership who acknowledge its supreme authority in politics as well as in religion, and who form a distinct organization which does not conceal its purpose to rule over the whole nation. had mormonism confined itself to its religious teachings, and been preached only to those who sought its instruction, instead of beating up the world for recruits and conveying them to its home, the mormon church would probably to-day be attracting as little attention as do the harmonists of pennsylvania. chapter ii. -- the smith family among the families who settled in ontario county, new york, in , was that of one joseph smith. it consisted of himself, his wife, and nine children. the fourth of these children, joseph smith, jr., became the mormon prophet. the smiths are said to have been of scotch ancestry. it was the mother, however, who exercised the larger influence on her son's life, and she has left very minute details of her own and her father's family.* her father, solomon mack, was a native of lyme, connecticut. the daughter lucy, who became mrs. joseph smith, sr., was born in gilsum, cheshire county, new hampshire, on july , . mr. mack was remembered as a feeble old man, who rode around the country on horseback, using a woman's saddle, and selling his own autobiography. the "tramp" of those early days often offered an autobiography, or what passed for one, and, as books were then rare, if he could say that it contained an account of actual adventures in the recent wars, he was certain to find purchasers. * "biographical sketches of joseph smith and his progenitors for many generations," lucy smith. one of the few copies of this book in existence lies before me. it was printed at the author's expense about the year . it is wholly without interest as a narrative, telling of the poverty of his parents, how he was bound, when four years old, to a farmer who gave him no education and worked him like a slave; gives some of his experiences in the campaigns against the french and indians in northern new york and in the war of the revolution, when he was in turn teamster, sutler, and privateer; describes with minute detail many ordinary illnesses and accidents that befell him; and closes with a recital of his religious awakening, which was deferred until his seventy-sixth year, while he was suffering with rheumatism. at that time it seemed to him that he several times "saw a bright light in a dark night," and thought he heard a voice calling to him. twenty-two of the forty-eight duodecimo pages that the book contains are devoted to hymns "composed," the title-page says, "on the death of several of his relatives," not all by himself. one of these may be quoted entire:-- "my friends, i am on the ocean, so sweetly do i sail; jesus is my portion, he's given me a pleasant gale. "the bruises sore, in harbor soon i'll be, and see my redeemer there that died for you and me." mrs. smith's family seem to have had a natural tendency to belief in revelations. her eldest brother, jason, became a "seeker"; the "seekers" of that day believed that the devout of their times could, through prayer and faith, secure the "gifts" of the gospel which were granted to the ancient apostles.* he was one of the early believers in faith-cure, and was, we are told, himself cured by that means in . one of lucy's sisters had a miraculous recovery from illness. after being an invalid for two years she was "borne away to the world of spirits," where she saw the saviour and received a message from him for her earthly friends. * a sect called "seekers," who arose in , taught, like the mormons, that the scriptures are defective, the true church lost, and miracles necessary to faith. lucy herself came very exactly under the description given by ruth mcenery stuart of one of her negro characters: "duke's mother was of the slighter intelligences, and hence much given to convictions. knowing few things, she 'believed in' a great many." lucy smith had neither education nor natural intelligence that would interfere with such "beliefs" as came to her from family tradition, from her own literal interpretations of the bible, or from the workings of her imagination. she tells us that after her marriage, when very ill, she made a covenant with god that she would serve him if her recovery was granted; thereupon she heard a voice giving her assurance that her prayer would be answered, and she was better the next morning. later, when anxious for the safety of her husband's soul, she prayed in a grove (most of the early mormons' prayers were made in the woods), and saw a vision indicating his coming conversion; later still, in vermont, a daughter was restored to health by her parent's prayers. according to mrs. smith's account of their life in vermont, they were married on january , , at tunbridge, but soon moved to randolph, where smith was engaged in "merchandise," keeping a store. learning of the demand for crystallized ginseng in china, he invested money in that product and made a shipment, but it proved unprofitable, and, having in this way lost most of his money, they moved back to a farm at tunbridge. thence they moved to royalton, and in a few months to sharon, where, on december , , joseph smith, jr., their fourth child, was born.* again they moved to tunbridge, and then back to royalton (all these places in vermont). from there they went to lebanon, new hampshire, thence to norwich, vermont, still "farming" without success, until, after three years of crop failure, they decided to move to new york state, arriving there in the summer of . ** there is equally good authority for placing the house in which smith was born across the line in royalton. less prejudiced testimony gives an even less favorable view than this of the elder smith's business career in vermont. judge daniel woodward, of the county court of windsor, vermont, near whose father's farm the smiths lived, says that the elder smith while living there was a hunter for captain kidd's treasure, and that he also "became implicated with one jack downing in counterfeiting money, but turned state's evidence and escaped the penalty."* he had in earlier life been a universalist, but afterward became a methodist. his spiritual welfare gave his wife much concern, but although he had "two visions" while living in vermont, she did not accept his change of heart. she admits, however, that after their removal to new york her husband obeyed the scriptural injunction, "your old men shall dream dreams," and she mentions several of these dreams, the latest in , giving the particulars of some of them. one sample of these will suffice. the dreamer found himself in a beautiful garden, with wide walks and a main walk running through the centre. "on each side of this was a richly carved seat, and on each seat were placed six wooden images, each of which was the size of a very large man. when i came to the first image on the right side it arose, bowed to me with much deference. i then turned to the one which sat opposite to me, on the left side, and it arose and bowed to me in the same manner as the first. i continued turning first to the right and then to the left until the whole twelve had made the obeisance, after which i was entirely healed (of a lameness from which he then was suffering). i then asked my guide the meaning of all this, but i awoke before i received an answer." * historical magazine, . a similar wakefulness always manifested itself at the critical moment in these dreams. what the world lost by this insomnia of the dreamer the world will never know. the smiths' first residence in new york state was in the village of palmyra. there the father displayed a sign, "cake and beer shop, "selling" gingerbread, pies, boiled eggs, root beer, and other like notions," and he and his sons did odd jobs, gardening, harvesting, and well-digging, when they could get them.* * tucker's "origin, rise, and progress of mormonism," p. . they were very poor, and mrs. smith added to their income by painting oilcloth table covers. after a residence of three years and a half in palmyra, the family took possession of a piece of land two miles south of that place, on the border of manchester. they had no title to it, but as the owners were nonresident minors they were not disturbed. there they put up a little log house, with two rooms on the ground floor and two in the attic, which sheltered them all. later, the elder smith contracted to buy the property and erected a farmhouse on it; but he never completed his title to it. while classing themselves as farmers, the smiths were regarded by their neighbors as shiftless and untrustworthy. they sold cordwood, vegetables, brooms of their own manufacture, and maple sugar, continuing to vend cakes in the village when any special occasion attracted a crowd. it may be remarked here that, while ontario county, new york, was regarded as "out west" by seaboard and new england people in , its population was then almost as large as it is to-day (having , inhabitants according to the census of and , according to the census of ). the father and several of the boys could not read, and a good deal of the time of the younger sons was spent in hunting, fishing, and lounging around the village. the son joseph did not rise above the social standing of his brothers. the best that a mormon biographer, orson pratt, could say of him as a youth was that "he could read without much difficulty, and write a very imperfect hand, and had a very limited understanding of the elementary rules of arithmetic. these were his highest and only attainments, while the rest of those branches so universally taught in the common schools throughout the united states were entirely unknown to him."* he was "joe smith" to every one. among the younger people he served as a butt for jokes, and we are told that the boys who bought the cakes that he peddled used to pay him in pewter twoshilling pieces, and that when he called at the palmyra register office for his father's weekly paper, the youngsters in the press room thought it fun to blacken his face with the ink balls. * "origin, rise, and progress of mormonism," p. . here are two pictures of the young man drawn by persons who saw him constantly in the days of his vagabondage. the first is from mr. tucker's book:-- "at this period in the life and career of joseph smith, jr., or 'joe smith,' as he was universally named, and the smith family, they were popularly regarded as an illiterate, whiskey-drinking, shiftless, irreligious race of people--the first named, the chief subject of this biography, being unanimously voted the laziest and most worthless of the generation. from the age of twelve to twenty years he is distinctly remembered as a dull-eyed, flaxen-haired, prevaricating boy noted only for his indolent and vagabondish character, and his habits of exaggeration and untruthfulness. taciturnity was among his characteristic idiosyncrasies, and he seldom spoke to any one outside of his intimate associates, except when first addressed by another; and then, by reason of his extravagancies of statement, his word was received with the least confidence by those who knew him best. he could utter the most palpable exaggeration or marvellous absurdity with the utmost apparent gravity. he nevertheless evidenced the rapid development of a thinking, plodding, evil-brewing mental composition--largely given to inventions of low cunning, schemes of mischief and deception, and false and mysterious pretensions. in his moral phrenology the professor might have marked the organ of secretiveness as very large, and that of conscientiousness omitted. he was, however, proverbially good natured, very rarely, if ever, indulging in any combative spirit toward any one, whatever might be the provocation, and yet was never known to laugh. albeit, he seemed to be the pride of his indulgent father, who has been heard to boast of him as the 'genus of the family,' quoting his own expression."* * "remarkable visions." the second (drawn a little later) is by daniel hendrix, a resident of palmyra, new york, at the time of which he speaks, and an assistant in setting the type and reading the proof of the mormon bible:-- "every one knew him as joe smith. he had lived in palmyra a few years previous to my going there from rochester. joe was the most ragged, lazy fellow in the place, and that is saying a good deal. he was about twenty-five years old. i can see him now in my mind's eye, with his torn and patched trousers held to his form by a pair of suspenders made out of sheeting, with his calico shirt as dirty and black as the earth, and his uncombed hair sticking through the holes in his old battered hat. in winter i used to pity him, for his shoes were so old and worn out that he must have suffered in the snow and slush; yet joe had a jovial, easy, don't-care way about him that made him a lot of warm friends. he was a good talker, and would have made a fine stump speaker if he had had the training. he was known among the young men i associated with as a romancer of the first water. i never knew so ignorant a man as joe was to have such a fertile imagination. he never could tell a common occurrence in his daily life without embellishing the story with his imagination; yet i remember that he was grieved one day when old parson reed told joe that he was going to hell for his lying habits."* * san jacinto, california, letter of february , , to the st. louis globe-democrat. to this testimony may be added the following declarations, published in , the year in which a mob drove the mormons out of jackson county, missouri. the first was signed by eleven of the most prominent citizens of manchester, new york, and the second by sixty-two residents of palmyra:-- "we, the undersigned, being personally acquainted with the family of joseph smith, sr., with whom the gold bible, so called, originated, state: that they were not only a lazy, indolent set of men, but also intemperate, and their word was not to be depended upon; and that we are truly glad to dispense with their society." "we, the undersigned, have been acquainted with the smith family for a number of years, while they resided near this place, and we have no hesitation in saying that we consider them destitute of that moral character which ought to entitle them to the confidence of any community. they were particularly famous for visionary projects; spent much of their time in digging for money which they pretended was hid in the earth, and to this day large excavations may be seen in the earth, not far from their residence, where they used to spend their time in digging for hidden treasures. joseph smith, sr., and his son joseph were, in particular, considered entirely destitute of moral character, and addicted to vicious habits."* * howe's "mormonism unveiled," p. . finally may be quoted the following affidavit of parley chase:-- "manchester, new york, december , . i was acquainted with the family of joseph smith, sr., both before and since they became mormons, and feel free to state that not one of the male members of the smith family were entitled to any credit whatsoever. they were lazy, intemperate, and worthless men, very much addicted to lying. in this they frequently boasted their skill. digging for money was their principal employment. in regard to their gold bible speculation, they scarcely ever told two stories alike. the mormon bible is said to be a revelation from god, through joseph smith, jr., his prophet, and this same joseph smith, jr., to my knowledge, bore the reputation among his neighbors of being a liar."* * howe's "mormonism unveiled," p. . the preposterousness of the claims of such a fellow as smith to prophetic powers and divinely revealed information were so apparent to his local acquaintances that they gave them little attention. one of these has remarked to me in recent years that if they had had any idea of the acceptance of joe's professions by a permanent church, they would have put on record a much fuller description of him and his family. chapter iii. -- how joseph smith became a money-digger the elder smith, as we have seen, was known as a money-digger while a resident of vermont. of course that subject as a matter of conversation in his family, and his sons were a character to share in his belief in the existence of hidden treasure. the territory around palmyra was as good ground for their explorations as any in vermont, and they soon let their neighbors know of a possibility of riches that lay within their reach. the father, while a resident of vermont, also claimed ability to locate an underground stream of water over which would be a good site for a well, by means of a forked hazel switch,* and in this way doubtless increased the demand for his services as a well-digger, but we have no testimonials to his success. the son joseph, while still a young lad, professed to have his father's gift in this respect, and he soon added to his accomplishments the power to locate hidden riches, and in this way began his career as a money-digger, which was so intimately connected with his professions as a prophet. * the so-called "divining rod" has received a good deal of attention from persons engaged in psychical research. vol. xiii, part ii, of the "proceedings of the society of psychical research" is devoted to a discussion of the subject by professor w. f. barrett of the royal college of science for ireland, in dublin, and in march, , a commission was appointed in france to study the matter. writers on the origin of the mormon bible, and the gradual development of smith the prophet from smith the village loafer and money-seeker, have left their readers unsatisfied on many points. many of these obscurities will be removed by a very careful examination of joseph's occupations and declarations during the years immediately preceding the announcement of the revelation and delivery to him of the golden plates. the deciding event in joe's career was a trip to susquehanna county, pennsylvania, when he was a lad. it can be shown that it was there that he obtained an idea of vision-seeing nearly ten years before the date he gives in his autobiography as that of the delivery to him of the golden plates containing the book of mormon, and it was there probably that, in some way, he later formed the acquaintance of sidney rigdon. it can also be shown that the original version of his vision differed radically from the one presented, after the lapse of another ten years spent under rigdon's tutelage, in his autobiography. each of these points is of great incidental value in establishing rigdon's connection with the conception of a new bible, and the manner of its presentation to the public. later mormon authorities have shown a dislike to concede that joe was a money-digger, but the fact is admitted both in his mother's history of him and by himself. his own statement about it is as follows:-- "in the month of october, , i hired with an old gentleman by the name of josiah stoal, who lived in chenango county, state of new york. he had heard something of a silver mine having been opened by the spaniards in harmony, susquehanna county, state of pennsylvania, and had, previous to my hiring with him, been digging in order, if possible, to discover the mine. after i went to live with him he took me, among the rest of his hands, to dig for the silver mine, at which i continued to work for nearly a month, without success in our undertaking, and finally i prevailed with the old gentleman to cease digging for it. hence arose the very prevalent story of my having been a moneydigger."* * millennial star, vol. xiv, supt., p. . mother smith's account says, however, that stoal "came for joseph on account of having heard that he possessed certain keys by which he could discern things invisible to the natural eye"; thus showing that he had a reputation as a "gazer" before that date. it was such discrepancies as these which led brigham young to endeavor to suppress the mother's narrative. the "gazing" which joe took up is one of the oldest--perhaps the oldest--form of alleged human divination, and has been called "mirror-gazing," "crystal-gazing," "crystal vision," and the like. its practice dates back certainly three thousand years, having been noted in all ages, and among nations uncivilized as well as civilized. some students of the subject connect with such divination joseph's silver cup "whereby indeed he divineth" (genesis xliv. ). others, long before the days of smith and rigdon, advanced the theory that the urim and thummim were clear crystals intended for "gazing" purposes. one writer remarks of the practice, "aeschylus refers it to prometheus, cicero to the assyrians and etruscans, zoroaster to ahriman, varro to the persian magi, and a very large class of authors, from the christian fathers and schoolmen downward, to the devil."* an act of james i ( ), against witchcraft in england, made it a crime to pretend to discover property "by any occult or crafty science." as indicating the universal knowledge of "gazing," it may be further noted that varro mentions its practice among the romans and pausanias among the greeks. it was known to the ancient peruvians. it is practised to-day by east indians, africans (including egyptians), maoris, siberians, by australian, polynesian, and zulu savages, by many of the tribes of american indians, and by persons of the highest culture in europe and america.** andrew lang's collection of testimony about visions seen in crystals by english women in might seem convincing to any one who has not had experience in weighing testimony in regard to spiritualistic manifestations, or brought this testimony alongside of that in behalf of the "occult phenomena" of adept brothers presented by sinnett.*** * recent experiments in "crystal vision," vol. v, "proceedings of the society for psychical research." ** lang's "the making of religion," chap. v. *** "the occult world." "gazers" use different methods. some look into water contained in a vessel, some into a drop of blood, some into ink, some into a round opaque stone, some into mirrors, and many into some form of crystal or a glass ball. indeed, the "gazer" seems to be quite independent as to the medium of his sight-seeing, so long as he has the "power." this "power" is put also to a great variety of uses. australian savages depend on it to foretell the outcome of an attack on their enemies; apaches resort to it to discover the whereabouts of things lost or stolen; and malagasies, zulus, and siberians to see what will happen. perhaps its most general use has been to discover lost objects, and in this practice the seers have very often been children, as we shall see was the case in the exhibition which gave joe smith his first idea on the subject. in the experiments cited by lang, the seers usually saw distant persons or scenes, and he records his belief that "experiments have proved beyond doubt that a fair percentage of people, sane and healthy, can see vivid landscapes, and figures of persons in motion, in glass balls and other vehicles." it can easily be imagined how interested any member of the smith family would have been in an exhibition like that of a "crystal-gazer," and we are able to trace very consecutively joe's first introduction to the practice, and the use he made of the hint thus given. emily c. blackman, in the appendix to her "history of susquehanna county, pennsylvania" ( ), supplies the needed important information about joe's visits to pennsylvania in the years preceding the announcement of his bible. she says that it is uncertain when he arrived at harmony (now oakland), "but it is certain he was here in and later." a very circumstantial account of joe's first introduction to a "peep-stone" is given in a statement by j. b. buck in this appendix. he says:-- "joe smith was here lumbering soon after my marriage, which was in , some years before he took to 'peeping', and before diggings were commenced under his direction. these were ideas he gained later. the stone which he afterward used was in the possession of jack belcher of gibson, who obtained it while at salina, n. y., engaged in drawing salt. belcher bought it because it was said to be a 'seeing-stone.' i have often seen it. it was a green stone, with brown irregular spots on it. it was a little longer than a goose's egg, and about the same thickness. when he brought it home and covered it with a hat, belcher's little boy was one of the first to look into the hat, and as he did so, he said he saw a candle. the second time he looked in he exclaimed, 'i've found my hatchet' (it had been lost two years), and immediately ran for it to the spot shown him through the stone, and it was there. the boy was soon beset by neighbors far and near to reveal to them hidden things, and he succeeded marvellously. joe smith, conceiving the idea of making a fortune through a similar process of 'seeing,' bought the stone of belcher, and then began his operations in directing where hidden treasures could be found. his first diggings were near capt. buck's sawmill, at red rock; but because the followers broke the rule of silence, 'the enchantment removed the deposit.'" one of many stories of joe's treasure-digging, current in that neighborhood, miss blackman narrates. learning from a strolling indian of a place where treasure was said to be buried, joe induced a farmer named harper to join him in digging for it and to spend a considerable sum of money in the enterprise. "after digging a great hole, that is still to be seen," the story continues, "harper got discouraged, and was about abandoning the enterprise. joe now declared to harper that there was an 'enchantment' about the place that was removing the treasure farther off; that harper must get a perfectly white dog (some said a black one), and sprinkle his blood over the ground, and that would prevent the 'enchantment' from removing the treasure. search was made all over the country, but no perfectly white dog could be found. then joe said a white sheep would do as well; but when this was sacrificed and failed, he said the almighty was displeased with him for attempting to palm off on him a white sheep for a white dog." this informant describes joe at that time as "an imaginative enthusiast, constitutionally opposed to work, and a general favorite with the ladies." in confirmation of this, r. c. doud asserted that "in he was employed, with thirteen others, by oliver harper to dig for gold under joe's direction on joseph mckune's land, and that joe had begun operations the year previous." f. g. mather obtained substantially the same particulars of joe's digging in connection with harper from the widow of joseph mckune about the year , and he said that the owner of the farm at that time "for a number of years had been engaged in filling the holes with stone to protect his cattle, but the boys still use the northeast hole as a swimming pond in the summer."* * lippincott's magazine, august, . confirmation of the important parts of these statements has been furnished by joseph's father. when the reports of the discovery of a new bible first gained local currency (in ), fayette lapham decided to visit the smith family, and learn what he could on the subject. he found the elder smith very communicative, and he wrote out a report of his conversation with him, "as near as i can repeat his words," he says, and it was printed in the historical magazine for may, . father smith made no concealment of his belief in witchcraft and other things supernatural, as well as in the existence of a vast amount of buried treasure. what he said of joe's initiation into "crystal-gazing" mr. lapham thus records:-- "his son joseph, whom he called the illiterate,* when he was about fourteen years of age, happened to be where a man was looking into a dark stone, and telling people therefrom where to dig for money and other things. joseph requested the privilege of looking into the stone, which he did by putting his face into the hat where the stone was. it proved to be not the right stone for him; but he could see some things, and among them he saw the stone, and where it was, in which he could see whatever he wished to see.... the place where he saw the stone was not far from their house, and under pretence of digging a well, they found water and the stone at a depth of twenty or twenty-two feet. after this, joseph spent about two years looking into this stone, telling fortunes, where to find lost things, and where to dig for money and other hidden treasures." * joe's mother, describing joe's descriptions to the family, at their evening fireside, of the angel's revelations concerning the golden plates, says (p. ): "all giving the most profound attention to a boy eighteen years of age, who had never read the bible through in his life; he seemed much less inclined to the perusal of books than any of the rest of our children." if further confirmation of joe's early knowledge on this subject is required, we may cite the rev. john a. clark, d.d., who, writing in after careful local research, said: "long before the idea of a golden bible entered their [the smiths'] minds, in their excursions for money-digging.... joe used to be usually their guide, putting into a hat a peculiar stone he had, through which he looked to decide where they should begin to dig."* * "gleanings by the way" ( ), p. . we come now to the history of joe's own "peek-stone" (as the family generally called it), that which his father says he discovered by using the one that he first saw. willard chase, of manchester, new york, near palmyra, employed joe and his brother alvin some time in the year (as he fixed the date in his affidavit)* to assist him in digging a well. "after digging about twenty feet below the surface of the earth," he says, "we discovered a singularly appearing stone which excited my curiosity. i brought it to the top of the well, and as we were examining it, joseph put it into his hat and then his face into the top of the hat. it has been said by smith that he brought the stone from the well, but this is false. there was no one in the well but myself. the next morning he came to me and wished to obtain the stone, alleging that he could see in it; but i told him i did not wish to part with it on account of its being a curiosity, but would lend it. after obtaining the stone, he began to publish abroad what wonders he could discover by looking in it, and made so much disturbance among the credulous part of the community that i ordered the stone to be returned to me again. he had it in his possession about two years." joseph's brother hyrum borrowed the stone some time in , and mr. chase was unable to recover it afterward. tucker describes it as resembling a child's foot in shape, and "of a whitish, glassy appearance, though opaque."** * howe's "mormonism unveiled," p. . ** tucker closes his chapter about this stone with the declaration "that the origin [of mormonism] is traceable to the insignificant little stone found in the digging of mr. chase's well in ." tucker was evidently ignorant both of joe's previous experience with "crystal-gazing" in pennsylvania and of "crystal-gazing" itself. the smiths at once began turning chase's stone to their own financial account, but no one at the time heard that it was giving them any information about revealed religion. for pay they offered to disclose by means of it the location of stolen property and of buried money. there seemed to be no limit to the exaggeration of their professions. they would point out the precise spot beneath which lay kegs, barrels, and even hogsheads of gold and silver in the shape of coin, bars, images, candlesticks, etc., and they even asserted that all the hills thereabout were the work of human bands, and that joe, by using his "peek-stone," could see the caverns beneath them.* persons can always be found to give at least enough credence to such professions to desire to test them. it was so in this case. joe not only secured small sums on the promise of discovering lost articles, but he raised money to enable him to dig for larger treasure which he was to locate by means of the stone. a palmyra man, for instance, paid seventy-five cents to be sent by him on a fool's errand to look for some stolen cloth. * william stafford's affidavit, howe's "mormonism unveiled," p. . certain ceremonies were always connected with these money-digging operations. midnight was the favorite hour, a full moon was helpful, and good friday was the best date. joe would sometimes stand by, directing the digging with a wand. the utmost silence was necessary to success. more than once, when the digging proved a failure, joe explained to his associates that, just as the deposit was about to be reached, some one, tempted by the devil, spoke, causing the wished-for riches to disappear. such an explanation of his failures was by no means original with smith, the serious results of an untimely spoken word having been long associated with divers magic performances. joe even tried on his new york victims the pennsylvania device of requiring the sacrifice of a black sheep to overcome the evil spirit that guarded the treasure. william stafford opportunely owned such an animal, and, as he puts it, "to gratify my curiosity," he let the smiths have it. but some new "mistake in the process" again resulted in disappointment. "this, i believe," remarks the contributor of the sheep, "is the only time they ever made money-digging a profitable business." the smiths ate the sheep. these money-seeking enterprises were continued from to (the year of the delivery to smith of the golden plates). this period covers the years in which joe, in his autobiography, confesses that he "displayed the corruption of human nature." he explains that his father's family were poor, and that they worked where they could find employment to their taste; "sometimes we were at home and sometimes abroad." some of these trips took them to pennsylvania, and the stories of joe's "gazing" accomplishment may have reached sidney rigdon, and brought about their first interview. susquehanna county was more thinly settled than the region around palmyra, and joe found persons who were ready to credit him with various "gifts"; and stories are still current there of his professed ability to perform miracles, to pray the frost away from a cornfield, and the like.* * lippincott's magazine, august, . chapter iv. -- first announcement of the golden bible just when smith's attention was originally diverted from the discovery of buried money to the discovery of a buried bible engraved on gold plates remains one of the unexplained points in his history. he was so much of a romancer that his own statements at the time, which were carefully collected by howe, are contradictory. the description given of the buried volume itself changed from time to time, giving strength in this way to the theory that rigdon was attracted to smith by the rumor of his discovery, and afterward gave it shape. first the book was announced to be a secular history, says dr. clark; then a gold bible; then golden plates engraved; and later metallic plates, stereotyped or embossed with golden letters.* daniel hendrix's recollection was that for the first few months joe did not claim the plates any new revelation or religious significance, but simply that they were a historical record of an ancient people. this would indicate that he had possession of the "spaulding manuscript" before it received any theological additions. * "gleanings by the way," p. . the account of the revelation of the book by an angel, which is accepted by the mormons, is the one elaborated in smith's autobiography, and was not written until , when it was prepared under the direction of rigdon (or by him). before examining this later version of the story, we may follow a little farther joe's local history at the time. while the smiths were conducting their operations in pennsylvania, and joseph was "displaying the corruption of human nature," they boarded for a time in the family of isaac hale, who is described as a "distinguished hunter, a zealous member of the methodist church," and (as later testified to by two judges of the court of common pleas of susquehanna county)" a man of excellent moral character and of undoubted veracity."* mr. hale had three daughters, and joe received enough encouragement to his addresses to emma to induce him to ask her father's consent to their marriage. this consent was flatly refused. mr. hale made a statement in , covering his knowledge of smith and the origin of the mormon bible.** when he became acquainted with the future prophet, in , joe was employed by the so-called "money-diggers," using his "peek-stone." among the reasons which mr. hale gave for refusing consent to the marriage was that smith was a stranger and followed a business which he could not approve. * howe's "mormonism unveiled," p. . ** ibid., p. . joe thereupon induced emma to consent to an elopement, and they were married on january , , by a justice of the peace, just across the line in new york state. not daring to return to the house of his father-in-law, joe took his wife to his own home, near palmyra, new york, where for some months he worked again with his father. in the following august joe hired a neighbor named peter ingersol to go with him to pennsylvania to bring from there some household effects belonging to emma. of this trip ingersol said, in an affidavit made in :-- "when we arrived at mr. hale's in harmony, pa., from which place he had taken his wife, a scene presented itself truly affecting. his father-in-law addressed joseph in a flood of tears: 'you have stolen my daughter and married her. i had much rather have followed her to her grave. you spend your time in digging for money--pretend to see in a stone, and thus try to deceive people.' joseph wept and acknowledged that he could not see in a stone now nor never could, and that his former pretensions in that respect were false. he then promised to give up his old habits of digging for money and looking into stones. mr. hale told joseph, if he would move to pennsylvania and work for a living, he would assist him in getting into business. joseph acceded to this proposition, then returned with joseph and his wife to manchester.... "joseph told me on his return that he intended to keep the promise which he had made to his father-in-law; 'but,' said he, it will be hard for me, for they [his family] will all oppose, as they want me to look in the stone for them to dig money'; and in fact it was as he predicted. they urged him day after day to resume his old practice of looking in the stone. he seemed much perplexed as to the course he should pursue. in this dilemma he made me his confidant, and told me what daily transpired in the family of smiths. "one day he came and greeted me with joyful countenance. upon asking the cause of his unusual happiness, he replied in the following language: 'as i was passing yesterday across the woods, after a heavy shower of rain, i found in a hollow some beautiful white sand that had been washed up by the water. i took off my frock and tied up several quarts of it, and then went home. on entering the house i found the family at the table eating dinner. they were all anxious to know the contents of my frock. at that moment i happened to think about a history found in canada, called a golden bible;* so i very gravely told them it was the golden bible. to my surprise they were credulous enough to believe what i said. accordingly i told them i had received a commandment to let no one see it, for, says i, no man can see it with the natural eye and live. however, i offered to take out the book and show it to them, but they refused to see it and left the room. 'now,' said joe, 'i have got the d--d fools fixed and will carry out the fun.' notwithstanding he told me he had no such book and believed there never was such book, he told me he actually went to willard chase, to get him to make a chest in which he might deposit the golden bible. but as chase would not do it, he made the box himself of clapboards, and put it into a pillow-case, and allowed people only to lift it and feel of it through the case."** * the most careful inquiries bring no information that any such story was ever current in canada. ** howe's "mormonism unveiled," p. . in line with this statement of joe to ingersol is a statement which somewhat later he made to his brother-in-law, alva hale, that "this 'peeking' was all d--d nonsense; that he intended to quit the business and labor for a livelihood."* * ibid., p. . joe's family were quite ready to accept his statement of his discovery of golden plates for more reasons than one. they saw in it, in the first place, a means of pecuniary gain. abigail harris in a statement (dated " th mo., th, ") of a talk she had with joe's father and mother at martin harris's house, said:-- "they [the smiths] said the plates joe then had in possession were but an introduction to the gold bible; that all of them upon which the bible was written were so heavy that it would take four stout men to load them into a cart; that joseph had also discerned by looking through his stone the vessel in which the gold was melted from which the plates were made, and also the machine with which they were rolled; he also discovered in the bottom of the vessel three balls of gold, each as large as his fist. the old lady said also that after the book was translated, the plates were to be publicly exhibited, admission cts."* * ibid, p. . but aside from this pecuniary view, the idea of a new bible would have been eagerly accepted by a woman like mrs. smith, and a mere intimation by joe of such a discovery would have given him, in her, an instigator to the carrying out of the plot. it is said that she had predicted that she was to be the mother of a prophet. she tells us that although, in vermont, she was a diligent church attendant, she found all preachers unsatisfactory, and that she reached the conclusion that "there was not on earth the religion she sought." joe, in his description of his state of mind just before the first visit of the angel who told him about the plates, describes himself as distracted by the "war and tumult of opinions." he doubtless heard this subject talked of by his mother in the home circle, but none of his acquaintances at the time had any reason to think that he was laboring under such mental distress. the second person in the neighborhood whom joe approached about his discovery was willard chase, in whose well the "peek-stone" was found. mr. chase in his statement (given at length by howe) says that joe applied to him, soon after the above quoted conversation with ingersol, to make a chest in which to lock up his gold book, offering chase an interest in it as compensation. he told chase that the discovery of the book was due to the "peek-stone," making no allusion whatever to an angel's visit. he and chase could not come to terms, and joe accordingly made a box in which what he asserted were the plates were placed. reports of joe's discovery soon gained currency in the neighborhood through the family's account of it, and neighbors who had accompanied them on the money-seeking expeditions came to hear about the new bible, and to request permission to see it. joe warded off these requests by reiterating that no man but him could look upon it and live. "conflicting stories were afterward told," says tucker, "in regard to the manner of keeping the book in concealment and safety, which are not worth repeating, further than to mention that the first place of secretion was said to be under a heavy hearthstone in the smith family mansion." joe's mother and parley p. pratt tell of determined efforts of mobs and individuals to secure possession of the plates; but their statements cannot be taken seriously, and are contradicted by tucker from personal knowledge. tucker relates that two local wags, william t. hussey and azel vandruver, intimate acquaintances of smith, on asking for a sight of the book and hearing joe's usual excuse, declared their readiness to risk their lives if that were the price of the privilege. smith was not to be persuaded, but, the story continues, "they were permitted to go to the chest with its owner, and see where the thing was, and observe its shape and size, concealed under a piece of thick canvas. smith, with his accustomed solemnity of demeanor, positively persisting in his refusal to uncover it, hussey became impetuous, and (suiting his action to his word) ejaculated, 'egad, i'll see the critter, live or die,' and stripping off the canvas, a large tile brick was exhibited. but smith's fertile imagination was equal to the emergency. he claimed that his friends had been sold by a trick of his."* * "origin, rise, and progress of mormonism," p. . mother smith, in her book, gives an account of proceedings in court brought by the wife of martin harris to protect her husband's property from smith, on the plea that smith was deceiving him in alleging the existence of golden plates; and she relates how one witness testified that joe told him that "the box which he had contained nothing but sand," that a second witness swore that joe told him, "it was nothing but a box of lead," and that a third witness declared that joe had told him "there was nothing at all in the box." when joe had once started the story of his discovery, he elaborated it in his usual way. "i distinctly remember," says daniel hendrix, "his sitting on some boxes in the store and telling a knot of men, who did not believe a word they heard, all about his vision and his find. but joe went into such minute and careful details about the size, weight, and beauty of the carvings on the golden tablets, and strange characters and the ancient adornments, that i confess he made some of the smartest men in palmyra rub their eyes in wonder." chapter v. -- the different accounts of the revelation of the bible the precise date when joe's attention was first called to the possibility of changing the story about his alleged golden plates so that they would serve as the basis for a new bible such as was finally produced, and as a means of making him a prophet, cannot be ascertained. that some directing mind gave the final shape to the scheme is shown by the difference between the first accounts of his discovery by means of the stone, and the one provided in his autobiography. we have also evidence that the story of a direct revelation by an angel came some time later than the version which joe gave first to his acquaintances in pennsylvania. james t. cobb of salt lake city, who has given much time to investigating matters connected with early mormon history, received a letter under date of april , , from hiel and joseph lewis, sons of the rev. nathaniel lewis, of harmony, pennsylvania, and relatives of joseph's father-in-law, in which they gave the story of the finding of the plates as told in their hearing by joe to their father, when he was translating them. this statement, in effect, was that he dreamed of an iron box containing gold plates curiously engraved, which he must translate into a book; that twice when he attempted to secure the plates he was knocked down, and when he asked why he could not have them, "he saw a man standing over the spot who, to him, appeared like a spaniard, having a long beard down over his breast, with his throat cut from ear to ear and the blood streaming down, who told him that he could not get it alone." (he then narrated how he got the box in company with emma.) in all this narrative there was not one word about visions of god, or of angels, or heavenly revelations; all his information was by that dream and that bleeding ghost. the heavenly visions and messages of angels, etc., contained in the mormon books were afterthoughts, revised to order. in direct confirmation of this we have the following account of the disclosure of the buried articles as given by joe's father to fayette lapham when the bible was first published:-- "soon after joining the church he [joseph] had a very singular dream.... a very large, tall man appeared to him dressed in an ancient suit of clothes, and the clothes were bloody. this man told him of a buried treasure, and gave him directions by means of which he could find the place. in the course of a year smith did find it, and, visiting it by night, "i by some supernatural power" was enabled to overturn a huge boulder under which was a square block of masonry, in the centre of which were the articles as described. taking up the first article, he saw others below; laying down the first, he endeavored to secure the others; but, before he could get hold of them, the one he had taken up slid back to the place he had taken it from, and, to his great surprise and terror, the rock immediately fell back to its former place, nearly crushing him [joseph] in its descent. while trying in vain to raise the rock again with levers, joseph felt something strike him on the breast, a third blow knocking him down; and as he lay on the ground he saw the tall man, who told him that the delivery of the articles would be deferred a year because joseph had not strictly followed the directions given to him. the heedless joseph allowed himself to forget the date fixed for his next visit, and when he went to the place again, the tall man appeared and told him that, because of his lack of punctuality, he would have to wait still another year before the hidden articles would be confided to him. "come in one year from this time, and bring your oldest brother with you," said the guardian of the treasures, "then you may have them." before the date named arrived, the elder brother had died, and joseph decided that his wife was the proper person to accompany him. mr. lapham's report proceeds as follows:-- "at the expiration of the year he [joseph] procured a horse and light wagon, with a chest and pillowcase, and proceeded punctually with his wife to find the hidden treasure. when they had gone as far as they could with the wagon, joseph took the pillow-case and started for the rock. upon passing a fence a host of devils began to screech and to scream, and make all sorts of hideous yells, for the purpose of terrifying him and preventing the attainment of his object; but joseph was courageous and pursued his way in spite of them. arriving at the stone, he again lifted it with the aid of superhuman power, as at first, and secured the first or uppermost article, this time putting it carefully into the pillow-case before laying it down. he now attempted to secure the remainder; but just then the same old man appeared, and said to him that the time had not yet arrived for their exhibition to the world, but that when the proper time came he should have them and exhibit them, with the one he had now secured; until that time arrived, no one must be allowed to touch the one he had in his possession; for if they did, they would be knocked down by some superhuman power. joseph ascertained that the remaining articles were a gold hilt and chain, and a gold ball with two pointers. the hilt and chain had once been part of a sword of unusual size; but the blade had rusted away and become useless. joseph then turned the rock back, took the article in the pillow-case, and returned to the wagon. the devils, with more hideous yells than before, followed him to the fence; as he was getting over the fence, one of the devils struck him a blow on the side, where a black and blue spot remained three or four days; but joseph persevered and brought the article safely home. "i weighed it," said mr. smith, sr., "and it weighed pounds." in answer to our question as to what it was that joseph had thus obtained, he said it consisted of a set of gold plates, about six inches wide and nine or ten inches long. they were in the form of a book."* * historical magazine, may, . we may now contrast these early accounts of the disclosure with the version given in the prophet's autobiography (written, be it remembered, in nauvoo in ), the one accepted by all orthodox mormons. one of its striking features will be found to be the transformation of the spaniard-with-his-throat-cut into a messenger from heaven.* * millennial star, vol. xiv, supt. it was, according to this later account, when he was in his fifteenth year, and when his father's family were "proselyted to the presbyterian church," that he became puzzled by the divergent opinions he heard from different pulpits. one day, while reading the epistle of james (not a common habit of his, as his mother would testify), joseph was struck by the words, "if any of you lack wisdom, let him ask of god." reflecting on this injunction, he retired to the woods on the morning of a beautiful clear day early in the spring of , and there he for the first time uttered a spoken prayer. as soon as he began praying he was overcome by some power, and "thick darkness" gathered around him. just when he was ready to give himself up as lost, he managed to call on god for deliverance, whereupon he saw a pillar of light descending upon him, and two personages of indescribable glory standing in the air above him, one of whom, calling him by name, said to the other, "this is my beloved son, hear him." straightway joseph, not forgetting the main object of his going to the woods, asked the two personages: "which of all the sects was right." he was told that all were wrong, and that he must join none of them; that all creeds were an abomination, and that all professors were corrupt. he came to himself lying on his back. the effect on the boy of this startling manifestation was not radically beneficial, as he himself concedes. "forbidden to join any other religious sects of the day, of tender years," and badly treated by persons who should have been his friends, he admits that in the next three years he "frequently fell into many foolish errors, and displayed the weakness of youth and the corruption of human nature, which, i am sorry to say, led me into diverse temptations, to the gratification of many appetites offensive in the sight of god." it was during this period that he was most active in the use of his "peek-stone." on the night of september , , to proceed with his own account, when again praying to god for the forgiveness of his sins, the room became light, and a person clothed in a robe of exquisite whiteness, and having "a countenance truly like lightning," called him by name, and said that his visitor was a messenger sent from god, and that his name was nephi. this was a mistake on the part of somebody, because the visitor's real name was moroni, who hid the plates where they were deposited. smith continues:-- "he said there was a book deposited, written upon golden plates, giving an account of the former inhabitants of this continent and the source from whence they sprang. he also said that the fulness of the everlasting gospel was contained in it, as delivered by the saviour to the ancient inhabitants. also, there were two stones in silver bows (and these stones, fastened to a breastplate, constituted what is called the urim and thummim) deposited with the plates; and the possession and use of these stones was what constituted seers in ancient or former times, and that god had prepared them for the purpose of translating the book." the messenger then made some liberal quotations from the prophecies of the old testament (changing them to suit his purpose), and ended by commanding smith, when he got the plates, at a future date, to show them only to those as commanded, lest he be destroyed. then he ascended into heaven. the next day the messenger appeared again, and directed joseph to tell his father of the commandment which he had received. when he had done so, his father told him to go as directed. he knew the place (ever since known locally as "mormon hill") as soon as he arrived there, and his narrative proceeds as follows:-- "convenient to the village of manchester, ontario co., n. y., stands a hill of considerable size, and the most elevated of any in the neighborhood. on the west side of this hill, not far from the top, under a stone of considerable size, lay the plates, deposited in a stone box; this stone was thick and rounded in the middle on the upper side, and thinner toward the edges, so that the middle part of it was visible above the ground, but the edge all round was covered with earth. having removed the earth and obtained a lever, which i got fixed under the edge of the stone, and with a little exertion raised it up, i looked in, and there, indeed, did i behold the plates, the urim and thummim and breastplate, as stated by the messenger. the box in which they lay was formed by laying stones together in a kind of cement. in the bottom of the box were laid two stones crosswise of the box, and on these stones lay the plates and the other things with them. i made an attempt to take them out, but was forbidden by the messenger. i was again informed that the time for bringing them out had not yet arrived, neither would till four years from that time; but he told me that i should come to that place precisely one year from that time, and that he would there meet with me, and that i should continue to do so until the time should come for obtaining the plates". mother smith gives an explanation of joe's failure to secure the plates on this occasion, which he omits: "as he was taking them, the unhappy thought darted through his mind that probably there was something else in the box besides the plates, which would be of pecuniary advantage to him.... joseph was overcome by the power of darkness, and forgot the injunction that was laid upon him." the mistakes which the deity made in joe's character constantly suggest to the lay reader the query why the urim and thummim were not turned on joe. on september , , when joe visited the hill (following his own story again), the same messenger delivered to him the plates, the urim and thummim and the breastplate, with the warning that if he "let them go carelessly" he would be "cut off", and a charge to keep them until the messenger called for them. mother smith's story of the securing of the plates is to the effect that about midnight of september joseph and his wife drove away from his father's house with a horse and wagon belonging to a mr. knight. he returned after breakfast the next morning, bringing with him the urim and thummim, which he showed to her, and which she describes as "two smooth, three-cornered diamonds set in glass, and the glasses were set in silver bows that were connected with each other in much the same way as old-fashioned spectacles." she says that she also saw the breastplate through a handkerchief, and that it "was concave on one side and convex on the other, and extended from the neck downward as far as the stomach of a man of extraordinary size. it had four straps of the same material for the purpose of fastening it to the breast.... the whole plate was worth at least $ ." the spectacles and breastplate seem to have been more familiar to mother smith than to any other of joseph's contemporaries and witnesses. the substitution of the spectacles called urim and thummim for the "peek-stone" was doubtless an idea of the associate in the plot, who supplied the theological material found in the golden bible. tucker considers the "spectacle pretension" an afterthought of some one when the scheme of translating the plates into a bible was evolved, as "it was not heard of outside of the smith family for a considerable period subsequent to the first story."* this is confirmed by the elder smith's early account of the discovery. it would be very natural that rigdon, with his bible knowledge, should substitute the more respectable urim and thummim for the "peek-stone" of ill-repute, as the medium of translation. * "origin, rise, and progress of mormonism," p. . the urim and thummim were the articles named by the lord to moses in his description of the priestly garments of aaron. the bible leaves them without description;* and the following verses contain all that is said of them: exodus xxviii. ; leviticus viii. ; numbers xxvii. ; deuteronomy xxxiii. ; samuel xxviii. ; ezra ii. ; nehemiah vii. . only a pretence of using spectacles in the work of translating was kept up, later descriptions of the process by joe's associates referring constantly to the employment of the stone. * "the hebrew words are generally considered to be plurales excellentoe, denoting light (that is, revelation) and truth.... there are two principal opinions respecting the urim and thummim. one is that these words simply denote the four rows of precious stones in the breastplate of the high priest, and are so called from their brilliancy and perfection; which stones, in answer to an appeal to god in difficult cases, indicated his mind and will by some supernatural appearance.... the other principal opinion is that the urim and thummim were two small oracular images similar to the teraphim, personifying revelation and truth, which were placed in the cavity or pouch formed by the folds of the breastplate, and which uttered oracles by a voice.... we incline to mr. mede's opinion that the urim and thummim were 'things well known to the patriarchs' as divinely appointed means of inquiries of the lord, suited to an infantile state of religion. 'cyclopedia of biblical literature.'" kitto and alexander, editors. joe says that while the plates were in his possession "multitudes" tried to get them away from him, but that he succeeded in keeping them until they were translated, and then delivered them again to the messenger, who still retains them. mother smith tells a graphic story of attempts to get the plates away from her son, and says that when he first received them he hid them until the next day in a rotten birch log, bringing them home wrapped in his linen frock under his arm.* later, she says, he hid them in a hole dug in the hearth of their house, and again in a pile of flax in a cooper shop; willard chase's daughter almost found them once by means of a peek-stone of her own. * elder hyde in his "mormonism" estimates that "from the description given of them the plates must have weighed nearly two hundred pounds." mother smith says that joseph told all the family of his vision the evening of the day he told his father, charging them to keep it secret, and she adds:-- "from that time forth joseph continued to receive instructions from the lord, and we continued to get the children together every evening for the purpose of listening while he gave us a relation of the same. i presume our family presented an aspect as singular as any that ever lived upon the face of the earth--all seated in a circle, father, mother, sons, and daughters, and giving the most profound attention to a boy eighteen years old, who had never read the bible through in his life.... we were now confirmed in the opinion that god was about to bring to light something upon which we could stay our mind, or that would give us a more perfect knowledge of the plan of salvation and the redemption of the human family." chapter vi. -- translation and publication of the bible the only one of his new york neighbors who seems to have taken a practical interest in joe's alleged discovery was a farmer named martin harris, who lived a little north of palmyra. harris was a religious enthusiast, who had been a quaker (as his wife was still), a universalist, a baptist, and a presbyterian, and whose sanity it would have been difficult to establish in a surrogate's court. the rev. dr. clark, who knew him intimately, says, "he had always been a firm believer in dreams, visions, and ghosts." *howe describes him as often declaring that he had talked with jesus christ, angels, and the devil, and saying that "christ was the handsomest man he ever saw, and the devil looked like a jackass, with very short, smooth hair similar to that of a mouse." daniel hendrix relates that as he and harris were riding to the village one evening, and he remarked on the beauty of the moon, harris replied that if his companion could only see it as he had, he might well call it beautiful, explaining that he had actually visited the moon, and adding that it "was only the faithful who were permitted to visit the celestial regions." jesse townsend, a resident of palmyra, in a letter written in , describes him as a visionary fanatic, unhappily married, who "is considered here to this day a brute in his domestic relations, a fool and a dupe to smith in religion, and an unlearned, conceited hypocrite generally." his wife, in an affidavit printed in howe's book (p. ), says: "he has whipped, kicked, and turned me out of the house." harris, like joe's mother, was a constant reader of and a literal believer in the bible. tucker says that he "could probably repeat from memory every text from the bible, giving the chapter and verse in each case." this seems to be an exaggeration. * "gleanings by the way." mother smith's account of harris's early connection with the bible enterprise says that her husband told harris of the existence of the plates two or three years before joe got possession of them; that when joe secured them he asked her to go and tell harris that he wanted to see him on the subject, an errand not to her liking, because "mr. harris's wife was a very peculiar woman," that is, she did not share in her husband's superstition. mrs. smith did not succeed in seeing harris, but he soon afterward voluntarily offered joe fifty dollars "for the purpose of helping mr. smith do the lord's work." as harris was very "close" in money matters, it is probable that joe offered him a partnership in the scheme at the start. harris seems to have placed much faith in the selling quality of the new bible. he is said to have replied to his wife's early declaration of disbelief in it: "what if it is a lie. if you will let me alone i will make money out of it."* the rev. ezra booth said: "harris informed me [after his removal to ohio] that he went to the place where joseph resided [in pennsylvania], and joseph had given it [the translation] up on account of the opposition of his wife and others; and he told joseph, 'i have not come down here for nothing, and we will go on with it.'"** * howe's "mormonism unveiled," p. . ** ibid., p. . just at this time joe was preparing to move to the neighborhood of harmony, pennsylvania, having made a trip there after his marriage, during which, mr. hale's affidavit says, "smith stated to me that he had given up what he called 'glass-looking,' and that he expected to work hard for a living and was willing to do so." smith's brother-in-law alva, in accordance with arrangements then made, went to palmyra and helped move his effects to a house near mr. hale's. joe acknowledges that harris's gift or loan of fifty dollars enabled him to meet the expenses of moving. parley p. pratt, in a statement published by him in london in , set forth that smith was driven to pennsylvania from palmyra through fear of his life, and that he took the plates with him concealed in a barrel of beans, thus eluding the efforts of persons who tried to secure them by means of a search warrant. tucker says that this story rests only on the sending of a constable after smith by a man to whom he owed a small debt. the great interest manifested in the plates in the neighborhood of palmyra existed only in mormon imagination developed in later years. according to some accounts, all the work of what was called "translating" the writing on the plates into what became the "book of mormon" was done at joe's home in new york state, and most of it in a cave, but this was not the case. smith himself says: "immediately after my arrival [in pennsylvania] i commenced copying the characters off the plates. i copied a considerable number of them, and by means of the urim and thummim i translated some of them, which i did between the time i arrived, at the house of my wife's father in the month of december ( ) and the february following." a clear description of the work of translating as carried on in pennsylvania is given in the affidavit made by smith's father-in-law, isaac hale, in .* he says that soon after joe's removal to his neighborhood with his wife, he (hale) was shown a box such as is used for the shipment of window glass, and was told that it contained the "book of plates"; he was allowed to lift it, but not to look into it. joe told him that the first person who would be allowed to see the plates would be a young child.** the affidavit continues:-- * howe's "mormonism unveiled," p. . ** joe's early announcement was that his first-born child was to have this power, but the child was born dead. this was one of the earliest of joe's mistakes in prophesying. "about this time martin harris made his appearance upon the stage, and smith began to interpret the characters, or hieroglyphics, which he said were engraven upon the plates, while harris wrote down the interpretation. it was said that harris wrote down pages and lost them. soon after this happened, martin harris informed me that he must have a greater witness, and said that he had talked with joseph about it. joseph informed him that he could not, or durst not, show him the plates, but that he [joseph] would go into the woods where the book of plates was, and that after he came back harris should follow his track in the snow, and find the book and examine it for himself. harris informed me that he followed smith's directions, and could not find the plates and was still dissatisfied. "the next day after this happened i went to the house where joseph smith, jr., lived, and where he and harris were engaged in their translation of the book. each of them had a written piece of paper which they were comparing, and some of the words were, i my servant seeketh a greater witness, but no greater witness can be given him.... i inquired whose words they were, and was informed by joseph or emma (i rather think it was the former), that they were the words of jesus christ. i told them that i considered the whole of it a delusion, and advised them to abandon it. the manner in which he pretended to read and interpret was the same as when he looked for the moneydiggers, with the stone in his hat and his hat over his face, while the book of plates was at the same time hid in the woods. "after this, martin harris went away, and oliver cowdery came and wrote for smith, while he interpreted as above described. "joseph smith, jr., resided near me for some time after this, and i had a good opportunity of becoming acquainted with him, and somewhat acquainted with his associates; and i conscientiously believe, from the facts i have detailed, and from many other circumstances which i do not deem it necessary to relate, that the whole book of mormon (so-called) is a silly fabrication of falsehood and wickedness, got up for speculation, and with a design to dupe the credulous and unwary." harris's natural shrewdness in a measure overcame his fanaticism, and he continued to press smith for a sight of the plates. smith thereupon made one of the first uses of those "revelations" which played so important a part in his future career, and he announced one (section , "doctrine and covenants"*), in which "i, the lord" declared to smith that the latter had entered into a covenant with him not to show the plates to any one except as the lord commanded him. harris finally demanded of smith at least a specimen of the writing on the plates for submission to experts in such subjects. as harris was the only man of means interested in this scheme of publication, joe supplied him with a paper containing some characters which he said were copied from one of the plates. this paper increased harris's belief in the reality of joe's discovery, but he sought further advice before opening his purse. dr. clark describes a call harris made on him early one morning, greatly excited, requesting a private interview. on hearing his story, dr. clark advised him that the scheme was a hoax, devised to extort money from him, but harris showed the slip of paper containing the mysterious characters, and was not to be persuaded. * all references to the "book of doctrine and covenants" refer to the sections and verses of the salt lake city edition of . seeking confirmation, however, harris made a trip to new york city in order to submit the characters to experts there. among others, he called on professor charles anthon. his interview with professor anthon has been a cause of many and conflicting statements, some mormons misrepresenting it for their own purposes and others explaining away the professor's accounts of it. the following statement was written by professor anthon in reply to an inquiry by e. d. howe:-- "new york, february , . "dear sir: i received your favor of the th, and lose no time in making a reply. the whole story about my pronouncing the mormon inscription to be 'reformed egyptian hieroglyphics' is perfectly false. some years ago a plain, apparently simple-hearted farmer called on me with a note from dr. mitchell, of our city, now dead, requesting me to decypher, if possible, the paper which the farmer would hand me, and which dr. m. confessed he had been unable to understand. upon examining the paper in question, i soon came to the conclusion that it was all a trick--perhaps a hoax. when i asked the person who brought it how he obtained the writing, he gave me, as far as i can recollect, the following account: a 'gold book' consisting of a number of plates fastened together in the shape of a book by wires of the same metal, had been dug up in the northern part of the state of new york, and along with the book an enormous pair of 'spectacles'! these spectacles were so large that, if a person attempted to look through them, his two eyes would have to be turned toward one of the glasses merely, the spectacles in question being altogether too large for the breadth of the human face. whoever examined the plates through the spectacles, was enabled, not only to read them, but fully to understand their meaning. all this knowledge, however, was confined to a young man who had the trunk containing the book and spectacles in his sole possession. this young man was placed behind a curtain in the garret of a farmhouse, and being thus concealed from view, put on the spectacles occasionally, or rather, looked through one of the glasses, decyphered the characters in the book, and, having committed some of them to paper, handed copies from behind the curtain to those who stood on the outside. not a word, however, was said about the plates being decyphered 'by the gift of god.' everything in this way was effected by the large pair of spectacles. the farmer added that he had been requested to contribute a sum of money toward the publication of the 'golden book,' the contents of which would, as he had been assured, produce an entire change in the world, and save it from ruin. so urgent had been these solicitations, that he intended selling his farm, and handing over the amount received to those who wished to publish the plates. as a last precautionary step, however, he had resolved to come to new york, and obtain the opinion of the learned about the meaning of the paper which he had brought with him, and which had been given him as part of the contents of the book, although no translation had been furnished at the time by the young man with the spectacles. on hearing this odd story, i changed my opinion about the paper, and, instead of viewing it any longer as a hoax upon the learned, i began to regard it as a part of a scheme to cheat the farmer of his money, and i communicated my suspicions to him, warning him to beware of rogues. he requested an opinion from me in writing, which, of course, i declined giving, and he then took his leave, carrying his paper with him. "this paper was in fact a singular scrawl. it consisted of all kinds of crooked characters, disposed in columns, and had evidently been prepared by some person who had before him at the time a book containing various alphabets. greek and hebrew letters, crosses and flourishes, roman letters inverted, or placed sideways, were arranged and placed in perpendicular columns; and the whole ended in a rude delineation of a circle, divided into various compartments, decked with various strange marks, and evidently copied after the mexican calendar, given by humbolt, but copied in such a way as not to betray the source whence it was, derived. i am thus particular as to the contents of the paper, inasmuch as i have frequently conversed with my friends on the subject since the mormonite excitement began, and well remember that the paper contained anything else but 'egyptian hieroglyphics.' "some time after, the farmer paid me a second visit. he brought with him the golden book in print, and offered it to me for sale. i declined purchasing. he then asked permission to leave the book with me for examination. i declined receiving it, although his manner was strangely urgent. i adverted once more to the roguery which had been, in my opinion, practised upon him, and asked him what had become of the gold plates. he informed me that they were in a trunk with the large pair of spectacles. i advised him to go to a magistrate, and have the trunk examined. he said 'the curse of god' would come upon him should he do this. on my pressing him, however, to pursue the course which i had recommended, he told me he would open the trunk if i would take 'the curse of god' upon myself. i replied i would do so with the greatest willingness, and would incur every risk of that nature provided i could only extricate him from the grasp of the rogues. he then left me. "i have thus given you a full statement of all that i know respecting the origin of mormonism, and must beg you, as a personal favor, to publish this letter immediately, should you find my name mentioned again by these wretched fanatics. yours respectfully, "charles anthon."* * "mormonism unveiled," pp. - . a letter from professor anthon to the rev. dr. coit, rector of trinity church, new rochelle, new york, dated april , , containing practically the same statement, will be found in clark's "gleanings by the way," pp. - . while mormon speakers quoted anthon as vouching for the mysterious writing, their writers were more cautious. p. p. pratt, in his "voice of warning" ( ), said that professor anthon was unable to decipher the characters, but he presumed that if the original records could be brought, he could assist in translating them. orson pratt, in his "remarkable visions" ( ), saw in the professor's failure only a verification of isaiah xxix. and :-- "and the vision of all is become unto you as the words of a book that is sealed, which men deliver to one that is learned, saying, read this, i pray thee: and he saith, i cannot, for it is sealed: and the book is delivered to him that is not learned, saying, read this, i pray thee: and he saith, i am not learned." [illustration: facsimile of the characters of the book of mormon ] john d. lee, in his "mormonism unveiled," mentions the generally used excuse of the mormons for the professor's failure to translate the writing, namely, that anthon told harris that "they were written in a sealed language, unknown to the present age." smith, in his autobiography, quotes harris's account of his interview as follows:-- "i went to new york city and presented the characters which had been translated, with the translation thereof, to prof. anthon, a man quite celebrated for his literary attainments. prof. anthon stated that the translation was correct, more so than any he had before seen translated from the egyptian. i then showed him those which were not yet translated, and he said they were egyptian, chaldaic, assyriac, and arabic, and he said they were the true characters." harris declared that the professor gave him a certificate to this effect, but took it back and tore it up when told that an angel of god had revealed the plates to joe, saying that "there were no such things as ministering angels." this account by harris of his interview with professor anthon will assist the reader in estimating the value of harris's future testimony as to the existence of the plates. harris's trip to new york city was not entirely satisfactory to him, and, as smith himself relates, "he began to tease me to give him liberty to carry the writings home and show them, and desired of me that i would enquire of the lord through the urim and thummim if he might not do so." smith complied with this request, but the permission was twice refused; the third time it was granted, but on condition that harris would show the manuscript translation to only five persons, who were named, one of them being his wife. in including mrs. harris in this list, the lord made one of the greatest mistakes into which he ever fell in using joe as a mouthpiece. mrs. harris's quaker belief had led her from the start to protest against the bible scheme, and to warn her husband against the smith family, and she vigorously opposed his investment of any money in the publication of the book. on the occasion of his first visit to joe in pennsylvania, according to mother smith, mrs. harris was determined to accompany him, and he had to depart without her knowledge; and when he went the second time, she did accompany him, and she ransacked the house to find the "record" (as the plates are often called in the smiths' writings). when harris returned home with the translated pages which joe intrusted to him (in july, ), he showed them to his family and to others, who tried in vain to convince him that he was a dupe. mrs. harris decided on a more practical course. getting possession of the papers, where harris had deposited them for safe keeping, she refused to restore them to him. what eventually became of them is uncertain, one report being that she afterward burned them. this should have caused nothing more serious in the way of delay than the time required to retranslate these pages; for certainly a well-equipped divinity, who was revealing a new bible to mankind, and supplying so powerful a means of translation as the urim and thummim, could empower the translator to repeat the words first written. indeed, the descriptions of the method of translation given afterward by smith's confederates would seem to prove that there could have been but one version of any translation of the plates, no matter how many times repeated. thus, harris described the translating as follows:-- "by aid of the seer stone [no mention of the magic spectacles] sentences would appear and were read by the prophet and written by martin, and, when finished, he would say 'written'; and if correctly written, that sentence would disappear, and another appear in its place; but if not written correctly, it remained until corrected, so that the translation was just as it was engraven on the plates, precisely in the language then used."* * elder edward stevenson in the deseret news (quoted in reynold's "mystery of the manuscript fund," p. ). david whitmer, in an account of this process written in his later years, said:-- "joseph would put the seer stone into a hat [more testimony against the use of the spectacles] and put his face in the hat, drawing it closely around his face to exclude the light; and in the darkness the spiritual light would shine. a piece of something resembling parchment would appear, and on that appeared the writing. one character at a time would appear, and under it was the translation in english. brother joseph would read off the english to o. cowdery, who was his principal scribe, and when it was written down and repeated to brother joseph to see if it were correct, then it would disappear and another character with the interpretation would appear."* * "address to believers in the book of mormon." but to joseph the matter of reproducing the lost pages of the translation did not seem simple. when harris's return to pennsylvania was delayed, joe became anxious and went to palmyra to learn what delayed him, and there he heard of mrs. harris's theft of the pages. his mother reports him as saying in announcing it, "my god, all is lost! all is lost!" why the situation was as serious to a sham translator as it would have been simple to an honest one is easily understood. whenever smith offered a second translation of the missing pages which differed from the first, a comparison of them with the latter would furnish proof positive of the fraudulent character of his pretensions. all the partners in the business had to share in the punishment for what had occurred. the smiths lost all faith in harris. joe says that harris broke his pledge about showing the translation only to five persons, and mother smith says that because of this offence "a dense fog spread itself over his fields and blighted his wheat." when joe returned to pennsylvania an angel appeared to him, his mother says, and ordered him to give up the urim and thummim, promising, however, to restore them if he was humble and penitent, and "if so, it will be on the d of september."* here may be noted one of those failures of mother and son to agree in their narratives which was excuse enough for brigham young to try to suppress the mother's book. joe mentions a "revelation" dated july, (sec. , "doctrine and covenants"), in which harris was called "a wicked man," and which told smith that he had lost his privileges for a season, and he adds, "after i had obtained the above revelation, both the plates and the urim and thummim were taken from me again, but in a few days they were returned to me."** * "biographical sketches," by lucy smith, p. . ** millennial star, vol. xiv, p. . for some ten months after this the work of translation was discontinued, although mother smith says that when she and his father visited the prophet in pennsylvania two months after his return, the first thing they saw was "a red morocco trunk lying on emma's bureau which, joseph shortly informed me, contained the urim and thummim and the plates." mrs. harris's act had evidently thrown the whole machinery of translation out of gear, and joe had to await instructions from his human adviser before a plan of procedure could be announced. during this period (in which joe says he worked on his father's farm), says tucker, "the stranger [supposed to be rigdon] had again been at smith's, and the prophet had been away from home, maybe to repay the former's visits."* * "origin, rise, and progress of mormonism," p. . two matters were decided on in these consultations, viz., that no attempt would be made to retranslate the lost pages, and that a second copy of all the rest of the manuscript should be prepared, to guard against a similar perplexity in case of the loss of later pages. the proof of the latter statement i find in the fact that a second copy did exist. ebenezer robinson, who was a leading man in the church from the time of its establishment in ohio until smith's death, says in his recollections that, when the people assembled on october , , to lay the corner-stone of nauvoo house, smith said he had a document to put into the corner-stone, and robinson went with him to his house to procure it. robinson's story proceeds as follows:-- "he got a manuscript copy of the book of mormon, and brought it into the room where we were standing, and said, 'i will examine to see if it is all here'; and as he did so i stood near him, at his left side, and saw distinctly the writing as he turned up the pages until he hastily went through the book and satisfied himself that it was all there, when he said, 'i have had trouble enough with this thing'; which remark struck me with amazement, as i looked upon it as a sacred treasure." robinson says that the manuscript was written on foolscap paper and most of it in oliver cowdery's handwriting. he explains that two copies were necessary, "as the printer who printed the first edition of the book had to have a copy, as they would not put the original copy into his hands for fear of its being altered. this accounts for david whitmer having a copy and joseph smith having one."* * the return, vol. ii, p. . ebenezer robinson, a printer, joined the mormons at kirtland, followed smith to missouri, and went with the flock to nauvoo, where he and the prophet's brother, don carlos, established the times and seasons. when the doctrine of polygamy was announced to him and his wife, they rejected it, and he followed rigdon to pennsylvania when rigdon was turned out by young. in later years he was engaged in business enterprises in iowa, and was a resident of davis city when david whitmer announced the organization of his church in missouri, and, not accepting the view of the prophet entertained by his descendants in the reorganized church, robinson accepted baptism from whitmer. the return was started by him in january, , and continued until his death, in its second year. his reminiscences of early mormon experiences, which were a feature of the publication, are of value. major bideman, who married the prophet's widow, partly completed and occupied nauvoo house after the departure of the mormons for utah, and some years later he took out the cornerstone and opened it, but found the manuscript so ruined by moisture that only a little was legible. in regard to the missing pages, it was decided to announce a revelation, which is dated may, (sec. , "doctrine and covenants"), stating that the lost pages had got into the hands of wicked men, that "satan has put it into their hearts to alter the words which you have caused to be written, or which you have translated," in accordance with a plan of the devil to destroy smith's work. he was directed therefore to translate from the plates of nephi, which contained a "more particular account" than the book of lehi from which the original translation was made. when smith began translating again, harris was not reemployed, but emma, the prophet's wife, acted as his scribe until april , , when a new personage appeared upon the scene. this was oliver cowdery. cowdery was a blacksmith by trade, but gave up that occupation, and, while joe was translating in pennsylvania, secured the place of teacher in the district where the smiths lived, and boarded with them. they told him of the new bible, and, according to joe's later account, cowdery for himself received a revelation of its divine character, went to pennsylvania, and from that time was intimately connected with joe in the translation and publication of the book. in explanation of the change of plan necessarily adopted in the translation, the following preface appeared in the first edition of the book, but was dropped later:-- "to the reader. "as many false reports have been circulated respecting the following work, and also many unlawful measures taken by evil designing persons to destroy me, and also the work, i would inform you that i translated, by the gift and power of god, and caused to be written, one hundred and sixteen pages, the which i took from the book of lehi, which was an account abridged from the plates of lehi, by the hand of mormon; which said account, some person or persons have stolen and kept from me, notwithstanding my utmost efforts to recover it again--and being commanded of the lord that i should not translate the same over again, for satan had put it into their hearts to tempt the lord their god, by altering the words; that they did read contrary from that which i translated and caused to be written; and if i should bring forth the same words again, or, in other words, if i should translate the same over again, they would publish that which they had stolen, and satan would stir up the hearts of this generation, that they might not receive this work, but behold, the lord said unto me, i will not suffer that satan shall accomplish his evil design in this thing; therefore thou shalt translate from the plates of nephi until ye come to that which ye have translated, which ye have retained; and behold, ye shall publish it as the record of nephi; and thus i will confound those who have altered my words. i will not suffer that they shall destroy my work; yea, i will show unto them that my wisdom is greater than the cunning of the devil. wherefore, to be obedient unto the commandments of god, i have, through his grace and mercy, accomplished that which he hath commanded me respecting this thing. i would also inform you that the plates of which hath been spoken, were found in the township of manchester, ontario county, new york.--the author." in june, , smith accepted an invitation to change his residence to the house of peter whitmer, who, with his sons, david, john, and peter, jr., lived at fayette, seneca county, new york, the whitmers promising his board free and their assistance in the work of translation. there, smith says, they resided "until the translation was finished and the copyright secured." as five of the whitmers were "witnesses" to the existence of the plates, and david continued to be a person of influence in mormon circles throughout his long life, information about them is of value. the prophet's mother again comes to our aid, although her account conflicts with her son's. the prophet says that david whitmer brought the invitation to take up quarters at his father's, and volunteered the offer of free board and assistance. mother smith says that one day, as joe was translating the plates, he came, in the midst of the words of the holy writ, to a commandment to write at once to david whitmer, requesting him to come immediately and take the prophet and cowdery to his house, "as an evil-designing people were seeking to take away his [joseph's] life in order to prevent the work of god from going forth to the world." when the letter arrived, david's father told him that, as they had wheat sown that would require two days' harrowing, and a quantity of plaster to spread, he could not go "unless he could get a witness from god that it was absolutely necessary." in answer to his inquiry of the lord on the subject, david was told to go as soon as his wheat was harrowed in. setting to work, he found that at the end of the first day the two days' harrowing had been completed, and, on going out the next morning to spread the plaster, he found that work done also, and his sister told him she had seen three unknown men at work in the field the day before: so that the task had been accomplished by "an exhibition of supernatural power."* * "biographical sketches," lucy smith, p. . the translation being ready for the press, in june, (i follow tucker's account of the printing of the work), joseph, his brother hyrum, cowdery, and harris asked egbert b. grandin, publisher of the wayne sentinel at palmyra, to give them an estimate of the cost of printing an edition of three thousand copies, with harris as security for the payment. grandin told them he did not want to undertake the job at any price, and he tried to persuade harris not to invest his money in the scheme, assuring him that it was fraudulent. application was next made to thurlow weed, then the publisher of the anti-masonic inquirer, at rochester, new york. "after reading a few chapters," says mr. weed, "it seemed such a jumble of unintelligent absurdities that we refused the work, advising harris not to mortgage his farm and beggar his family." finally, smith and his associates obtained from elihu f. marshall, a rochester publisher, a definite bid for the work, and with this they applied again to grandin, explaining that it would be much more convenient for them to have the printing done at home, and pointing out to him that he might as well take the job, as his refusal would not prevent the publication of the book. this argument had weight with him, and he made a definite contract to print and bind five thousand copies for the sum of $ , a mortgage on harris's farm to be given him as security. mrs. harris had persisted in her refusal to be in any way a party to the scheme, and she and her husband had finally made a legal separation, with a division of the property, after she had entered a complaint against joe, charging him with getting money from her husband on fraudulent representation. at the hearing on this complaint, harris denied that he had ever contributed a dollar to joe at the latter's persuasion. tucker, who did much of the proof-reading of the new bible, comparing it with the manuscript copy, says that, when the printing began, smith and his associates watched the manuscript with the greatest vigilance, bringing to the office every morning as much as the printers could set up during the day, and taking it away in the evening, forbidding also any alteration. the foreman, john h. gilbert, found the manuscript so poorly prepared as regards grammatical construction, spelling, punctuation, etc., that he told them that some corrections must be made, and to this they finally consented. daniel hendrix, in his recollections, says in confirmation of this:-- "i helped to read proof on many pages of the book, and at odd times set some type.... the penmanship of the copy furnished was good, but the grammar, spelling and punctuation were done by john h. gilbert, who was chief compositor in the office. i have heard him swear many a time at the syntax and orthography of cowdery, and declare that he would not set another line of the type. there were no paragraphs, no punctuation and no capitals. all that was done in the printing office, and what a time there used to be in straightening sentences out, too. during the printing of the book i remember that joe smith kept in the background." the following letter is in reply to an inquiry addressed by me to albert chandler, the only survivor, i think, of the men who helped issue the first edition of smith's book:-- "coldwater, mich., dec. , . "my recollections of joseph smith, jr. and of the first steps taken in regard to his bible have never been printed. at the time of the printing of the mormon bible by egbert b. grandin of the sentinel i was an apprentice in the bookbindery connected with the sentinel office. i helped to collate and stitch the gold bible, and soon after this was completed, i changed from book-binding to printing. i learned my trade in the sentinel office. "my recollections of the early history of the mormon bible are vivid to-day. i knew personally oliver cowdery, who translated the bible, martin harris, who mortgaged his farm to procure the printing, and joseph smith jr., but slightly. what i knew of him was from hearsay, principally from martin harris, who believed fully in him. mr. tucker's 'origin, rise, and progress of mormonism' is the fullest account i have ever seen. i doubt if i can add anything to that history. "the whole history is shrouded in the deepest mystery. joseph smith jr., who read through the wonderful spectacles, pretended to give the scribe the exact reading of the plates, even to spelling, in which smith was woefully deficient. martin harris was permitted to be in the room with the scribe, and would try the knowledge of smith, as he told me, saying that smith could not spell the word february, when his eyes were off the spectacles through which he pretended to work. this ignorance of smith was proof positive to him that smith was dependent on the spectacles for the contents of the bible. smith and the plates containing the original of the mormon bible were hid from view of the scribe and martin harris by a screen. "i should think that martin harris, after becoming a convert, gave up his entire time to advertising the bible to his neighbors and the public generally in the vicinity of palmyra. he would call public meetings and address them himself. he was enthusiastic, and went so far as to say that god, through the latter day saints, was to rule the world. i heard him make this statement, that there would never be another president of the united states elected; that soon all temporal and spiritual power would be given over to the prophet joseph smith and the latter day saints. his extravagant statements were the laughing stock of the people of palmyra. his stories were hissed at, universally. to give you an idea of mr. harris's superstitions, he told me that he saw the devil, in all his hideousness, on the road, just before dark, near his farm, a little north of palmyra. you can see that harris was a fit subject to carry out the scheme of organizing a new religion. "the absolute secrecy of the whole inception and publication of the mormon bible stopped positive knowledge. we only knew what joseph smith would permit martin harris to publish, in reference to the whole thing. "the issuing of the book of mormon scarcely made a ripple of excitement in palmyra. "albert chandler."* * mr. chandler moved to michigan in , and has been connected with several newspapers in that state, editing the kalamazoo gazette, and founding and publishing the coldwater sentinel. he was elected the first mayor of coldwater, serving several terms. he was in his eighty-fifth year when the above letter was written. the book was published early in . on paper the sale of the first edition showed a profit of $ at $ . a volume, that being the lowest price to be asked on pain of death, according to a "special revelation" received by smith. by the original agreement harris was to have the exclusive control of the sale of the book. but it did not sell. the local community took it no more seriously than they did joe himself and his family. the printer demanded his pay as the work progressed, and it became necessary for smith to spur harris on by announcing a revelation (sec. , "doctrine and covenants"), saying, "i command thee that thou shalt not covet thine own property, but impart it freely to the printing of the book of mormon." harris accordingly disposed of his share of the farm and paid grandin. to make the book "go," smith now received a revelation which permitted his father, soon to be elevated to the title of patriarch, to sell it on commission, and smith, sr., made expeditions through the country, taking in pay for any copies sold such farm produce or "store goods" as he could use in his own family. how much he "cut" the revealed price of the book in these trades is not known, but in one instance, when arrested in palmyra for a debt of $ . , he, under pledge of secrecy, offered seven of the bibles in settlement, and the creditor, knowing that the old man had no better assets, accepted the offer as a joke.* * "origin, rise, and progress of mormonism," tucker, p. . chapter vii. -- the spaulding manuscript the history of the mormon bible has been brought uninterruptedly to this point in order that the reader may be able to follow clearly each step that had led up to its publication. it is now necessary to give attention to two subjects intimately connected with the origin of this book, viz., the use made of what is known as the "spaulding manuscript," in supplying the historical part of the work, and sidney rigdon's share in its production. the most careful student of the career of joseph smith, jr., and of his family and his associates, up to the year , will fail to find any ground for the belief that he alone, or simply with their assistance, was capable of composing the book of mormon, crude in every sense as that work is. we must therefore accept, as do the mormons, the statement that the text was divinely revealed to smith, or must look for some directing hand behind the scene, which supplied the historical part and applied the theological. the "spaulding manuscript" is believed to have furnished the basis of the historical part of the work. solomon spaulding, born in ashford, connecticut, in , was graduated from dartmouth college in , studied divinity, and for some years had charge of a church. his own family described him as a peculiar man, given to historical researches, and evidently of rather unstable disposition. he gave up preaching, conducted an academy at cherry valley, new york, and later moved to conneaut, ohio, where in he had an interest in an iron foundry. his attention was there attracted to the ancient mounds in that vicinity, and he set some of his men to work exploring one of them. "i vividly remember how excited he became," says his daughter, when he heard that they had exhumed some human bones, portions of gigantic skeletons, and various relics. from these discoveries he got the idea of writing a fanciful history of the ancient races of this country. the title he chose for his book was "the manuscript found." he considered this work a great literary production, counted on being able to pay his debts from the proceeds of its sale, and was accustomed to read selections from the manuscript to his neighbors with evident pride. the impression that such a production would be likely to make on the author's neighbors in that frontier region and in those early days, when books were scarce and authors almost unknown, can with difficulty be realized now. barrett wendell, speaking of the days of bryant's early work, says:-- "ours was a new country...deeply and sensitively aware that it lacked a literature. whoever produced writings which could be pronounced adorable was accordingly regarded by his fellow citizens as a public benefactor, a great public figure, a personage of whom the nation could be proud."* this feeling lends weight to the testimony of mr. spaulding's neighbors, who in later years gave outlines of his work. * "literary history of america." in order to find a publisher mr. spaulding moved with his family to pittsburg, pennsylvania. a printer named patterson spoke well of the manuscript to its author, but no one was found willing to publish it. the spauldings afterward moved to amity, pennsylvania, where mr. spaulding died in . his widow and only child went to live with mrs. spaulding's brother, w. h. sabine, at onondaga valley, new york, taking their effects with them. these included an old trunk containing mr. spaulding's papers. "there were sermons and other papers," says his daughter, "and i saw a manuscript about an inch thick, closely written, tied up with some stories my father had written for me, one of which he called 'the frogs of windham.' on the outside of this manuscript were written the words 'manuscript found.' i did not read it, but looked through it, and had it in my hands many times, and saw the names i had heard at conneaut, when my father read it to his friends." mrs. spaulding next went to her father's house in connecticut, leaving her personal property at her brother's. she married a mr. davison in , and the old trunk was sent to her at her new home in hartwick, otsego county, new york. the daughter was married to a mr. mckinstry in , and her mother afterward made her home with her at monson, massachusetts, most of the time until her death in . when the newly announced mormon bible began to be talked about in ohio, there were immediate declarations in spaulding's old neighborhood of a striking similarity between the bible story and the story that spaulding used to read to his acquaintances there, and these became positive assertions after the mormons had held a meeting at conneaut. the opinion was confidently expressed there that, if the manuscript could be found and published, it would put an end to the mormon pretence. about the year mrs. davison received a visit at monson from d. p. hurlbut, a man who had gone over to the mormons from the methodist church, and had apostatized and been expelled. he represented that he had been sent by a committee to secure "the manuscript found" in order that it might be compared with the mormon bible. as he brought a letter from her brother, mrs. davison, with considerable reluctance, gave him an introduction to george clark, in whose house at hartwick she had left the old trunk, directing mr. clark to let hurlbut have the manuscript, receiving his verbal pledge to return it. he obtained a manuscript from this trunk, but did not keep his pledge.* * condensed from an affidavit by mrs. mckinstry, dated april , , in scribner's magazine for august, . the boston recorder published in may, , a detailed statement by mrs. davison concerning her knowledge of "the manuscript found." after giving an account of the writing of the story, her statement continued as follows:-- "here [in pittsburg] mr. spaulding found a friend and acquaintance in the person of mr. patterson, who was very much pleased with it, and borrowed it for perusal. he retained it for a long time, and informed mr. spaulding that, if he would make out a title-page and preface, he would publish it, as it might be a source of profit. this mr. spaulding refused to do. sidney rigdon, who has figured so largely in the history of the mormons, was at that time connected with the printing office of mr. patterson, as is well known in that region, and, as rigdon himself has frequently stated, became acquainted with mr. spaulding's manuscript and copied it. it was a matter of notoriety and interest to all connected with the printing establishment. at length the manuscript was returned to its author, and soon after we removed to amity where mr. spaulding deceased in . the manuscript then fell into my hands, and was carefully preserved." this statement stirred up the mormons greatly, and they at once pronounced the letter a forgery, securing from mrs. davison a statement in which she said that she did not write it. this was met with a counter statement by the rev. d. r. austin that it was made up from notes of a conversation with her, and was correct. in confirmation of this the quincy [massachusetts] whig printed a letter from john haven of holliston, massachusetts, giving a report of a conversation between his son jesse and mrs. davison concerning this letter, in which she stated that the letter was substantially correct, and that some of the names used in the mormon bible were like those in her husband's story. rigdon himself, in a letter addressed to the boston journal, under date of may , , denied all knowledge of spaulding, and declared that there was no printer named patterson in pittsburg during his residence there, although he knew a robert patterson who had owned a printing-office in that city. the larger part of his letter is a coarse attack on hurlbut and also on e. d. howe, the author of "mormonism unveiled," whose whole family he charged with scandalous immoralities. if the use of spaulding's story in the preparation of the mormon bible could be proved by nothing but this letter of mrs. davison, the demonstration would be weak; but this is only one link in the chain. howe, in his painstaking efforts to obtain all probable information about the mormon origin from original sources, secured the affidavits of eight of spaulding's acquaintances in ohio, giving their recollections of the "manuscript found."* spaulding's brother, john, testified that he heard many passages of the manuscript read and, describing it, he said:-- * howe's "mormonism unveiled," pp. - . "it was an historical romance of the first settlers of america, endeavoring to show that the american indians are the descendants of the jews, or the lost tribe. it gave a detailed account of their journey from jerusalem, by land and sea, till they arrived in america, under the command of nephi and lehi. they afterwards had quarrels and contentions, and separated into two distinct nations, one of which he denominated nephites, and the other lamanites. cruel and bloody wars ensued, in which great multitudes were slain.... i have recently read the "book of mormon," and to my great surprise i find nearly the same historical matter, names, etc., as they were in my brother's writings. i well remember that he wrote in the old style, and commenced about every sentence with 'and it came to pass,' or 'now it came to pass,' the same as in the 'book of mormon,' and, according to the best of my recollection and belief, it is the same as my brother solomon wrote, with the exception of the religious matter." john spaulding's wife testified that she had no doubt that the historical part of the bible and the manuscript were the same, and she well recalled such phrases as "it came to pass." mr. spaulding's business partner at conneaut, henry lake, testified that spaulding read the manuscript to him many hours, that the story running through it and the bible was the same, and he recalls this circumstance: "one time, when he was reading to me the tragic account of laban, i pointed out to him what i considered an inconsistency, which he promised to correct, but by referring to the 'book of mormon,' i find that it stands there just as he read it to me then.... i well recollect telling mr. spaulding that the so frequent use of the words 'and it came to pass,' 'now it came to pass,' rendered it ridiculous." john n. miller, an employee of spaulding in ohio, and a boarder in his family for several months, testified that spaulding had written more than one book or pamphlet, that he had heard the author read from the "manuscript found," that he recalled the story running through it, and added: "i have recently examined the 'book of mormon,' and find in it the writings of solomon spaulding, from beginning to end, but mixed up with scripture and other religious matter which i did not meet with in the 'manuscript found'.... the names of nephi, lehi, moroni, and in fact all the principal names, are brought fresh to my recollection by the 'gold bible.'" practically identical testimony was given by the four other neighbors. important additions to this testimony have been made in later years. a statement by joseph miller of amity, pennsylvania, a man of standing in that community, was published in the pittsburg telegraph of february , . mr. miller said that he was well acquainted with spaulding when he lived at amity, and heard him read most of the "manuscript found," and had read the mormon bible in late years to compare the two. on hearing read, "he says," the account from the book of the battle between the amlicites (book of alma), in which the soldiers of one army had placed a red mark on their foreheads to distinguish them from their enemies, it seemed to reproduce in my mind, not only the narration, but the very words as they had been impressed on my mind by the reading of spaulding's manuscript.... the longer i live, the more firmly i am convinced that spaulding's manuscript was appropriated and largely used in getting up the "book of mormon." redick mckee, a resident of amity, pennsylvania, when spaulding lived there, and later a resident of washington, d. c., in a letter to the washington [pennsylvania] reporter, of april , , stated that he heard spaulding read from his manuscript, and added: "i have an indistinct recollection of the passage referred to by mr. miller about the amlicites making a cross with red paint on their foreheads to distinguish them from enemies in battle." the rev. abner judson, of canton, ohio, wrote for the washington county, pennsylvania, historical society, under date of december , , an account of his recollections of the spaulding manuscript, and it was printed in the washington [pennsylvania] reporter of january , . spaulding read a large part of his manuscript to mr. judson's father before the author moved to pittsburg, and the son, confined to the house with a lameness, heard the reading and the accompanying conversations. he says: "he wrote it in the bible style. 'and it came to pass,' occurred so often that some called him 'old come-to-pass.' the 'book of mormons' follows the romance too closely to be a stranger.... when it was brought to conneaut and read there in public, old esquire wright heard it and exclaimed, 'old come-to-pass' has come to life again."* * fuller extracts from the testimony of these later witnesses will be found in robert patterson's pamphlet, "who wrote the book of mormon," reprinted from the "history of washington county, pa." the testimony of so many witnesses, so specific in its details, seems to prove the identity of spaulding's story and the story running through the mormon bible. the late president james h. fairchild of oberlin, ohio, whose pamphlet on the subject we shall next examine, admits that "if we could accept without misgiving the testimony of the eight witnesses brought forward in howe's book, we should be obliged to accept the fact of another manuscript" (than the one which president fairchild secured); but he thinks there is some doubt about the effect on the memory of these witnesses of the lapse of years and the reading of the new bible before they recalled the original story. it must be remembered, however, that this resemblance was recalled as soon as they heard the story of the new bible, and there seems no ground on which to trace a theory that it was the bible which originated in their minds the story ascribed to the manuscript. the defenders of the mormon bible as an original work received great comfort some fifteen years ago by the announcement that the original manuscript of spaulding's "manuscript found" had been discovered in the sandwich islands and brought to this country, and that its narrative bore no resemblance to the bible story. the history of this second manuscript is as follows: e. d. howe sold his printing establishment at painesville, ohio, to l. l. rice, who was an antislavery editor there for many years. mr. rice afterward moved to the sandwich islands, and there he was requested by president fairchild to look over his old papers to see if he could not find some antislavery matter that would be of value to the oberlin college library. one result of his search was an old manuscript bearing the following certificate: 'the writings of solomon spaulding,' proved by aaron wright, oliver smith, john n. miller and others. the testimonies of the above gentlemen are now in my possession. "d. p. hurlbut." president fairchild in a paper on this subject which has been published* gives a description of this manuscript (it has been printed by the reorganized church at lamoni, iowa), which shows that it bears no resemblance to the bible story. but the assumption that this proves that the bible story is original fails immediately in view of the fact that mr. howe made no concealment of his possession of this second manuscript. hurlbut was in howe's service when he asked mrs. davison for an order for the manuscript, and he gave to howe, as the result of his visit, the manuscript which rice gave to president fairchild. howe in his book (p. ) describes this manuscript substantially as does president fairchild, saying:-- * "manuscript of solomon spaulding and the 'book of mormon,'" tract no. , western reserve historical society, cleveland, ohio. "this is a romance, purporting to have been translated from the latin, found on twenty-four rolls of parchment in a cave on the banks of conneaut creek, but written in a modern style, and giving a fabulous account of a ship's being driven upon the american coast, while proceeding from rome to britain, a short time pious to the christian era, this country then being inhabited by the indians."* * howe says in his book, "the fact that spaulding in the latter part of his life inclined to infidelity is established by a letter in his handwriting now in our possession." this letter was given by rice with the other manuscript to president fairchild (who reproduces it), thus adding to the proof that the rice manuscript is the one hurlbut delivered to howe. mr. howe adds this important statement:-- "this old manuscript has been shown to several of the foregoing witnesses, who recognize it as spaulding's, he having told them that he had altered his first plan of writing, by going further back with dates, and writing in the old scripture style, in order that it might appear more ancient. they say that it bears no resemblance to the 'manuscript found.'" if howe had considered this manuscript of the least importance as invalidating the testimony showing the resemblance between the "manuscript found" and the mormon bible, he would have destroyed it (if he was the malignant falsifier the mormons represented him to be), and not have first described it in his book; and then left it to be found by any future owner of his effects. its rediscovery has been accepted, however, even by some non-mormons, as proof that the mormon bible is an original production.* * preface to "the mormon prophet," lily dugall. mrs. ellen e. dickenson, a great-niece of spaulding, who has painstakingly investigated the history of the much-discussed manuscript, visited d. p. hurlbut at his home near gibsonburg, ohio, in (he died in ), taking with her oscar kellogg, a lawyer, as a witness to the interview.* she says that her visit excited him greatly. he told of getting a manuscript for mr. howe at hartwick, and said he thought it was burned with other of mr. howe's papers. when asked, "was it spaulding's manuscript that was burned?" he replied: "mrs. davison thought it was; but when i just peeked into it, here and there, and saw the names mormon, moroni, lamanite, lephi, i thought it was all nonsense. why, if it had been the real one, i could have sold it for $ ;** but i just gave it to howe because it was of no account." during the interview his wife was present, and when mrs. dickenson pressed him with the question, "do you know where the 'manuscript found' is at the present time?" mrs. hurlbut went up to him and said, "tell her what you know." she got no satisfactory answer, but he afterward forwarded to her an affidavit saying that he had obtained of mrs. davison a manuscript supposing it to be spaulding's "manuscript found," adding: "i did not examine the manuscript until after i got home, when upon examination i found it to contain nothing of the kind, but being a manuscript upon an entirely different subject. this manuscript i left with e. d. howe." with this presentation of the evidence showing the similarity between spaulding's story and the mormon bible narrative, we may next examine the grounds for believing that sidney rigdon was connected with the production of the bible. * a full account of this interview is given in her book, "new light on mormonism" ( ). ** there have been surmises that hurlbut also found the "manuscript found" in the trunk and sold this to the mormons. he sent a specific denial of this charge to robert patterson in . chapter viii. -- sidney rigdon the man who had more to do with founding the mormon church than joseph smith, jr., even if we exclude any share in the production of the mormon bible, and yet who is unknown even by name to most persons to whom the names of joseph smith and brigham young are familiar, was sidney rigdon. elder john hyde, jr., was well within the truth when he wrote: "the compiling genius of mormonism was sidney rigdon. smith had boisterous impetuosity but no foresight. polygamy was not the result of his policy but of his passions. sidney gave point, direction, and apparent consistency to the mormon system of theology. he invented its forms and the manner of its arguments.... had it not been for the accession of these two men [rigdon and parley p. pratt] smith would have been lost, and his schemes frustrated and abandoned."* * "mormonism: its leaders and designs" ( ). hyde, an englishman, joined the mormons in that country when a lad and began to preach almost at once. he sailed for this country in and joined the brethren in salt lake city. brigham young's rule upset his faith, and he abandoned the belief in . even h. h. bancroft concedes him to have been "an able and honest man, sober and sincere." rigdon (according to the sketch of him presented in smith's autobiography,* which he doubtless wrote) was born in st. clair township, allegheny county, pennsylvania, on february , . his father was a farmer, and he lived on the farm, receiving only a limited education, until he was twenty-six years old. he then connected himself with the baptist church, and received a license to preach. selecting ohio as his field, he continued his work in rural districts in that state until , when he accepted a call to a small baptist church in pittsburg. * millennial star, vol. xiv, supt. twenty years before the publication of the mormon bible, thomas and alexander campbell, scotchmen, had founded a congregation in washington county, pennsylvania, out of which grew the religious denomination known as disciples of christ, or campbellites, whose communicants in the united states numbered , in the year . the fundamental principle of their teaching was that every doctrine of belief, or maxim of duty, must rest upon the authority of scripture, expressed or implied, all human creeds being rejected. the campbells (who had been first presbyterians and then baptists) were wonderful orators and convincing debaters out of the pulpit, and they drew to themselves many of the most eloquent exhorters in what was then the western border of the united states. among their allies was another scotchman, walter scott, a musician and schoolteacher by profession, who assisted them in their newspaper work and became a noted evangelist in their denomination. during a visit to pittsburg in , scott made rigdon's acquaintance, and a little later the flocks to which each preached were united. in august, , rigdon announced his withdrawal from his church. regarding his withdrawal the sketch in smith's autobiography says:-- "after he had been in that place [pittsburg] some time, his mind was troubled and much perplexed with the idea that the doctrines maintained by that society were not altogether in accordance with the scriptures. this thing continued to agitate his mind more and more, and his reflections on these occasions were particularly trying; for, according to his view of the word of god, no other church with whom he could associate, or that he was acquainted with, was right; consequently, if he was to disavow the doctrine of the church with whom he was then associated, he knew of no other way of obtaining a living, except by manual labor, and at that time he had a wife and three children to support." for two years after he gave up his church connection he worked as a journeyman tanner. this is all the information obtainable about this part of his life. we next find him preaching at bainbridge, ohio, as an undenominational exhorter, but following the general views of the campbells, advising his hearers to reject their creeds and rest their belief solely on the bible. in june, , rigdon received a call to a baptist church at mentor, ohio, whose congregation he had pleased when he preached the funeral sermon of his predecessor. his labors were not confined, however, to this congregation. we find him acting as the "stated" minister of a disciples' church organized at mantua, ohio, in , preaching with thomas campbell at shalersville, ohio, in , and thus extending the influence he had acquired as early as , when alexander campbell called him "the great orator of the mahoning association". in he visited his old associate scott, was further confirmed in his faith in the disciples' belief, and, taking his brother-in-law bentley back with him, they began revival work at mentor, which led to the conversion of more than fifty of their hearers. they held services at kirtland, ohio, with equal success, and the story of this awakening was the main subject of discussion in all the neighborhood round about. the sketch of rigdon in smith's autobiography closes with this tribute to his power as a preacher: "the churches where he preached were no longer large enough to contain the vast assemblies. no longer did he follow the old beaten track,... but dared to enter on new grounds,... threw new light on the sacred volume,... proved to a demonstration the literal fulfilment of prophecy...and the reign of christ with his saints on the earth in the millennium." in tracing rigdon's connection with smith's enterprise, attention must be carefully paid both to rigdon's personal characteristics, and to the resemblance between the doctrines he had taught in the pulpit and those that appear in the mormon bible. rigdon's mental and religious temperament was just of the character to be attracted by a novelty in religious belief. he, with his brother-in-law, adamson bentley, visited alexander campbell in , and spent a whole night in religious discussion. when they parted the next day, rigdon declared that "if he had within the last year promulgated one error, he had a thousand," and mr. campbell, in his account of the interview, remarked, "i found it expedient to caution them not to begin to pull down anything they had builded until they had reviewed, again and again, what they had heard; not even then rashly and without much consideration."* * millennial harbinger, , p. . a leading member of the church at mantua has written, "sidney rigdon preached for us, and, notwithstanding his extravagantly wild freaks, he was held in high repute by many."* * "early history of the disciples' church in the western reserve," by a: s. hayden ( ), p. . an important church discussion occurred at warren, ohio, in . following out the idea of the literal interpretation of the scriptures taught in the disciples' church, rigdon sprung on the meeting an argument in favor of a community of goods, holding that the apostles established this system at jerusalem, and that the modern church, which rested on their example, must follow them. alexander campbell, who was present, at once controverted this position, showing that the apostles, as narrated in acts, "sold their possessions" instead of combining them for a profit, and citing bible texts to prove that no "community system" existed in the early church. this argument carried the meeting, and rigdon left the assemblage, embittered against campbell beyond forgiveness. to a brother in warren, on his way home, he declared, "i have done as much in this reformation as campbell or scott, and yet they get all the honor of it." this claim is set forth specifically in the sketch of rigdon in smith's autobiography. referring to rigdon and alexander campbell, this statement is there made:-- "after they had separated from the different churches, these gentlemen were on terms of the greatest friendship, and frequently met together to discuss the subject of religion, being yet undetermined respecting the principles of the doctrine of christ or what course to pursue. however, from this connection sprung up a new church in the world, known by the name of 'campbellites'; they call themselves 'disciples.' the reason why they were called campbellites was in consequence of mr. campbell's periodical, above mentioned [the christian baptist], and it being the means through which they communicated their sentiments to the world; other than this, mr. campbell was no more the originator of the sect than elder rigdon." rigdon's bitterness against the campbells and his old church more than once manifested itself in his later writings. for instance, in an article in the messenger and advocate (kirtland), of june, , he said: "one thing has been done by the coming forth of the book of mormon. it has puked the campbellites effectually; no emetic could have done so half as well.... the book of mormon has revealed the secrets of campbellism and unfolded the end of the system." in this jealousy of the campbells, and the discomfiture as a leader which he received at their hands, we find a sufficient object for rigdon's desertion of his old church associations and desire to build up something, the discovery of which he could claim, and the government of which he could control. to understand the strength of the argument that the doctrinal teachings of the mormon bible were the work of a disciples' preacher rather than of the ne'er-do-well smith, it is only necessary to examine the teachings of the disciples' church in ohio at that time. the investigator will be startled by the resemblance between what was then taught to and believed by disciples' congregations and the leading beliefs of the mormon bible. in the following examples of this the illustrations of disciples' beliefs and teachings are taken from hayden's "early history of the disciples' church in the western reserve." the literal interpretation of the scriptures, on which the mormon defenders of their faith so largely depend,--as for explanations of modern revelations, miracles, and signs,--was preached to so extreme a point by ohio disciples that alexander campbell had to combat them in his millennial harbinger. an outcome of this literal interpretation was a belief in a speedy millennium, another fundamental belief of the early mormon church. "the hope of the millennial glory," says hayden, "was based on many passages of the holy scriptures.... millennial hymns were learned and sung with a joyful fervor.... it is surprising even now, as memory returns to gather up these interesting remains of that mighty work, to recall the thorough and extensive knowledge which the convert quickly obtained. nebuchadnezzar's vision... many portions of the revelation were so thoroughly studied that they became the staple of the common talk." rigdon's old pittsburg friend, scott, in his report as evangelist to the church association at warren in , said: "individuals eminently skilled in the word of god, the history of the world, and the progress of human improvements see reasons to expect great changes, much greater than have yet occurred, and which shall give to political society and to the church a different, a very different, complexion from what many anticipate. the millennium--the millennium described in the scriptures--will doubtless be a wonder, a terrible wonder, to all." disciples' preachers understood that they spoke directly for god, just as smith assumed to do in his "revelations." referring to the preaching of rigdon and bentley, after a visit to scott in march, , hayden says, "they spoke with authority, for the word which they delivered was not theirs, but that of jesus christ." the disciples, like the mormons, at that time looked for the return of the jews to jerusalem. scott* was an enthusiastic preacher of this. "the fourteenth chapter of zechariah," says hayden, "was brought forward in proof--all considered as literal--that the most marvellous and stupendous physical and climatic changes were to be wrought in palestine; and that jesus christ the messiah was to reign literally in jerusalem, and in mount zion, and before his ancients, gloriously." * "in a letter to dr. richardson, written in , he [scott] says the book of elias smith on the prophecies is the only sensible work on that subject he had seen. he thinks this and crowley on the apocalypse all the student of the bible wants. he strongly commends smith's book to the doctor. this seems to be the origin of millennial views among us. rigdon, who always caught and proclaimed the last word that fell from the lips of scott or campbell, seized these views (about the millennium and the jews) and, with the wildness of his extravagant nature, heralded them everywhere."--"early history of the disciples' church in the western reserve," p. . campbell taught that "creeds are but statements, with few exceptions, of doctrinal opinion or speculators' views of philosophical or dogmatic subjects, and tended to confusion, disunion, and weakness." orson pratt, in his "divine authenticity of the book of mormon," thus stated the early mormon view on the same subject: "if any man or council, without the aid of immediate revelation, shall undertake to decide upon such subjects, and prescribe 'articles of faith' or 'creeds' to govern the belief or views of others, there will be thousands of well-meaning people who will not have confidence in the productions of these fallible men, and, therefore, frame creeds of their own.... in this way contentions arise." finally, attention may be directed to the emphatic declarations of the disciples' doctrine of baptism in the mormon bible:-- "ye shall go down and stand in the water, and in my name shall ye baptize them.... and then shall ye immerse them in the water, and come forth again out of the water."-- nephi xi. , . "i know that it is solemn mockery before god that ye should baptize little children.... he that supposeth that little children need baptism is in the gall of bitterness and in the bond of iniquity; for he hath neither faith, hope, nor charity; wherefore, should he be cut off while in the thought, he must go down to hell. for awful is the wickedness to suppose that god saveth one child because of baptism, and the other must perish because he hath no baptism."--moroni viii. , xc, . there are but three conclusions possible from all this: that the mormon bible was a work of inspiration, and that the agreement of its doctrines with disciples' belief only proves the correctness of the latter; that smith, in writing his doctrinal views, hit on the disciples' tenets by chance (he had had no opportunity whatever to study them); or, finally, that some disciple, learned in the church, supplied these doctrines to him. advancing another step in the examination of rigdon's connection with the scheme, we find that even the idea of a new bible was common belief among the ohio disciples who listened to scott's teaching. describing scott's preaching in the winter of - , hayden says:-- "he contended ably for the restoration of the true, original apostolic order which would restore to the church the ancient gospel as preached by the apostles. the interest became an excitement;... the air was thick with rumors of a 'new religion,' a 'new bible.'" next we may cite two witnesses to show that rigdon had a knowledge of smith's bible in advance of its publication. his brother-in-law, bentley, in a letter to walter scott dated january , , said, "i know that sidney rigdon told me there was a book coming out, the manuscript of which had been found engraved on gold plates, as much as two years before the mormon book made its appearance or had been heard of by me."* * millennial harbinger, , p. . the rev. alexander campbell testified that this conversation took place in his presence. one of the elders of the disciples' church was darwin atwater, a farmer, who afterward occupied the pulpit, and of whom hayden says, "the uniformity of his life, his undeviating devotion, his high and consistent manliness and superiority of judgment, gave him an undisputed preeminence in the church." in a letter to hayden, dated april , , mr. atwater said of rigdon: "for a few months before his professed conversion to mormonism it was noticed that his wild extravagant propensities had been more marked. that he knew before the coming of the book of mormon is to me certain from what he said during the first of his visits at my father's, some years before. he gave a wonderful description of the mounds and other antiquities found in some parts of america, and said that they must have been made by the aborigines. he said there was a book to be published containing an account of those things. he spoke of these in his eloquent, enthusiastic style, as being a thing most extraordinary. though a youth then, i took him to task for expending so much enthusiasm on such a subject instead of things of the gospel. in all my intercourse with him afterward he never spoke of antiquities, or of the wonderful book that should give account of them, till the book of mormon really was published. he must have thought i was not the man to reveal that to."* * "early history of the disciples' church in the western reserve," p. . dr. storm rosa, a leading physician of ohio, in, a letter to the rev. john hall of ashtabula, written in , said: "in the early part of the year i was in company with sidney rigdon, and rode with him on horseback for a few miles.... he remarked to me that it was time for a new religion to spring up; that mankind were all right and ready for it."* * "gleanings by the way," p. . having thus established the identity of the story running through the spaulding manuscript and the historical part of the mormon bible, the agreement of the doctrinal part of the latter with what was taught at the time by rigdon and his fellow-workers in ohio, and rigdon's previous knowledge of the coming book, we are brought to the query: how did the spaulding manuscript become incorporated in the mormon bible? it could have been so incorporated in two ways: either by coming into the possession of rigdon and being by him copied and placed in smith's hands for "translation," with the theological parts added;* or by coming into possession of smith in his wanderings around the neighborhood of hartwick, and being shown by him to rigdon. every aspect of this matter has been discussed by mormon and non-mormon writers, and it can only be said that definite proof is lacking. mormon disputants set forth that spaulding moved from pittsburg to amity in , and that rigdon's first visit to pittsburg occurred in . on the other hand, evidence is offered that rigdon was a "hanger around" patterson's printing-office, where spaulding offered his manuscript, before the year , and the rev. john winter, m.d., who taught school in pittsburg when rigdon preached there, and knew him well, recalled that rigdon showed him a large manuscript which he said a presbyterian minister named spaulding had brought to the city for publication. dr. winter's daughter wrote to robert patterson on april , : "i have frequently heard my father speak of rigdon having spaulding's manuscript, and that he had gotten it from the printers to read it as a curiosity; as such he showed it to father, and at that time rigdon had no intention of making the use of it that he afterward did." mrs. ellen e. dickenson, in a report of a talk with general and mrs. garfield on the subject at mentor, ohio, in , reports mrs. garfield as saying "that her father told her that rigdon in his youth lived in that neighborhood, and made mysterious journeys to pittsburg."*** she also quotes a statement by mrs. garfield's** father, z. rudolph, "that during the winter previous to the appearance of the book of mormon, rigdon was in the habit of spending weeks away from his home, going no one knew where."**** tucker says that in the summer of "a mysterious stranger appears at smith's residence, and holds private interviews with the far-famed money-digger.... it was observed by some of smith's nearest neighbors that his visits were frequently repeated." again, when the persons interested in the publication of the bible were so alarmed by the abstraction of pages of the translation by mrs. harris, "the reappearance of the mysterious stranger at smith's was," he says, "the subject of inquiry and conjecture by observers from whom was withheld all explanation of his identity or purpose."***** * "rigdon has not been in full fellowship with smith for more than a year. he has been in his turn cast aside by joe to make room for some new dupe or knave who, perhaps, has come with more money. he has never been deceived by joe. i have no doubt that rigdon was the originator of the system, and, fearing for its success, put joe forward as a sort of fool in the play."--letter from a resident near nauvoo, quoted in the postscript to caswall's "city of the mormons". ( ) * for a collection of evidence on this subject, see patterson's "who wrote the mormon bible?" ** "scribner's magazine," october, . *** "new light on mormonism," p. . ***** "origin, rise, and progress of mormonism," pp. , . in a historical inquiry of this kind, it is more important to establish the fact that a certain thing was done than to prove just how or when it was done. the entire narrative of the steps leading up to the announcement of a new bible, including smith's first introduction to the use of a "peek-stone" and his original employment of it, the changes made in the original version of the announcement to him of buried plates, and the final production of a book, partly historical and partly theological, shows that there was behind smith some directing mind, and the only one of his associates in the first few years of the church's history who could have done the work required was sidney rigdon. president fairchild, in his paper on the spaulding manuscript already referred to, while admitting that "it is perhaps impossible at this day to prove or disprove the spaulding theory," finds any argument against the assumption that rigdon supplied the doctrinal part of the new bible, in the view that "a man as self-reliant and smart as rigdon, with a superabundant gift of tongue and every form of utterance, would never have accepted the servile task of mere interpolation; there could have been no motive to it." this only shows that president fairchild wrote without knowledge of the whole subject, with ignorance of the motives which did exist for rigdon's conduct, and without means of acquainting himself with rigdon's history during his association with smith. some of his motives we have already ascertained: we shall find that, almost from the beginning of their removal to ohio, smith held him in a subjection which can be explained only on the theory that rigdon, the prominent churchman, had placed himself completely in the power of the unprincipled smith, and that, instead of exhibiting self-reliance, he accepted insult after insult until, just before smith's death, he was practically without influence in the church; and when the time came to elect smith's successor, he was turned out-of-doors by brigham young with the taunting words, "brother sidney says he will tell our secrets, but i would say, 'o don't, brother sidney! don't tell our secrets--o don't.' but if he tells our secrets we will tell his. tit for tat!" president fairchild's argument that several of the original leaders of the fanaticism must have been "adequate to the task" of supplying the doctrinal part of the book, only furnishes additional proof of his ignorance of early mormon history, and his further assumption that "it is difficult--almost impossible--to believe that the religious sentiments of the book of mormon were wrought into interpolation" brings him into direct conflict, as we shall see, with professor whitsitt,* a much better equipped student of the subject. * post, pp. . . if it should be questioned whether a man of rigdon's church connection would deliberately plan such a fraudulent scheme as the production of the mormon bible, the inquiry may be easily satisfied. one of the first tasks which smith and rigdon undertook, as soon as rigdon openly joined smith in new york state, was the preparation of what they called a new translation of the scriptures. this work was undertaken in conformity with a "revelation" to smith and rigdon, dated december, (sec. , "doctrine and covenants") in which sidney was told, "and a commandment i give unto thee, that thou shalt write for him; and the scriptures shall be given, even as they are in mine own bosom, to the salvation of mine own elect." the "translating" was completed in ohio, and the manuscript, according to smith, "was sealed up, no more to be opened till it arrived in zion."* this work was at first kept as a great secret, and smith and rigdon moved to the house of a resident of hiram township, portage county, ohio, thirty miles from kirtland, in september, , to carry it on; but the secret soon got out. the preface to the edition of the book published at plano, illinois, in , under the title, "the holy scriptures translated and corrected by the spirit of revelation, by joseph smith, jr., the seer," says that the manuscript remained in the hands of the prophet's widow from the time of his death until , when it was delivered to a committee of the reorganized mormon conference for publication. some of its chapters were known to mormon readers earlier, since corrill gives the twenty-fourth chapter of matthew in his historical sketch, which was dated . * millenial star, vol. xiv, p. . the professed object of the translation was to restore the scriptures to their original purity and beauty, the mormon bible declaring that "many plain and precious parts" had been taken from them. the real object, however, was to add to the sacred writings a prediction of joseph smith's coming as a prophet, which would increase his authority and support the pretensions of the new bible. that this was rigdon's scheme is apparent from the fact that it was announced as soon as he visited smith, and was carried on under his direction, and that the manuscript translation was all in his handwriting.* * wyl's "mormon portraits," p. . extended parts of the translation do not differ at all from the king james version, and many of the changes are verbal and inconsequential. rigdon's object appears in the changes made in the fiftieth chapter of genesis, and the twenty-ninth chapter of isaiah. in the king james version the fiftieth chapter of genesis contains twenty-six verses, and ends with the words, "so joseph died, being an hundred and ten years old; and they embalmed him, and he was put in a coffin in egypt." in the smith-rigdon version this chapter contains thirty-eight verses, the addition representing joseph as telling his brethren that a branch of his people shall be carried into a far country and that a seer shall be given to them, "and that seer will i bless, and they that seek to destroy him shall be confounded; for this promise i give unto you; for i will remember you from generation to generation; and his name shall be called joseph. and he shall have judgment, and shall write the word of the lord." the twenty-ninth chapter of isaiah is similarly expanded from twenty-four short to thirty-two long verses. verses eleven and twelve of the king james version read:-- "and the vision of all is become unto you as the words of a book that is sealed, which men deliver to one that is learned, saying, read this, i pray thee: and he saith, i cannot; for it is sealed. "and the book is delivered to him that is not learned, saying, read this, i pray thee: and he saith, i am not learned." the smith-rigdon version expands this as follows:--" . and it shall come to pass, that the lord god shall bring forth unto you the words of a book; and they shall be the words of them which have slumbered. " . and behold, the book shall be sealed; and in the book shall be a revelation from god, from the beginning of the world to the ending thereof. " . wherefore, because of the things which are sealed up, the things which are sealed shall not be delivered in the day of the wickedness and abominations of the people. wherefore, the book shall be kept from them. " . but the book shall be delivered unto a man, and he shall deliver the words of the book, which are the words of those who have slumbered in the dust; and he shall deliver these words unto another, but the words that are sealed he shall not deliver, neither shall he deliver the book. " . for the book shall be sealed by the power of god, and the revelation which was sealed shall be kept in the book until the own due time of the lord, that they may come forth; for, behold, they reveal all things from the foundation of the world unto the end thereof." no one will question that a rigdon who would palm off such a fraudulent work as this upon the men who looked to him as a religious teacher would hesitate to suggest to smith the scheme for a new bible. during the work of translation, as we learn from smith's autobiography, the translators saw a wonderful vision, in which they "beheld the glory of the son on the right hand of the father," and holy angels, and the glory of the worlds, terrestrial and celestial. soon after this they received an explanation from heaven of some obscure texts in revelation. thus, the sea of glass (iv. ) "is the earth in its sanctified, immortal, and eternal state"; by the little book which was eaten by john (chapter x) "we are to understand that it was a mission and an ordinance for him to gather the tribes of israel." it may be added that this translation is discarded by the modern mormon church in utah. the deseret evening news, the church organ at salt lake city, said on february , :-- "the translation of the bible, referred to by our correspondents, has not been adopted by this church as authoritative. it is understood that the prophet joseph intended before its publication to subject the manuscript to an entire examination, for such revision as might be deemed necessary. be that as it may, the work has not been published under the auspices of this church, and is, therefore, not held out as a guide. for the present, the version of the scriptures commonly known as king james's translation is used, and the living oracles are the expounders of the written word." we may anticipate the course of our narrative in order to show how much confirmation of rigdon's connection with the whole mormon scheme is furnished by the circumstances attending the first open announcement of his acceptance of the mormon literature and faith. we are first introduced to parley p. pratt, sometime tin peddler, and a lay preacher to rural congregations in ohio when occasion offered. pratt in his autobiography tells of the joy with which he heard rigdon preach, at his home in ohio, doctrines of repentance and baptism which were the "ancient gospel" that he (pratt) had "discovered years before, but could find no one to minister in"; of a society for worship which he and others organized; of his decision, acting under the influence of the gospel and prophecies "as they had been opened to him," to abandon the home he had built up, and to set out on a mission "for the gospel's sake"; and of a trip to new york state, where he was shown the mormon bible. "as i read," he says, "the spirit of the lord was upon me, and i knew and comprehended that the book was true." pratt was at once commissioned, "by revelation and the laying on of hands," to preach the new gospel, and was sent, also by "revelation" (sec. , "doctrine and covenants"), along with cowdery, z. peterson, and peter whitmer, jr., "into the wilderness among the lamanites." pratt and cowdery went direct to rigdon's house in mentor, where they stayed a week. pratt's own account says: "we called on mr. rigdon, my former friend and instructor in the reformed baptist society. he received us cordially, and entertained us with hospitality."* * "autobiography of p. p. pratt," p. . in smith's autobiography it is stated that rigdon's visitors presented the mormon bible to him as a revelation from god, and what followed is thus described:-- "this being the first time he had ever heard of or seen the book of mormon, he felt very much prejudiced at the assertion, and replied that 'he had one bible which he believed was a revelation from god, and with which he pretended to have some acquaintance; but with respect to the book they had presented him, he must say he had some considerable doubt' upon which they expressed a desire to investigate the subject and argue the matter; but he replied, 'no, young gentlemen, you must not argue with me on the subject. but i will read your book, and see what claim it has upon my faith, and will endeavor to ascertain whether it be a revelation from god or not'. after some further conversation on the subject, they expressed a desire to lay the subject before the people, and requested the privilege of preaching in elder rigdon's church, to which he readily consented. the appointment was accordingly published, and a large and respectable congregation assembled. oliver cowdery and parley p. pratt severally addressed the meeting. at the conclusion elder rigdon arose and stated to the congregation that the information they that evening had received was of an extraordinary character, and certainly demanded their most serious consideration; and, as the apostle advised his brethren 'to prove all things and hold fast that which is good,' so he would exhort his brethren to do likewise, and give the matter a careful investigation, and not turn against it, without being fully convinced of its being an imposition, lest they should possibly resist the truth." * millennial star, vol. xiv, p. . accepting this as a correct report of what occurred (and we may consider it from rigdon's pen), we find a clergyman who was a fellow-worker with men like campbell and scott expressing only "considerable doubt" of the inspiration of a book presented to him as a new bible, "readily consenting" to the use of his church by the sponsors for this book, and, at the close of their arguments, warning his people against rejecting it too readily "lest they resist the truth"! unless all these are misstatements, there seems to be little necessity of further proof that rigdon was prepared in advance for the reception of the mormon bible. after this came the announcement of the conversion and baptism by the mormon missionaries of a "family" of seventeen persons living in some sort of a "community" system, between mentor and kirtland. rigdon, who had merely explained to his neighbors that his visitors were "on a curious mission," expressed disapproval of this at first, and took cowdery to task for asserting that his own conversion to the new belief was due to a visit from an angel. but, two days later, rigdon himself received an angel's visit, and the next sunday, with his wife, was baptized into the new faith. rigdon, of course, had to answer many inquiries on his return to ohio from a visit to smith which soon followed his conversion, but his policy was indignant reticence whenever pressed to any decisive point. to an old acquaintance who, after talking the matter over with him at his house, remarked that the koran of mohammed stood on as good evidence as the bible of smith, rigdon replied: "sir, you have insulted me in my own house. i command silence. if people come to see us and cannot treat us civilly, they can walk out of the door as soon as they please."* thomas campbell sent a long letter to rigdon under date of february , , in which he addressed him as "for many years not only a courteous and benevolent friend, but a beloved brother and fellow-laborer in the gospel--but alas! how changed, how fallen." accepting a recent offer of rigdon in one of his sermons to give his reasons for his new belief, mr. campbell offered to meet him in public discussion, even outlining the argument he would offer, under nine headings, that rigdon might be prepared to refute it, proposing to take his stand on the sufficiency of the holy scriptures, smith's bad character, the absurdities of the mormon bible and of the alleged miraculous "gifts," and the objections to the "common property" plan and the rebaptizing of believers. rigdon, after glancing over a few lines of this letter, threw it into the fire unanswered.** * "mormonism unveiled," p. . ** ibid., p. - . chapter ix. -- "the everlasting gospel" having presented the evidence which shows that the historical part of the mormon bible was supplied by the spaulding manuscript, we may now pay attention to other evidence, which indicates that the entire conception of a revelation of golden plates by an angel was not even original, and also that its suggestor was rigdon. this is a subject which has been overlooked by investigators of the mormon bible. that the idea of the revelation as described by smith in his autobiography was not original is shown by the fact that a similar divine message, engraved on plates, was announced to have been received from an angel nearly six hundred years before the alleged visit of an angel to smith. these original plates were described as of copper, and the recipient was a monk named cyril, from whom their contents passed into the possession of the abbot joachim, whose "everlasting gospel," founded thereon, was offered to the church as supplanting the new testament, just as the new testament had supplanted the old, and caused so serious a schism that pope alexander iv took the severest measures against it.* * draper's "intellectual development of europe," vol. ii, chap. iii. for an exhaustive essay on the "everlasting gospel," by renan, see revue des deux mondes, june, . for john of parma's part in the gospel, see "histoire litteraire de la france" ( ), vol. xx, p. . the evidence that the history of the "everlasting gospel" of the thirteenth century supplied the idea of the mormon bible lies not only in the resemblance between the celestial announcement of both, but in the fact that both were declared to have the same important purport--as a forerunner of the end of the world--and that the name "everlasting gospel" was adopted and constantly used in connection with their message by the original leaders in the mormon church. if it is asked, how could rigdon become acquainted with the story of the original "everlasting gospel," the answer is that it was just such subjects that would most attract his attention, and that his studies had led him into directions where the story of cyril's plates would probably have been mentioned. he was a student of every subject out of which he could evolve a sect, from the time of his pittsburg pastorate. hepworth dixon said, "he knew the writings of maham, gates, and boyle, writings in which love and marriage are considered in relation to gospel liberty and the future life."* h. h. bancroft, noting his appointment as professor of church history in nauvoo university, speaks of him as "versed in history, belles-lettres, and oratory."** mrs. james a. garfield told mrs. dickenson that rigdon taught her father latin and greek.*** david whitmer, who was so intimately acquainted with the early history of the church, testified: "rigdon was a thorough biblical scholar, a man of fine education and a powerful orator."**** a writer, describing rigdon while the church was at nauvoo, said, "there is no divine in the west more learned in biblical literature and the history of the world than he."***** all this indicates that a knowledge of the earlier "everlasting gospel" was easily within rigdon's reach. we may even surmise the exact source of this knowledge. mosheim's "ecclesiastical history, ancient and modern" was at his disposal. editions of it had appeared in london in , , , , , , , and , and among the abridgments was one published in philadelphia in . in this work he could have read as follows:-- "about the commencement of this [the thirteenth] century there were handed about in italy several pretended prophecies of the famous joachim, abbot of sora in calabria, whom the multitude revered as a person divinely inspired, and equal to the most illustrious prophets of ancient times. the greatest part of these predictions were contained in a certain book entitled, 'the everlasting gospel,' and which was also commonly called the book of joachim. this joachim, whether a real or fictitious person we shall not pretend to determine, among many other future events, foretold the destruction of the church of rome, whose corruptions he censured with the greatest severity, and the promulgation of a new and more perfect gospel in the age of the holy ghost, by a set of poor and austere ministers, whom god was to raise up and employ for that purpose." * "spiritual wives," p. . ** "utah," p. . *** scribner's magazine, october, . **** "address to all believers in christ;" p. . ***** letter in the new york herald. here is a perfect outline of the scheme presented by the original mormons, with joseph as the divinely inspired prophet, and an "everlasting gospel," the gift of an angel, promulgated by poor men like the travelling mormon elders. the original suggestion of an "everlasting gospel" is found in revelation xiv. and :-- "and i saw another angel fly in the midst of heaven, having the everlasting gospel to preach unto them that dwell on the earth, and to every nation, and kindred, and tongue, and people, saying with a loud voice, fear god, and give glory to him; for the hour of his judgment is come: and worship him that made heaven, and earth, and the sea, and the fountains of water."** "bisping (after gerlach) takes rev. xiv. - to foretell that three great events at the end of the last world-week are immediately to precede christ's second advent ( ) the announcement of the 'eternal' gospel to the whole world (matt. xxiv. ); ( )the fall of babylon; ( )a warning to all who worship the beast.... burger says this vision can denote nothing but a last admonition and summons to conversion shortly before the end."--note in "commentary by bishops and other clergy of the anglican church." this was the angel of cyril; this the announcement of those "latter days" from which the mormon church, on rigdon's motion, soon took its name. that rigdon's attention had been attracted to an "everlasting gospel" is proved by the constant references made to it in writings of which he had at least the supervision, from the very beginning of the church. thus, when he preached his first sermon before a mormon audience--on the occasion of his visit to smith at palmyra in --he took as his text a part of the version of revelation xiv. which he had put into the mormon bible ( nephi xiii. ), and in his sermon, as reported by tucker, who heard it, holding the scriptures in one hand and the mormon bible in the other, he said, "that they were inseparably necessary to complete the everlasting gospel of the saviour jesus christ." in the account, in smith's autobiography, of the first description of the buried book given to smith by the angel, its two features are named separately, first, "an account of the former inhabitants of this continent," and then "the fulness of the everlasting gospel." that rigdon never lost sight of the importance, in his view, of an "everlasting gospel" may be seen from the following quotation from one of his articles in his pittsburg organ, the messenger and advocate, of june , , after his expulsion from nauvoo: "it is a strict observance of the principles of the fulness of the everlasting gospel of jesus christ, as contained in the bible, book of mormon, and book of covenants, which alone will insure a man an inheritance in the kingdom of our god." the importance attached to the "everlasting gospel" by the founders of the church is seen further in the references to it in the "book of doctrine and covenants," which it is not necessary to cite,* and further in a pamphlet by elder moses of new york ( ), entitled "a treatise on the fulness of the everlasting gospel, setting forth its first principles, promises, and blessings," in which he argued that the appearance of the angel to smith was in direct line with the scriptural teaching, and that the last days were near. * for examples see sec. , ; sec. , ; sec. , . chapter x. -- the witnesses to the plates in his accounts to his neighbors of the revelation to him of the golden plates on which the "record" was written, smith always declared that no person but him could look on those plates and live. but when the printed book came out, it, like all subsequent editions to this day, was preceded by the following "testimonies":-- "the testimony of three witnesses "be it known unto all nations, kindreds, tongues, and people unto whom this work shall come, that we through the grace of god the father, and our lord jesus christ, have seen the plates which contain this record, which is a record of the people of nephi, and also of the lamanites, their brethren, and also the people of jared, who came from the tower of which hath been spoken; and we also know that they have been translated by the gift and power of god, for his voice hath declared it unto us; wherefore we know of a surety that the work is true. and we also testify that we have seen the engravings which are upon the plates; and they have been shewn unto us by the power of god, and not of man. and we declare with words of soberness, that an angel of god came down from heaven, and he brought and laid before our eyes, that we beheld and saw the plates, and the engravings thereon; and we know that it is by the grace of god the father, and our lord jesus christ, that we beheld and bear record that these things are true; and it is marvellous in our eyes, nevertheless the voice of the lord commanded us that we should bear record of it; wherefore, to be obedient unto the commandments of god, we bear testimony of these things. and we know that if we are faithful in christ, we shall rid our garments of the blood of all men, and be found spotless before the judgment-seat of christ, and shall dwell with him eternally in the heavens. and the honour be to the father, and to the son, and to the holy ghost, which is one god. amen. "oliver cowdery, david whitmer, martin harris. "and also the testimony of the eight witnesses "be it known unto all nations, kindreds, tongues, and people unto whom this work shall come, that joseph smith, jun., the translator of this work, has shewn unto us the plates of which hath been spoken, which have the appearance of gold; and as many of the leaves as the said smith has translated we did handle with our hands; and we also saw the engravings thereon, all of which has the appearance of ancient work, and of curious workmanship. and this we bear record with words of soberness, that the said smith has shewn unto us, for we have seen and hefted, and know of a surety that the said smith has got the plates of which we have spoken. and we give our names unto the world, to witness unto the world that which we have seen; and we lie not, god bearing witness of it. "christian whitmer, hiram page, jacob whitmer, joseph smith, sen., peter whitmer, jun., hyrum smith, john whitmer, samuel h. smith." in judging of the value of this testimony, we may first inquire, what the prophet has to say about it, and may then look into the character and qualification of the witnesses. we find a sufficiently full explanation of testimony no. in smith's autobiography and in his "revelations." nothing could be more natural than that such men as the prophet was dealing with should demand a sight of any plates from which he might be translating. others besides harris made such a demand, and smith repeated the warning that to look on them was death. this might satisfy members of his own family, but it did not quiet his scribes, and he tells us that cowdery, david whitmer, and harris "teased me so much" (these are his own words) that he gave out a "revelation" in march, (sec. , "doctrine and covenants"), in which the lord was represented as saying that the prophet had no power over the plates except as he granted it, but that to his testimony would be added "the testimony of three of my servants, whom i shall call and ordain, unto whom i will show these things, "adding," and to none else will i grant this power, to receive this same testimony among this generation." the lord was distrustful of harris, and commanded him not to be talkative on the subject, but to say nothing about it except, "i have seen them, and they have been shown unto me by the power of god." smith's own account of the showing of the plates to these three witnesses is so luminous that it may be quoted. after going out into the woods, they had to stand harris off by himself because of his evil influence. then:-- "we knelt down again, and had not been many minutes engaged in prayer when presently we beheld a light above us in the air of exceeding brightness; and behold an angel stood before us. in his hands he held the plates which we had been praying for these to have a view of; he turned over the leaves one by one, so that we could see them and discover the engravings thereon distinctly. he then addressed himself to david whitmer and said, 'david, blessed is the lord and he that keeps his commandments'; when immediately afterward we heard a voice from out of the bright light above us saying, 'these plates have been revealed by the power of god, and they have been translated by the power of god. the translation of them is correct, and i command you to bear record of what you now see and hear.' "i now left david and oliver, and went into pursuit of martin harris, whom i found at a considerable distance, fervently engaged in prayer. he soon told me, however, that he had not yet prevailed with the lord, and earnestly requested me to join him in prayer, that he might also realize the same blessings which we had just received. we accordingly joined in prayer, and immediately obtained our desires; for before we had yet finished, the same vision was opened to our view, at least it was again to me [joe thus refuses to vouch for harris's declaration on the subject]; and i once more beheld and heard the same things; whilst, at the same moment, martin harris cried out, apparently in ecstasy of joy, 'tis enough, mine eyes hath beheld,' and, jumping up, he shouted 'hosannah,' blessing god, and otherwise rejoiced exceedingly."* * millennial star, vol. xiv, supt., p. . if this story taxes the credulity of the reader, his doubts about the value of this "testimony" will increase when he traces the history of the three witnesses. surely, if any three men in the church should remain steadfast, mighty pillars of support for the prophet in his future troubles, it should be these chosen witnesses to the actual existence of the golden plates. yet every one of them became an apostate, and every one of them was loaded with all the opprobrium that the church could pile upon him. cowdery's reputation was locally bad at the time. "i was personally acquainted with oliver cowdery," said danforth booth, an old resident of palmyra, in . "he was a pettifogger; their (the smiths') cat-paw to do their dirty work."* smith's trouble with him, which began during the work of translating, continued, and smith found it necessary to say openly in a "revelation" given out in ohio in (sec. ), when preparations were making for a trip of some of the brethren to missouri, "it is not wisdom in me that he should be intrusted with the commandments and the monies which he shall carry unto the land of zion, except one go with him who will be true and faithful." * among affidavits on file in the county clerk's office at canandaigua, new york. by the time smith took his final departure to missouri, cowdery and david and john whitmer had lost caste entirely, and in june, , they fled to escape the danites at far west. the letter of warning addressed to them and signed by more than eighty mormons, giving them three days in which to depart, contained the following accusations:-- "after oliver cowdery had been taken by a state warrant for stealing, and the stolen property found in the house of william w. phelps; in which nefarious transaction john whitmer had also participated. oliver cowdery stole the property, conveyed it to john whitmer, and john whitmer to william w. phelps; and then the officers of law found it. while in the hands of an officer, and under an arrest for this vile transaction, and, if possible, to hide your shame from the world like criminals (which, indeed, you were), you appealed to our beloved brethren, president joseph smith jr. and sidney rigdon, men whose characters you had endeavored to destroy by every artifice you could invent, not even the basest lying excepted.... "the saints in kirtland having elected oliver cowdery to a justice of the peace, he used the power of that office to take their most sacred rights from them, and that contrary to law. he supported a parcel of blacklegs, and in disturbing the worship of the saints; and when the men whom the church had chosen to preside over their meetings endeavored to put the house to order, he helped (and by the authority of his justice's office too) these wretches to continue their confusion; and threatened the church with a prosecution for trying to put them out of the house; and issued writs against the saints for endeavoring to sustain their rights; and bound themselves under heavy bonds to appear before his honor; and required bonds which were both inhuman and unlawful; and one of these was the venerable father, who had been appointed by the church to preside--a man of upwards of seventy years of age, and notorious for his peaceable habits. "oliver cowdery, david whitmer and lyman e. johnson, united with a gang of counterfeiters, thieves, liars and blacklegs of the deepest dye, to deceive, cheat and defraud the saints out of their property, by every art and stratagem which wickedness could invent; using the influence of the vilest persecutions to bring vexatious lawsuits, villainous prosecutions, and even stealing not excepted.... during the full career of oliver cowdery and david whitmer's bogus money business, it got abroad into the world that they were engaged in it, and several gentlemen were preparing to commence a prosecution against cowdery; he finding it out, took with him lyman e. johnson, and fled to far west with their families; cowdery stealing property and bringing it with him, which has been, within a few weeks past, obtained by the owner by means of a search warrant, and he was saved from the penitentiary by the influence of two influential men of the place. he also brought notes with him upon which he had received pay, and made an attempt to sell them to mr. arthur of clay county."* * "documents in relation to the disturbances with the mormons," missouri legislature ( ), p. . rigdon, who was the author of this arraignment, realizing that the enemies of the church would not fail to make use of this aspersion of the character of the witnesses, attempted to "hedge" by saying, in the same document, "we wish to remind you that oliver cowdery and david whitmer were among the principal of those who were the means of gathering us to this place by their testimony which they gave concerning the plates of the book of mormon, that they were shown to them by an angel; which testimony we believe now as much as before you had so scandalously disgraced it." could affrontery go to greater lengths? cowdery and david whitmer fled to richmond, missouri, where whitmer lived until his death in january, . cowdery went to tiffin, ohio, where, after failing to obtain a position as an editor because of his mormon reputation, he practised law. while living there he renounced his mormon views, joined the methodist church, and became superintendent of a sunday-school. later he moved to wisconsin, but, after being defeated for the legislature there, he recanted his methodist belief, and rejoined the saints while they were at council bluffs, in october, , after the main body had left for salt lake valley. he addressed a meeting there by invitation, testifying to the truth of the book of mormon, and the mission of smith as a prophet, and saying that he wanted to be rebaptized into the church, not as a leader, but simply as a member.* he did not, however, go to utah with the saints, but returned to his old friend whitmer in missouri, and died there in . it has been stated that he offered to give a full renunciation of the mormon faith when he united with the methodists at tiffin, if required, but asked to be excused from doing so on the ground that it would invite criticism and bring him into contempt.** one of his tiffin acquaintances afterward testified that cowdery confessed to him that, when he signed the "testimony," he "was not one of the best men in the world," using his own expression.*** the mormons were always grateful to him for his silence under their persecutions, and the millennial star, in a notice of his death, expressed satisfaction that in the days of his apostasy "he never, in a single instance, cast the least doubt on his former testimony," adding, "may he rest in peace, to come forth in the morning of the first resurrection into eternal life, is the earnest desire of all saints." * millennial star, vol. xi, p. . ** "naked truths about mormonism," a. b. demming, oakland, california, . *** "gregg's history of hancock county, illinois," p. . the whitmers were a dutch family, known among their neighbors as believers in witches and in the miraculous generally, as has been shown in mother smith's account of their sending for joseph. a "revelation" to the three witnesses which first promised them a view of the plates (sec. ) told them, "it is by your faith you shall obtain a view of them," and directed them to testify concerning the plates, "that my servant joseph smith, jr., may not be destroyed." one of the converts who joined the mormons at kirtland, ohio, testified in later years that david whitmer confessed to her that he never actually saw the plates, explaining his testimony thus: "suppose that you had a friend whose character was such that you knew it impossible that he could lie; then, if he described a city to you which you had never seen, could you not, by the eye of faith, see the city just as he described it?"* * mrs. dickenson's "new light on mormonism." the mormons have found consolation in the fact that whitmer continued to affirm his belief in the authenticity of the mormon bible to the day of his death. he declared, however, that smith and young had led the flock astray, and, after the open announcement of polygamy in utah, he announced a church of his own, called "the church of christ," refusing to affiliate even with the reorganized church because of the latter's adherence to smith. in his "address to believers in the book of mormon," a pamphlet issued in his eighty-second year, he said, "now, in the lord saw fit to manifest unto john whitmer, oliver cowdery and myself nearly all the remaining errors of doctrine into which we had been led by the heads of the church." the reader from all this can form an estimate of the trustworthiness of the second witness on such a subject. we have already learned a great deal about martin harris's mental equipment. a lawyer of standing in palmyra told dr. clark that, after harris had signed the "testimony," he pressed him with the question: "did you see the plates with your natural eyes, just as you see this pencil case in my hand? now say yes or no." harris replied (in corroboration of joe's misgiving at the time): "why, i did not see them as i do that pencil case, yet i saw them with the eye of faith. i saw them just as distinctly as i see anything around me--though at the time they were covered over with a cloth."* * "gleanings by the way." harris followed smith to ohio and then to missouri, but was ever a trouble to him, although smith always found his money useful. in , in missouri, it required a "revelation" (sec. ) to spur him to "lay his monies before the bishop." as his money grew scarcer, he received less and less recognition from the mormon leaders, and was finally expelled from the church. smith thus referred to him in the elders' journal, july, , one of his publications in ohio: "there are negroes who wear white skins as well as black ones, granny parish, and others who acted as lackeys, such as martin harris." harris did not appear on the scene during the stay of the mormons in illinois, having joined the shakers and lived with them a year or two. when strang claimed the leadership of the church after smith's death, harris gave him his support, and was sent by him with others to england in to do missionary work. his arrival there was made the occasion of an attack on him by the millennial star, which, among other things, said:-- "we do not feel to warn the saints against him, for his own unbridled tongue will soon show out specimens of folly enough to give any person a true index to the character of the man; but if the saints wish to know what the lord hath said of him, they may turn to the th page of the book of doctrine and covenants, and the person there called a wicked man is no other than martin harris, and he owned to it then, but probably might not now. it is not the first time the lord chose a wicked man as a witness. also on page , read the whole revelation given to him, and ask yourselves if the lord ever talked in that way to a good man. every one can see that he must have been a wicked man."* *vol. viii, p. . harris visited palmyra in . he then said that his property was all gone, that he had declined a restoration to the mormon church, but that he continued to believe in mormonism. he thought better of his declination, however, and sought a reunion with the church in utah in . his backslidings had carried him so far that the church authorities told him it would be necessary for him to be rebaptized. this he consented to with some reluctance, after, as he said, "he had seen his father seeking his aid. he saw his father at the foot of a ladder, striving to get up to him, and he went down to him, taking him by the hand, and helped him up."* he settled in cache county, utah, where he died on july , , in his ninety-third year. "he bore his testimony to the truth and divinity of the book of mormon a short time before he departed," wrote his son to an inquirer, "and the last words he uttered, when he could not speak the sentence, were 'book,' 'book,' 'book.'" * for an account of harris's utah experience, see millennial star, vol. xlviii, pp. - . the precarious character of smith's original partners in the bible business is further illustrated by his statement that, in the summer of , cowdery sent him word that he had discovered an error in one of smith's "revelations,"* and that the whitmer family agreed with him on the subject. smith was as determined in opposing this questioning of his divine authority as he always was in stemming any opposition to his leadership, and he made them all acknowledge their error. again, when smith returned to fayette from harmony, in august, (more than a year after the plates were shown to the witnesses), he found that "satan had been lying in wait," and that hiram page, of the second list of witnesses, had been obtaining revelations through a "peek-stone" of his own, and that, what was more serious, cowdery and the whitmer family believed in them. the result of this was an immediate "revelation" (sec. ) directing cowdery to go and preach the gospel to the lamanites (indians) on the western border, and to take along with him hiram page, and tell him that the things he had written by means of the "peek-stone" were not of the lord. * millennial star, vol. xiv, p. . neither smith's autobiography nor the "book of doctrine and covenants" contains any explanation of the second "testimony." the list of persons who signed it, however, leaves little doubt that the prophet yielded to their "teasing" as he did to that of the original three. the first four signers were members of the whitmer family. hiram page was a root-doctor by calling, and a son-in-law of peter whitmer, sr. the three smiths were the prophet's father and two of his brothers.* * christian whitmer died in clay county, missouri, november , ; jacob died in richmond county, april , ; peter died in clay county, september , ; hiram page died on a farm in ray county, august , . the favorite mormon reply to any question as to the value of these "testimonies" is the challenge, "is there a person on the earth who can prove that these eleven witnesses did not see the plates?" curiously, the prophet himself can be cited to prove this, in the words of the revelation granting a sight of the plates to the first three, which said, "and to none else will i grant this power, to receive this same testimony among this generation." a footnote to this declaration in the "doctrine and covenants" offers, as an explanation of testimony no. ; the statement that others "may receive a knowledge by other manifestations." this is well meant but transparent. mother smith in later years added herself to these witnesses. she said to the rev. henry caswall, in nauvoo, in , "i have myself seen and handled the golden plates." mr. caswall adds:-- "while the old woman was thus delivering herself, i fixed my eyes steadily upon her. she faltered and seemed unwilling to meet my glances, but gradually recovered her self-possession. the melancholy thought entered my mind that this poor old creature was not simply a dupe of her son's knavery, but that she had taken an active part in the deception." two matters have been cited by mormon authorities to show that there was nothing so very unusual in the discovery of buried plates containing engraved letters. announcement was made in of the discovery near kinderhook, illinois, of six plates similar to those described by smith. the story, as published in the times and seasons, with a certificate signed by nine local residents, set forth that a merchant of the place, named robert wiley, while digging in a mound, after finding ashes and human bones, came to "a bundle that consisted of six plates of brass, of a bell shape, each having a hole near the small end, and a ring through them all"; and that, when cleared of rust, they were found to be "completely covered with characters that none as yet have been able to read." hyde, accepting this story, printed a facsimile of one of these plates on the cover of his book, and seems to rest on wiley's statement his belief that "smith did have plates of some kind." stenhouse,* who believed that smith and his witnesses did not perpetrate in the new bible an intentional fraud, but thought they had visions and "revelations," referring to the kinderhook plates, says that they were "actually and unquestionably discovered by one mr. r. wiley." smith himself, after no one else could read the writing on them, declared that he had translated them, and found them to be a history of a descendant of ham.** * t. b. h. stenhouse, a scotchman, was converted to the mormon belief in , performed diligent missionary work in europe, and was for three years president of the swiss and italian missions. joining the brethren in utah with his wife, he was persuaded to take a second wife. not long afterward he joined in the protest against young's dictatorial course which was known as the "new movement," and was expelled from the church. his "rocky mountain saints" ( ) contains so much valuable information connected with the history of the church that it has been largely drawn on by e. w. tullidge in his "history of salt lake city and its founders," which is accepted by the church. **millennial star, january , , where cuts of the plates (here produced) are given. [illustration: stenhouse plates ] but the true story of the kinderhook plates was disclosed by an affidavit made by w. fulgate of mound station, brown county, illinois, before jay brown, justice of the peace, on june , . in this he stated that the plates were "a humbug, gotten up by robert wiley, bridge whitton, and myself. whitton (who was a blacksmith) cut the plates out of some pieces of copper wiley and i made the hieroglyphics by making impressions on beeswax and filling them with acid, and putting it on the plates. when they were finished, we put them together with rust made of nitric acid, old iron and lead, and bound them with a piece of hoop iron, covering them completely with the rust." he describes the burial of the plates and their digging up, among the spectators of the latter being two mormon elders, marsh and sharp. sharp declared that the lord had directed them to witness the digging. the plates were borrowed and shown to smith, and were finally given to one "professor" mcdowell of st. louis, for his museum.* * wyl's "mormon portraits," p. . the secretary of the missouri historical society writes me that mcdowell's museum disappeared some years ago, most of its contents being lost or stolen, and the fate of the kinderhook plates cannot be ascertained. in attacking professor anthon's statement concerning the alleged hieroglyphics shown to him by harris, orson pratt, in his "divine authenticity of the book of mormon," thought that he found substantial support for smith's hieroglyphics in the fact that "two years after the book of mormon appeared in print, professor rafinesque, in his atlantic journal for , gave to the public a facsimile of american glyphs,* found in mexico. they are arranged in columns.... by an inspection of the facsimile of these forty-six elementary glyphs, we find all the particulars which professor anthon ascribes to the characters which he says 'a plain-looking countryman' presented to him. "these" elementary glyphs of rafinesque are some of the characters found on the famous "tablet of the cross" in the ruins of palenque, mexico, since so fully described by stevens. a facsimile of the entire tablet may be found on page , vol. iv, bancroft's "native races of the pacific states." rafinesque selected these characters from the tablet, and arranged them in columns alongside of other ancient writings, in order to sustain his argument that they resembled an old libyan alphabet. rafinesque was a voluminous writer both on archaeological and botanical subjects, but wholly untrustworthy. of his atlantic journal (of which only eight numbers appeared) his biographer, r. e. call, says that it had "absolutely no scientific value." professor asa gray, in a review of his botanical writings in silliman's journal, vol. xl, no. , , said, "he assumes thirty to one hundred years as the average time required for the production of a new species, and five hundred to one thousand for a new genus." professor gray refers to a paper which rafinesque sent to the editor of a scientific journal describing twelve new species of thunder and lightning. he was very fond of inventing names, and his designation of palenque as otolum was only an illustration of this. so much for the 'elementary glyphs.'" * "glyph: a pictograph or word carved in a compact distinct figure."--standard dictionary. chapter xi. -- the mormon bible the mormon bible,* both in a literary and a theological sense, is just such a production as would be expected to result from handing over to smith and his fellow-"translators" a mass of spaulding's material and new doctrinal matter for collation and copying. not one of these men possessed any literary skill or accurate acquaintance with the scriptures. david whitmer, in an interview in missouri in his later years, said, "so illiterate was joseph at that time that he didn't know that jerusalem was a walled city, and he was utterly unable to pronounce many of the names that the magic power of the urim and thummim revealed." chronology, grammar, geography, and bible history were alike ignored in the work. an effort was made to correct some of these errors in the early days of the church, and smith speaks of doing some of this work himself at nauvoo. an edition issued there in contains on the title-page the words, "carefully revised by the translator." such corrections have continued to the present day, and a comparison of the latest salt lake edition with the first has shown more than three thousand changes. * the title of this bible is "the book of mormon"; but as one of its subdivisions is a book of mormon, i use the title "mormon bible," both to avoid confusion and for convenience. the person who for any reason undertakes the reading of this book sets before himself a tedious task. even the orthodox mormons have found this to be true, and their bible has played a very much less considerable part in the church worship than smith's "revelations" and the discourses of their preachers. referring to orson pratt's* labored writings on this bible, stenhouse says, "of the hundreds of thousands of witnesses to whom god has revealed the truth of the 'book of mormon,' pratt knows full well that comparatively few indeed have ever read that book, know little or nothing intelligently of its contents, and take little interest in it."** an examination of its contents is useful, therefore, rather as a means of proving the fraudulent character of its pretension to divine revelation than as a means of ascertaining what the members of the mormon church are taught. * orson pratt was a clerk in a store in hiram, ohio, when he was converted to mormonism. he seems to have been a natural student, and he rose to prominence in the church, being one of the first to expound and defend the mormon bible and doctrines, holding a professorship in nauvoo university, publishing works on the higher mathematics, and becoming one of the twelve apostles. ** "rocky mountain saints," p. . the following page (omitted in this etext) presents a facsimile of the title-page of the first edition of this bible. the editions of to-day substitute "translated by joseph smith, jun.," for "by joseph smith, junior, author and proprietor." the first edition contains duodecimo pages, and is divided into books which are named as follows: "first book of nephi, his reign and ministry," chapters; "second book of nephi," chapters; "book of jacob, the brother of nephi," chapters; "book of enos," chapter; "book of jarom," chapter; "book of omni," chapter; "words of mormon," chapter; "book of mosiah," chapters; "book of alma, a son of alma," chapters; "book of helaman," chapters; "third book of nephi, the son of nephi, which was the son of helaman," chapters; "fourth book of nephi, which is the son of nephi, one of the disciples of jesus christ," chapter; "book of mormon," chapters; "book of ether," chapters; "book of moroni," chapters. the chapters in the first edition were not divided into verses, that work, with the preparation of the very complete footnote references in the later editions, having been performed by orson pratt. the historical narrative that runs through the book is so disjointedly arranged, mixed up with doctrinal parts, and repeated, that it is not easy to unravel it. the following summary of it is contained in a letter to colonel john wentworth of chicago, signed by joseph smith, jr., which was printed in wentworth's chicago newspaper and also in the mormon times and seasons of march , :-- "the history of america is unfolded from its first settlement by a colony that came from the tower of babel at the confusion of languages, to the beginning of the th century of the christian era. we are informed by these records that america in ancient times has been inhabited by two distinct races of people. the first were called jaredites, and came directly from the tower of babel. the second race came directly from the city of jerusalem about years before christ. they were principally israelites of the descendants of joseph. the jaredites were destroyed about the time that the israelites came from jerusalem, who succeeded them in the inhabitance of the country. the principal nation of the second race fell in battle toward the close of the fourth century. the remnant are the indians that now inhabit this country." this history purports to have been handed down, on metallic plates, from one historian to another, beginning with nephi, from the time of the departure from jerusalem. finally ( nephi i. , *), the people being wicked, ammaron, by direction of the holy ghost, hid these sacred records "that they might come again unto the remnant of the house of jacob." * all references to the mormon bible by chapter and verse refer to salt lake city edition of . to bring the story down to a comparatively recent date, and account for the finding of the plates by smith, the book of mormon was written by the "author." this subdivision is an abridgment of the previous records. it relates that mormon, a descendant of nephi, when ten years old, was told by ammaron that, when about twenty-four years old, he should go to the place where the records were hidden, take only the plates of nephi, and engrave on them all the things he had observed concerning the people. the next year mormon was taken by his father, whose name also was mormon, to the land of zarahemla, which had become covered with buildings and very populous, but the people were warlike and wicked. mormon in time, "seeing that the lamanites were about to overthrow the land," took the records from their hiding place. he himself accepted the command of the armies of the nephites, but they were defeated with great slaughter, the lamanites laying waste their cities and driving them northward. finally mormon sent a letter to the king of the lamanites, asking that the nephites might gather their people "unto the land of cumorah, by a hill which was called cumorah, and there we would give them battle." there, in the year a.d., mormon "made this record out of the plates of nephi, and hid up in the hill cumorah all the records which have been entrusted to me by the hand of the lord, save it were those few plates which i gave unto my son moroni."* this hill, according to the mormon teaching, is the hill near palmyra, new york, where smith found the plates, just as mormon had deposited them. * hyde gives a list of twenty-four additional plates mentioned in this bible which must still await digging up in the hill near palmyra. in the battle which took place there the nephites were practically annihilated, and all the fugitives were killed except moroni, the son of mormon, who undertook the completion of the "record." moroni excuses the briefness of his narrative by explaining that he had not room in the plates, "and ore have i none" (to make others). what he adds is in the nature of a defence of the revealed character of the mormon bible and of smith's character as a prophet. those, for instance, who say that there are no longer "revelations, nor prophecies, nor gifts, nor healing, nor speaking with tongues," are told that they know not the gospel of christ and do not understand the scriptures. an effort is made to forestall criticism of the "mistakes" that are conceded in the title-page dedication by saying, "condemn me not because of mine imperfection, neither my father, because of his imperfection, neither them who have written before him" (book of mormon ix. ). evidently foreseeing that it would be asked why these "records," written by jews and their descendants, were not in hebrew, mormon adds (chap. ix. , ):-- "and now behold, we have written this record according to our knowledge, in the characters which are called among us the reformed egyptian, being handed down and altered by us, according to our manner of speech. "and if our plates had been sufficiently large, we should have written in hebrew; but the hebrew hath been altered by us also; and if we could have written in hebrew, behold, ye would have had no imperfection in our record." few parts of this mythical bible approached nearer to the burlesque than this excuse for having descendants of the jews write in "reformed egyptian." the secular story of the ancient races running through this bible is so confused by the introduction of new matter by the "author"* and by repetitions that it is puzzling to pick it out. the book of ether was somewhat puzzling even to the early mormons, and we find parley p. pratt, in his analysis of it, printed in london in , saying, "ether seems to have been a lineal descendant of jared." *professor whitsitt, of the southern baptist theological seminary, louisville, kentucky, in his article on mormonism in "the concise dictionary of religious knowledge, and gazetteer" (new york, ), divides the mormon bible into three sections, viz.: the first thirteen books, presented as the works of mormon; the book of ether, with which mormon had no connection; and the fifteenth book, which was sent forth by the editor under the name of moroni. he thus explains his view of the "editing" that was done in the preparation of the work for publication:-- "the editor undertook to rewrite and recast the whole of the abridgment (of nephi's previous history), but his industry failed him at the close of the book of omni. the first six books that he had rewritten were given the names of the small plates.... the book called the 'words of mormon' in the original work stood at the beginning, as a sort of preface to the entire abridgment of mormon; but when the editor had rewritten the first six books, he felt that these were properly his own performance, and the 'words of mormon' were assigned a position just in front of the book of mosiah, when the abstract of mormon took its real commencement.... "the question may now be raised as to who was the editor of the book of mormon.... in its theological positions and coloring the book of mormon is a volume of disciple theology (this does not include the later polygamous doctrine and other gross mormon errors). this conclusion is capable of demonstration beyond any reasonable question. let notice also be taken of the fact that the book of mormon bears traces of two several redactions. it contains, in the first redaction, that type of doctrine which the disciples held and proclaimed prior to november , , when they had not yet formally embraced what is commonly considered to be the tenet of baptismal remission. it also contains the type of doctrine which the disciples have been defending since november , , under the name of the ancient gospel, of which the tenet of socalled baptismal remission is a leading feature. all authorities agree that mr. smith obtained possession of the work on september , , a period of nearly two months before the disciples concluded to embrace this tenet. the editor felt that the book of mormon would be sadly incomplete if this notion were not included. accordingly, he found means to communicate with mr. smith, and, regaining possession of certain portions of the manuscript, to insert the new item.... rigdon was the only disciple minister who vigorously and continuously demanded that his brethren should adopt the additional points that have been indicated." very concisely, this bible story of the most ancient race that came to america, the jaredites, may be thus stated:-- this race, being righteous, were not punished by the lord at babel, but were led to the ocean, where they constructed a vessel by direction of the lord, in which they sailed to north america. according to the book of ether, there were eight of these vessels, and that they were remarkable craft needs only the description given of them to show: "they were built after a manner that they were exceeding tight, even that they would hold water like unto a dish; and the bottom thereof was tight like unto a dish; and the sides thereof were tight like unto a dish; and the ends thereof were peaked; and the top thereof was tight like unto a dish; and the length thereof was the length of a tree; and the door thereof, when it was shut, was tight like unto a dish" (book of ether ii. ). this description certainly establishes the general resemblance of these barges to some kind of a dish, but the rather careless comparison of their length simply to that of a "tree" leaves this detail of construction uncertain. just before they embarked in these vessels, a brother of jared went up on mount shelem, where the lord touched sixteen small stones that he had taken up with him, two of which were the urim and thummim, by means of which smith translated the plates. these stones lighted up the vessels on their trip across the ocean. jared's brother was told by the spirit on the mount, "behold, i am jesus christ." a footnote in the modern edition of this bible kindly explains that jared's brother "saw the preexistent spirit of jesus." when they landed (somewhere on the isthmus of darien), the lord commanded nephi to make "plates of ore," on which should be engraved the record of the people. this was the origin of smith's plates. in time this people divided themselves, under the leadership of two of lehi's sons--nephi and laman--into nephites and lamanites (with subdivisions). the lamanites, in the course of two hundred years, had become dark in color and "wild and ferocious, and a bloodthirsty people; full of idolatry and filthiness; feeding upon beasts of prey; dwelling in tents and wandering about in the wilderness, with a short skin girdle about their loins, and their heads shaven; and their skill was in the bow and the cimeter and the ax" (enos i, ). the nephites, on the other hand, tilled the land and raised flocks. between the two tribes wars waged, the nephites became wicked, and in the course of years the worst of them were destroyed (book of alma). then the lord commanded those who would hearken to his voice to depart with him to the wilderness, and they journeyed until they came to the land of zarahemla, which a footnote to the modern edition explains "is supposed to have been north of the head waters of the river magdalena, its northern boundary being a few days' journey south of the isthmus" (of darien). there they found the people of zarahemla, who had left jerusalem when zedekiah was carried captive into babylon. new teachers arose who taught the people righteousness, and one of them, named alma, led a company to a place which was called mormon, "where was a fountain of pure water, and there alma baptized the people." the book of alma, the longest in this bible, is largely an account of the secular affairs of the inhabitants, with stories of great battles, a prediction of the coming of christ, and an account of a great migration northward, and the building of ships that sailed in the same direction. nephi describes the appearance of christ to the people of the western continent, preceded by a star, earthquakes, etc. on the day of his appearance they heard "a small voice" out of heaven, saying, "behold my beloved son, in whom i am well pleased, in whom i have glorified my name; hear ye him." then christ appeared and spoke to them, generally in the language of the new testament (repeating, for instance, the sermon on the mount*), and afterward ascended into heaven in a cloud. the expulsion of the nephites northward, and their final destruction, in what is now new york state, followed in the course of the next years. * in the mormon version of this sermon the words, "if thy right eye offend thee, pluck it out and cast it from thee," and "if thy right hand offend thee, cut it off and cast it from thee," are lacking. the deseret evening news of february , , in explaining this omission, says that the report by mormon of the "discourse delivered by jesus christ to the nephites on this continent after his resurrection from the dead... may not be full and complete." there is throughout the book an imitation of the style of the holy scriptures. verse after verse begins with the words "and it came to pass," as spaulding's ohio neighbors recalled that his story did. the following extract, from nephi, chap. viii, will give an illustration of the literary style of a large part of the work:-- " .. and it came to pass that we had gathered together all manner of seeds of every kind, both of grain of every kind, and also of the seeds of fruit of every kind. " . and it came to pass that while my father tarried in the wilderness, he spake unto us, saying, behold, i have dreamed a dream; or in other words, i have seen a vision. " . and behold, because of the thing which i have seen, i have reason to rejoice in the lord, because of nephi and also of sam; for i have reason to suppose that they, and also many of their seed, will be saved. " . but behold, laman and lemuel, i fear exceedingly because of you; for behold, methought i saw in my dream, a dark and dreary wilderness. " . and it came to pass that i saw a man, and he was dressed in a white robe; and he came and stood before me. " . and it came to pass that he spake unto me, and bade me follow him. " . and it came to pass that as i followed him, i beheld myself that i was in a dark and dreary waste. " . and after i had travelled for the space of many hours in darkness, i began to pray unto the lord that he would have mercy on me, according to the multitude of his tender mercies. " . and it came to pass after i had prayed unto the lord, i beheld a large and spacious field. " . and it came to pass that i beheld a tree, whose fruit was desirable to make one happy. " . and it came to pass that i did go forth, and partake of the fruit thereof; and i beheld that it was most sweet, above all that i ever before tasted. yea, and i beheld that the fruit thereof was white, to exceed all the whiteness that i had ever seen." whole chapters of the scriptures are incorporated word for word. in the first edition some of these were appropriated without any credit; in the utah editions they are credited. beside these, hyde counted direct quotations from the new testament, verses or sentences, between pages to , covering the years from b.c. to christ's birth. thus, nephi relates that his father, more than two thousand years before the king james edition of the bible was translated, in announcing the coming of john the baptist, used these words, "yea, even he should go forth and cry in the wilderness, prepare ye the way of the lord, and make his paths straight; for there standeth one among you whom ye know not; and he is mightier than i, whose shoe's latchet i am not worthy to unloose" ( nephi x. ). in mosiah v. , king benjamin is represented as saying, years before christ was born, "i would that you should take upon you the name of christ as there is no other name given whereby salvation cometh." the first nephi represents john as baptizing in bethabara (the spelling is beathabry in the utah edition), and alma announces (vii. ) that "the son of god shall be born of mary at jerusalem." shakespeare is proved a plagiarist by comparing his words with those of the second nephi, who, speaking twenty-two hundred years before shakespeare was born, said ( nephi i. ), "hear the words of a trembling parent, whose limbs you must soon lay down in the cold and silent grave, from whence no traveller can return." the chapters of the scriptures appropriated bodily, and the places where they may be found, are as follows:-- first edition utah edition [illustration: "scripture" chapter headings ] among the many anachronisms to be found in the book may be mentioned the giving to laban of a sword with a blade "of the most precious steel" ( nephi iv. ), centuries before the use of steel is elsewhere recorded. and the possession of a compass by the jaredites when they sailed across the ocean (alma xxxvii. ), long before the invention of such an instrument. the ease with which such an error could be explained is shown in the anecdote related of a utah mormon who, when told that the compass was not known in bible times, responded by quoting acts xxviii. , where paul says, "and from thence we fetched a compass." when nephi and his family landed in central america "there were beasts in the forest of every kind, both the cow, and the ox, and the ass, and the horse" (ix nephi xviii. ). if nephi does not prevaricate, there must have been a fatal plague among these animals in later years, for horses, cows, and asses were unknown in america until after its discovery by europeans. moroni, in the book of ether (ix. , ), is still more generous, adding to the possessions of the jaredites sheep and swine* and elephants and "cureloms and cumoms." neither sheep nor swine are indigenous to america; but the prophet is safe as regards the "cureloms and cumoms," which are animals of his own creation. * "and," it is added, "many other kinds of animals which were useful for the use of man," thus ignoring the hebrew antipathy to pork. the book is full of incidental proofs of the fraudulent profession that it is an original translation. for instance, in incorporating corinthians iii. , in the book of moroni, the phrase "is not easily provoked" is retained, as in the king james edition. but the word "easily" is not found in any greek manuscript of this verse, and it is dropped in the revised version of . stenhouse calls attention to many phrases in this bible which were peculiar to the revival preachers of those days, like rigdon, such as "have ye spiritually been born of god?" "if ye have experienced a change of heart." the first edition was full of grammatical errors and amusing phrases. thus we are told, in ether xv. , that when coriantumr smote off the head of shiz, the latter "raised upon his hands and fell." among other examples from the first edition may be quoted: "and i sayeth"; "all things which are good cometh of god"; "neither doth his angels"; and "hath miracles ceased." we find in helaman ix. , "he being stabbed by his brother by a garb of secrecy." this remains uncorrected. alexander campbell, noting the mixture of doctrines in the book, says, "he [the author] decides all the great controversies discussed in new york in the last ten years, infant baptism, the trinity, regeneration, repentance, justification, the fall of man, the atonement, transubstantiation, fasting, penance, church government, the call to the ministry, the general resurrection, eternal punishment, who may baptize, and even the questions of freemasonry, republican government and the rights of man."* * "delusions: an analysis of the book of mormon" ( ). an exhaustive examination of this bible will be found in the "braden and kelley public discussion." such is the book which is accepted to this day as an inspired work by the thousands of persons who constitute the mormon church. this acceptance has always been rightfully recognized as fundamentally necessary to the mormon faith. orson pratt declared, "the nature of the message in the book of mormon is such that, if true, none can be saved who reject it, and, if false, none can be saved who receive it." brigham young told the conference at nauvoo in october, , that "every spirit that confesses that joseph smith is a prophet, that he lived and died a prophet, and that the book of mormon is true, is of god, and every spirit that does not is of anti-christ." there is no modification of this view in the mormon church of to-day. chapter xii. -- organization of the church the director of the steps taken to announce to the world a new bible and a new church realized, of course, that there must be priests, under some name, to receive members and to dispense its blessing. no person openly connected with smith in the work of translation had been a clergyman. accordingly, on may , (still following the prophet's own account), while smith and cowdery were yet busy with the work of translation, they went into the woods to ask the lord for fuller information about the baptism mentioned in the plates. there a messenger from heaven, who, it was learned, was john the baptist, appeared to them in a cloud of light, "and having laid his hands on us, he ordained us, saying unto us, 'upon you, my fellow servants, in the name of messiah, i confer the priesthood of aaron, which holds the keys of the ministering angels, and of the gospel of repentance, and of baptism by immersion for the remission of sins.'" the messenger also informed them that "the power of laying on of hands for the gift of the holy ghost" would be conferred on them later, through peter, james, and john, "who held the keys of the priesthood of melchisedec"; but he directed smith to baptize cowdery, and cowdery then to perform the same office for smith. this they did at once, and as soon as cowdery came out of the water he "stood up and prophesied many things" (which the prophet prudently omitted to record). the divine authority thus conferred, according to orson pratt, exceeds that of the bishops of the roman church, because it came direct from heaven, and not through a succession of popes and bishops.* * orson pratt, in his "questions and answers on doctrine" in his washington newspaper, the seer (p. ), thus defined the mormon view of the roman catholic church:-- q."is the roman catholic church the church of christ?" a."no, for she has no inspired priesthood or officers." q."after the church of christ fled from earth to heaven what was left?" a."a set of wicked apostates, murderers and idolaters," etc. q."who founded the roman catholic church?" a."the devil, through the medium of the apostates, who subverted the whole order of god by denying immediate revelation, and substituting in place thereof tradition and ancient revelations as a sufficient rule of faith and practice." smith and cowdery at once began telling of the power conferred upon them, and giving their relatives and friends an opportunity to become members of the new church. smith's brother samuel was the first convert won over, cowdery baptizing him. his brother hyrum came next,* and then one j. knight, sr., of colesville, new york.** each new convert was made the subject of a "revelation," each of which began, "a great and marvelous work is about to come forth among the children of men." hyrum smith, and david and peter whitmer, jr., were baptized in seneca lake in june, and "from this time forth," says smith, "many became believers and were baptized, while we continued to instruct and persuade as many as applied for information." * hyrum wanted to start in to preach at once, and a "revelation" was necessary to inform him: "you need not suppose you are called to preach until you are called.... keep my commandments; hold your peace" (sec. ). ** colesville is the township in broome county of which harpursville is the voting place. smith organized his converts there about two miles north of harpursville. by april , , branches of the new church had been established at fayette, manchester, and colesville, new york, with some seventy members in all, it has been stated. section of the "doctrine and covenants" names april , , as the date on which the church was "regularly organized and established, agreeable to the laws of our country." this date has been incorrectly given as that on which the first step was taken to form a church organization. what was done then was to organize in a form which, they hoped, would give the church a standing as a legal body.* the meeting was held at the house of peter whitmer. smith, who, it was revealed, should be the first elder, ordained cowdery, and cowdery subsequently ordained smith. the sacrament was then administered, and the new elders laid their hands on the others present. * whitmer's "address to believers in the book of mormon." "the revelation" (sec. ) on the form of church government is dated april, , at least six months before rigdon's name was first associated with the scheme by the visit of cowdery and his companions to ohio. if the date is correct, it shows that rigdon had forwarded this "revelation" to smith for promulgation, for rigdon was unquestionably the originator of the system of church government. david whitmer has explained, "rigdon would expound the old testament scriptures of the bible and book of mormon, in his way, to joseph, concerning the priesthood, high priests, etc., and would persuade brother joseph to inquire of the lord about this doctrine and about that doctrine, and of course a revelation would always come just as they desired it."* * whitmer's "address to believers in the book of mormon." the "revelation" now announced defined the duty of elders, priests, teachers, deacons, and members of the church of christ. an apostle was an elder, and it was his calling to baptize, ordain, administer the sacrament, confirm, preach, and take the lead in all meetings. a priest's duty was to preach, baptize, administer the sacrament, and visit members at their houses. teachers and deacons could not baptize, administer the sacrament, or lay on hands, but were to preach and invite all to join the church. the elders were directed to meet in conference once in three months, and there was to be a high council, or general conference of the church, by which should be ordained every president of the high priesthood, bishop, high counsellor, and high priest. smith's leadership had, before this, begun to manifest itself. he had, in a generous mood, originally intended to share with others the honor of receiving "revelations," the first of these in the "book of doctrine and covenants," saying, "i the lord also gave commandments to others, that they should proclaim these things to the world." in the original publication of these "revelations," under the title "book of commandments," we find such headings as, "a revelation given to oliver," "a revelation given to hyrum," etc. these headings are all changed in the modern edition to read, "given through joseph the seer," etc. cowdery was the first of his associates to seek an open share in the divine work. smith was so pleased with his new scribe when they first met at harmony, pennsylvania, that he at once received a "revelation" which incited cowdery to ask for a division of power. cowdery was told (sec. ), "and behold, i grant unto you a gift, if you desire of me, to translate even as my servant joseph." cowdery's desire manifested itself immediately, and joseph almost as quickly became conscious that he had committed himself too soon. accordingly, in another "revelation," dated the same month of april, (sec. ), he attempted to cajole oliver by telling him about a "gift of aaron" which he possessed, and which was a remarkable gift in itself, adding, "do not ask for that which you ought not." but cowdery naturally clung to his promised gift, and kept on asking, and he had to be told right away in still another "revelation" (sec. ), that he had not understood, but that he must not murmur, since his work was to write for joseph. if he was in doubt about a subject, he was advised to "study it out in your mind"; and if it was right, the lord promised, "i will cause that your bosom shall burn within you"; but if it was not right, "you shall have a stupor of thought, that shall cause you to forget the thing which is wrong." to assist him until he became accustomed to discriminate between this burning feeling and this stupor, the lord told him very plainly, "it is not expedient that you should translate now." that all this rankled in cowdery's heart was shown by his attempt to revise one of smith's "revelations," and the support he gave to hiram page's "gazing." cowdery continued to annoy the prophet, and smith decided to get rid of him. accordingly in july, , came a "revelation," originally announced as given direct to joseph's wife emma, instructing her to act as her husband's scribe, "that i may send my servant oliver cowdery whithersoever i will." this occurred on a trip the smiths had made to harmony. on their return to fayette, smith found cowdery still persistent, and he accordingly gave out a "revelation" to him, telling him again that he must not "write by way of commandment," inasmuch as smith was at the head of the church, and directing him to "go unto the lamanites (indians) and preach my gospel unto them." this was the first mention of the westward movement of the church which shaped all its later history. a "revelation" in june, (sec. ), had directed the appointment of the twelve apostles, whom cowdery and david whitmer were to select. the organized members now began to inquire who was their leader, and smith, in a "revelation" dated april , (sec. ), addressed to himself, announced: "behold there shall be a record kept among you, and in it thou shalt be called a seer, a translator, a prophet, an apostle of jesus christ, an elder of the church through the will of god the father, and the grace of your lord jesus christ"; and the church was directed in these words, "for his word ye shall receive, as if from mine own mouth, in all patience and faith." thus was established an authority which smith defended until the day of his death, and before which all who questioned it went down. some of the few persons who at this time expressed a willingness to join the new church showed a repugnance to being baptized at his hands, and pleaded previous baptism as an excuse for evading it. but smith's tyrannical power manifested itself at once, and he straightway announced a "revelation" (sec. ), in which the lord declared, "all old covenants have i caused to be done away in this thing, and this is a new and everlasting covenant, even that which was from the beginning." five days after the formal organization, the first sermon to the mormon church was preached in the whitmer house by oliver cowdery, smith probably concluding that it would be wiser to confine himself to the receipt of "revelations" rather than to essay pulpit oratory too soon. six additional persons were then baptized. soon after this the first mormon miracle was performed--the casting out of a devil from a young man named, newel knight. the first conference of the organized church was held at fayette, new york, in june, , with about thirty members present. in recent "revelations" the prophet had informed his father and his brothers hyrum and samuel that their calling was "to exhortation and to strengthen the church," so that they were provided for in the new fold. the region in new york state where the smiths had lived and were well known was not favorable ground for their labors as church officers, conducting baptisms and administering the sacrament. when they dammed a small stream in order to secure a pool for an announced baptism, the dam was destroyed during the night. a presbyterian sister-in-law of knight, from whom a devil had been cast, announced her conversion to smith's church, and, when she would not listen to the persuasions of her pastor, the latter obtained legal authority from her parents and carried her away by force. she succeeded, however, in securing the wished-for baptism. all this stirred up public feeling against smith, and he was arrested on a charge of disorderly conduct. at the trial testimony was offered to show that he had obtained a horse and a yoke of oxen from his dupes, on the statement that a "revelation" had informed him that he was to have them, and that he had behaved improperly toward the daughters of one of these men. but the parties interested all testified in his favor, and the prosecution failed. he was immediately rearrested on a warrant and removed to colesville, amid the jeers of the people in attendance. knight was subpoenaed to tell about the miracle performed on him, and smith's old character of a money-digger was ventilated; but the court found nothing on which to hold him. mormon writers have dilated on these "persecutions", but the outcome of the hearings indicated fair treatment of the accused by the arbiters of the law, and the indignation shown toward him and his associates by their neighbors was not greater than the conduct of such men in assuming priestly rights might evoke in any similar community. smith returned to his home in pennsylvania after this, and endeavored to secure the cooperation of his father-in-law in his church plans, but without avail. it was four years later that mr. hale put on record his opinion of his son-in-law already quoted. failing to find other support in harmony, and perceiving much public feeling against him, smith prepared for his return to new york by receiving a "revelation" (sec. ) which directed him to return to the churches organized in that state after he had sold his crops. "they shall support thee", declared the "revelation"; "but if they receive thee not i shall send upon them a cursing instead of a blessing". for smith's protection the lord further declared: "whosoever shall lay their hand upon you by violence ye shall command to be smitten in my name, and behold, i will smite them according to your words, in mine own due time. and whosoever shall go to law with thee shall be cursed by the law." this threat, it will be noted, was safeguarded by not requiring immediate fulfillment. smith returned to fayette in september, and continued church work thereabouts in company with his brothers and john and david whitmer. meanwhile parley p. pratt had made his visit to palmyra and returned to ohio, and in the early winter rigdon set out to make his first open visit to smith, arriving in december. martin harris, on the ground that rigdon was a regularly authorized clergyman, tried to obtain the use of one of the churches of the town for him, but had to content himself with the third-story hall of the young men's association. there rigdon preached a sermon to a small audience, principally of non-mormons, announcing himself as a "messenger of god". the audience regarded the sermon as blasphemous, and no further attempt was made to secure this room for mormon meetings. rigdon, however, while in conference with smith, preached and baptized the neighborhood, and smith and harris tried their powers as preachers in barns and under a tree in the open air. a well-authenticated story of the manner in which one of the palmyra mormons received his call to preach is told by tucker* and verified by the principal actor. among the first baptized in new york state were calvin stoddard and his wife (smith's sister) of macedon. stoddard told his neighbors of wonderful things he had seen in the sky, and about his duty to preach. one night, steven s. harding, a young man who was visiting the place, went with a companion to stoddard's house, and awakening him with knocks on the door, proclaimed in measured tones that the angel of the lord commanded him to "go forth among the people and preach the gospel of nephi." then they ran home and went to bed. stoddard took the call in all earnestness, and went about the next day repeating to his neighbors the words of the "celestial messenger," describing the roaring thunder and the musical sounds of the angel's wings that accompanied the words. young harding, who participated in this joke, became governor of utah in , and incurred the bitter enmity of brigham young and the church by denouncing polygamy, and asserting his own civil authority.** * "origin, rise and progress of mormonism," pp. , **stoddard and smith had a quarrel over a lot in kirtland in , and smith knocked down his brother-in-law and was indicted for assault and battery, but was acquitted on the ground of self-defence. as a result of smith's and rigdon's conferences came a "revelation" to them both (sec. ), delivered as in the name of jesus christ, defining somewhat rigdon's position. how nearly it met his demands cannot be learned, but it certainly granted him no more authority than smith was willing to concede. it told him that he should do great things, conferring the holy ghost by the laying on of hands, as did the apostles of old, and promising to show miracles, signs, and wonders unto all believers. he was told that joseph had received the "keys of the mysteries of those things that have been sealed," and was directed to "watch over him that his faith fail not." this "revelation" ordered the retranslation of the scriptures. the most important result of rigdon's visit to smith was a decision to move the church to ohio. this decision was promulgated in the form of "revelations" dated december, , and january, , which set forth (secs. , ):-- "and that ye might escape the power of the enemy, and be gathered unto me a righteous people, without spot and blameless: "wherefore, for this cause i give unto you the commandment that ye should go to the ohio; and there i will give unto you my law; and there you shall be endowed with power from on high; and from thence whomsoever i will shall go forth among all nations, and it shall be told them what they shall do; for i have a great work laid up in store, for israel shall be saved.... and they that have farms that cannot be sold, let them be left or rented as seemeth them good." a sufficient reason for the removal was the failure to secure converts where smith was known, and the ready acceptance of the new belief among rigdon's ohio people. the rev. dr. clark says, "you might as well go down in the crater of vesuvius and attempt to build an icehouse amid its molten and boiling lava, as to convince any inhabitant in either of these towns [palmyra or manchester] that joe smith's pretensions are not the most gross and egregious falsehood."* * "gleanings by the way." the rev. jesse townsend of palmyra, in a reply to a letter of inquiry about the mormons, dated december , (quoted in full by tucker), says: "all the mormons have left this part of the state, and so palpable is their imposture that nothing is here said or thought of the subject, except when inquiries from abroad are occasionally made concerning them. i know of no one now living in this section of the country that ever gave them credence." chapter xiii. -- the mormons' beliefs and doctrines--church government the mormons teach that, for fourteen hundred years to the time of smith's "revelations," there had been "a general and awful apostasy from the religion of the new testament, so that all the known world have been left for centuries without the church of christ among them; without a priesthood authorized of god to administer ordinances; that every one of the churches has perverted the gospel."* as illustrations of this perversion are cited the doing away of immersion for the remission of sins by most churches, of the laying on of hands for the gift of the holy ghost, and of the miraculous gifts and powers of the holy spirit. the new church presented a modern prophet, who was in direct communication with god and possessed power to work miracles, and who taught from a golden bible which says that whoever asserts that there are no longer "revelations, nor prophecies, nor gifts, nor healing, nor speaking with tongues and the interpretation of tongues,... knoweth not the gospel of christ" (book of mormon ix. , ). * orson pratt's "remarkable visions," no. . it is impossible to decide whether the name "mormon" was used by spaulding in his "manuscript found," or was introduced by rigdon. it is first encountered in the mormon bible in the book of mosiah xviii. , as the name of a place where there was a fountain in which alma baptized those whom his admonition led to repentance. next it occurs in nephi v. : "i am mormon, and a pure descendant of lehi." this mormon was selected by the "author" of the bible to stand sponsor for the condensation of the "records" of his ancestors which smith unearthed. it was discovered very soon after the organization of the mormon church was announced that the word was of greek derivation, [illustration: greek ] meaning bugbear, hobgoblin. in the form of "mormo" it is anglicized with the same meaning, and is used by jeremy collier and warburton.* the word "mormon" in zoology is the generic name of certain animals, including the mandril baboon. the discovery of the greek origin and meaning of the word was not pleasing to the early mormon leaders, and they printed in the times and seasons a letter over smith's signature, in which he solemnly declared that "there was no greek or latin upon the plates from which i, through the grace of god, translated the book of mormon," and gave the following explanation of the derivation of the word: * see "century dictionary." "before i give a definition to the word, let me say that the bible, in its widest sense, means good; for the saviour says, according to the gospel of st. john, 'i am the good shepherd'; and it will not be beyond the common use of terms to say that good is amongst the most important in use, and, though known by various names in different languages, still its meaning is the same, and is ever in opposition to bad. we say from the saxon, good; the dane, god; the goth, gods; the german, gut; the dutch, goed; the latin, bonus; the greek, kalos; the hebrew, tob; the egyptian, mo. hence, with the addition of more, or the contraction mor, we have the word mormon, which means literally more good." this lucid explanation was doubtless entirely satisfactory to the persons to whom it was addressed. in the early "revelations" collected in the "book of commandments" the new church was not styled anything more definite than "my church," and the title-page of that book, as printed in , says that these instructions are "for the government of the church of christ." the name "mormons" was not acceptable to the early followers of smith, who looked on it as a term of reproach, claiming the designation "saints." this objection to the title continues to the present day. it was not until may , , that a council of the church, on motion of sidney rigdon, decided on its present official title, "church of jesus christ of latter-day saints." the belief in the speedy ending of the world, on which the title "latter-day saints" was founded, has played so unimportant a part in modern mormon belief that its prominence as an early tenet of the church is generally overlooked. at no time was there more widespread interest in the speedy second coming of christ and the day of judgment than during the years when the organization of the mormon church was taking place. we have seen how much attention was given to a speedy millennium by the disciples preachers. it was in that william miller began his sermons in which he fixed on the year as the end of the world, and his views not only found acceptance among his personal followers, but attracted the liveliest interest in other sects. the mormon leaders made this belief a part of their early doctrine. thus, in one of the first "revelations" given out by smith, dated fayette, new york, september, , christ is represented as saying that "the hour is nigh" when he would reveal himself, and "dwell in righteousness with men on earth a thousand years." in the november following, another "revelation" declared that "the time is soon at hand that i shall come in a cloud, with power and great glory." soon after smith arrived in kirtland a "revelation," dated february, , announced that "the great day of the lord is nigh at hand." in january, , smith predicted that "there are those now living upon the earth whose eyes shall not be closed in death until they shall see all these things of which i have spoken" (the sweeping of the wicked from the united states, and the return of the lost tribes to it). smith declared in that the lord had promised that he should see the son of man if he lived to be eighty-five (sec. ).* when ferris was secretary of utah territory, in - , he found that the mormons were still expecting the speedy coming of christ, but had moved the date forward to . all through smith's autobiography and the millennial star will be found mention of every portent that might be construed as an indication of the coming disruption of this world. as late as december , , an editorial in the millennial star said, "the signs of the times clearly indicate to every observing mind that the great day of the second advent of messiah is at hand." * speaking of w. w. phelps's last years in utah, stenhouse says: "often did the old man, in public and in private, regale the saints with the assurance that he had the promise by revelation that he should not taste of death until jesus came." phelps died on march , . as the devout mohammedan* passes from earth to a heaven of material bliss, so the mormons are taught that the saints, the sole survivors of the day of judgment, will, with resurrected bodies, possess the purified earth. the lengths to which mormon preachers have dared to go in illustrating this view find a good illustration in a sermon by arson pratt, printed in the deseret news, salt lake city, of august , . having promised that "farmers will have great farms upon the earth when it is so changed," and foreseeing that some one might suggest a difficulty in providing land enough to go round, he met that in this way:-- * the similarity between smith's early life and visions and mohammed's has been mentioned by more than one writer. stenhouse observes that smith's mother "was to him what cadijah was to mohammed," and that "a mohammedan writer, in a series of essays recently published in london, treats of the prophecies concerning the arabian prophet, to be found in the old and new testaments, precisely as orson pratt applied them to the american prophet." "but don't be so fast, says one; don't you know that there are only about , , of square miles, or about , , , of acres upon the surface of the globe? will these accommodate all the inhabitants after the resurrection? yes; for if the earth should stand years, or centuries, and the population should be a thousand millions in every century, that would be , , , of inhabitants, and we know that many centuries have passed that would not give the tenth part of this; but supposing this to be the number, there would then be over an acre and a half for each person upon the surface of the globe." by eliminating the wicked, so that only one out of a hundred would share this real estate, he calculated that every saint "would receive over acres, which would be quite enough to raise manna, flax to make robes of, and to have beautiful orchards of fruit trees." the mormon belief is stated by the church leaders to rest on the holy bible, the mormon bible, and the "book of doctrine and covenants," together with the teachings of the mormon instructors from smith's time to the present day. although the holy bible is named first in this list, it has, as we have seen, played a secondary part in the church ritual, its principal use by the mormon preachers having been to furnish quotations on which to rest their claims for the inspiration of their own bible and for their peculiar teachings. mormon sermons (usually styled discourses) rarely, if ever, begin with a text. the "book of doctrine and covenants" "containing," as the title-page declares, "the revelations given to joseph smith, jr., for the building up of the kingdom of god in the last days," was the directing authority in the church during smith's life, and still occupies a large place in the church history. an examination of the origin and character of this work will therefore shed much light on the claims of the church to special direction from on high. there is little doubt that this system of "revelation" was an idea of rigdon. smith was not, at that time, an inventor; his forte was making use of ideas conveyed to him. thus, he did not originate the idea of using a "peek-stone," but used one freely as soon as he heard of it. he did not conceive the idea of receiving a bible from an angel, but readily transformed the spaniard-with-his-throat-cut to an angel when the perfected scheme was presented to him. we can imagine how attractive "revelations" would have been to him, and how soon he would concentrate in himself the power to receive them, and would adapt them to his personal use. david whitmer says, "the revelations, or the book of commandments, up to june, , were given through the stone through which the book of mormon was translated"; but that after that time "they came through joseph as a mouthpiece; that is, he would inquire of the lord, pray and ask concerning a matter, and speak out the revelation, which he thought to be a revelation from the lord; but sometimes he was mistaken about its being from the lord."* who drew the line between truth and error has never been explained, but smith would certainly have resented any such scepticism. * "address to believers in the book of mormon." parley p. pratt thus describes smith's manner of receiving "revelations" in ohio, "each sentence was uttered slowly and very distinctly, and with a pause between each sufficiently long for it to be recorded by an ordinary writer in long hand."* * pratt's "autobiography," p. . these "revelations" made the greatest impression on smith's followers, and no other of his pretensions seems to have so convinced them of his divine credentials. the story of vienna jaques well illustrates this. a yankee descendant of john rodgers, living in boston, she was convinced by a mormon elder, and joined the church members while they were in kirtland, taking with her her entire possession, $ in cash. this money, like that of many other devoted members, found its way into smith's hands--and stayed there. but he had taken her into his family, and her support became burdensome to him. so, when the saints were "gathering" in missouri, he announced a "revelation" in these words (sec. ):-- "and again, verily, i [the lord] say unto you, it is my will that my handmaid, vienna jaques, should receive money to bear her expenses, and go up unto the land of zion; and the residue of the money may be consecrated unto me, and she be rewarded in mine own due time. verily, i say unto you, that it is meet in mine eyes that she should go up unto the land of zion, and receive an inheritance from the hand of the bishop, that she may settle down in peace, inasmuch as she is faithful, and not to be idle in her days from thenceforth." the confiding woman obeyed without a murmur this thinly concealed scheme to get rid of her, migrated with the church from missouri to illinois and to utah, and was in salt lake city in , supporting herself as a nurse, and "doubly proud that she has been made the subject of a revelation from heaven."* * "utah and the mormons," p. . these "revelations" have been published under two titles. the first edition was printed in jackson, missouri, in , in the mormon printing establishment, under the title, "book of commandments for the government of the church of christ, organized according to law on the th of april, ." this edition contained nothing but "revelations," divided into sixty-five "chapters," and ending with the one dated kirtland, september, , which forms section of the utah edition of "doctrine and covenants." david whitmer says that when, in the spring of , it was proposed by smith, rigdon, and others to publish these revelations, they were earnestly advised by other members of the church not to do so, as it would be dangerous to let the world get hold of them; and so it proved. but smith declared that any objector should "have his part taken out of the tree of life."* * it has been stated that the "book of commandments" was never really published, the mob destroying the sheets before it got out. but david whitmer is a very positive witness to the contrary, saying, "i say it was printed complete (and copyrighted) and many copies distributed among the members of the church before the printing press was destroyed." two years later, while the church was still in kirtland, the "revelations" were again prepared for publication, this time under the title, "doctrine and covenants of the church of the latter-day saints, carefully selected from the revelations of god, and compiled by joseph smith, jr.; oliver cowdery, sidney rigdon, f. g. williams, proprietors." on august , , a general assembly of the church held in the kirtland temple voted to accept his book as the doctrine and covenants of their faith. ebenezer robinson, who attended the meeting, says that the majority of those so voting "had neither time nor opportunity to examine the book for themselves; they had no means of knowing whether any alterations had been made in any of the revelations or not."* in fact, many important alterations were so made, as will be pointed out in the course of this story. one method of attempting to account for these changes has been by making the plea that parts were omitted in the missouri editions. on this point, however, whitmer is very positive, as quoted. * in his reminiscences in the return. at the very start smith's revelations failed to "come true." an amusing instance of this occurred before the mormon bible was published. while the "copy" was in the hands of the printer, grandin, joe's brother hyrum and others who had become interested in the enterprise became impatient over harris's delay in raising the money required for bringing out the book. hyrum finally proposed that some of them attempt to sell the copyright in canada, and he urged joe to ask the lord about doing so. joe complied, and announced that the mission to canada would be a success. accordingly, oliver cowdery and hiram page made a trip to toronto to secure a publisher, but their mission failed absolutely. this was a critical test of the faith of joe's followers. "we were all in great trouble," says david whitmer,* "and we asked joseph how it was that he received a 'revelation' from the lord for some brethren to go to toronto and sell the copyright, and the brethren had utterly failed in their undertaking. joseph did not know how it was, so he inquired of the lord about it, and behold, the following 'revelation' came; through the stone: 'some revelations are from god, some revelations are of man, and some revelations are of the devil.'" no rule for distinguishing and separating these revelations was given; but whitmer, whose faith in smith's divine mission never cooled, thus disposes of the matter, "so we see that the revelation to go to toronto and sell the copyright was not of god." of course, a prophet whose followers would accept such an excuse was certain of his hold upon them. this incident well illustrates the kind of material which formed the nucleus of the church. * "address to all believers in christ," p. . smith never let the previously revealed word of the lord protect any of his flock who afterward came in conflict with his own plans. for example: on march , , he announced a "revelation" (sec. ), saying, "behold, it is expedient in me that my servant john [whitmer] should write and keep a regular history" of the church. john fell into disfavor in later years, and, when he refused to give up his records, smith and rigdon addressed a letter to him,* in connection with his dismissal, which said that his notes required correction by them before publication, "knowing your incompetency as a historian, that writings coming from your pen could not be put to press without our correcting them, or else the church must suffer reproach. indeed, sir, we never supposed you capable of writing a history." why the lord did not consult smith and rigdon before making this appointment is one of the unexplained mysteries. * millennial star, vol. xvi, p. . these "revelations," which increased in number from in to in , numbered in , and then decreased to in , in , in , in , in , in , in (in the trying times in missouri), in , none in , in , none in , and , including the one on polygamy, in . we shall see that in his latter days, in nauvoo, smith was allowed to issue revelations only after they had been censored by a council. he himself testified to the reckless use which he made of them, and which perhaps brought about this action. the following is a quotation from his diary:-- "may , .--while the election [of smith as mayor by the city council] was going forward, i received and wrote the following revelation: 'i verily thus saith the lord unto you my servant joseph, by the voice of the spirit, hiram kimball has been insinuating evil and forming evil opinions against you with others; and if he continue in them, he and they shall be accursed, for i am the lord thy god, and will stand by thee and bless thee.' which i threw across the room to hiram kimball, one of the counsellors." thus it seems that there was some limit to the extent of joe's effrontery which could be submitted to. we shall see that brigham young in utah successfully resisted constant pressure that was put upon him by his flock to continue the reception of "revelations." while he was prudent enough to avoid the pitfalls that would have surrounded him as a revealer, he was crafty enough not to belittle his own authority in so doing. in his discourse on the occasion of the open announcement of polygamy, he said, "if an apostle magnifies his calling, his words are the words of eternal life and salvation to those who hearken to them, just as much so as any written revelations contained in these books" (the two bibles and the "doctrine and covenants"). hiram page was not the only person who tried to imitate smith's "revelations." a boy named isaac russell gave out such messages at kirtland; gladdin bishop caused much trouble in the same way at nauvoo; the high council withdrew the hand of fellowship from oliver olney for setting himself up as a prophet; and in the same year the times and seasons announced a pamphlet by j. c. brewster, purporting to be one of the lost books of esdras, "written by the power of god." in the times and seasons (p. ) will be found a report of a conference held in new york city on december , , at which elder sydney roberts was arraigned, charged with "having a revelation that a certain brother must give him a suit of clothes and a gold watch, the best that could be had; also saluting the sisters with what he calls a holy kiss." he was told that he could retain his membership if he would confess, but he declared that "he knew the revelations which he had spoken were from god." so he was thereupon "cut off." the other source of mormon belief--the teachings of their leading men--has been no more consistent nor infallible than smith's "revelations." mormon preachers have been generally uneducated men, most of them ambitious of power, and ready to use the pulpit to strengthen their own positions. many an individual elder, firm in his faith, has travelled and toiled as faithfully as any christian missionary; but these men, while they have added to the church membership, have not made its beliefs. smith probably originated very little of the church polity, except the doctrine of polygamy, and what is published over his name is generally the production of some of his counsellors. section of the "book of doctrine and covenants," headed "important items of instruction, given by joseph the prophet, april , ," contains the following:-- "when the saviour shall appear, we shall see him as he is. we shall see that he is a man like ourselves.... "the father has a body of flesh and bones as tangible as man's; the son also; but the holy ghost has not a body of flesh and bones, but is a personage of spirit. were it not so, the holy ghost could not dwell in us." an article in the millennial star, vol. vi, for which the prophet vouched, contains the following:-- "the weakest child of god which now exists upon the earth will possess more dominion, more property, more subjects, and more power in glory than is possessed by jesus christ or by his father; while, at the same time, jesus christ and his father will have their dominion, kingdom and subjects increased in proportion." one more illustration of smith's doctrinal views will suffice. in a funeral sermon preached in nauvoo, march , , he said: "as concerning the resurrection, i will merely say that all men will come from the grave as they lie down, whether old or young; there will not be 'added unto their stature one cubit,' neither taken from it. all will be raised by the power of god, having spirit in their bodies but not blood."* * millennial star, vol. xix, p. . in "the latter-day saints' catechism or child's ladder," by elder david moffat, genesis v. , and exodus xxxiii. , , and xxiv. are cited to prove that god has the form and parts of a man. the greatest vagaries of doctrinal teachings are found during brigham young's reign in utah. in the way of a curiosity the following diagram and its explanation, by orson hyde, may be reproduced from the millennial star, vol. ix, p. :-- [illustration: order and unity of the kingdom of god ] "the above diagram (not included in this etext) shows the order and unity of the kingdom of god. the eternal father sits at the head, crowned king of kings and lord of lords. wherever the other lines meet there sits a king and priest under god, bearing rule, authority and dominion under the father. he is one with the father because his kingdom is joined to his father's and becomes part of it.... it will be seen by the above diagram that there are kingdoms of all sizes, an infinite variety to suit all grades of merit and ability. the chosen vessels of god are the kings and priests that are placed at the heads of their kingdoms. they have received their washings and anointings in the temple of god on earth." young's ambition was not to be satisfied until his name was connected with some doctrine peculiarly his own. accordingly, in a long sermon preached in the tabernacle on april , , he made this announcement (the italics and capitals follow the official report):-- "now hear it, o inhabitants of the earth, jew and gentile, saint and sinner. when our father adam came into the garden of eden, he came into it with a celestial body, and brought eve, one of his wives, with him. he helped to make and organize this world. he is michael, the archangel, the ancient of days, about whom holy men have written and spoken.* he is our father and our god, and the only god with whom 'we' have to do... every man upon the earth, professing christians or non-professing, must hear it and will know it sooner or later.... i could tell you much more about this; but were i to tell you the whole truth, blasphemy would be nothing to it, in the estimation of the superstitious and over righteous of mankind.... jesus, our elder brother, was begotten in the flesh by the same character that was in the garden of eden, and who is our father in heaven."** * young, in a public discourse on october , , declared that he rejected the story of adam's creation as "baby stories my mother taught me when i was a child." but the mormon bible ( nephi ii. - ) tells the story of adam's fall. ** journal of discourses, vol i, pp. , . this doctrine was made a leading point of difference between the utah church and the reorganized church, when the latter was organized, but it is no longer defended even in utah. the deseret evening news of march , , said on this point, "that which president young set forth in the discourse referred to is not preached either to the latter-day saints or to the world as a part of the creed of the church." young never hesitated to rebuke an associate whose preaching did not suit him. in a discourse in salt lake city, on march , , he rebuked orson pratt, one of the ablest of the church writers, declaring that pratt did not "know enough to keep his foot out of it, but drowns himself in his philosophy." he ridiculed his doctrine that "the devils in hell are composed of and filled with the holy spirit, or holy ghost, and possess all the knowledge, wisdom, and power of the gods," and said, "when i read some of the writings of such philosophers they make me think, 'o dear, granny, what a long tail our puss has got.'"* * ibid., vol. iv, p. . the mormon church still holds that an existing head of that organization can always interpret the divine will regarding any question. this was never more strikingly illustrated than when woodruff, by a mere dictum, did away with the obligatory character of polygamy. when the mormons were under a cloud in illinois, in , john wentworth, editor of the chicago democrat, applied to smith for a statement of their belief, and received in reply a list of "articles of faith" over smith's signature. this statement was intended to win for them sympathy as martyrs to a simple religious belief, and it has been cited in congress as proof of their soul purity. but as illustrating the polity of the church it is quite valueless. the doctrine of polygamy and the ceremonies of the endowment house will be considered in their proper place. one distinctive doctrine of the church must be explained before this subject is dismissed, namely, that which calls for "baptism for the dead." this doctrine is founded on an interpretation of corinthians xv. : "else what shall they do which are baptized for the dead, if the dead rise not at all? why are they then baptized for the dead?" an explanation of this doctrine in the times and seasons of may , , says:--"this text teaches us the important and cheering truth that the departed spirit is in a probationary state, and capable of being affected by the proclamation of the gospel.... christ offers pardon, peace, holiness, and eternal life to the quick and the dead, the living, on condition of faith and baptism for remission of sins; the departed, on the same condition of faith in person and baptism by a living kinsman in his behalf. it may be asked, will this baptism by proxy necessarily save the dead? we answer, no; neither will the same necessarily save the living." this doctrine was first taught to the church in ohio. in later years, in nauvoo, smith seemed willing to accept its paternity, and in an article in the times and seasons of april , x , signed "ed.," when he was its editor, he said that he was the first to point it out. the article shows, however, that it was doubtless written by rigdon, as it indicates a knowledge of the practice of such baptism by the marcionites in the second century, and of chrysostom's explanation of it. a note on corinthians xv. , in "the new testament commentary for english readers," edited by lord bishop ellicott of gloucester and bristol (london, ), gives the following historical sketch of the practice:-- "there have been numerous and ingenious conjectures as to the meaning of this passage. the only tenable interpretation is that there existed amongst some of the christians at corinth a practice of baptizing a living person in the stead of some convert who had died before that sacrament had been administered to him. such a practice existed amongst the marcionites in the second century, and still earlier amongst a sect called the cerinthians. the idea evidently was that, whatever benefit flowed from baptism, might be thus vicariously secured for the deceased christian. st. chrysostom gives the following description of it:-- "after a catechumen (one prepared for baptism but not actually baptized) was dead, they hid a living man under the bed of the deceased; then, coming to the bed of the dead man, they spoke to him, and asked whether he would receive baptism; and, he making no answer, the other replied in his stead, and so they baptized the living for the dead: does st. paul then, by what he here says, sanction the superstitious practice? certainly not. he carefully separated himself and the corinthians, to whom he immediately addresses himself, from those who adopted this custom .... those who do that, and disbelieve a resurrection, refute themselves. this custom possibly sprang up among the jewish converts, who had been accustomed to something similar in their faith. if a jew died without having been purified from some ceremonial uncleanness, some living person had the necessary ablution performed on him, and the dead were so accounted clean." other commentators have found means to explain this text without giving it reference to a baptism for dead persons, as, for instance, that it means, "with an interest in the resurrection of the dead."* another explanation is that by "the dead" is meant the dead christ, as referred to in romans vi. , "know ye not that so many of us as were baptized into jesus christ were baptized into his death?" * "commentary by bishops and other clergy of the anglican church." this doctrine was a very taking one with the uneducated mormon converts who crowded into nauvoo, and the church officers saw in it a means to hasten the work on the temple. at first families would meet on the bank of the mississippi river, and some one, of the order of the melchisedec priesthood, would baptize them wholesale for all their dead relatives whose names they could remember, each sex for relatives of the same. but as soon as the font in the temple was ready for use, these baptisms were restricted to that edifice, and it was required that all the baptized should have paid their tithings. at a conference at nauvoo in october, , smith said that those who neglected the baptism of their dead "did it at the peril of their own salvation."* * times and seasons, vol. ii, p. . the form of church government, as worked out in the early days, is set forth in the "book of doctrine and covenants." the first officers provided for were the twelve apostles,* and the next the elders, priests, teachers, and deacons, edward partridge being announced as the first bishop in . the church was loosely governed for the first years after its establishment at kirtland. a guiding power was provided for in a revelation of march , (sec. ), when smith was told by the lord that rigdon and f. g. williams were accounted as equal with him "in holding the keys of this last kingdom." these three first held the famous office of the first presidency, representing the trinity. * (sec. , june, .) on february , (sec. ), a general high council of twenty-four high priests assembled at smith's house in kirtland and organized the high council of the church, consisting of twelve high priests, with one or three presidents, as the case might require. the office of high priest, and the organization of a high council were apparently an afterthought, and were added to the "revelation" after its publication in the "book of commandments." other forms of organization that were from time to time decided on were announced in a revelation dated march , (sec. ), which defined the two priesthoods, melchisedec and aaronic, and their powers. there were to be three presiding high priests to form a quorum of the presidency of the church; a seventy, called to preach the gospel, who would form a quorum equal in authority to the quorum of the twelve, and be presided over by seven of their number. smith soon organized two of these quorums of seventies. at the time of the dedications of the temple at nauvoo, in , there were fifteen of them, and to-day they number more than . each separate church organization, as formed, was called a stake, and each stake had over it a presidency, high priests, and council of twelve. we find the meaning of the word "stake" in some of smith's earlier "revelations." thus, in the one dated june , , regarding the organization of the church at kirtland, it was said, "it is expedient in me that this stake that i have set for the strength of zion be made strong." again, in one dated december , , on the gathering of the saints, it is stated, "i have other places which i will appoint unto them, and they shall be called stakes for the curtains, or the strength of zion." in utah, to-day, the stakes form groups of settlements, and are generally organized on county lines. the prophet made a substantial provision for his father, founding for him the office of patriarch, in accordance with an unpublished "revelation." the principal business of the patriarch was to dispense "blessings," which were regarded by the faithful as a sort of charm, to ward off misfortune. joseph, sr., awarded these blessings without charge when he began dispensing them at kirtland, but a high council held there in allowed him $ a week while blessing the church. after his formal anointing in he was known as father smith, and the next year his salary was made $ . a day.* hyrum became patriarch when his father died in , his brother william succeeded him, his uncle john came next, and his uncle joseph after john. patriarchal blessings were advertised in the mormon newspaper in nauvoo like other merchandise. they could be obtained in writing, and contained promises of almost anything that a man could wish, such as freedom from poverty and disease, life prolonged until the coming of christ, etc.** in the price of a blessing in utah had risen to $ . the office of patriarch is still continued, with one chief patriarch, known as patriarch of the church, and subordinate patriarchs in the different stakes. the position of patriarch of the church has always been regarded as a hereditary one, and bestowed on some member of the smith family, as it is to-day. * the departure of the patriarch from ohio was somewhat dramatic. as his wife tells the story in her book, the old man was taken by a constable before a justice of the peace on a charge of performing the marriage service without any authority, and was fined $ , and sentenced to the penitentiary in default of payment. through the connivance of the constable, who had been a mormon, the prisoner was allowed to leap out of a window, and he remained in hiding at new portage until his family were ready to start for missouri. the revelation of january , , announced that he was then sitting "with abraham at his right hand." * ferris's "utah and the mormons," p. , and "wife no. ," p. . book ii. -- in ohio chapter i. -- the first converts at kirtland the four missionaries who had been sent to ohio under cowdery's leadership arrived there in october, . rigdon left kirtland on his visit to smith in new york state in the december following, and in january, , he returned to ohio, taking smith with him. the party who set out for ohio, ostensibly to preach to the lamanites, consisted of oliver cowdery, parley p. pratt, peter whitmer, jr., and ziba peterson, the latter one of smith's original converts, who, it may be noted, was deprived of his land and made to work for others a year later in missouri, because of offences against the church authorities. these men preached as they journeyed, making a brief stop at buffalo to instruct the indians there. on reaching ohio, pratt's acquaintance with rigdon's disciples gave him an opportunity to bring the new bible to the attention of many people. the character of the smiths was quite unknown to the pioneer settlers, and the story of the miraculously delivered bible filled many of them with wonder rather than with unbelief. the missionaries began the work of organizing a church at once. some members of rigdon's congregation had already formed a "common stock society," and were believers in a speedy millennium, and to these the word brought by the new-comers was especially welcome. cowdery baptized seventeen persons into the new church. rigdon at the start denied his right to do this, and, in a debate between him and the missionaries which followed at rigdon's house, rigdon quoted scripture to prove that, even if they had seen an angel, as they declared, it might have been satan transformed. cowdery asked if he thought that, in response to a prayer that god would show him an angel, the heavenly father would suffer satan to deceive him. rigdon replied that if cowdery made such a request of the heavenly father "when he has never promised you such a thing, if the devil never had an opportunity of deceiving you before, you give him one now."* but after a brief study of the new book, rigdon announced that he, too, had had a "revelation," declaring to him that mormonism was to be believed. he saw in a vision all the orders of professing christians pass before him, and all were "as corrupt as corruption itself," while the heart of the man who brought him the book was "as pure as an angel." * "it seemed to be a part of rigdon's plan to make such a fight that, when he did surrender, the triumph of the cause that had defeated him would be all the more complete."--kennedy, "early days of mormonism." the announcement of rigdon's conversation gave mormonism an advertisement and a support that had a wide effect, and it alarmed the orthodox of that part of the country as they had never been alarmed before. referring to it, hayden says, "the force of this shock was like an earthquake when symonds ryder, ezra booth, and many others submitted to the 'new dispensation.'" largely through his influence, the mormon church at kirtland soon numbered more than one hundred members. during all that autumn and early winter crowds went to kirtland to learn about the new religion. on sundays the roads would be thronged with people, some in whatever vehicles they owned, some on horseback, and some on foot, all pressing forward to hear the expounders of the new gospel and to learn the particulars of the new bible. pioneers in a country where there was little to give variety to their lives, they were easily influenced by any religious excitement, and the announcement of a new bible and prophet was certain to arouse their liveliest interest. they had, indeed, inherited a tendency to religious enthusiasm, so recently had their parents gone through the excitements of the early days of methodism, or of the great revivals of the new west at the beginning of the century, when (to quote one of the descriptions given by henry howe) more than twenty thousand persons assembled in one vast encampment, "hundreds of immortal beings moving to and fro, some preaching, some praying for mercy, others praising god. such was the eagerness of the people to attend, that entire neighborhoods were forsaken, and the roads literally crowded by those pressing forward on their way to the groves."* any new religious leader could then make his influence felt on the western border: dylkes, the "leatherwood god," had found it necessary only to announce himself as the real messiah at an ohio campmeeting, in , to build up a sect on that assumption. freewill baptists, winebrennerians, disciples, shakers, and universalists were urging their doctrines and confusing the minds of even the thoughtful with their conflicting views. we have seen to what beliefs the preaching of the disciples' evangelists had led the people of the western reserve, and it did not really require a much broader exercise of faith (or credulity) to accept the appearance of a new prophet with a new bible. * "historical collections of the great west." while the main body of converts was made up of persons easily susceptible to religious excitement, and accustomed to have their opinions on such subjects formed for them, men of education and more or less training in theology were found among the early adherents to the new belief. it is interesting to see how the minds of such men were influenced, and this we are enabled to do from personal experiences related by some of them. one of these, john corrill, a man of intelligence, who stayed with the church until it was driven out of missouri, then became a member of the missouri legislature, and wrote a brief history of the church to the year , in this pamphlet answered very clearly the question often asked by his friends, "how did you come to join the mormons?" a copy of the new bible was given to him by cowdery when the missionaries, on their western trip, passed through ashtabula county, ohio, where he lived. a brief reading convinced him that it was a mere money-making scheme, and when he learned that they had stopped at kirtland, he did not entertain a doubt, that, under rigdon's criticism, the pretensions of the missionaries would be at once laid bare. when, on the contrary, word came that rigdon and the majority of his society had accepted the new faith, corrill asked himself: "what does this mean? are elder rigdon and these men such fools as to be duped by these impostors?" after talking the matter over with a neighbor, he decided to visit kirtland, hoping to bring rigdon home with him, with the idea that he might be saved from the imposition if he could be taken from the influence of the impostors. but before he reached kirtland, corrill heard of rigdon's baptism into the new church. finding kirtland in a state of great religious excitement, he sought discussions with the leaders of the new movement, but not always successfully. corrill started home with a "heart full of serious reflections." were not the people of berea nobler than the people of thessalonica because "they searched the scriptures daily; whether these things were so?" might he not be fighting against god in his disbelief? he spent two or three weeks reading the mormon bible; investigated the bad reports of the new sect that reached him and found them without foundation; went back to kirtland, and there convinced himself that the laying on of hands and "speaking with tongues" were inspired by some supernatural agency; admitted to himself that, accepting the words of peter (acts ii. - ), it was "just as consistent to look for prophets in this age as in any other." smith seemed to have been a bad man, but was not moses a fugitive from justice, as the murderer of a man whose body he had hidden in the sand, when god called him as a prophet? the story of the long hiding and final delivery of the golden plates to smith taxed his credulity; but on rereading the scriptures he found that books are referred to therein which they do not contain--book of nathan the prophet, book of gad the seer, book of shemaiah the prophet, and book of iddo the seer ( chron. xxix. ; chron. ix. and xii. ). this convinced him that the scriptures were not complete. daniel and john were commanded to seal the book. david declared (psalms xxxv.) "that truth shall spring out of the earth," and from the earth smith took the plates; and ezekiel (xxxvii. - ) foretold the existence of two records, by means of which there shall be a gathering together of the children of israel. it finally seemed to corrill that the mormon bible corresponded with the record of joseph referred to by ezekiel, the holy bible being the record of judah. not fully satisfied, he finally decided, however, to join the new church, with a mental reservation that he would leave it if he ever found it to be a deception. explaining his reasons for leaving it when he did, he says, "i can see nothing that convinces me that god has been our leader; calculation after calculation has failed, and plan after plan has been overthrown, and our prophet seemed not to know the event till too late." the two other most prominent converts to the new church in ohio were the rev. ezra booth, a methodist preacher of more than ordinary culture, of mantua, and symonds ryder, a native of vermont, whom alexander campbell had converted to the disciples' belief in , and who occupied the pulpit at hiram when called on. booth visited smith in , with some members of his own congregation, and was so impressed by the miraculous curing of the lame arm of a woman of his party by smith, that he soon gave in his allegiance. ryder had always found one thing lacking in the disciples' theology--he looked for some actual "gift of the holy spirit" in the way of "signs" that were to follow them that believed. he was eventually induced to announce his conversion to the new church after "he read in a newspaper, an account of the destruction of pekin in china, and remembered that, six weeks before, a young mormon girl had predicted the destruction of that city." this statement was made in the sermon preached at his funeral. both of these men confessed their mistake four months later, after booth had returned from a trip to missouri with smith. among the ignorant, even the most extravagant of the claims of the mormon leaders had influence. one man, when he heard an elder in the midst of a sermon "speak with tongues," in a language he had never heard before, "felt a sudden thrill from the back of his head down his backbone," and was converted on the spot. john d. lee, of catholic education, was convinced by an elder that the end of the world was near, and sold his property in illinois for what it would bring, and moved to far west, in order to be in the right place when the last day dawned. lorenzo snow, the recent president of the church, says that he was "thoroughly convinced that obedience to those [the mormon] prophets would impart miraculous powers, manifestations, and revelations," the first manifestation of which occurred some weeks later, when he heard a sound over his head "like the rustling of silken robes, and the spirit of god descended upon me."* * biography of snow, by his sister eliza. the arguments that control men's religious opinions are too varied even for classification. in a case like mormonism they range from the really conscientious study of a corrill to the whim of the paumotuan, of whom stevenson heard in the south seas, who turned mormon when his wife died, after being a pillar of the catholic church for fifteen years, on the ground that "that must be a poor religion that could not save a man his wife." any person who will examine those early defences of the mormon faith, parley p. pratt's "a voice of warning," and orson pratt's "divine authenticity of the book of mormon," will find what use can be made of an insistence on the literal acceptance of the scriptures in defending such a sect as theirs, especially with persons whose knowledge of the scriptures is much less than their reverence for them. professor j. b. turner,* writing in , when the early teachings of mormonism had just had their effect in what is now styled the middle west, observed that these teachings had made more infidels than mormon converts. this is accounted for by the fact that persons who attempted to follow the mormon argument by studying the scriptures, found their previous interpretation of parts of the holy bible overturned, and the whole book placed under a cloud. w. j. stillman mentions a similar effect in the case of ruskin. when they were in switzerland, ruskin would do no painting on sunday, while stillman regarded the sanctity of the first day of the week as a "theological fiction." in a discussion of the subject between them, stillman established to ruskin's satisfaction that there was no scriptural authority for transferring the day of rest from the seventh to the first day of the week. "the creed had so bound him to the letter," says stillman, "that the least enlargement of the stricture broke it, and he rejected, not only the tradition of the sunday sabbath, but the whole of the ecclesiastical interpretation of the texts. he said, 'if they have deceived me in this, they have probably deceived me in all.'" the mormons soon learned that it was more profitable for them to seek converts among those who would accept without reasoning. * "mormonism in all ages." chapter ii. -- wild vagaries of the converts the scenes at kirtland during the first winter of the church there reached the limit of religious enthusiasm. the younger members outdid the elder in manifesting their belief. they saw wonderful lights in the air, and constantly received visions. mounting stumps in the field, they preached to imaginary congregations, and, picking up stones, they would read on them words which they said disappeared as soon as known. at the evening prayer-meetings the laying on of hands would be followed by a sort of fit, in which the enthusiasts would fall apparently lifeless on the floor, or contort their faces, creep on their hands or knees, imitate the indian process of killing and scalping, and chase balls of fire through the fields.* *corrill's "brief history of the church," p. ; howe's "mormonism unveiled," p. . some of the young men announced that they had received "commissions" to teach and preach, written on parchment, which came to them from the sky, and which they reached by jumping into the air. howe reproduces one of these, the conclusion of which, with the seal, follows:-- "that you had a messenger tell you to go and get the other night, you must not show to any son of adam. obey this, and i will stand by you in all cases. my servants, obey my commandments in all cases, and i will provide. "be ye always ready, be ye always ready, whenever i shall call, be ye always ready, my seal. [illustration: seal ] "there shall be something of great importance revealed when i shall call you to go: my servants, be faithful over a few things, and i will make you a ruler over many. amen, amen, amen." foolishly extravagant as these manifestations appear (corrill says that comparatively few members indulged in them), there was nothing in them peculiar to the mormon belief. the meetings of the disciples, in the year of smith's arrival in ohio and later, when men like campbell and scott spoke, were swayed with the most intense religious enthusiasm. a description of the effect of campbell's preaching at a grove meeting in the cuyahoga valley in says:-- "the woods were full of horses and carriages, and the hundreds already there were rapidly swelled to many thousands; all were of one race--the yankee; all of one calling, or nearly, the farmer.... when campbell closed, low murmurs broke and ran through the awed crowd; men and women from all parts of the vast assembly with streaming eyes came forward; young men who had climbed into small trees from curiosity, came down from conviction, and went forward for baptism."* * riddle's "the portrait." it is easy to cite very "orthodox" precedents for such manifestations. one of these we find in the accounts of what were called "the jerks," which accompanied a great revival in , brought about by the preaching of the rev. joseph badger, a yale graduate and a congregationalist, who was the first missionary to the western reserve. j. s. c. abbott, in his history of ohio, describing the "jerks," says:-- "the subject was instantaneously seized with spasms in every muscle, nerve and tendon. his head was thrown backward and forward, and from side to side, with inconceivable rapidity. so swift was the motion that the features could no more be discerned than the spokes of a wheel can be seen when revolving with the greatest velocity.... all were impressed with a conviction that there was something supernatural in these convulsions, and that it was opposing the spirit of god to resist them." the most extravagant enthusiasm of the kirtland converts, and the most extravagant claims of the mormon leaders at that time, were exceeded by the manifestations of converts in the early days of methodism, and the miraculous occurrences testified to by wesley himself,*--a cloud tempering the sun in answer to his prayer; his horse cured of lameness by faith; the case of a blind catholic girl who saw plainly when her eyes rested on the new testament, but became blind again when she took up the mass book. * for examples see lecky's "england in the nineteenth century," vol. iii, chap. viii, and wesley's "journal." these mormon enthusiasts were only suffering from a manifestation to which man is subject; and we can agree with a mormon elder who, although he left the church disgusted with its extravagances, afterward remarked, "the man of religious feeling will know how to pity rather than upbraid that zeal without knowledge which leads a man to fancy that he has found the ladder of jacob, and that he sees the angel of the lord ascending and descending before his eyes." when smith and rigdon reached kirtland they found the new church in a state of chaos because of these wild excitements, and of an attempt to establish a community of possessions, growing out of rigdon's previous teachings. these communists held that what belonged to one belonged to all, and that they could even use any one's clothes or other personal property without asking permission. many of the flock resented this, and anything but a condition of brotherly love resulted. smith, in his account of the situation as they found it, says that the members were striving to do the will of god, "though some had strange notions, and false spirits had crept in among them. with a little caution and some wisdom, i soon assisted the brothers and sisters to overcome them. the plan of 'common stock,' which had existed in what was called 'the family,' whose members generally had embraced the everlasting gospel, was readily abandoned for the more perfect law of the lord,"*--which the prophet at once expounded. * millennial star, vol. xiv, supt., p. . smith announced that the lord had informed him that the ravings of the converts were of the devil, and this had a deterring effect; but at an important meeting of elders to receive an endowment, some three months later, conducted by smith himself, the spirits got hold of some of the elders. "it threw one from his seat to the floor," says corrill. "it bound another so that for some time he could not use his limbs or speak; and some other curious effects were experienced. but by a mighty exertion, in the name of the lord, it was exposed and shown to be of an evil source." chapter iii. -- growth of the church in order not to interrupt the story of the mormons' experiences in ohio, leaving the first steps taken in missouri to be treated in connection with the regular course of events in that state, it will be sufficient to say here that cowdery, pratt, and their two companions continued their journey as far as the western border of missouri, in the winter of and , making their headquarters at independence, jackson county; that, on receipt of their reports about that country, smith and rigdon, with others, made a trip there in june, , during which the corner-stones of the city of zion and the temple were laid, and officers were appointed to receive money for the purchase of the land for the saints, its division; etc. smith and rigdon returned to kirtland on august , . the growth of the church in ohio was rapid. in two or three weeks after the arrival of the four pioneer missionaries, persons had been baptized, and by the spring of the number of converts had increased to . almost all the male converts were honored with the title of elder. by a "revelation" dated february , (sec. ), all of these elders, except smith and rigdon, were directed to "go forth in the power of my spirit, preaching my gospel, two by two, in my name, lifting up your voices as with the voice of a trump." this was the beginning of that extensive system of proselyting which was soon extended to europe, which was so instrumental in augmenting the membership of the church in its earlier days, and which is still carried on with the utmost zeal and persistence. the early missionaries travelled north into canada and through almost all the states, causing alarm even in new england by the success of their work. one man there, in , reprinted at his own expense alexander campbell's pamphlet exposing the ridiculous features of the mormon bible, for distribution as an offset to the arguments of the elders. women of means were among those who moved to kirtland from massachusetts. in three years after smith and rigdon met in palmyra, mormon congregations had been established in nearly all the northern and middle states and in some of the southern, with baptisms of from to in a place.* smith had relaxed none of his determination to be the one head of the church. as soon as he arrived in kirtland he put forth a long "revelation" (sec. ) which left rigdon no doubt of the prophet's intentions. it declared to the elders that "there is none other but smith appointed unto you to receive commandments and revelations until he be taken," and that "none else shall be appointed unto his gift except it be through him." not only was smith's spiritual power thus intrenched, but his temporal welfare was looked after. "and again i say unto you," continues this mouthpiece of the lord, "if ye desire the mysteries of the kingdom, provide for him food and raiment and whatsoever he needeth to accomplish the work wherewith i have commanded him." in the same month came another declaration, saying (sec. ) "is meet that my servant joseph smith, jr., should have a house built, in which to live and translate" (the scriptures). with a streak of generosity it was added, "it is meet that my servant sidney rigdon should live as seemeth him good." *turner's "mormonism in all ages," p. . the iron hand with which smith repressed rigdon from the date of their arrival in ohio affords strong proof of rigdon's complicity in the bible plot, and of smith's realization of the fact that he stood to his accomplice in the relation of a burglar to his mate, where the burglar has both the boodle and the secret in his possession. an illustration of this occurred during their first trip to missouri. rigdon and smith did not agree about the desirability of western missouri as a permanent abiding-place for the church. the rev. ezra booth, after leaving the mormons, contributed a series of letters on his experience with smith to the ohio star of ravenna.* in the first of these he said: "on our arrival in the western part of the state of missouri we discovered that prophecy and visions had failed, or rather had proved false. this fact was so notorious that mr. rigdon himself says that 'joseph's vision was a bad thing.'" smith nevertheless directed rigdon to write a description of that promised land, and, when the production did not suit him, he represented the lord as censuring rigdon in a "revelation" (sec. ):-- * copied in howe's "mormonism unveiled." "and now behold, verily i say unto you, i, the lord, am not pleased with my servant sidney rigdon; he exalteth himself in his heart, and receiveth not counsel, but grieveth the spirit. wherefore his writing is not acceptable unto the lord; and he shall make another, and if the lord receiveth it not, behold he standeth no longer in the office which i have appointed him." that the proud-minded, educated preacher, who refused to allow campbell to claim the foundership of the disciples' church, should take such a rebuke and threat of dismissal in silence from joe smith of palmyra, and continue under his leadership, certainly indicates some wonderful hold that the prophet had upon him. while the travelling elders were doing successful work in adding new converts to the fold, there was beginning to manifest itself at kirtland that "apostasy" which lost the church so many members of influence, and was continued in missouri so far that mayor grant said, in salt lake city, in , that "one-half at least of the yankee members of this church have apostatized."* the secession of men like booth and ryder, and their public exposure of smith's methods, coupled with rumors of immoral practices in the fold, were followed by the tarring and feathering of smith and rigdon on the night of saturday, march , . the story of this outrage is told in smith's autobiography, and the details there given may be in the main accepted. * journal of discourses, vol. iii, p. . smith and his wife were living at the house of a farmer named johnson in hiram township, while he and rigdon were translating the scriptures. mrs. smith had taken two infant twins to bring up, and on the night in question she and her husband were taking turns sitting up with these babies, who were just recovering from the measles. while smith was sleeping, his wife heard a tapping on the window, but gave it no attention. the mob, believing that all within were asleep, then burst in the door, seized smith as he lay partly dressed on a trundle bed, and rushed him out of doors, his wife crying "murder." smith struggled as best he could, but they carried him around the house, choking him until he became unconscious. some thirty yards from the house he saw rigdon, "stretched out on the ground, whither they had dragged him by the heels." when they had carried smith some thirty yards farther, some of the mob meantime asking, "ain't ye going to kill him?" a council was held and some one asked, "simmons, where's the tarbucket?" when the bucket was brought up they tried to force the "tarpaddle" into smith's mouth, and also, he says, to force a phial between his teeth. he adds: "all my clothes were torn off me except my shirt collar, and one man fell on me and scratched my body with his nails like a mad cat. they then left me, and i attempted to rise, but fell again. i pulled the tar away from my lips, etc., so that i could breathe more freely, and after a while i began to recover, and raised myself up, when i saw two lights. i made my way toward one of them, and found it was father johnson's. when i had come to the door i was naked, and the tar made me look as though i had been covered with blood; and when my wife saw me she thought i was all smashed to pieces, and fainted. during the affray abroad, the sisters of the neighborhood collected at my room. i called for a blanket; they threw me one and shut the door; i wrapped it around me and went in.... my friends spent the night in scraping and removing the tar and washing and cleansing my body, so that by morning i was ready to be clothed again.... with my flesh all scarified and defaced, i preached [that morning] to the congregation as usual, and in the afternoon of the same day baptized three individuals." rigdon's treatment is described as still more severe. he was not only dragged over the ground by the heels, but was well covered with tar and feathers; and when smith called on him the next day he found him delirious, and calling for a razor with which to kill his wife. all mormon accounts of this, as well as later persecutions, attempt to make the ground of attack hostility to the mormon religious beliefs, presenting them entirely in the light of outrages on liberty of opinion. symonds ryder (whom smith accuses of being one of the mob), says that the attack had this origin: the people of hiram had the reputation of being very receptive and liberal in their religious views. the mormons therefore preached to them, and seemed in a fair way to win a decided success, when the leaders made their first trip to missouri. papers which they left behind outlining the internal system of the new church fell into the hands of some of the converts, and revealed to them the horrid fact that a plot was laid to take their property from them and place it under the control of smith, the prophet.... some who had been the dupes of this deception determined not to let it pass with impunity; and, accordingly, a company was formed of citizens from shalersville, garretsville, and hiram, and took smith and rigdon from their beds and tarred and feathered them.* * hayden's "early history of the disciples' church in the western reserve," p. . this manifestation of hostility to the leaders of the new church was only a more pronounced form of that which showed itself against smith before he left new york state. when a man of his character and previous history assumes the right to baptize and administer the sacrament, he is certain to arouse the animosity, not only of orthodox church members, but of members of the community who are lax in their church duties. goldsmith illustrates this kind of feeling when, in "she stoops to conquer," he makes one of the "several shabby fellows with punch and tobacco" in the alehouse say, "i loves to hear him, the squire sing, bekeays he never gives us nothing that's low," and another responds, "o, damn anything that's low." the anti-mormon feeling was intensified and broadened by the aggressiveness with which the mormons sought for converts in the orthodox flocks. beliefs radically different from those accepted by any of the orthodox denominations have escaped hostile opposition in this country, even when they have outraged generally accepted social customs. the harmonists, in a body of , emigrated to pennsylvania to escape the persecution to which they were subjected in germany, purchased acres of land and organized a town; moved later to indiana, where they purchased , acres; and ten years afterward returned to pennsylvania, and bought acres in another place,--all the time holding to their belief in a community of goods and a speedy coming of christ, as well as the duty of practicing celibacy,--without exciting their neighbors or arousing their enmity. the wallingford community in connecticut, and the oneida community in new york state, practised free love among themselves without persecution, until their organizations died from natural causes. the leaders in these and other independent sects were clean men within their own rules, honest in their dealings with their neighbors, never seeking political power, and never pressing their opinions upon outsiders. an old resident of wallingford writes to me, "the community were, in a way, very generally respected for their high standard of integrity in all their business transactions." as we follow the career of the mormons from ohio to missouri, and thence to illinois, we shall read their own testimony about the character of their leading men, and about their view of the rights of others in each of their neighborhoods. when horace greeley asked brigham young in salt lake city for an explanation of the "persecutions" of the mormons, his reply was that there was "no other explanation than is afforded by the crucifixion of christ and the kindred treatment of god's ministers, prophets, and saints in all ages"; which led greeley to observe that, while a new sect is always decried and traduced,--naming the baptists, quakers, methodists, and universalists,--he could not remember "that either of them was ever generally represented and regarded by the other sects of their early days as thieves, robbers, and murderers."* * "overland journey," p. . another attempt by rigdon to assert his independence of smith occurred while the latter was still at mr. johnson's house and rigdon was in kirtland. the fullest account of this is found in mother smith's "history," pp. - . she says that rigdon came in late to a prayer-meeting, much agitated, and, instead of taking the platform, paced backward and forward on the floor. joseph's father told him they would like to hear a discourse from him, but he replied, "the keys of the kingdom are rent from the church, and there shall not be a prayer put up in this house this day." this caused considerable excitement, and smith's brother hyrum left the house, saying, "i'll put a stop to this fuss pretty quick," and, mounting a horse, set out for johnson's and brought the prophet back with him. on his arrival, a meeting of the brethren was held, and joseph declared to them, "i myself hold the keys of this last dispensation, and will forever hold them, both in time and eternity, so set your hearts at rest upon that point. all is right." the next day rigdon was tried before a council for having "lied in the name of the lord," and was "delivered over to the buffetings of satan," and deprived of his license, smith telling him that "the less priesthood he had, the better it would be for him." rigdon, mrs. smith says, according to his own account, "was dragged out of bed by the devil three times in one night by the heels," and, while she does not accept this literally, she declares that "his contrition was as great as a man could well live through." after awhile he got another license. chapter iv. -- gifts of tongues and miracles in january, , smith announced a revival of the "gift of tongues," and instituted the ceremony of washing the feet.* under the new system, smith or rigdon, during a meeting, would call on some brother, or sister, saying, "father a., if you will rise in the name of jesus christ you can speak in tongues." the rule which persons thus called on were to follow was thus explained, "arise upon your feet, speak or make some sound, continue to make sounds of some kind, and the lord will make a language of it." it was not necessary that the words should be understood by the congregation; some other mormon would undertake their interpretation. much ridicule was incurred by the church because of this kind of revelation. gunnison relates that when a woman "speaking in tongues" pronounced "meliar, meli, melee," it was at once translated by a young wag, "my leg, my thigh, my knee," and, when he was called before the council charged with irreverence, he persisted in his translation, but got off with an admonition.** at a meeting in nauvoo in later years a doubting convert delivered an address in real choctaw, whereupon a woman jumped up and offered as a translation an account of the glories of the new temple. * this ceremony has fallen into disuse in utah. ** "the mormons." p. . at the conference of june , , smith ordained elder wright to the high priesthood for service among the indians, with the gift of tongues, healing the sick, etc. wright at once declared that he saw the saviour. at one of the sessions at kirtland at this time, as described by an eye-witness, smith announced that the day would come when no man would be permitted to preach unless he had seen the lord face to face. then, addressing rigdon, he asked, "sidney, have you seen the lord?" the obedient sidney made reply, "i saw the image of a man pass before my face, whose locks were white, and whose countenance was exceedingly fair, even surpassing all beauty that i ever beheld." smith at once rebuked him by telling him that he would have seen more but for his unbelief. almost simultaneously with smith's first announcement of his prophetic powers, while working his "peek-stone" in pennsylvania and new york, he, as we have seen, claimed ability to perform miracles, and he announced that he had cast out a devil at colesville in .* the performance of miracles became an essential part of the church work at kirtland, and had a great effect on the superstitious converts. the elders, who in the early days labored in england, laid great stress on their miraculous power, and there were some amusing exposures of their pretences. the millennial star printed a long list of successful miracles dating from to , including the deaf made to hear, the blind to see, dislocated bones put in place, leprosy and cholera cured, and fevers rebuked. smith, rigdon, and cowdery took a leading part in this work at kirtland.** to a man nearly dead with consumption rigdon gave assurance that he would recover "as sure as there is a god in heaven." the man's death soon followed. when a child, whose parents had been persuaded to trust its case to mormon prayers instead of calling a physician,*** died, smith and rigdon promised that it would rise from the dead, and they went through certain ceremonies to accomplish that object.**** * for particulars of this miracle, see millennial star, vol. xiv, pp. , . ** while smith was in washington in , pressing on the federal authorities the claims of the mormons for redress for their losses in missouri, he preached on the church doctrines. a member of congress who heard him sent a synopsis of the discourse to his wife, and smith printed this entire in his autobiography (millennial star, vol. xvii, p. ). here is one passage: "he [smith] performed no miracles. he did not pretend to possess any such power." this is an illustration of the facility with which smith could lie, when to do so would serve his purpose. *** the saints were early believers in faith cure. smith, in a sermon preached in , urged them "to trust in god when sick, and live by faith and not by medicine or poison" (millennial star, vol. xviii, p. ). a coroner's jury, in an inquest over a victim of this faith in london, england, cautioned the sect against continuing this method of curing (times and seasons, , p. ). **** for further illustrations of miracle working, in ohio, see kennedy's "early days of mormonism," chap. v. the lengths to which smith dared go in his pretensions are well illustrated in an incident of these days. among the curiosities of a travelling showman who passed through kirtland were some egyptian mummies. as the golden plates from which the mormon bible was translated were written in "reformed egyptian," the translator of those plates was interested in all things coming from egypt, and at his suggestion the mummies were purchased by and for the church. on them were found some papyri which joseph, with the assistance of phelps and cowdery, set about "translating." their success was great, and smith was able to announce: "we found that one of these rolls contained the writings of abraham, another the writings of joseph.* truly we could see that the lord is beginning to reveal the abundance of truth." that there might be no question about the accuracy of smith's translation, he exhibited a certificate signed by the proprietor of the show, saying that he had exhibited the "hieroglyphic characters" to the most learned men in many cities, "and from all the information that i could ever learn or meet with, i find that of joseph smith, jr., to correspond in the most minute matters." * when the papyri were shown to josiah quincy and charles francis adams, on the occasion of their visit to nauvoo in , joseph smith, pointing out the inscriptions, said: "that is the handwriting of abraham, the father of the faithful. this is the autograph of moses, and these lines were written by his brother aaron. here we have the earliest account of the creation, from which moses composed the first book of genesis."--"figures of the past," p. . smith's autobiography contains this memorandum: "october , . this afternoon i labored on the egyptian alphabet in company with brother o. cowdery and w. w. phelps, and during the research the principals of astronomy, as understood by father abraham and the ancients, unfolded to our understanding." when he was in the height of his power in nauvoo, smith printed in the times and seasons a reproduction of these hieroglyphics accompanied by this alleged translation, of what he called "the book of abraham," and they were also printed in the millennial star.* the translation was a meaningless jumble of words after this fashion:-- * see vol. xix, p. , etc., from which the accompanying facsimile is taken. [illustration: egyptian papyri ] "in the land of the chaldeans, at the residence of my father, i, abraham, saw that it was needful for me to obtain another place of residence, and finding there was greater happiness and peace and rest for me, i sought for the blessings of the fathers, and the right whereunto i should be ordained to administer the same, having been myself a follower of righteousness, desiring to be one also who possessed great knowledge, and to possess greater knowledge, and to be a greater follower of righteousness." remy submitted a reproduction of these hieroglyphics to theodule deveria, of the museum of the louvre, in paris, who found, of course, that smith's purported translation was wholly fraudulent. for instance, his abraham fastened on an altar was a representation of osiris coming to life on his funeral couch, his officiating priest was the god anubis, and what smith represents to indicate an angel of the lord is "the soul of osiris, under the form of a hawk."* smith's whole career offered no more brazen illustration of his impostures than this. * see "a journey to great salt lake city", by jules remy ( ), note xvii. a visitor to the kirtland temple some years later paid joseph's father half a dollar in order to see the egyptian curios, which were kept in the attic of that structure. a well-authenticated anecdote, giving another illustration of smith's professed knowledge of the egyptian language is told by the rev. henry caswall, m.a., who, after holding the professorship of divinity in kemper college, in missouri, became vicar of a church in england. mr. caswall, on the occasion of a visit to nauvoo in , having heard of smith's egyptian lore, took with him an ancient greek manuscript of the psalter, on parchment, with which to test the prophet's scholarship. the belief of smith's followers in his powers was shown by their eagerness to have him see this manuscript, and their persistence in urging mr. caswall to wait a day for smith's return from carthage that he might submit it to the prophet. mr. caswall the next day handed the manuscript to smith and asked him to explain its contents. after a brief examination, smith explained: "it ain't greek at all, except perhaps a few words. what ain't greek is egyptian, and what ain't egyptian is greek. this book is very valuable. it is a dictionary of egyptian hieroglyphics. these figures (pointing to the capitals) is egyptian hieroglyphics written in the reformed egyptian. these characters are like the letters that were engraved on the golden plates."* * "the city of the mormons," p. ( ). chapter v. -- smith's ohio business enterprises when rigdon returned to ohio with smith in january, , it seems to have been his intention to make kirtland the permanent headquarters of the new church. he had written to his people from palmyra, "be it known to you, brethren, that you are dwelling on your eternal inheritance." when cowdery and his associates arrived in ohio on their first trip, they announced as the boundaries of the promised land the township of kirtland on the east and the pacific ocean on the west. within two months of his arrival at kirtland smith gave out a "revelation" (sec. ), in which the lord commanded the elders to go forth into the western countries and buildup churches, and they were told of a city of refuge for the church, to be called the new jerusalem. no definite location of this city was given, and the faithful were warned to "keep these things from going abroad unto the world." another "revelation" of the same month (sec. ) announced that it was necessary for all to remain for the present in their places of abode, and directed those who had lands "to impart to the eastern brethren," and the others to buy lands, and all to save money "to purchase lands for an inheritance, even the city." the reports of those who first went to missouri induced smith and rigdon, before they made their first trip to that state, to announce that the saints would pass one more winter in ohio. but when they had visited the missouri frontier and realized its distance from even the ohio border line, and the actual privations to which settlers there must submit, their zeal weakened, and they declared, "it will be many years before we come here, for the lord has a great work for us to do in ohio." the building of the temple at kirtland, and the investments in lots and in business enterprises there showed that a permanent settlement in ohio was then decided on. smith's first business enterprise for the church in ohio was a general store which he opened in hiram. this establishment has been described as "a poorly furnished country store where commerce looks starvation in the face."* the difficulty of combining the positions of prophet, head of the church, and retail merchant was naturally great. the result of the combination has been graphically pictured by no less an authority than brigham young. in a discourse in salt lake city, explaining why the church did not maintain a store there, young said:-- * salt lake herald, november , . "you that have lived in nauvoo, in missouri, in kirtland, ohio, can you assign a reason why joseph could not keep a store and be a merchant? let me just give you a few reasons; and there are men here who know just how matters went in those days. joseph goes to new york and buys $ , worth of goods, comes into kirtland and commences to trade. in comes one of the brethren. brother joseph, let me have a frock pattern for my wife: what if joseph says, 'no, i cannot without money.' the consequence would be, 'he is no prophet,' says james. pretty soon thomas walks in. 'brother joseph, will you trust me for a pair of boots?' 'no, i cannot let them go without money.' 'well,' says thomas, 'brother joseph is no prophet; i have found that out and i am glad of it.' after a while in comes bill and sister susan. says bill, 'brother joseph, i want a shawl. i have not got any money, but i wish you to trust me a week or a fortnight.' well, brother joseph thinks the others have gone and apostatized, and he don't know but these goods will make the whole church do the same, so he lets bill have a shawl. bill walks of with it and meets a brother. 'well,' says he, 'what do you think of brother joseph?' 'o, he is a first rate man, and i fully believe he is a prophet. he has trusted me with this shawl.' richard says, 'i think i will go down and see if he won't trust me some.' in walks richard. brother joseph, i want to trade about $ .' 'well,'says joseph, 'these goods will make the people apostatize, so over they go; they are of less value than the people.' richard gets his goods. another comes in the same way to make a trade of $ , and so it goes. joseph was a first rate fellow with them all the time, provided he never would ask them to pay him. and so you may trace it down through the history of this people."* * journal of discourses, vol. , p. . if this analysis of the flock which smith gathered in ohio, and which formed the nucleus of the settlements in missouri, was not permanently recorded in an official church record, its authenticity would be vigorously assailed. later enterprises at kirtland, undertaken under the auspices of the church, included a steam sawmill and a tannery, both of which were losing concerns. but the speculation to which later mormon authorities attributed the principal financial disasters of the church at kirtland was the purchase of land and its sale as town lots.* the craze for land speculation in those days was not confined, however, to the mormons. that was the period when the purchase of public lands of the united states seemed likely to reach no limit. these sales, which amounted to $ , , in , and to $ , , in , lumped to $ , , in , and to $ , , in . the government deposits (then made in the state banks) increased from $ , , on january , , to $ , , on june , , the increase coming from receipts from land sales. this led to that bank expansion which was measured by the growth of bank capital in this country from $ , , to $ , , between and , with a further advance to $ , , . * "real estate rose from to per cent and in many cases more. men who were not thought worth $ or $ became purchasers of thousands. notes (sometimes cash), deeds and mortgages passed and repassed, till all, or nearly all, supposed they had become wealthy, or at least had acquired a competence."--messenger and advocate, june, . the mormon leaders and their people were peculiarly liable to be led into disaster when sharing in this speculators' fever. they were, however, quick to take advantage of the spirit of the times. the zion of missouri lost its attractiveness to them, and on february , , the presidency decided to purchase land at kirtland, and to establish there on a permanent stake of zion. the land purchases of the church began at once, and we find a record of one council meeting, on march , , at which it was decided to buy three farms costing respectively $ , $ , and $ . kirtland was laid out (on paper) with streets, cutting one another at right angles, each four rods wide. this provided for blocks of lots each. twenty-nine of the streets were named after mormons. joseph and his family appear many times in the list of conveyors of these lots. the original map of the city, as described in smith's autobiography, provided for public buildings temples, schools, etc.; no lot to contain more than one house, and that not to be nearer than feet from the street, with a prohibition against erecting a stable on a house lot.* * millennial star, vol. xiv, pp. - . of course this mormon capital must have a grand church edifice, to meet smith's views, and he called a council to decide about the character of the new meeting-house. a few of the speakers favored a modest frame building, but a majority thought a log one better suited to their means. joseph rebuked the latter, asking, "shall we, brethren, build a house for our god of logs?" and he straightway led them to the corner of a wheat field, where the trench for the foundation was at once begun.* no greater exhibition of business folly could have been given than the undertaking of the costly building then planned on so slender a financial foundation. * mother smith's "biographical sketches" p. . the corner-stone was laid on july , , and the temple was not dedicated until march , . mormon devotion certainly showed itself while this work was going on. every male member was expected to give one-seventh of his time to the building without pay, and those who worked on it at day's wages had, in most instances, no other income, and often lived on nothing but corn meal. the women, as their share, knit and wove garments for the workmen. the temple, which is of stone covered with a cement stucco (it is still in use), measures by feet on the ground, is feet in height to the top of the spire, and contains two stories and an attic. the cost of this temple was $ , , and, notwithstanding the sacrifices made by the saints in assisting its construction, and the schemes of the church officers to secure funds, a debt of from $ , to $ , remained upon it. that the church was financially embarrassed at the very beginning of the work is shown by a letter addressed to the brethren in zion, missouri, by smith, rigdon, and williams, dated june , , in which they said, "say to brother gilbert that we have no power to assist him in a pecuniary point, as we know not the hour when we shall be sued for debts which we have contracted ourselves in new york."* * millennial star, vol. xiv, p. . to understand the business crash and scandals which compelled smith and his associates to flee from ohio, it is necessary to explain the business system adopted by the church under them. this system began with a rule about the consecration of property. as originally published in the evening and morning star, and in chapter xliv of the "book of commandments," this rule declared, "thou shalt consecrate all thy properties, that which thou hast, unto me, with a covenant and a deed which cannot be broken," with a provision that the bishop, after he had received such an irrevocable deed, should appoint every man a steward over so much of his property as would be sufficient for himself and family. in the later edition of the "doctrine and covenants" this was changed to read, "and behold, thou wilt remember the poor, and consecrate thy properties for their support," etc. by a "revelation" given out while the heads of the church were in jackson county, missouri, in april, (sec. ), a sort of firm was appointed, including smith, rigdon, cowdery, harris, and n. k. whitney, "to manage the affairs of the poor, and all things pertaining to the bishopric," both in ohio and missouri. this firm thus assumed control of the property which "revelation" had placed in the hands of the bishop. this arrangement was known as the order of enoch. next came a "revelation" dated april , . (sec. ), by which the properties of the order were divided, rigdon getting the place in which he was living in kirtland, and the tannery; harris a lot, with a command to "devote his monies for the proclaiming of my words"; cowdery and williams, the printing-office, with some extra lots to cowdery; and smith, the lot designed for the temple, and "the inheritance on which his father resides." the building of the temple having brought the mormon leaders into debt, this "revelation," was designed to help them out, and it contained these further directions, in the voice of the lord, be it remembered: "the covenants being broken through transgression, by covetousness and feigned words, therefore you are dissolved as a united order with your brethren, that you are not bound only up to this hour unto them, only on this wise, as i said, by loan as shall be agreed by this order in council, as your circumstances will admit, and the voice of the council direct..... "and again verily i say unto you, concerning your debts, behold it is my will that you should pay all your debts; and it is my will that you should humble yourselves before me, and obtain this blessing by your diligence and humility and the prayer of faith; and inasmuch as you are diligent and humble, and exercise the prayer of faith, behold, i will soften the hearts of those to whom you are in debt, until i shall send means unto you for your deliverance.... i give you a promise that you shall be delivered this once out of your bondage; inasmuch as you obtained a chance to loan money by hundreds, or thousands even until you shall loan enough [meaning borrow] to deliver yourselves from bondage, it is your privilege; and pledge the properties which i have put into your hands this once.... the master will not suffer his house to be broken up. even so. amen." it does not appear that the mormon leaders took advantage of this authorization to borrow money on kirtland real estate, if they could; but in they set up several mercantile establishments, finding firms in cleveland, buffalo, and farther east who would take their notes on six months' time. "a great part of the goods of these houses," says william harris, "went to pay the workmen on the temple, and many were sold on credit, so that when the notes became due the houses were not able to meet them." smith's autobiography relates part of one story of an effort of his to secure money at this trying time, the complete details of which have been since supplied. he simply says that on july , , in company with his brother hyrum, sidney rigdon, and oliver cowdery, he started on a trip which brought them to salem, massachusetts, where "we hired a house and occupied the same during the month, teaching the people from house to house."* the mormon of to-day, in reading his "doctrine and covenants," finds section very perplexing. no place of its reception is given, but it goes on to say:-- * millennial star, vol. xv, p. . "i, the lord your god, am not displeased with your coming this journey, notwithstanding your follies; i have much treasure in this city for you, for the benefit of zion;... and it shall come to pass in due time, that i will give this city into your hands, that you shall have power over it, insomuch that they shall not discover your secret parts; and its wealth pertaining to gold and silver shall be yours. concern not yourself about your debts, for i will give you power to pay them.... and inquire diligently concerning the more ancient inhabitants and founders of this city; for there are more treasures than one for you in this city." "this city" was salem, massachusetts, and the "revelation" was put forth to brace up the spirits of smith's fellow-travellers. a mormon named burgess had gone to kirtland with a story about a large amount of money that was buried in the cellar of a house in salem which had belonged to a widow, and the location of which he alone knew. smith credited this report, and looked to the treasure to assist him in his financial difficulties, and he took the persons named with him on the trip. but when they got there burgess said that time had so changed the appearance of the houses that he could not be sure which was the widow's, and he cleared out. smith then hired a house which he thought might be the right one,--it proved not to be,--and it was when his associates were--becoming discouraged that the ex-money-digger uttered the words quoted, to strengthen their courage. "we speak of these things with regret," says ebenezer robinson, who believed in the prophet's divine calling to the last.* * the return, july, . brought face to face with apparent financial disaster, the next step taken to prevent this was the establishment of a bank. smith told of a "revelation" concerning a bank "which would swallow up all other banks." an application for a charter was made to the ohio legislature, but it was refused. the law of ohio at that time provided that "all notes and bills, bonds and other securities [of an unchartered bank] shall be held and taken in all courts as absolutely void." this, however, did not deter a man of smith's audacity, and soon came the announcement of the organization of the "kirtland safety society bank," with an alleged capital of $ , , . the articles of agreement had been drawn up on november , , and oliver cowdery had been sent to philadelphia to get the plates for the notes at the same time that orson hyde set out to the state capital to secure a charter. cowdery took no chances of failure, and he came back not only with a plate, but with $ , in printed bills. to avoid the inconvenience of having no charter, the members of the safety society met on january , , and reorganized under the name of the "kirtland society anti-banking company," and, in the hope of placing the bills within the law (or at least beyond its reach), the word "bank" was changed with a stamp so that it read "anti-bank-ing co.," as in the facsimile here presented. [illustration: bank-note ] w. harris thus describes the banking scheme:-- "subscribers for stock were allowed to pay the amount of their subscriptions in town lots at five or six times their real value; others paid in personal property at a high valuation, and some were paid in cash. when the notes were first issued they were current in the vicinity, and smith took advantage of their credit to pay off with them the debts he and his brethren had contracted in the neighborhood for land, etc. the eastern creditors, however, refused to take them. this led to the expedient of exchanging them for the notes of other banks. accordingly, the elders were sent into the country to barter off kirtland money, which they did with great zeal, and continued the operation until the notes were not worth twelve and a half cents to the dollar."* * "mormonism portrayed," p. just how much of this currency was issued the records do not show. hall says that brigham young, who had joined the flock at kirtland, disposed of $ , worth of it in the states, and that smith and other church officers reaped a rich harvest with it in canada, explaining, "the credit of the bank here was good, even high."* kidder quotes a gentleman living near kirtland who said that the cash capital paid in was only about $ , and that they succeeded in floating from $ , to $ , . ann eliza, brigham's "wife no. ," says that her father invested everything he had but his house and shop in the bank, and lost it all. * "abominations of mormonism exposed" ( ), pp. , . cyrus smalling, one of the seventy at kirtland, wrote an account of kirtland banking operations under date of march , , in which he said that smith and his associates collected about $ in specie, and that when people in the neighborhood went to the bank to inquire about its specie reserve, "smith had some one or two hundred boxes made, and gathered all the lead and shot the village had, or that part of it that he controlled, and filled the boxes with lead, shot, etc., and marked them $ each. then, when they went to examine the vault, he had one box on a table partly filled for them to see; and when they proceeded to the vault, smith told them that the church had $ , in specie; and he opened one box and they saw that it was silver; and they were seemingly satisfied, and went away for a few days until the elders were packed off in every direction to pass their paper money."* * "mormons; or knavery exposed" ( ). smith believed in specie payments to his bank, whatever might be his intentions as regards the redemption of his notes, for, in the messenger and advocate (pp. - ), following the by-laws of the anti-banking company, was printed a statement signed by him, saying:-- "we want the brethren from abroad to call on us and take stock in the safety society, and we would remind them of the sayings of the prophet isaiah contained in the th chapter, and more particularly in the th and th verses which are as follows:-- "surely the isles shall wait for me, and the ships of tarshish first, to bring thy sons from far, their silver and their gold with them, unto the name of the lord thy god. "for brass i will bring gold, and for iron i will bring silver, etc." the messenger and advocate (edited by w. a. cowdery), of july, , contained a long article on the bank and its troubles, pointing out, first, that the bank was opened without a charter, being "considered a kind of joint stock association," and that "the private property of the stockholders was holden in proportion to the amount of their subscriptions for the redemption of the paper," and also that its notes were absolutely void under the state law. the editor goes on to say:-- "previously to the commencement of discounting by the bank, large debts had been contracted for merchandise in new york and other cities, and large contracts entered into for real estate in this and adjoining towns; some of them had fallen due and must be met, or incur forfeitures of large sums. these causes, we are bound to believe, operated to induce the officers of the bank to let out larger sums than their better judgments dictated, which almost invariably fell into or passed through the hands of those who sought our ruin.... hundreds who were enemies either came or sent their agents and demanded specie, till the officers thought best to refuse payment." this subtle explanation of the suspension of specie payments is followed with a discussion of monopolies, etc., leading up to a statement of the obligations of the mormons in regard to the discredited bank-notes, most of which were in circulation elsewhere. to the question; "shall we unite as one man, say it is good, and make it good by taking it on a par with gold?" he replies, "no," explaining that, owing to the fewness of the church members as compared with the world at large, "it must be confined in its circulation and par value to the limits of our own society." to the question, "shall we then take it at its marked price for our property," he again replies, "no," explaining that their enemies had received the paper at a discount, and that, to receive it at par from them, would "give them voluntarily and with one eye open just that advantage over us to oppress, degrade and depress us." this combined financial and spiritual adviser closes his article by urging the brethren to set apart a portion of their time to the service of god, and a portion to "the study of the science of our government and the news of the day." a card which appeared in the messenger and advocate of august, , signed by smith, warned "the brethren and friends of the church to beware of speculators, renegades, and gamblers who are duping the unwary and unsuspecting by palming upon them those bills, which are of no worth here." the actual test of the bank's soundness had come when a request was made for the redemption of the notes. the notes seem to have been accepted freely in pittsburg, pennsylvania, where it was taken for granted that a cashier and president who professed to be prophets of the lord would not give countenance to bank paper of doubtful value.* when stories about the concern reached the pittsburg banks, they sent an agent to kirtland with a package of the notes for redemption. rigdon loudly asserted the stability of the institution; but when a request for coin was repeated, it was promptly refused by him on the ground that the bills were a circulating medium "for the accommodation of the public," and that to call any of them in would defeat their object.** * "rocky mountain saints," p. . ** "early days of mormonism," p. . other creditors of the mormons were now becoming active in their demands. for failing to meet a note given to the bank at painesville, smith, rigdon, and n. k. whitney were put under $ bonds. smith, rigdon, and cowdery were called into court as indorsers of paper for one of the mormon firms, and judgment was given against them. to satisfy a firm of new york merchants the heads of the church gave a note for $ secured by a mortgage on their interest in the new temple and its contents.* the egyptian mummies were especially excepted from this mortgage. mother smith describes how these relics were saved by "various stratagems" under an execution of $ issued against the prophet. * ibid., pp. - . the scheme of calling the bank corporation an "anti-banking" society did not save the officers from prosecution under the state law. informers against violators of the banking law received in ohio a share of the fine imposed, and this led to the filing of an information against rigdon and smith in march, , by one s. d. rounds, in the caeuga county court, charging them with violating the law, and demanding a penalty of $ they were at once arrested and held in bail, and were convicted the following october. they appealed on the ground that the institution was an association and not a bank; but this plea was never ruled upon by the court, as the bank suspended payments and closed its doors in november, , and, before the appeal could be argued, smith and rigdon had fled from the state to missouri. chapter vi. -- last days at kirtland it is easy to understand that a church whose leaders had such views of financial responsibility as smith's and rigdon's, and whose members were ready to apostatize when they could not obtain credit at the prophet's store, was anything but a harmonious body. smith was not a man to maintain his own dignity or to spare the feelings of his associates. wilford woodruff, describing his first sight of the prophet, at kirtland, in , said he found him with his brother hyrum, wearing a very old hat and engaged in the sport of shooting at a mark. woodruff accompanied him to his house, where smith at once brought out a wolfskin, and said, "brother woodruff, i want you to help me tan this," and the two took off their coats and went to work at the skin.* smith's contempt for rigdon was never concealed. writing of the situation at kirtland in , he spoke of rigdon as possessing "a selfishness and independence of mind which too often manifestly destroys the confidence of those who would lay down their lives for him."** smith was in the habit of announcing, from his lofty pulpit in the temple, "the truth is good enough without dressing up, but brother rigdon will now proceed to dress it up."*** some of the new converts backed out as soon as they got a close view of the church. elder g. a. smith, a cousin of joseph, in a sermon in salt lake city, in , mentioned some incidents of this kind. one family, who had journeyed a long distance to join the church in kirtland, changed their minds because joseph's wife invited them to have a cup of tea "after the word of wisdom was given." another family withdrew after seeing joseph begin playing with his children as soon as he rested from the work of translating the scriptures for the day. a canadian ex-methodist prayed so long at family worship at father johnson's that joseph told him flatly "not to bray so much like a jackass." the prayer thereupon returned to canada. * journal of discourses, vol. , p. . ** millennial star, vol. xiv, pp. - . *** lippincott's magazine, august, . but the discontented were not confined to new-comers. jealousy and dissatisfaction were constantly manifesting themselves among smith's old standbys. written charges made against cowdery and david whitmer, when they were driven out of far west, missouri, told them: "you commenced your wickedness by heading a party to disturb the worship of the saints in the first day of the week, and made the house of the lord in kirtland to be a scene of abuse and slander, to destroy the reputation of those whom the church had appointed to be their teachers, and for no other cause only that you were not the persons." in more exact terms, their offence was opposition to the course pursued by smith. during the winter and spring of , these rebels included in their list f. g. williams, of the first presidency, martin harris, d. whitmer, lyman e. johnson, p. p. pratt, and w. e. mclellin. in may, , a high council was held in kirtland to try these men. pratt at once objected to being tried by a body of which smith and rigdon were members, as they had expressed opinions against him. rigdon confessed that he could not conscientiously try the case, cowdery did likewise, williams very properly withdrew, and "the council dispersed in confusion."* it was never reassembled, but the offenders were not forgotten, and their punishment came later. * millennial star, vol. xvi, p. . mother smith attributes much of the discord among the members at this time to "a certain young woman," an inmate of david whitmer's house, who began prophesying with the assistance of a black stone. this seer predicted smith's fall from office because of his transgressions, and that david whitmer or martin harris would succeed him. her proselytes became so numerous that a written list of them showed that "a great proportion of the church were decidedly in favor with the new party."* * "biographical sketches," p. . while smith was thus fighting leading members of his own church, he was called upon to defend himself against a serious charge in court. a farmer near kirtland, named grandison newell, received information from a seceding mormon that smith had directed the latter and another mormon named davis to kill newell because he was a particularly open opponent of the new sect. the affidavit of this man set forth that he and davis had twice gone to newell's house to carry out smith's order, and were only prevented by the absence of the intended victim. smith was placed under $ bonds on this charge, but on the formal hearing he was discharged on the ground of insufficient evidence.* * fanny brewer of boston, in an affidavit published in , declared, "i am personally acquainted with one of the employees, davis by name, and he frankly acknowledged to me that he was prepared to do the deed under the direction of the prophet, and was only prevented by the entreaties of his wife." a rebellious spirit had manifested itself among the brethren in missouri soon after smith returned from his first visit to that state. w. w. phelps questioned the prophet's "monarchical power and authority," and an unpleasant correspondence sprung up between them. as smith did not succeed by his own pen in silencing his accusers, a conference of twelve high priests was called by him in kirtland in january, , which appointed orson hyde and smith's brother hyrum to write to the missouri brethren. in this letter they were told plainly that, unless the rebellious spirit ceased, the lord would seek another zion. to phelps the message was sent, "if you have fat beef and potatoes, eat them in singleness of heart, and not boast yourself in these things." it was, however, as a concession to this spirit of complaint, according to ferris, that smith announced the "revelation" which placed the church in the hands of a supreme governing body of three. smith himself furnishes a very complete picture of the disrupted condition of the mormons in , in an editorial in the elders' journal, dated august, of that year. the tone of the article, too, sheds further light on smith's character. referring to the course of "a set of creatures" whom the church had excluded from fellowship, he says they "had recourse to the foulest lying to hide their iniquity;... and this gang of horse thieves and drunkards were called upon immediately to write their lives on paper." smith then goes on to pay his respects to various officers of the church, all of whom, it should be remembered, held their positions through "revelation" and were therefore professedly chosen directly by god. of a statement by warren parish, one of the seventy and an officer of the bank, smith says: "granny parish made such an awful fuss about what was conceived in him that, night after night and day after day, he poured forth his agony before all living, as they saw proper to assemble. for a rational being to have looked at him and heard him groan and grunt, and saw him sweat and struggle, would have supposed that his womb was as much swollen as was rebecca's when the angel told her there were two nations there." he also accuses parish of immorality and stealing money. here is a part of smith's picture of dr. w. a. cowdery, a presiding high priest: "this poor pitiful beggar came to kirtland a few years since with a large family, nearly naked and destitute. it was really painful to see this pious doctor's (for such he professed to be) rags flying when he walked upon the streets. he was taken in by us in this pitiful condition, and we put him into the printing-office and gave him enormous wages, not because he could earn it, but merely out of pity.... a truly niggardly spirit manifested itself in all his meanness." smith's old friend martin harris, now a high priest, and cyrus smalling, one of the seventy, are lumped among parish's "lackeys,", of whom smith says: "they are so far beneath contempt that a notice of them would be too great a sacrifice for a gentleman to make." of leonard rich, one of the seven presidents of the seventy elders, smith says that he "was generally so drunk that he had to support himself by something to keep from falling down." j. f. boynton and luke johnson, two of the twelve, are called "a pair of young blacklegs," and stephen burnett, an elder, is styled "a little ignorant blockhead, whose heart was so set on money that he would at any time sell his soul for $ , and then think he had made an excellent bargain." smith's own personal character was freely attacked, and the subject became so public that it received notice in the elders' journal. one charge was improper conduct toward an orphan girl whom mrs. smith had taken into her family. smith's autobiography contains an account of a council held in new portage, ohio, in , at which rigdon accused martin harris of telling a. c. russel that "joseph drank too much liquor when he was translating the book of mormon," and harris set up as a defence that "this thing occurred previous to the translating of the book."* * millennial star, vol. xv, p. . there was a good deal of talk concerning a confession "about a girl," which oliver cowdery was reported to have said that smith made to him. denials of this for cowdery appeared in the elders' journal of july, , one man's statement ending thus, "joseph asked if he ever said to him (oliver) that he (joseph) confessed to any one that he was guilty of the above crime; and oliver, after some hesitation, answered no." the elders' journal of august, , contains a retraction by parley p. pratt of a letter he had written, in which he censured both smith and rigdon, "using great severity and harshness in regard to certain business transactions." in that letter pratt confessed that "the whole scheme of speculation" in which the mormon leaders were engaged was of the "devil," and he begged smith to make restitution for having sold him, for $ , three lots of land that did not cost smith over $ . not only was the moral character of smith and other individual members of the church successfully attacked at this time, but the charge was openly made that polygamy was practised and sanctioned. in the "book of doctrine and covenants," published in kirtland in , section was devoted to the marriage rite. it contained this declaration: "inasmuch as this church of christ has been reproached with the crime of fornication and polygamy, we declare that we believe that one man should have one wife, and one woman one husband, except in case of death, when either is at liberty to marry again." the value of such a denial is seen in the ease with which this section was blotted out by smith's later "revelation" establishing polygamy. an admission that even elders did practise polygamy at that time is found in a minute of a meeting of the presidents of the seventies, held on april , , which made this declaration: "first, that we will have no fellowship whatever with any elder belonging to the quorum of the seventies, who is guilty of polygamy."* * messenger and advocate, p. . again: the elders' journal dated far west, missouri, , contained a list of answers by smith to certain questions which, in an earlier number, he had said were daily and hourly asked by all classes of people. among these was the following: "q. do the mormons believe in having more wives than one? a. no, not at the same time." (he condemns the plan of marrying within a few weeks or months of the death of the first wife.) the statement has been made that polygamy first suggested itself to smith in ohio, while he was translating the so-called "book of abraham" from the papyri found on the egyptian mummies. this so-called translation required some study of the old testament, and it is not at all improbable that smith's natural inclination toward such a doctrine as polygamy secured a foundation in his reading of the old testament license to have a plurality of wives. for the business troubles hanging over the community, smith and rigdon were held especially accountable. the flock had seen the funds confided by them to the bishop invested partly in land that was divided among some of the mormon leaders. smith and rigdon were provided with a house near the temple, and a printing-office was established there, which was under smith's management. naturally, when the stock and notes of the bank became valueless, its local victims held its organizers responsible for the disaster. mother smith gives us an illustration of the depth of this feeling. one sunday evening, while her husband was preaching at kirtland, when joseph was in cleveland "on business pertaining to the bank," the elder smith reflected sharply upon warren parish, on whom the smiths tried to place the responsibility for the bank failure. parish, who was present, leaped forward and tried to drag the old man out of the pulpit. smith, sr., appealed to oliver cowdery for help, but oliver retained his seat. then the prophet's brother william sprang to his father's assistance, and carried parish bodily out of the church. thereupon john boynton, who was provided with a sword cane, drew his weapon and threatened to run it through the younger smith. "at this juncture," says mrs. smith, "i left the house, not only terrified at the scene, but likewise sick at heart to see the apostasy of which joseph had prophesied was so near at hand."* * "biographical sketches," p. . eliza snow gives a slightly different version of the same outbreak, describing its wind-up as follows:-- "john boynton and others drew their pistols and bowie knives and rushed down from the stand into a congregation, boynton saying he would blow out the brains of the first man who dared lay hands on him.... amid screams and shrieks, the policemen in ejecting the belligerents knocked down a stove pipe, which fell helter-skelter among the people; but, although bowie knives and pistols were wrested from their owners and thrown hither and thither to prevent disastrous results, no one was hurt, and after a short but terrible scene to be enacted in a temple of god, order was restored and the services of the day proceeded as usual."* * "biography of lorenzo snow," p. . smith made a stubborn defence of his business conduct. he attributed the disaster to the bank to parish's peculation, and the general troubles of the church to "the spirit of speculation in lands and property of all kinds," as he puts it in his autobiography, wherein he alleges that "the evils were actually brought about by the brethren not giving heed to my counsel." if smith gave any such counsel, it is unfortunate for his reputation that neither the church records nor his "revelations" contain any mention of it. the final struggle came in december, , when smith and rigdon made their last public appearance in the kirtland temple. smith was as bold and aggressive as ever, but rigdon, weak from illness, had to be supported to his seat. an eye-witness of the day's proceedings says* that "the pathos of rigdon's plea, and the power of his denunciation, swayed the feelings and shook the judgments of his hearers as never in the old days of peace, and, when he had finished and was led out, a perfect silence reigned in the temple until its door had closed upon him forever. smith made a resolute and determined battle; false reports had been circulated, and those by whom the offence had come must repent and acknowledge their sin or be cut off from fellowship in this world, and from honor and power in that to come." he not only maintained his right to speak as the head of the church, but, after the accused had partly presented their case, and one of them had given him the lie openly, he proposed a vote on their excommunication at once and a hearing of their further pleas at a later date. this extraordinary proposal led one of the accused to cry out, "you would cut a man's head off and hear him afterward." finally it was voted to postpone the whole subject for a few days. * "early days of mormonism," kennedy, p. . but the two leaders of the church did not attend this adjourned session. alarmed by rumors that grandison newell had secured a warrant for their arrest on a charge of fraud in connection with the affairs of the bank (unfounded rumors, as it later appeared), they fled from kirtland on horseback on the evening of january , , and smith never revisited that town. in his description of their flight, smith explained that they merely followed the direction of jesus, who said, "when they persecute you in one city, flee ye to another." he describes the weather as extremely cold, and says, "we were obliged to secrete ourselves sometimes to elude the grasp of our pursuers, who continued their race more than two hundred miles from kirtland, armed with pistols, etc., seeking our lives." there is no other authority for this story of an armed pursuit, and the fact seems to be that the non-mormon community were perfectly satisfied with the removal of the mock prophet from their neighborhood. although kirtland continued to remain a stake of the church, the real estate scheme of making it a big city vanished with the prophet. foreclosures of mortgages now began; the church printing-office was first sold out by the sheriff and then destroyed by fire, and the so-called reform element took possession of the temple. rigdon had placed his property out of his own hands, one acre of land in kirtland being deeded by him and his wife to their daughter. the temple with about two acres of land adjoining was deeded by the prophet to william marks in , and in was redeeded to smith as trustee in trust for the church. in it was sold under an order of the probate court by joseph smith's administrator, and conveyed the same day to one russel huntley, who, in , conveyed it to the prophet's grandson, joseph smith, and another representative of the reorganized church (nonpolygamist). the title of the latter organization was sustained in by judge l. s. sherman, of the lake county court of common pleas, who held that, "the church in utah has materially and largely departed from the faith, doctrines, laws, ordinances and usages of said original church of jesus christ of latter-day saints, and has incorporated into its system of faith the doctrines of celestial marriage and a plurality of wives, and the doctrine of adam-god worship, contrary to the laws and constitution of said original church," and that the reorganized church was the true and lawful successor to the original organization. at the general conference of the reorganized church, held at lamoni, iowa, in april, , the kirtland district reported a membership of members. book iii. -- in missouri chapter i. -- the directions to the saints about their zion the state of missouri, to which the story of the mormons is now transferred, was, at the time of its admission to the union, in , called "a promontory of civilization into an ocean of savagery." wild indian tribes occupied the practically unexplored region beyond its western boundary, and its own western counties were thinly settled. jackson county, which in had , inhabitants, had a population of by the census of , and neighboring counties not so many. it was not until that the first cabin of a white man was built in daviess county. all this territory had been released from indian ownership by treaty only a few years when the first mormons arrived there. the white settler's house was a log hut, generally with a dirt floor, a mudplastered chimney, and a window without glass, a board or quilt serving to close it in time of storm or severe cold. a fireplace, with a skillet and kettle, supplied the place of a well-equipped stove. corn was the principal grain food, and wild game supplied most of the meat. the wild animals furnished clothing as well as food; for the pioneers could not afford to pay from to cents a yard for calico, and from to cents for gingham.* some persons indulged in homespun cloth for sunday and festal occasions, but the common outside garments were made of dressed deerskins. parley p. pratt, in his autobiography, speaks of passing through a settlement where "some families were entirely dressed in skins, without any other clothing, including ladies young and old." * "when the merchants sold a calico or gingham dress pattern they threw in their profit by giving a spool of thread (two hundred yards), hooks and eyes and lining. in the thread business, however, it was only a few years after that thirty and fifty yard spools took the place of the two hundred yards."--"history of daviess county", p. . the pioneer agriculturist of those days not only lacked the transportation facilities and improved agricultural appliances which have assisted the developers of the northwest, but they did not even understand the nature and capability of the soil. the newcomers in western missouri looked on the rich prairie land as worthless, and they almost invariably directed their course to the timber, where the soil was more easily broken up, and material for buildings was available. the first attempts to plough the prairie sod were very primitive. david dailey made the first trial in jackson county with what was called a "barshear plough" (drawn by from four to eight yokes of oxen), the "shear" of which was fastened to the beam. this cut the sod in one direction pretty well, but when he began to cross-furrow, the sod piled up in front of the plough and stopped his progress. determined to see what the soil would grow, he cut holes in the sod with an axe, and in these dropped his seed. the first sod was broken in daviess county in , with a plough made to order, "to see what the prairies amounted to in the way of raising a crop." such was the country toward which the first mormon missionaries turned their faces. we have seen that the first intimation in the mormon records of a movement to the west was found in smith's order to oliver cowdery in to go and establish the church among the lamanites (indians), and that rigdon expected that the church would remain in ohio, when he wrote to his flock from palmyra. the four original missionaries--cowdery, p. p. pratt, peter whitmer, and peterson--did not stop long in kirtland, but, taking with them frederick g. williams, they pushed on westward to sandusky, cincinnati, and st. louis, preaching to some indians on the way, until they reached independence, jackson county, missouri, early in . that county forms a part of the western border of the state, and from , until the railroad took the place of wagon trains, independence was the eastern terminus of the famous santa fe trail, and the point of departure for many companies destined both for oregon and california. pratt, describing their journey west of st. louis, says: "we travelled on foot some three hundred miles, through vast prairies and through trackless wilds of snow; no beaten road, houses few and far between. we travelled for whole days, from morning till night, without a house or fire. we carried on our backs our changes of clothing, several books, and corn bread and raw pork."* * "autobiography of p. p. pratt," p. . the sole idea of these pioneers seemed to be to preach to the indians. arriving at independence, whitmer and peterson went to work to support themselves as tailors, while cowdery and pratt crossed the border into the indian country. the latter, however, were at once pronounced by the federal officers there to be violators of the law which forbade the settlement of white men among the indians, and they returned to independence, and preached thereabout during the winter. early in february the four decided that pratt should return to kirtland and make a report, and he did so, travelling partly on foot, partly on horseback, and partly by steamer. as early as march, , smith had conceived the idea (or some one else for him) of a gathering of the elect "unto one place" to prepare for the day of desolation (sec. ). in october, , the four pioneers were commanded to start "into the wilderness among the lamanites," and on january , , while rigdon was visiting smith in new york state, another "revelation" (sec. ) described the land of promise as "a land flowing with milk and honey, upon which there shall be no curse when the lord cometh." this land they and their children were to possess, both "while the earth shall stand, and again in eternity." a "revelation" (sec. ), dated march , , at kirtland, called on the faithful to assemble and visit the western countries, where they were promised an inheritance, to be called "the new jerusalem, a land of peace, a city of refuge, a place of safety for the saints of most high god." these things they were to "keep from going abroad into the world" for the present. the manner in which the elect were told by "revelation" that they should possess their land of promise has a most important bearing on the justification of the opposition which the missourians soon manifested toward their new neighbors. in one of these "revelations," dated kirtland, february, (sec. ), christ is represented as saying, "i will consecrate the riches of the gentiles unto my people which are of the house of israel." another, in the following june (sec. ), which directed smith's and rigdon's trip, promised the elect, "if ye are faithful ye shall assemble yourselves together to rejoice upon the land in missouri, which is the land of your inheritance, which is now the land of your enemies." another, given while smith was in missouri, in august, (sec. ), promised to those "who have come up into this land with an eye single to my glory," that "they shall inherit the earth," and "shall receive for their reward the good things of the earth." on the same date the saints were told that they should "open their hearts even to purchase the whole region of country as soon as time will permit,... lest they receive none inheritance save it be by the shedding of blood." it seems to have been thought wise to add to this last statement, after the return of the party to ohio, and a "revelation" dated august, (sec. ), was given out, stating that the land of zion could be obtained only "by purchase or by blood," and "as you are forbidden to shed blood, lo, your enemies are upon you, and ye shall be scourged from city to city." * tullidge, in his "history of salt lake city" ( ), defining the early mormon view of their land rights, after quoting brigham young's declaration to the first arrivals in salt lake valley, that he (or the church) had "no land to sell," but "every man should have his land measured out to him for city and family purposes," says: "young could with absolute propriety give the above utterances on the land question. in the early days of the church they applied to land not only owned by the united states, but within the boundaries of states of the union." after quoting from the above-cited "revelation" the words "save they be by the shedding of blood," he explains, "the latter clause of the quotation signifies that the mormon prophet foresaw that, unless his disciples purchased 'this whole region of country' of the unpopulated far west of that period, the land question held between them and anti-mormons would lead to the shedding of blood, and that they would be in jeopardy of losing their inheritance; and this was realized." as to their obligation to pay for any of the "good things" purchased of their enemies, a "revelation" dated september , (the month after the return from missouri), gave this advice:-- "behold it is said in my laws, or forbidden, to get in debt to thine enemies; "but behold it is not said at any time, that the lord should not take when he pleased, and pay as seemeth him good. "wherefore as ye are agents, and ye are on the lord's errand; and whatever ye do according to the will of the lord, it is the lord's business, and it is the lord's business to provide for his saints in these last days, that they may obtain an inheritance in the land of zion."--"book of commandments," chap. . in the modern version of this "revelation" to be found in sec. of the "doctrine and covenants," the latter part of this declaration is changed to read, "and he hath set you to provide for his saints in these last days," etc. so eager were the saints to occupy their land of zion, when the movement started, that the word of "revelation" was employed to give warning against a hasty rush to the new possessions, and to establish a certain supervision of the emigration by the bishop and other agents of the church. notwithstanding this, the rush soon became embarrassing to the church authorities in missouri, and a modified view of the lord's promise was thus stated in the evening and morning star of july, , "although the lord has said that it is his business to provide for the saints in these last days, he is not bound to do so unless we observe his sayings and keep them." saints in the east were warned against giving away their property before moving, and urged not to come to missouri without some means, and to bring with them cattle and improved breeds of sheep and hogs, with necessary seeds. chapter ii. -- smith's first visits to missouri--founding the city and the temple on june , , a "revelation" was given out (sec. ) announcing that the next conference would be held in the promised land in missouri, and directing smith and rigdon to go thither, and naming some thirty elders, including john corrill, david whitmer, p. p. and orson pratt, martin harris, and edward partridge, who should also make the trip, two by two, preaching by the way. booth says: "only about two weeks were allowed them to make preparations for the journey, and most of them left what business they had to be closed by others. some left large families, with the crops upon the ground."* * howe's "mormonism unveiled." smith's party left kirtland on june , and arrived at independence in the following month, journeying on foot after reaching st. louis, a distance of about three hundred miles. smith was delighted with the new country, with "its beautiful rolling prairies, spread out like real meadows; the varied timber of the bottoms; the plums and grapes and persimmons and the flowers; the rich soil, the horses, cattle, and hogs, and the wild game.... the season is mild and delightful nearly three quarters of the year, and as the land of zion is situated at about equal distances from the atlantic and pacific oceans, as well as from the alleghany and rocky mountains, it bids fair to become one of the most blessed places on the earth."* the town of independence then consisted of a brick courthouse, two or three stores, and fifteen or twenty houses, mostly of logs. * smith's "autobiography," millennial star, vol. xiv. the usual "revelation" came first (sec. ), announcing that "this is the land of promise and the place for the city of zion," with independence as its centre, and the site of the temple a lot near the courthouse. it was also declared that the land should be purchased by the saints, "and also every tract lying westward, even unto the line running directly between jew and gentile" (whatever that might mean), "and also every tract bordering by the prairies." sidney gilbert was ordered to "plant himself" there, and establish a store, "that he might sell goods without fraud," to obtain money for the purchase of land. edward partridge was "to divide the saints their inheritance," and w. w. phelps* and cowdery were to be printers to the church. * phelps came from canandaigua, new york, where, howe says, he was an avowed infidel. he had been prominent in politics and had edited a party newspaper. disappointed in his political ambition, he threw in his lot with the new church. marvellous stories were at once circulated of the grandeur that was to characterize the new city, of the wealth that would be gathered there by the faithful who would survive the speedy destruction of the wicked, and of the coming of the lost tribes of israel, who had been located near the north pole, where they had become very rich. while not tracing these declarations to smith himself, booth, who was one of the party, says that they were told by persons in daily intercourse with him. it is doing the prophet no injustice to say that they bear his imprint. the laying of the foundation of the city of zion was next in order. rigdon delivered an address in consecrating the ground, in which he enjoined them to obey all of smith's commands. a small scrub oak tree was then cut down and trimmed, and twelve men, representing the apostles, conveyed it to a designated place. cowdery sought out the best stone he could find for a corner-stone, removed a little earth, and placed the stone in the excavation, delivering an address. one end of the oak tree was laid on this stone, "and there," says booth, "was laid down the first stone and stick which are to form an essential part of the splendid city of zion." the next day the site of the temple was consecrated, smith laying the cornerstone. when the ceremonies were over, the spot was merely marked by a sapling, from two sides of which the bark was stripped, one side being marked with a "t" for temple, and the other with "zom," which smith stated stood for "zomas," the original of zion. at the foot of this sapling lay the corner-stone--"a small stone, covered over with bushes." such ceremonies might have been viewed with indulgence if conducted in some suburb of kirtland. but when men had travelled hundreds of miles at smith's command, suffering personal privations as well as submitting to pecuniary sacrifices, it was a severe test of their faith to have two small trees and t wo round stones in the wilderness offered to them as the only tangible indications of a land of plenty. rigdon expressed dissatisfaction with the outcome, as we have seen; booth left the church as soon as he got back to ohio; members of the party called cowdery and smith imperious, and the prophet and rigdon incurred the charge of "excessive cowardice" on the way. smith made a second trip to independence, leaving ohio on april , , and arriving there on his return the following june. his stay in missouri this time was marked by nothing more important than his acknowledgment as president of the high priesthood by a council of the church there, and a "revelation" which declared that zion's "borders must be enlarged, her stakes must be strengthened." chapter iii. -- the expulsion from jackson county--the army of zion the efforts of the church leaders to check too precipitate an emigration to the new zion were not entirely successful, and, according to the evening and morning star of july, , the mormons with their families then numbered more than twelve hundred, or about one-third of the total population of the county. the elders had been pushing their proselyting work throughout the states and in canada, and the idea of a land of plenty appealed powerfully to the new believers, and especially to those of little means. the branch of the church established at colesville, new york, numbering about sixty members, emigrated in a body and settled twelve miles from independence. other settlements were made in the rural districts, and the non-mormons began to be seriously exercised over the situation. the saints boasted openly of their future possession of the land, without making clear their idea of the means by which they would obtain title to it. an open defiance in the name of the church appeared in an article in the evening and morning star for july, , which contained this declaration:-- "no matter what our ideas or notions may be on the subject; no matter what foolish report the wicked may circulate to gratify an evil disposition; the lord will continue to gather the righteous and destroy the wicked, till the sound goes forth, it is finished." with even greater fatuity came the determination to publish the prophet's "revelations" in the form of the "book of commandments." of the effect of this publication david whitmer says, "the main reason why the printing press [at independence] was destroyed, was because they published the 'book of commandments.' it fell into the hands of the world, and the people of jackson county saw from the revelations that they were considered intruders upon the land of zion, as enemies of the church, and that they should be cut off out of the land of zion and sent away."* * "address to all believers in christ," p. . corrill says of the causes of friction between the mormons and their neighbors:--* * corrill's" brief history of the church," p. . "the church got crazy to go up to zion, as it was then called. the rich were afraid to send up their money to purchase lands, and the poor crowded up in numbers, without having any places provided, contrary to the advice of the bishop and others, until the old citizens began to be highly displeased. they saw their country filling up with emigrants, principally poor. they disliked their religion, and saw also that, if let alone, they would in a short time become a majority, and of course rule the county. the church kept increasing, and the old citizens became more and more dissatisfied, and from time to time offered to sell their farms and possessions, but the mormons, though desirous, were too poor to purchase them."* * after the survey of jackson county, congress granted to the state of missouri a large tract of land, the sale of which should be made for educational purposes, and the mormons took title to several thousand acres of this, west of independence. the active manifestation of hostility toward the new-comers by the residents of jackson county first took shape in the spring of , in the stoning of mormon houses at night and the breaking of windows. soon afterward a county meeting was called to take measures to secure the removal of the mormons from that county, but nothing definite was done. the burning of haystacks, shooting into houses, etc., continued until july, , when the mormon opponents circulated a statement of their complaints, closing with a call for a meeting in the courthouse at independence, on saturday, july . the text of this manifesto, which is important as showing the spirit as well as the precise grounds of the opposition, is as follows:-- "we, the undersigned, citizens of jackson county, believing that an important crisis is at hand, as regards our civil society, in consequence of a pretended religious sect of people that have settled, and are still settling, in our county, styling themselves mormons, and intending, as we do, to rid our society, peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must; and believing as we do, that the arm of the civil law does not afford us a guarantee, or at least, a sufficient one, against the evils which are now inflicted upon us, and seem to be increasing, by the said religious sect, we deem it expedient and of the highest importance to form ourselves into a company for the better and easier accomplishment of our purpose--a purpose, which we deem it almost superfluous to say, is justified as well by the law of nature, as by the law of self preservation. "it is more than two years since the first of these fanatics, or knaves, (for one or the other they undoubtedly are,) made their first appearance amongst us, and, pretending as they did, and now do, to hold personal communication and converse face to face with the most high god; to receive communications and revelations direct from heaven; to heal the sick by laying on hands; and, in short, to perform all the wonder-working miracles wrought by the inspired apostles and prophets of old. "we believed them deluded fanatics, or weak and designing knaves, and that they and their pretensions would soon pass away; but in this we were deceived. the arts of a few designing leaders amongst them have thus far succeeded in holding them together as a society; and, since the arrival of the first of them, they have been daily increasing in numbers; and if they had been respectable citizens in society, and thus deluded, they would have been entitled to our pity rather than our contempt and hatred; but from their appearance, from their manners, and from their conduct since their coming among us, we have every reason to fear that, with but few exceptions, they were of the very dregs of that society from which they came, lazy, idle, and vicious. this we conceive is not idle assertion, but a fact susceptible of proof, for with these few exceptions above named, they brought into our county little or no property with them, and left less behind them, and we infer that those only yoked themselves to the mormon car who had nothing earthly or heavenly to lose by the change; and we fear that if some of the leaders amongst them had paid the forfeit due to crime, instead of being chosen ambassadors of the most high, they would have been inmates of solitary cells. "but their conduct here stamps their characters in their true colors. more than a year since, it was ascertained that they had been tampering with our slaves, and endeavoring to rouse dissension and raise seditions amongst them. of this their mormon leaders were informed, and they said they would deal with any of their members who should again in like case offend. but how specious are appearances. in a late number of the star, published in independence by the leaders of the sect, there is an article inviting free negroes and mulattoes from other states to become mormons, and remove and settle among us. this exhibits them in still more odious colors. it manifests a desire on the part of their society to inflict on our society an injury, that they knew would be to us entirely insupportable, and one of the surest means of driving us from the county; for it would require none of the supernatural gifts that they pretend to, to see that the introduction of such a caste amongst us would corrupt our blacks, and instigate them to bloodshed. "they openly blaspheme the most high god, and cast contempt on his holy religion, by pretending to receive revelations direct from heaven, by pretending to speak unknown tongues by direct inspirations, and by divers pretences derogatory of god and religion, and to the utter subversion of human reason. "they declare openly that their god hath given them this county of land, and that sooner or later they must and will have the possession of our lands for an inheritance; and, in fine, they have conducted themselves on many other occasions in such a manner that we believe it a duty we owe to ourselves, our wives, and children, to the cause of public morals, to remove them from among us, as we are not prepared to give up our pleasant places and goodly possessions to them, or to receive into the bosom of our families, as fit companions for our wives and daughters, the degraded and corrupted free negroes and mulattoes that are now invited to settle among us. "under such a state of things, even our beautiful county would cease to be a desirable residence, and our situation intolerable! we, therefore, agree that, if after timely warning, and receiving an adequate compensation for what little property they cannot take with them, they refuse to leave us in peace, as they found us--we agree to use such means as may be sufficient to remove them, and to that end we each pledge to each other our bodily powers, our lives, fortunes, and sacred honors. "we will meet at the court-house, at the town of independence, on saturday next, the th inst., to consult ulterior movements."* * evening and morning star, p. ; millennial star, vol. xiv, p. . some hundreds of names were signed to this call, and the meeting of july was attended by nearly five hundred persons. there is no doubt that it was a representative county gathering. p. p. pratt says that the anti-mormon organization, which he calls "outlaws," was "composed of lawyers, magistrates, county officers, civil and military, religious ministers, and a great number of the ignorant and uninformed portion of the population."* the language of the address adopted shows that skilled pens were not wanting in its preparation. * pratt's "autobiography," p. . the first business of the meeting was the appointment of a committee to prepare an address stating the grievances of the people with somewhat greater fulness than the manifesto above quoted. like the latter, it conceded at the start that there was no law under which the object in view could be obtained. it characterized the mormons as but little above the negroes as regards property or education; charged them with having exerted a "corrupting influence" on the slaves;* asserted that even the more intelligent boasted daily to the gentiles that the mormons would appropriate their lands for an inheritance, and that their newspaper organ taught them that the lands were to be taken by the sword. noting the rapid increase in the immigration of members of the new church, the address, looking to a near day when they would be in a majority in the county, asked: "what would be the state of our lives and property in the hands of jurors and witnesses who do not blush to declare, and would not upon occasion hesitate to swear, that they have wrought miracles, and have been the subjects of miraculous and supernatural cures, have conversed with god and his angels, and possess and exercise the gifts of divination and of unknown tongues, and are fired with the prospect of obtaining inheritances without money and without price, may be better imagined than described." that this apprehension was not without grounds will be seen when we come to the administration of justice in nauvoo and in salt lake city. * the mormons never hesitated to change their position on the slavery question. an elder's address, published in the evening and morning star of july, , said: "as to slaves, we have nothing to say. in connection with the wonderful events of this age, much is doing toward abolishing slavery and colonizing the blacks in africa." three years later, in april, the messenger and advocate published a strong proslavery article, denying the right of the people of the north to interfere with the institution, and picturing the happy condition of the slaves. orson hyde, in the frontier guardian in (quoted in the millennial star, vol. xiii, p. ), said: "when a man in the southern states embraces our faith and is the owner of slaves, the church says to him, 'if your slaves wish to remain with you, and to go with you, put them not away; but if they choose to leave you, and are not satisfied to remain with you, it is for you to sell them or to let them go free, as your own conscience may direct you. the church on this point assumes not the responsibility to direct.'" horace greeley quoted brigham young as saying to him in salt lake city, "we consider slavery of divine institution and not to be abolished until the curse pronounced on ham shall have been removed from his descendants" ("overland journey," p. ). the address closed with these demands:-- "that no mormon shall in future move and settle in this county. "that those now here, who shall give a definite pledge of their intention within a reasonable time to remove out of the county, shall be allowed to remain unmolested until they have sufficient time to sell their property and close their business without any material sacrifice. "that the editor of the star (w. w. phelps) be required forthwith to close his office and discontinue the business of printing in this county; and, as to all other stores and shops belonging to the sect, their owners must in every case strictly comply with the terms of the second article of this declaration; and, upon failure, prompt and efficient measures will be taken to close the same. "that the mormon leaders here are required to use their influence in preventing any further emigration of their distant brethren to this county, and to counsel and advise their brethren here to comply with the above regulations. "that those who fail to comply with the requisitions be referred to those of their brethren who have the gifts of divination and of unknown tongues, to inform them of the lot that awaits them"* * millennial star, vol. xiv, pp. - . a recess of two hours was taken in which to permit a committee of twelve to call on bishop partridge, phelps, and gilbert, and present these terms. this committee reported that these men "declined giving any direct answer to the requisitions made of them, and wished an unreasonable time for consultation, not only with their brethren here, but in ohio." the meeting thereupon voted unanimously that the star printing-office should be razed to the ground, and the type and press be "secured." a report of the action of this meeting and its result was prepared by the chairman and two secretaries, and printed over their signatures in the western monitor of fayette, missouri, on august , , and it is transferred to smith's autobiography. it agrees with the mormon account set forth in their later petition to governor dunklin. it particularized, however, that the mormon leaders asked the committee first for three months, and then for ten days, in which to consider the demands, and were told that they could have only fifteen minutes. what happened next is thus set forth in the chairman's report:-- "which resolution (for the razing of the star office) was with the utmost order and the least noise and disturbance possible, forthwith carried into execution, as also some other steps of a similar tendency; but no blood was spilled nor any blows inflicted." mobs do not generally act with the "utmost order," and this one was not an exception to the rule, as an explanation of the "other steps" will make clear. the first object of attack was the printing office, a two-story brick building. this was demolished, causing a loss of $ , according to the mormon claims. the mob next visited the store kept by gilbert, but refrained from attacking it on receiving a pledge that the goods would be packed for removal by the following tuesday. they then called at the houses of some of the leading mormons, and conducted bishop partridge and a man named allen to the public square. partridge told his captors that the saints had been subjected to persecution in all ages; that he was willing to suffer for christ's sake, but that he would not consent to leave the country. allen refused either to agree to depart or to deny the inspiration of the mormon bible. both men were then relieved of their hats, coats, and vests, daubed with tar, and decorated with feathers. this ended the proceedings of that day, and an adjournment as announced until the following tuesday. on tuesday, july (the date of the laying of the corner-stone of the kirtland temple), the missourians gathered again in the town, carrying a red flag and bearing arms. the mormon statement to governor dunklin says, "they proceeded to take some of the leading elders by force, declaring it to be their intention to whip them from fifty to five hundred lashes apiece, to demolish their dwelling houses, and let their negroes loose to go through our plantations and lay open our fields for the destruction of our crops."* the official report of the officers of the meeting** says that, when the chairman had taken his seat, a committee was appointed to wait on the mormons at the request of the latter. * greene, in his "facts relative to the expulsion of the mormons from the state of missouri" ( ), says that the mob seized a number of mormons and, at the muzzle of their guns, compelled them to confess that the mormon bible was a fraud. ** millennial star vol. xiv, p. . as a result of a conference with this committee, a written agreement was entered into, signed by the committee and the mormons named in it, to this effect: that oliver cowdery, w. w. phelps, w. e. mclellin, edward partridge, john wright, simeon carter, peter and john whitmer, and harvey whitlock, with their families, should move from the county by january next, and use their influence to induce their fellow-mormons in the county to do likewise--one half by january and all by april --and to prevent further immigration of the brethren; john corrill and a. s. gilbert to remain as agents to wind up the business of the society, gilbert to be allowed to sell out his goods on hand; no mormon paper to be published in the county; partridge and phelps to be allowed to go and come after january , in winding up their business, if their families were removed by that time; the committee pledging themselves to use their influence to prevent further violence, and assuring phelps that "whenever he was ready to move, the amount of all his losses in the printing house should be paid to him by the citizens." in view of this arrangement there was no further trouble for more than two months. the mormon leaders had, however, no intention of carrying out their part of this undertaking. corrill, in a letter to oliver cowdery written in december, , said that the agreement was made, "supposing that before the time arrived the mob would see their error and stop the violence, or that some means might be employed so that we could stay in peace."* oliver cowdery was sent at once to kirtland to advise with the church officers there. on his arrival, early in august, a council was convened, and it was decided that legal measures should be taken to establish the rights of the saints in missouri. smith directed that they should neither sell their lands nor move out of jackson county, save those who had signed the agreement.** it was also decided to send orson hyde and john gould to missouri "with advice to the saints in their unfortunate situation through the late outrage of the mob."*** * evening and morning star, january, ** elder williams's letter, millennial star, vol. xiv, p. . *** millennial star, vol. xiv, p. . to strengthen the courage of the flock in missouri, smith gave forth at kirtland, under date of august , , a "revelation" (sec. ), "in answer to our correspondence with the prophet," says p. p. pratt,* in which the lord was represented as saying, "surely, zion is the city of our god, and surely zion cannot fail, neither be moved out of her place; for god is there, and the hand of god is there, and he has sworn by the power of his might to be her salvation and her high tower." the same "revelation" directed that the temple should be built speedily by means of tithing, and threatened zion with pestilence, plague, sword, vengeance, and devouring fire unless she obeyed the lord's commands. *pratt's "autobiography," p. , the outcome of all the deliberations at kirtland was the sending of w. w. phelps and orson hyde to jefferson city with a long petition to governor dunklin, setting forth the charges of the missourians against the mormons, and the action of the two meetings at independence, and making a direct appeal to him for assistance, asking him to employ troops in their defence, in order that they might sue for damages, "and, if advisable, try for treason against the government." the governor sent them a written reply under date of october , in which, after expressing sympathy with them in their troubles, he said: "i should think myself unworthy the confidence with which i have been honored by my fellow citizens did i not promptly employ all the means which the constitution and laws have placed at my disposal to avert the calamities with which you are threatened.... no citizen, or number of citizens, have a right to take the redress of their grievances, whether real or imaginary, into their own hands. such conduct strikes at the very existence of society." he advised the mormons to invoke the laws in their behalf; to secure a warrant from a justice of the peace, and so test the question "whether the law can be peaceably executed or not"; if not, it would be his duty to take steps to execute it. the mormons and their neighbors were thus brought face to face in a manner which admitted of no compromise. the situation naturally seemed rather a simple one to the governor, who was probably ignorant of the intentions and ambition of the mormons. if he had understood the nature and weight of the objections to them, he would have understood also that he could protect them in their possessions only by maintaining a military force. his letter gave the mormons of jackson county new courage. they had been maintaining a waiting attitude since the meeting of july , but now they resumed their occupations, and began to erect more houses, and to improve their places as if for a permanent stay, and meanwhile there was no cessation of the immigration of new members from the east. their leaders consulted four lawyers in clay county, and arranged with them to look after their legal interests. this evident repudiation by the mormons of their part of their agreement with the committee incensed the jackson county people, and hostilities were resumed. on the night of october , a mob attacked a mormon settlement called big blue, some ten miles west of independence, damaged a number of houses, whipped some of the men, and frightened women and children so badly that they fled to the outlying country for hiding-places. on the night of november , mormon houses were stoned in independence, and the church store was broken into and its goods scattered in the street. the mormons thereupon showed the governor's letter to a justice of the peace, and asked him for a warrant, but their accounts say that he refused one. when they took before the same officer a man whom they caught in the act of destroying their property, the justice not only refused to hold him, but granted a warrant in his behalf against gilbert, corrill, and two other mormons for false imprisonment, and they were locked up.* thrown on their own resources for defence, the mormons now armed themselves as well as they could, and established a night picket service throughout their part of the county. on saturday night, november , a second attack was made by the mob on big blue and, the mormons resisting, the first "battle" of this campaign took place. a sick woman received a pistolshot wound in the head, and one of the mormons a wound in the thigh. parley p. pratt and others were then sent to lexington to procure a warrant from circuit judge ryland, but, according to pratt, he refused to grant one, and "advised us to fight and kill the outlaws whenever they came upon us."** * corrill's letter, evening and morning star, january, . ** pratt's "autobiography," p. . on monday evening, november , a body of missourians who had been visiting some of the mormon settlements came in contact with a company of mormons who had assembled for defence, and an exchange of shots ensued, by which a number on both sides were wounded, one of the mormons dying the next day. these conflicts increased the excitement, and the mormons, knowing how they were outnumbered, now realized that they could not stay in jackson county any longer, and they arranged to move. at first they decided to make their new settlement only fifty miles south of independence, in van buren county, but to this the jackson county people would not consent. they therefore agreed to move north into clay county, between which and jackson county the missouri river, which there runs east, formed the boundary. most of them went to clay county, but others scattered throughout the other nearby counties, whose inhabitants soon let them know that their presence was not agreeable. the hasty removal of these people so late in the season was accompanied by great personal hardships and considerable pecuniary loss. the mormons have stated the number of persons driven out at fifteen hundred, and the number of houses burned; before and after their departure, at from two hundred to three hundred. cattle and household effects that could not be moved were sold for what they would bring, and those who took with them sufficient provisions for their immediate wants considered themselves fortunate. one party of six men and about one hundred and fifty women and children, panic-stricken by the action of the mob, wandered for several days over the prairie without even sufficient food. the banks of the missouri river where the fugitives were ferried across presented a strange spectacle. in a pouring rain the big company were encamped there on november , some with tents and some without any cover, their household goods piled up around them. children were born in this camp, and the sick had to put up with such protection as could be provided. so determined were the jackson county people that not a mormon should remain among them, that on november they drove out a little settlement of some twenty families living about fifteen miles from independence, compelling women and children to depart on immediate notice. the mormons made further efforts through legal proceedings to assert their rights in jackson county, but unsuccessfully. the governor declared that the situation did not warrant him in calling out the militia, and referred them to the courts for redress for civil injuries. in later years they appealed more than once to the federal authorities at washington for assistance in reestablishing themselves in jackson county,* but were informed that the matter rested with the state of missouri. their future bitterness toward the federal government was explained on the ground of this refusal to come to their aid. * james hutchins, a resident of wisconsin, addressed a long appeal "for justice" to president grant in , asking him to reinstate the mormons in the homes from which they had been driven. meanwhile smith had been preparing to use the authority at his command to make good his predictions about the permanency of the church in the missouri zion. on december , , he gave out a long "revelation" at kirtland (sec. ), which created a great sensation among his followers. beginning with the declaration that "i, the lord," have suffered affliction to come on the brethren in missouri "in consequence of their transgressions, envyings and stripes, and lustful and covetous desires," it went on to promise them as follows:-- "zion shall not be moved out of her place, notwithstanding her children are scattered.... and, behold, there is none other place appointed than that which i have appointed; neither shall there be any other place appointed than that which i have appointed, for the work of the gathering of my saints, until the day cometh when there is found no more room for them." the "revelation" then stated the lord's will "concerning the redemption of zion" in the form of a long parable which contained these instructions:-- "and go ye straightway into the land of my vineyard, and redeem my vineyard, for it is mine, i have bought it with money. "therefore get ye straightway unto my land; break down the walls of mine enemies; throw down their tower and scatter their watchmen; "and inasmuch as they gather together against you, avenge me of mine enemies, that by and by i may come with the residue of mine house and possess the land." this "revelation" was industriously circulated in printed form among the churches of ohio and the east, and so great was the demand for copies that they sold for one dollar each. the only construction to be placed upon it was that smith proposed to make good his predictions by means of an armed force led against the people of missouri. this view soon had confirmation. the arrival of p. p. pratt and lyman wight in kirtland in february, , was followed by a "revelation" (sec. ) promising an outpouring of god's wrath on those who had expelled the brethren from their missouri possessions, and declaring that "the redemption of zion must needs come by power," and that smith was to lead them, as moses led the children of israel. in obedience to this direction there was assembled a military organization, known in church history as "the army of zion." recruiters, led by smith and rigdon, visited the eastern states, and by may some two hundred men had assembled at kirtland ready to march to missouri to aid their brethren.* * there are three detailed accounts of this expedition, one in smith's autobiography, another in h. c. kimball's journal in times and seasons, vol. , and another in howe's "mormonism unveiled," procured from one of the accompanying sharpshooters. the army of zion, as it called itself, was not an impressive one in appearance. military experience was not required of the recruits; but no one seems to have been accepted who was not in possession of a weapon and at least $ in cash. the weapons ranged from butcher knives and rusty swords to pistols, muskets, and rifles. smith himself carried a fine sword, a brace of pistols (purchased on six months' credit), and a rifle, and had four horses allotted to him. he had himself elected treasurer of the expedition, and to him was intrusted all the money of the men, to be disbursed as his judgment dictated. according to his own account, they were constantly threatened by enemies during their march; but they paid no attention to them, knowing that angels accompanied them as protectors, "for we saw them." as they approached clay county a committee from ray county called on them to inquire about their intention, and, when a few miles from liberty, in clay county, general atchison and other missourians met them and warned them not to defy popular feeling by entering that town. accepting this advice, they took a circuitous route and camped on rush creek, whence smith on june sent a letter to general atchison's committee saying that, in the interest of peace, "we have concluded that our company shall be immediately dispersed." the night before this letter was sent, cholera broke out in the camp. smith at once attempted to perform miraculous cures of the victims, but he found actual cholera patients very different to deal with from old women with imaginary ailments, or, as he puts it, "i quickly learned by painful experience that, when the great jehovah decrees destruction upon any people, and makes known his determination, man must not attempt to stay his hand."* there were thirteen deaths in camp, among the victims being sidney gilbert. * "millennial star, vol. xv, p. . of course, some explanation was necessary to reconcile the prophet's surrender without a battle with the "revelation" which directed the army to march and promised a victory. this came in the shape of another "revelation" (sec. ) which declared that the immediate redemption of the people must be delayed because of their disobedience and lack of union (especially excepting himself from this censure); that the lord did not "require at their hands to fight the battles of zion"; that a large enough force had not assembled at the lord's command, and that those who had made the journey were "brought thus far for a trial of their faith." the brethren were directed not to make boasts of the judgment to come on the missourians, but to keep quiet, and "gather together, as much in one region as can be, consistently with the feelings of the people"; to purchase all the lands in jackson county they could, and then "i will hold the armies of israel guiltless in taking possession of their own lands, which they have previously purchased with their monies, and of throwing down the powers of mine enemies." but first the lord's army was to become very great. it seems incredible that any set of followers could retain faith in "revelations" at once so conflicting and so nonsensical. chapter iv. -- fruitless negotiations with the jackson county people meanwhile, the mormons in clay county, with the assent of the natives there, had opened a factory for the manufacture of arms "to pay the jackson mob in their own way,"* and it was rumored that both sides were supplying themselves with cannon, to make the coming contest the more determined. governor dunklin, fearing a further injury to the good name of the state, wrote to colonel j. thornton urging a compromise, and on june judge ryland sent a communication to a. s. gilbert, asking him to call a meeting of mormons in liberty for a discussion of the situation. * millennial star, vol. xv, p. . this meeting was held on june , and a committee from jackson county presented the following proposition: "that the value of the lands, and the improvements thereon, of the mormons in jackson county, be ascertained by three disinterested appraisers, representatives of the mormons to be allowed freely to point out the lands claimed and the improvements; that the people of jackson county would agree to pay the mormons the valuation fixed by the appraisers, with one hundred per cent added, within thirty days of the award; or, the jackson county citizens would agree to sell out their lands in that county to the mormons on the same terms." the mormon leaders agreed to call a meeting of their people to consider this proposition. the fifteen jackson county committeemen, it may be mentioned, in crossing the river on their way home, were upset, and seven of them were drowned, including their chairman, j. campbell, who was reported to have made threats against smith. the latter thus reports the accident in his autobiography, "the angel of god saw fit to sink the boat about the middle of the river, and seven, out of the twelve that attempted to cross were drowned, thus suddenly and justly went they to their own place by water." on june the mormons gave written notice to the jackson county people that the terms proposed were rejected, and that they were framing "honorable propositions" on their own part, which they would soon submit, adding a denial of a rumor that they intended a hostile invasion. their objection to the terms proposed was thus stated in an editorial in the evening and morning star of july, , "when it is understood that the mob hold possession of a large quantity of land more than our friends, and that they only offer thirty days for the payment of the same, it will be seen that they are only making a sham to cover their past unlawful conduct." this explanation ignores entirely the offer of the missourians to buy out the mormons at a valuation double that fixed by the appraisers, and simply shows that they intended to hold to the idea that their promised zion was in jackson county, and that they would not give it up.* * the idea of returning to a zion in jackson county has never been abandoned by the mormon church. bishop partridge took title to the temple lot in independence in his own name. in , when the mormons were expelled from the state, still believing that this was to be the site of the new jerusalem, he deeded sixty-three acres of land in jackson county, including this lot, to three small children of oliver cowdery. in , seven years after partridge's death, and when all the cowdery grantees were dead, a man named poole got a deed for this land from the heirs of the grantees, and subsequent conveyances were made under poole's deed. in a branch of the church, under a title church of christ, known as hendrickites, from grandville hendrick, its originator, was organized in illinois, with a basis of belief which rejects most of the innovations introduced since . hendrick in was favored with a "revelation" which ordered the removal of his church to jackson county. on arriving there different members quietly bought parts of the old temple lot. in the sole surviving sister and heir of the cowdery children executed a quit claim deed of the lot to bishop blakeslee of the reorganized church in iowa, and that church at once began legal proceedings to establish their title. judge philips, of the united states circuit court for the western division of missouri, decided the case in march, , in favor of the reorganized church, but the united states court of appeals reversed this decision on the ground that the respondents had title through undisputed possession ("united states court of appeals reports," vol. xvii, p. ). the hendrickites in this suit were actively aided by the utah mormons, president woodruff being among their witnesses. this church of christ has now a membership of less than two hundred. two mormon elders, describing their visit to independence in , said that they went to the temple lot and prayed as follows: "o lord, remember thy words, and let not zion suffer forever. hasten her redemption, and let thy name be glorified in the victory of truth and righteousness over sin and iniquity. confound the enemies of the people and let zion be free:"--"infancy of the church," salt lake city, . on june (the date of smith's last quoted "revelation"), the mormons presented their counter proposition in writing. it was that a board of six mormons and six jackson county non-mormons should decide on the value of lands in that county belonging to "those men who cannot consent to live with us," and that they should receive this sum within a year, less the amount of damage suffered by the mormons, the latter to be determined by the same persons. the jackson county people replied that they would "do nothing like according to their last proposition," and expressed a hope that the mormons "would cast an eye back of clinton, to see if that is not a county calculated for them." clinton was the county next north of clay. governor dunklin, in his annual message to the legislature that year, expressed the opinion that "conviction for any violence committed against a mormon cannot be had in jackson county," and told the lawmakers it was for them to determine what amendments were necessary "to guard against such acts of violence for the future." the mormons sent a petition in their own behalf to the legislature, which was presented by corrill, but no action was taken. chapter v. -- in clay, caldwell, and daviess counties the counties in which the mormons settled after leaving jackson county were thinly populated at that time, clay county having only inhabitants, according to the census of , and caldwell, carroll, and daviess counties together having only inhabitants by the census of . county rivalry is always a characteristic of our newly settled states and territories, and the clay county people welcomed the mormons as an addition to their number, notwithstanding the ill favor in which they stood with their southern neighbors. the new-comers at first occupied what vacant cabins they could find in the southern part of the county, until they could erect houses of their own, while the men obtained such employment as was offered, and many of the women sought places as domestic servants and school-teachers. the jackson county people were not pleased with this friendly spirit, and they not only tried to excite trouble between the new neighbors, but styled the clay county residents "jack mormons," a name applied in later years in other places to non-mormons who were supposed to have mormon sympathies. peace was maintained, however, for about three years. but the mormons grew in numbers, and, as the natives realized their growth, they showed no more disposition to be in the minority than did their southern neighbors. the mormons, too, were without tact, and they did not conceal the intention of the church to possess the land. proof of their responsibility for what followed is found in a remark of w. w. phelps, in a letter from clay county to ohio in december, , that "our people fare very well, and, when they are discreet, little or no persecution is felt."* * millennial star, vol. xiv, p. . the irritation kept on increasing, and by the spring of clay county had become as hostile to the mormons as jackson county had ever been. in june, the course adopted in jackson county to get rid of the new-comers was imitated, and a public meeting in the court house at liberty adopted resolutions* setting forth that civil war was threatened by the rapid immigration of mormons; that when the latter were received, in pity and kindness, after their expulsion across the river, it was understood that they would leave "whenever a respectable portion of the citizens of this county should require it," and that that time had now come. the reasons for this demand included mormon declarations that the county was destined by heaven to be theirs, opposition to slavery, teaching the indians that they were to possess the land with the saints, and their religious tenets, which, it was said, "always will excite deep prejudices against them in any populous country where they may locate." in explanations of the anti-mormon feeling in missouri frequent allusion is made to polygamous practices. this was not charged in any of the formal statements against them, and corrill declares that they had done nothing there that would incriminate them under the law. the mormons were urged to seek a new abiding-place, the territory of wisconsin being recommended for their investigation. the resolutions confessed that "we do not contend that we have the least right, under the constitution and laws of the country, to expel them by force"; but gave as an excuse for the action taken the certainty of an armed conflict if the mormons remained. newly arrived immigrants were advised to leave immediately, non-landowners to follow as soon as they could gather their crops and settle up their business, and owners of forty acres to remain indefinitely, until they could dispose of their real estate without loss. * millennial star, vol. xv, p. . the mormons, on july , adopted resolutions denying the charges against them, but agreeing to leave the county. the missourians then appointed a committee to raise money to assist the needy saints to move. smith and his associates in ohio had not at that time the same interest in a zion in missouri that they had three years earlier, and they only expressed sorrow over the new troubles, and advised the fugitives to stop short of wisconsin if they could. an appeal was again made by the missouri mormons to the governor of that state, but he now replied that if they could not convince their neighbors of their innocence, "all i can say to you is that in this republic the vox populi is the vox dei." the mormons selected that part of ray county from which caldwell county was formed (just northeast of clay county) for their new abode, and on their petition the legislature framed the new county for their occupancy. this was then almost unsettled territory, and the few inhabitants made no objection to the coming of their new neighbors. they secured a good deal of land, some by purchase, and some by entry on government sections, and began its improvement. many of them were so poor that they had to seek work in the neighboring counties for the support of their families. some of their most intelligent members afterward attributed their future troubles in that state to their failure to keep within their own county boundaries. as the county seat they founded a town which they named far west, and which soon presented quite a collection of houses, both log and frame, schools, and shops. phelps wrote in the summer of , "land cannot be had around town now much less than $ per acre."* there were practically no inhabitants but mormons within fifteen or twenty miles of the town,** and the saints were allowed entire political freedom. of the county officers, two judges, thirteen magistrates, the county clerk, and all the militia officers were of their sect. they had credit enough to make necessary loans, and, says corrill, "friendship began to be restored between them and their neighbors, the old prejudices were fast dying away, and they were doing well, until the summer of ." * messenger and advocate, july, . ** lee's "mormonism unveiled," p. . it was in january, , that smith fled from kirtland. he arrived in far west in the following march; rigdon was detained in illinois a short time by the illness of a daughter. smith's family went with him, and they were followed by many devoted adherents of the church, who, in order to pay church debts in ohio and the east, had given up their property in exchange for orders on the bishop at far west. in other words, they were penniless. the business scandals in ohio had not affected the reputation of the church leaders with their followers in missouri (where the bank bills had not circulated) and smith and rigdon received a hearty welcome, their coming being accepted as a big step forward in the realization of their prophesied zion. it proved, however, to be the cause of the expulsion of their followers from the state. chapter vi. -- radical dissensions in the church--origin of the danites--tithing while the church, in a material sense, might have been as prosperous as corrill pictured, smith, on his arrival, found it in the throes of serious internal discord. the month before he reached far west, w. w. phelps and john whitmer, of the presidency there, had been tried before a general assembly of the church,* and almost unanimously deposed on several charges, the principal one being a claim on their part to $ of the church funds which they had bound the bishop to pay to them. whitmer was also accused of persisting in the use of tea, coffee, and tobacco. t. b. marsh, one of the presidents pro tem. selected in their places, in a letter to the prophet on this subject, said:-- * for the minutes of this general assembly, and text of marsh's letter, see elders' journal, july, . "had we not taken the above measures, we think that nothing could have prevented a rebellion against the whole high council and bishop; so great was the disaffection against the presidents that the people began to be jealous that the whole authorities were inclined to uphold these men in wickedness, and in a little time the church undoubtedly would have gone every man his own way, like sheep without a shepherd." on april , elder bronson presented nine charges against oliver cowdery to the high council, which promptly found him guilty of six of them, viz. urging vexatious lawsuits against the brethren, accusing the prophet of adultery, not attending meeting, returning to the practice of law "for the sake of filthy lucre," "disgracing the church by being connected with the bogus [counterfeiting] business, retaining notes after they had been paid," and generally "forsaking the cause of god." on this finding he was expelled from the church. two days later david whitmer was found guilty of unchristianlike conduct and defaming the prophet, and was expelled, and lyman e. johnson met the same fate.* smith soon announced a "revelation" (sec. ), directing the places of the expelled to be filled by others. * for minutes of these councils, see millennial star, vol. xvi, pp. - . it was in the june following that the paper drawn up by rigdon and signed by eighty-three prominent members of the church was presented to the recalcitrants, ordering them to leave the county, and painting their characters in the blackest hues.* this radical action did not meet the approval of the more conservative element, which included men like corrill, and he soon announced that he was no longer a mormon. not long afterward thomas b. marsh, one of the original members of the high council of twelve in missouri, and now president of the twelve, and orson hyde, one of the original apostles, also seceded, and both gave testimony about the mormon schemes in caldwell and daviess counties. cowdery and whitmer considered their lives in such danger that they fled on horseback at night, leaving their families, and after riding till daylight in a storm, reached the house of a friend, where they found refuge until their families could join them. * see p. ante. for the full text of rigdon's paper, see the "correspondence, orders, etc., in relation to the mormon disturbances in missouri," published by order of the missouri legislature ( ). the most important event that followed the expulsion of leading members from the church by the high council was the formation of that organization which has been almost ever since known as the danites, whose dark deeds in nauvoo were scarcely more than hinted at,* but which, under brigham young's authority in utah, became a band of murderers, ready to carry out the most radical suggestion which might be made by any higher authority of the church. * lee's "mormonism unveiled," p. . corrill, an active member of the church in missouri, writing in with the events fresh in his memory, said* that the members of the danite society entered into solemn covenants to stand by one another when in difficulty, whether right or wrong, and to correct each other's wrongs among themselves, accepting strictly the mandates of the presidency as standing next to god. he explains that "many were opposed to this society, but such was their determination and also their threatenings, that those opposed dare not speak their minds on the subject.... it began to be taught that the church, instead of god, or, rather, the church in the hands of god, was to bring about these things (judgments on the wicked), and i was told, but i cannot vouch for the truth of it, that some of them went so far as to contrive plans how they might scatter poison, pestilence, and disease among the inhabitants, and make them think it was judgments sent from god. i accused smith and rigdon of it, but they both denied it promptly." * "brief history of the church," pp. , . robinson, in his reminiscences in the return in later years, gave the same date of the organization of the danites, and said that their first manifesto was the one directed against cowdery, whitmer, and others. we must look for the actual origin of this organization, however, to some of the prophet's instructions while still at kirtland. in his "revelation" of august , (sec. ), he thus defined the treatment that the saints might bestow upon their enemies: "i have delivered thine enemy into thine hands, and then if thou wilt spare him, thou shalt be rewarded for thy righteousness;... nevertheless thine enemy is in thine hands, and if thou reward him according to his works thou art justified, if he has sought thy life, and thy life is endangered by him, thine enemy is in thine hands and thou art justified." what such a license would mean to a following like smith's can easily be understood. the next step in the same direction was taken during the exercises which accompanied the opening of the kirtland temple. three days after the dedicatory services, all the high officers of the church, and the official members of the stake, to the number of about three hundred, met in the temple by appointment to perform the washing of feet. while this was going on (following smith's own account),* "the brethren began to prophesy blessings upon each other's heads, and cursings upon the enemies of christ who inhabit jackson county, missouri, and continued prophesying and blessing and sealing them, with hosannah and amen, until nearly seven o'clock p. m. the bread and wine were then brought in. while waiting, i made the following remarks, 'i want to enter into the following covenant, that if any more of our brethren are slain or driven from their lands in missouri by the mob, we will give ourselves no rest until we are avenged of our enemies to the uttermost.' this covenant was sealed unanimously, with a hosannah and an amen." ** * millennial star, vol. xv, pp. - . * "the spirit of that covenant evidently bore fruit in the fourth of july oration of and the mountain meadow massacre."--the return, vol. ii, p. . the original name chosen for the danites was "daughters of zion," suggested by the text micah iv. : "arise and thresh, o daughter of zion; for i will make thine horn iron, and i will make thine hoofs brass; and thou shalt beat in pieces many people; and i will consecrate thy gain unto the lord, and their substance unto the lord of the whole earth." "daughters" of anybody was soon decided to be an inappropriate designation for such a band, and they were next called "destroying (or flying) angels," a title still in use in utah days; then the "big fan," suggested by jeremiah xv. , or luke iii. ; then "brothers of gideon," and finally "sons of dan" (whence the name danites,) from genesis xlix. : "dan shall be a serpent by the way, an adder in the path, that biteth the horse's heels, so that his rider shall fall backward."* * hyde's "mormonism exposed," pp. - . avard presented the text of the constitution to the court at richmond, missouri, during the inquiry before judge king in november, * it begins with a preamble setting forth the agreement of the members "to regulate ourselves under such laws as in righteousness shall be deemed necessary for the preservation of our holy religion, and of our most sacred rights, and the rights of our wives and children," and declaring that, "not having the privileges of others allowed to us, we have determined, like unto our fathers, to resist tyranny, whether it be in kings or in the people. it is all alike to us. our rights we must have, and our rights we shall have, in the name of israel's god." the president of the church and his counsellors were to hold the "executive power," and also, along with the generals and colonels of the society, to hold the "legislative powers"; this legislature to "have power to make all laws regulating the society, and regulating punishments to be administered to the guilty in accordance with the offence." thus was furnished machinery for carrying out any decree of the officers of the church against either life or property. * missouri "correspondence, orders, etc.," pp. - . the danite oath as it was administered in nauvoo was as follows:--"in the name of jesus christ, the son of god, i do solemnly obligate myself ever to regard the prophet and the first presidency of the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints as the supreme head of the church on earth, and to obey them in all things, the same as the supreme god; that i will stand by my brethren in danger or difficulty, and will uphold the presidency, right or wrong; and that i will ever conceal, and never reveal, the secret purposes of this society, called daughters of zion. should i ever do the same, i hold my life as the forfeiture, in a caldron of boiling oil."* * bennett's "history of the saints," p. . john d. lee, who was a member of the organization, explaining their secret signs, says,* "the sign or token of distress is made by placing the right hand on the right side of the face, with the points of the fingers upward, shoving the hand upward until the ear is snug up between the thumb and forefinger." *lee's "mormonism unveiled," p. . it has always been the policy of the mormon church to deny to the outside world that any such organization as the danites existed, or at least that it received the countenance of the authorities. smith's city council in nauvoo made an affidavit that there was no such society there, and utah mormons have professed similar ignorance. brigham young, himself, however, gave testimony to the contrary in the days when he was supreme in salt lake city. in one of his discourses which will be found reported in the deseret news (vol. vii, p. ) he said: "if men come here and do not behave themselves, they will not only find the danites, whom they talk so much about, biting the horses' heels, but the scoundrels will find something biting their heels. in my plain remarks i merely call things by their own names." it need only be added that the church authority has been powerful enough at any time in the history of the church to crush out such an organization if it so desired. a second organization formed about the same time, at a fully attended meeting of the mormons of daviess county, was called "the host of israel." it was presided over by captains of tens, of fifties, and of hundreds, and, according to lee, "god commanded joseph smith to place the host of israel in a situation for defence against the enemies of god and the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints." another important feature of the church rule that was established at this time was the tithing system, announced in a "revelation" (sec. ), which is dated july , . this required the flock to put all their "surplus property" into the hands of the bishop for the building of the temple and the payment of the debts of the presidency, and that, after that, "those who have thus been tithed, shall pay one-tenth of all their interest annually; and this shall be a standing law unto them forever." ebenezer robinson gives an interesting explanation of the origin of tithing. *in may, , the high council at far west, after hearing a statement by rigdon that it was absolutely necessary for the church to make some provision for the support of the families of all those who gave their entire time to church affairs, instructed the bishop to deed to smith and rigdon an eighty-acre lot belonging to the church, and appointed a committee of three to confer with the presidency concerning their salary for that year. smith and rigdon thought that $ would be a proper sum, and the committee reported in favor of a salary, but left the amount blank. the council voted the salaries, but this action caused such a protest from the church members that at the next meeting the resolution was rescinded. only a few days later came this "revelation" requiring the payment of tithes, in which there was no mention of using any of the money for the poor, as was directed in the ohio "revelation" about the consecration of property to the bishop. * the return, vol. , p. . this tithing system has provided ever since the principal revenue of the church. by means of it the temple was built at nauvoo, and under it vast sums have been contributed in utah. by the income of the church by this source was placed at $ , , a year,* and during brigham young's administration the total receipts were estimated at $ , , . we shall see that young made practically no report of the expenditure of this vast sum that passed into his control. to horace greeley's question, "what is done with the proceeds of this tithing?" young replied, "part of it is devoted to building temples and other places of worship, part to helping the poor and needy converts on their way to this country, and the largest portion to the support of the poor among the saints." * salt lake tribune, june , . as the authority of the church over its members increased, the regulation about the payment of tithes was made plainer and more severe. parley p. pratt, in addressing the general conference in salt lake city in october, , said, "to fulfil the law of tithing, a man should make out and lay before the bishop a schedule of all his property, and pay him one-tenth of it. when he hath tithed his principal once, he has no occasion to tithe again; but the next year he must pay one-tenth of his increase, and one-tenth of his time, of his cattle, money, goods, and trade; and, whatever use we put it to, it is still our own, for the lord does not carry it away with him to heaven."* millennial star, vol. xii, p. . the seventh general epistle to the church (september, ) made this statement, "it is time that the saints understood that the paying of their tithing is a prominent portion of the labor which is allotted to them, by which they are to secure a future residence in the heaven they are seeking after."* this view was constantly presented to the converts abroad. * ibid., vol. xiv, p. . at the general conference in salt lake city on september , , brigham young made clear his radical view of tithing--a duty, he declared, that few had lived up to. taking the case of a supposed mr. a, engaged in various pursuits (to represent the community), starting with a capital of $ , he must surrender $ , of this as tithing. with his remaining $ , he gains $ , ; $ , of this gain must be given into the storehouse of the lord. next he works nine days with his team; the tenth day's work is for the church, as is one-tenth of the wheat he raises, one-tenth of his sheep, and one-tenth of his eggs.* * ibid., vol. xiii, p. . under date of july , came another "revelation" (sec. ), declaring that the tithings "shall be disposed of by a council, composed of the first presidency of my church, and of the bishop and his council, and by my high council." the first meeting of this body decided "that the first presidency should keep all their property that they could dispose of to advantage for their support, and the remainder be put into the hands of the bishop, according to the commandments."* the coolness of this proceeding in excepting smith and rigdon from the obligation to pay a tithe is worthy of admiration. * ibid., vol. xvi, p. . chapter vii. -- beginning of active hostilities smith had shown his dominating spirit as soon as he arrived at far west. in april, , he announced a "revelation" (sec. ), commanding the building of a house of worship there, the work to begin on july , the speedy building up of that city, and the establishment of stakes in the regions round about. this last requirement showed once more smith's lack of judgment, and it became a source of irritation to the non-mormons, as it was thought to foreshadow a design to control the neighboring counties. hyde says that smith and rigdon deliberately planned the scattering of the saints beyond the borders of clay county with a view to political power.* * hyde's "mormonism," p. . in accordance with this scheme, a "revelation" of may (sec. ), directed the founding of a town on grand river in daviess county, twenty-five miles northwest of far west. this settlement was to be called "adam-ondi-ahman," "because it is the place where adam shall come to visit his people, or the ancient of days shall sit, as spoken of by daniel the prophet." the "revelation" further explains that, three years before his death, adam called a number of high priests and all of his posterity who were righteous, into the valley of adam-ondi-ahman, and there blessed them. lee (who, following the common pronunciation, writes the name "adam-on-diamond") expresses the belief, which smith instilled into his followers, that it "was at the point where adam came and settled and blessed his posterity, after being driven from the garden of eden. there adam and eve tarried for several years, and engaged in tilling the soil." by order of the presidency, another town was started in carroll county, where the saints had been living in peace. immediately the new settlement was looked upon as a possible rival of gallatin, the county seat, and the non-mormons made known their objections. * "mormonism unveiled," p. . with smith and rigdon on the ground, if these men had had any tact, or any purpose except to enforce mormon supremacy in whatever part of missouri they chose to call zion, the troubles now foreshadowed might easily have been prevented. every step they took, however, was in the nature of a defiance. the sermons preached to the mormons that summer taught them that they would be able to withstand, not only the opposition of the missourians, but of the united states, if this should be put to the test.* * corrill's "brief history of the church," p. . the flock in and around far west were under the influence of such advice when they met on july to lay the corner-stone of the third temple, whose building smith had revealed, and to celebrate the day. there was a procession, with a flagpole raising, and smith embraced the occasion to make public announcement of the tithing "revelation" (although it bears a later date). the chief feature of the day, and the one that had most influence on the fortunes of the church, was a sermon by sidney rigdon, known ever since as the "salt sermon," from the text matt. v. : "if the salt have lost its savour, wherewith shall it be salted? it is thenceforth good for nothing, but to be cast out, and to be trodden under foot of men." he first applied these words to the men who had made trouble in the church, declaring that they ought to be trodden under foot until their bowels gushed out, citing as a precedent that "the apostles threw judas iscariot down and trampled out his bowels, and that peter stabbed ananias and sapphira." it was what followed, however, which made the serious trouble, a defiance to their missouri opponents in these words: "it is not because we cannot, if we were so disposed, enjoy both the honors and flatteries of the world, but we have voluntarily offered them in sacrifice, and the riches of the world also, for a more durable substance. our god has promised a reward of eternal inheritance, and we have believed his promise, and, though we wade through great tribulations, we are in nothing discouraged, for we know he that has promised is faithful. the promise is sure, and the reward is certain. it is because of this that we have taken the spoiling of our goods. our cheeks have been given to the smiters, and our heads to those who have plucked off the hair. we have not only, when smitten on one cheek, turned the other, but we have done it again and again, until we are weary of being smitten, and tired of being trampled upon. we have proved the world with kindness; we have suffered their abuse, without cause, with patience, and have endured without resentment, until this day, and still their persecution and violence does not cease. but from this day and this hour, we will suffer it no more. "we take god and all the holy angels to witness this day, that we warn all men, in the name of jesus christ, to come on us no more for ever, for, from this hour, we will bear it no more. our rights shall no more be trampled on with impunity. the man, or set of men, who attempt it, does it at the expense of their lives. and that mob that comes on us to disturb us, it shall be between us and them a war of extermination, for we will follow them to the last drop of their blood is spilled, or else they will have to exterminate us; for we will carry the seat of war to their own houses, and their own families, and one party or the other shall be utterly destroyed. remember it then, all men. "we will never be aggressors; we will infringe on rights of no people; but shall stand for our own until death. we claim our own rights, and are willing that all shall enjoy theirs. "no man shall be at liberty to come in our streets, to threaten us with mobs, for if he does, he shall atone for it before he leaves the place; neither shall he be at liberty to vilify or slander any of us, for suffer it we will not in this place. "we therefore take all men to record this day, as did our fathers. and we pledge this day to one another, our fortunes, our lives, and our sacred honors, to be delivered from the persecutions which we have had to endure for the last nine years, or nearly that. neither will we indulge any man, or set of men, in instituting vexatious lawsuits against us to cheat us out of our just rights. if they attempt it we say, woe be unto them. we this day then proclaim ourselves free, with a purpose and a determination that never can be broken, no never, no never, no never." ebenezer robinson in the return (vol i, p. ) says:-- "let it be distinctly understood that president rigdon was not alone responsible for the sentiment expressed in his oration, as that was a carefully prepared document previously written, and well understood by the first presidency; but elder rigdon was the mouthpiece to deliver it, as he was a natural orator, and his delivery was powerful and effective. "several missouri gentlemen of note, from other counties, were present on the speaker's stand at its delivery, with joseph smith, jr., president, and hyrum smith, vice president of the day; and at the conclusion of the oration, when the president of the day led off with a shout of 'hosannah, hosannah, hosannah,' and joined in the shout by the vast multitude, these missouri gentlemen began to shout 'hurrah,' but they soon saw that did not time with the other, and they ceased shouting. a copy of the oration was furnished the editor, and printed in the far west, a weekly newspaper printed in liberty, the county seat of clay county. it was also printed in pamphlet form, by the writer of this, in the printing office of the elders' journal, in the city of far west, a copy of which we have preserved. "this oration, and the stand taken by the church in endorsing it, and its publication, undoubtedly exerted a powerful influence in arousing the people of the whole upper missouri country." at the trial of rigdon, when he was cast out at nauvoo, young and others held him alone responsible for this sermon, and declared that it was principally instrumental in stirring up the hostilities that ensued. a state election was to be held in missouri early in august, and there was a good deal of political feeling. daviess county was pretty equally divided between whigs and democrats, and the vote of the mormons was sought by the leaders of both parties. in caldwell county the saints were classed as almost solidly democratic. when election day came, the danites in the latter county distributed tickets on which the presidency had agreed, but this resulted in nothing more serious than some criticism of this interference of the church in politics. but in daviess county trouble occurred. the mormons there were warned by the democrats that the whigs would attempt to prevent their voting at gallatin. of the ten houses in that town at the time, three were saloons, and the material for an election-day row was at hand. it began with an attack on a mormon preacher, and ended in a general fight, in which there were many broken heads, but no loss of life; after which, says lee, who took part in it, "the mormons all voted."* * smith's autobiography says, "very few of the brethren voted." exaggerated reports of this melee reached far west, and dr. avard, collecting a force of volunteers, and accompanied by smith and rigdon, started for daviess county for the support of their brethren. they came across no mob, but they made a tactical mistake. instead of disbanding and returning to their homes, they, the next morning (following smith's own account)* "rode out to view the situation." their ride took them to the house of a justice of the peace, named adam black, who had joined a band whose object was the expulsion of the mormons. smith could not neglect the opportunity to remind the justice of his violation of his oath, and to require of him some satisfaction, "so that we might know whether he was our friend or enemy." with this view they compelled him to sign what they called "an agreement of peace," which the justice drew up in this shape:-- * millennial star, vol. xvi, p. . "i, adam black, a justice of the peace of davies county, do hereby sertify to the people called mormin that he is bound to suport the constitution of this state and of the united states, and he is not attached to any mob, nor will not attach himself to any such people, and so long as they will not molest me i will not molest them. this the th day of august, . "adam black, j.p." when the mormon force returned to far west, the daviess people secured warrants for the arrest of smith, l. wight, and others, charging them with violating the law by entering another county armed, and compelling a justice of the peace to obey their mandate, black having made an affidavit that he was compelled to sign the paper in order to save his life. wight threatened to resist arrest, and this caused such a gathering of missourians that smith became alarmed and sent for two lawyers, general d. r. atchison and general doniphan, to come to far west as his legal advisers.* acting on their advice, the accused surrendered themselves, and were bound over to court in $ bail for a hearing on september . * general atchison was the major general in command of that division of the state militia. his early reports to the governor must be read in the light of his association with smith as counsel. general douiphan afterward won fame at chihuahua in the mexican war. chapter viii. -- a state of civil war all peaceable occupations were now at an end in daviess county. general atchison reported to the governor that, on arriving there on september , he found the county practically deserted, the gentiles being gathered in one camp and the mormons in another. a justice of the peace, in a statement to the governor, declared, "the mormons are so numerous and so well armed [in daviess and caldwell counties] that the judicial power of the counties is wholly unable to execute any civil or criminal process within the limits of either of the said counties against a mormon or mormons, as they each and every one of them act in concert and outnumber the other citizens." lee says that an order had been issued by the church authorities, commanding all the mormons to gather in two fortified camps, at far west and adam-ondi-ahman. the men were poorly armed, but demanded to be led against their foes, being "confident that god was going to deliver the enemy into our hands."* * "mormonism unveiled," p. . both parties now stood on the defensive, posting sentinels, and making other preparations for a fight. actual hostilities soon ensued. the mormons captured some arms which their opponents had obtained, and took them, with three prisoners, to far west. "this was a glorious day, indeed," says smith.* citizens of daviess and livingston counties sent a petition to governor boggs (who had succeeded dunklin), dated september , declaring that they believed their lives, liberty, and property to be "in the most imminent danger of being sacrificed by the hands of those impostorous rebels," and asking for protection. the governor had already directed general atchison to "raise immediately four hundred mounted men in view of indications of indian disturbances on our immediate frontier, and the recent civil disturbances in the counties of caldwell, daviess, and carroll." the calling out of the militia followed, and general doniphan found himself in command of about one thousand militiamen. he seems to have used tact, and to have employed his force only as peace preservers. on september he reported to governor boggs that he had discharged all his troops but two companies, and that he did not think the services of these would be required more than twenty days. he estimated the mormon forces in the disturbed counties at from thirteen hundred to fifteen hundred men, most of them carrying a rifle, a brace of pistols, and a broadsword; "so that," he added, "from their position, and their fanaticism, and their unalterable determination not to be driven, much blood will be spilt and much suffering endured if a blow is at once struck, without the interposition of your excellency." * smith's autobiography, at this point, says: "president rigdon and i commenced this day the study of law under the instruction of generals atchison and doniphan. they think by diligent application we can be admitted to the bar in twelve months." millennial star, vol. xvi, p. . the people of carroll county began now to hold meetings whose object was the expulsion of the mormons from their boundaries, and some hundreds of them assembled in hostile attitude around the little settlement of dewitt. the mormons there prepared for defence, and sent an appeal to far west for aid. accordingly, one hundred mormons, including smith and rigdon, started to assist them, and two companies of militia, under general parks, were hurried to the spot. general parks reported to general atchison on october that, on arriving there the day before, he found the place besieged by two hundred or three hundred missourians, under a dr. austin, with a field-piece, and defended by two hundred or three hundred mormons under g. m. hinckle, "who says he will die before he is driven from thence." austin expected speedy reenforcements that would enable him to take the place by assault. a petition addressed by the mormons of dewitt to the governor, as early as september , having been ignored, and finding themselves outnumbered, they agreed to abandon their settlement on receiving pay for their improvements, and some fifty wagons conveyed them and their effects to far west. a period of absolute lawlessness in all that section of the state followed. smith declared that civil war existed, and that, as the state would not protect them, they must look out for themselves. he and his associates made no concealment of their purpose to "make clean work of it" in driving the non-mormons from both daviess and caldwell counties. when warned that this course would array the whole state against them, smith replied that the "mob" (as the opponents of the mormons were always styled) were a small minority of the state, and would yield to armed opposition; the mormons would defeat one band after another, and so proceed across the state, until they reached st. louis, where the mormon army would spend the winter. this calculation is a fair illustration of smith's judgment. armed bands of both parties now rode over the country, paying absolutely no respect to property rights, and ready for a "brush" with any opponents. at smith's suggestion, a band of men, under the name of the "fur company," was formed to "commandeer" food, teams, and men for the mormon campaign. this practical license to steal let loose the worst element in the church organization, glad of any method of revenge on those whom they considered their persecutors. "men of former quiet," says lee, who was among the active raiders, "became perfect demons in their efforts to spoil and waste away the enemies of the church."* cattle and hogs that could not be driven off were killed.** houses were burned, not only in the outlying country, but in the towns. a night attack by a band of eighty men was made on gallatin, where some of the houses were set on fire, and two stores as well as private houses were robbed. the house of one mcbride, who, lee says, had been a good friend to him and to other mormons, did not escape: "every article of moveable property was taken by the troops; he was utterly ruined." "it appeared to me," says corrill, "that the love of pillage grew upon them very fast, for they plundered every kind of property they could get hold of, and burnt many cabins in daviess, some say , and some say ." *** * lee naively remarks, "in justice to joseph smith i cannot say that i ever heard him teach, or even encourage, men to pilfer or steal little things."--"mormonism unveiled," p. . ** w. harris's "mormonism portrayed," p. . *** "brief history of the church," p. . the missourians retaliated in kind. mormons were seized and whipped, and their houses were burned. a lawless company (pratt calls them banditti), led by one gilliam, embraced the opportunity to make raids in the mormon territory. it was soon found necessary to collect the outlying mormons at far west and adam-ondi-ahman, where they were used for purposes both of offence and defence. the movements of the missourians were closely watched, and preparations were made to burn any place from which a force set out to attack the saints. one of the missouri officers, captain bogart, on october , warned some mormons to leave the county, and, with his company of thirty or forty men, announced his intention to "give far west thunder and lightning." when this news reached far west, judge higbee, of the county court, ordered lieutenant colonel hinckle to go out with a company, disperse the "mob," and retake some prisoners. the mormons assembled at midnight, and about seventy-five volunteers started at once, under command of captain patton, the danite leader, whose nickname was "fear not," all on horseback. when they approached crooked river, on which bogart's force was encamped, fifteen men were sent in advance on foot to locate the enemy. just at dawn a rifle shot sounded, and a young mormon, named o'barrion, fell mortally wounded. captain patton ordered a charge, and led his men at a gallop down a hill to the river, under the bank of which the missourians were drawn up. the latter had an advantage, as they were in the shade, and the mormons were between them and the east, which the dawn was just lighting. exchanges of volleys occurred, and then captain patton ordered his men to rush on with drawn swords--they had no bayonets. this put the missourians to flight, but just as they fled captain patton received a mortal wound. three mormons in all were killed as a result of this battle, and seven wounded, while captain bogart reported the death of one man.* * ebenezer robinson's account in the return, p. . the death of "fear not" was considered by the mormons a great loss. he was buried with the honors of war, says robinson, "and at his grave a solemn convention was made to avenge his death." smith, in the funeral sermon, reverted to his old tactics, attributing the mormon losses to the lord's anger against his people, because of their unbelief and their unwillingness to devote their worldly treasures to the church. the rout of captain bogart's force, which was a part of the state militia, increased the animosity against the mormons, and the wiser of the latter believed that they would suffer a dire vengeance.* * corrill's "brief history of the church," p. . this vengeance first made itself felt at a settlement called hawn's mill (of which there are various spellings), some miles from far west, where there were a flour mill, blacksmith shop, and other buildings. the mormons there were advised, the day after the fight on crooked river, to move into far west for protection, but the owners of the buildings, knowing that these would be burned as soon as deserted, decided to remain and defend their property. on october a mounted force of missourians appeared before the place. the mormons ran into the log blacksmith shop, which they thought would serve them as a blockhouse, but it proved to be a slaughter-pen. the missourians surrounded it, and, sticking their rifles into every hole and crack, poured in a deadly fire, killing, some reports say eighteen, and some thirty-one, of the mormons. the only persons in the town who escaped found shelter in the woods. the missourians did not lose a man. when the firing ceased, they still showed no mercy, shooting a small boy in the leg after dragging him out from under the bellows, and hacking to death with a corn cutter an old man while he begged for his life. dead and wounded were thrown into a well, and some of the wounded, taken out by rescuers from far west, recovered. "i heard one of the militia tell general clark," says corrill, "that a well twenty or thirty feet deep was filled with their dead bodies to within three feet of the top."* * details of this massacre will be found in lee's "mormonism unveiled," pp. - ; in the missouri "correspondence, orders, etc.," p. ; the millennial star, vol. xvi, p. , and in greene's "facts relative to the expulsion of the mormons from missouri," pp. - . the mormons have always considered this "massacre," as they called it, the crowning outrage of their treatment in missouri, and for many years were especially bitter toward all participants in it. a letter from two mormons in the frontier guardian, dated october, , describing the disinterred human bones seen on their journey across the plains, said that they recognized on the rude tombstone the names of some of their missouri persecutors: "among others, we noted at the south pass of the rocky mountains the grave of one e. dodd of gallatin, missouri. the wolves had completely disinterred him. it is believed that he was the same dodd that took an active part as a prominent mobocrat in the murder of the saints at hawn's mill, missouri; if so, it is a righteous retribution." two mormon elders, describing a visit in to the scenes of the mormon troubles in missouri, said, "the notorious colonel w. o. jennings, who commanded the mob at the [hawn's mill] massacre, was assaulted in chillicothe, missouri, on the evening of january , , by an unknown person, who shot him on the street with a revolver or musket, as the colonel was going home after dark." * they are silent as to the avenger. * "infancy of the church" (pamphlet). governor boggs now began to realize the seriousness of the situation that he was called to meet, and on october he directed general john b. clark (who was not the ranking general) to raise, for the protection of the citizens of daviess county, four hundred mounted men. this order he followed the next day with the following, which has become the most famous of the orders issued during this campaign, under the designation "the order of extermination":-- "headquarters of the militia, "city of jefferson, oct. , . "gen. john b. clark, "sir:--since the order of this morning to you, directing you to cause four hundred mounted men to be raised within your division, i have received by amos rees, esq., of ray county and wiley c. williams, esq., one of my aids, information of the most appalling character, which entirely changes the face of things, and places the mormons in the attitude of an open and avowed defiance of the laws, and of having made war upon the people of this state. your orders are, therefore, to hasten your operations with all possible speed. "the mormons must be treated as enemies, and must be exterminated or driven from the state if necessary for the public peace--their outrages are beyond all description. if you can increase your force, you are authorized to do so to any extent you may consider necessary. i have just issued orders to maj. gen. willock, of marion county, to raise five hundred men, and to march them to the northern part of daviess, and there unite with gen. doniphan, of clay, who has been ordered with five hundred men to proceed to the same point for the purpose of intercepting the retreat of the mormons to the north. they have been directed to communicate with you by express; you can also communicate with them if you find it necessary. "instead therefore of proceeding, as at first directed, to reinstate the citizens of daviess in their homes, you will proceed immediately to richmond and then operate against the mormons. brig. gen. parks, of ray, has been ordered to have four hundred of his brigade in readiness to join you at richmond. the whole force will be placed under your command. "i am very respectfully, "your ob't serv't, "l. w. boggs, commander-in-chief." the "appalling information" received by the governor from his aids was contained in a letter dated october , which stated that the mormons were "destroying all before them"; that they had burned gallatin and mill pond, and almost every house between these places, plundered the whole country, and defeated captain bogart's company, and had determined to burn richmond that night. "these creatures," said the letter, "will never stop until they are stopped by the strong hand of force, and something must be done, and that speedily."* * for text of letter, see "correspondence, orders, etc.," p. . the language of governor boggs's letter to general clark cannot be defended. the mormons have always made great capital of his declaration that the mormons "must be exterminated," and a man of judicial temperament would have selected other words, no matter how necessary he deemed it, for political reasons, to show his sympathy with the popular cause. but, on the other hand, the governor was only accepting the challenge given by rigdon in his recent fourth of july address, when the latter declared that if a mob disturbed the mormons, "it shall be between us and them a war of extermination, for we will follow them till the last drop of their blood is spilled, or else they will have to exterminate us." what compromise there could have been between a band of fanatics obeying men like smith and rigdon, and the class of settlers who made up the early missouri population, it is impossible to conceive. the mormons were simply impossible as neighbors, and it had become evident that they could no more remain peaceably in the state than they could a few years previously in jackson county. general atchison, of smith's counsel, was not called on by the governor in these latest movements, because, as the governor explained in a letter to general clark, "there was much dissatisfaction manifested toward him by the people opposed to the mormons." but he had seen his mistake, and he united with general lucas in a letter to the governor under date of october , in which they said, "from late outrages committed by the mormons, civil war is inevitable," and urged the governor's presence in the disturbed district. governor boggs excused himself from complying with this request because of the near approach of the meeting of the legislature. general lucas, acting under his interpretation of the governor's order, had set out on october for far west from near richmond, with a force large enough to alarm the mormon leaders. robinson, speaking of the outlook from their standpoint at this time, says, "we looked for warm work, as there were large numbers of armed men gathering in daviess county, with avowed determination of driving the mormons from the county, and we began to feel as determined that the missourians should be expelled from the county."* the mormons did not hear of the approach of general lucas's force until it was near the town. then the southern boundary was hastily protected with a barricade of wagons and logs, and the night of october - was employed by all the inhabitants in securing their possessions for flight, in anticipation of a battle the next day. * the return, vol. i, p. . chapter ix. -- the final expulsion from the state at eight o'clock the next morning the commander of the militia sent a flag of truce to the mormons which colonel hinckle, for the mormons, met. general lucas submitted the following terms, as necessary to carry out the governor's orders: . to give up their leaders to be tried and punished. . to make an appropriation of their property, all who have taken up arms, to the payment of their debts and indemnity for damage done by them. . that the balance should leave the state, and be protected out by the militia, but be permitted to remain under protection until further orders were received by the commander-in-chief. . to give up the arms of every description, to be receipted for. while these propositions were under consideration, general lucas asked that smith, rigdon, lyman wight, p. p. pratt, and g. w. robinson be given up as hostages, and this was done. contemporary mormon accounts imputed treachery to colonel hinckle in this matter, and said that smith and his associates were lured into the militia camp by a ruse. general lucas's report to the governor says that the proposition for a conference came from hinckle. hyrum smith, in an account of the trial of the prisoners, printed some years later in the times and seasons, said that all the men who surrendered were that night condemned by a court-martial to be shot, but were saved by general doniphan's interference. lee's account agrees with this, but says that smith surrendered voluntarily, to save the lives of his followers. general lucas received the surrender of far west, on the terms named, in advance of the arrival of general clark, who was making forced marches. after the surrender, general lucas disbanded the main body of his force, and set out with his prisoners for independence, the original site of zion. general clark, learning of this, ordered him to transfer the prisoners to richmond, which was done. hearing that the guard left by general lucas at far west were committing outrages, general clark rode to that place accompanied by his field officers. he found no disorder,* but instituted a military court of inquiry, which resulted in the arrest of forty-six additional mormons, who were sent to richmond for trial. the facts on which these arrests were made were obtained principally from dr. avard, the danite, who was captured by a militia officer. "no one," general clark says, "disclosed any useful matter until he was captured." * "much property was destroyed by the troops in town during their stay there, such as burning house logs, rails, corn cribs, boards, etc., the using of corn and hay, the plundering of houses, the killing of cattle, sheep, and hogs, and also the taking of horses not their own."--"mormon memorial to missouri legislature," december , . after these arrests had been made, general clark called the other mormons at far west together, and addressed them, telling them that they could now go to their fields for corn, wood, etc., but that the terms of the surrender must be strictly lived up to. their leading men had been given up, their arms surrendered, and their property assigned as stipulated, but it now remained for them to leave the state forthwith. on that subject the general said:-- "the character of this state has suffered almost beyond redemption, from the character, conduct, and influence that you have exerted; and we deem it an act of justice to restore her character to its former standing among the states by every proper means. the orders of the governor to me were that you should be exterminated and not allowed to remain in the state. and had not your leaders been given up, and the terms of the treaty complied with, before this time you and your families would have been destroyed, and your houses in ashes. there is a discretionary power vested in my hands, which, considering your circumstances, i shall exercise for a season. you are indebted to me for this clemency. "i do not say that you shall go now, but you must not think of staying here another season, or of putting in crops, for the moment you do this the citizens will be upon you; and if i am called here again, in a case of a non-compliance of a treaty made, do not think that i shall do as i have done now. you need not expect any mercy, but extermination, for i am determined the governor's orders shall be executed. as for your leaders, do not think, do not imagine for a moment, do not let it enter into your mind, that they will be delivered and restored to you again, for their fate is fixed, their die is cast, their doom is sealed. "i am sorry, gentlemen, to see so many apparently intelligent men found in the situation you are; and o! if i could invoke the great spirit, the unknown god, to rest upon and deliver you from that awful chain of superstition, and liberate you from those fetters of fanaticism with which you are bound, that you no longer do homage to a man. i would advise you to scatter abroad, and never organize yourselves with bishops, presidents, etc., lest you excite the jealousies of the people, and subject yourselves to the same calamities that have now come upon you. you have always been the aggressors: you have brought upon yourselves these difficulties by being disaffected, and not being subject to rule. and my advice is that you become as other citizens, lest by a recurrence of these events you bring upon yourselves irretrievable ruin." general clark then marched with his prisoners to richmond, where the trial of all the accused began on november , before judge a. a. king. by november the called-out militia had been disbanded, and on that date general clark made his final report to the governor. in this he asserted that the militia under him had conducted themselves as honorable citizen soldiers, and enclosed a certificate signed by five mormons, including w. w. phelps, colonel hinckle, and john corrill, confirming this statement, and saying, "we have no hesitation in saying that the course taken by general clark with the mormons was necessary for the public peace, and that the mormons are generally satisfied with his course." in his summing up of the results of the campaign, general clark said: "it [the mormon insurrection] had for its object dominion, the ultimate subjugation of this state and the union to the laws of a few men called the presidency. their church was to be built up at any rate, peaceably if they could, forcibly if necessary. these people had banded themselves together in societies, the object of which was to first drive from their society such as refused to join them in their unholy purposes, and then to plunder the surrounding country, and ultimately to subject the state to their rule." "the whole number of the mormons killed through the whole difficulty, so far as i can ascertain, are about forty, and several wounded. there has been one citizen killed, and about fifteen badly wounded."* * "correspondence, orders, etc.," p. . brigadier general r. wilson was sent with his command to settle the mormon question in daviess county. finding the town of adamondi-ahman unguarded, he placed guards around it, and gathered in the mormons of the neighborhood, to the number of about two hundred. most of these, he explained in his report, were late comers from canada and the northern border of the united states, and were living mostly in tents, without any adequate provision for the winter. those against whom criminal charges had been made were placed under arrest, and the others were informed that general wilson would protect them for ten days, and would guarantee their safety to caldwell county or out of the state. "this appeared to me," said general wilson, in his report to general clark, "to be the only course to prevent a general massacre." in this report general wilson presented the following picture of the situation there as he found it: "it is perfectly impossible for me to convey to you anything like the awful state of things which exists here--language is inadequate to the task. the citizens of a whole county first plundered, and then their houses and other buildings burnt to ashes; without houses, beds, furniture, or even clothing in many instances, to meet the inclemency of the weather. i confess that my feelings have been shocked with the gross brutality of these mormons, who have acted more like demons from the infernal regions than human beings. under these circumstances, you will readily perceive that it would be perfectly impossible for me to protect the mormons against the just indignation of the citizens.... the mormons themselves appeared pleased with the idea of getting away from their enemies and a justly insulted people, and i believe all have applied and received permits to leave the county; and i suppose about fifty families have left, and others are hourly leaving, and at the end of ten days mormonism will not be known in daviess county. this appeared to me to be the only course left to prevent a general massacre."* * "correspondence, orders, etc.," p. . the mormons began to depart at once, and in ten days nearly all had left. lee, who acted as guide to general wilson, and whose wife and babe were at adamondi-ahman, says: "every house in adamondi-ahman was searched by the troops for stolen property. they succeeded in finding very much of the gentile property that had been captured by the saints in the various raids they made through the country. bedding of every kind and in large quantities was found and reclaimed by the owners. even spinning wheels, soap barrels, and other articles were recovered. each house where stolen property was found was certain to receive a missouri blessing from the troops. the men who had been most active in gathering plunder had fled to illinois to escape the vengeance of the people, leaving their families to suffer for the sins of the believing saints."* * "mormonism unveiled," p. . we may now follow the fortunes of the mormon prisoners. on arriving at richmond, they were confined in the unfinished brick court-house. the only inside work on this building that was completed was a partly laid floor, and to this the prisoners were restricted by a railing, with a guard inside and out. "two three-pail iron kettles for boiling our meat, and two or more iron bake kettles, or dutch ovens, were furnished us," says robinson, "together with sacks of corn meal and meat in bulk. we did our own cooking. this arrangement suited us very well, and we enjoyed ourselves as well as men could under such circumstances."* * the return, vol. i, p. . joseph and hyrum smith, rigdon, lyman wight, caleb baldwin, and a. mcrea were soon transferred to the jail at liberty. the others were then put into the debtor's room of richmond jail, a two-story log structure which was not well warmed, but they were released on light bail in a few days. a report of the testimony given at the hearing of the mormon prisoners before judge king will be found in the "correspondence, orders, etc.," published by order of the missouri legislature, pp. - . among the mormons who gave evidence against the prisoners were avard, the danite, john whitmer, w. w. phelps, john corrill, and colonel hinckle. there were thirty-seven witnesses for the state and seven for the defence. as showing the character of the testimony, the following selections will suffice. avard told the story of the origin of the danites, and said that he considered joseph smith their organizer; that the constitution was approved by smith and his counsellors at rigdon's house, and that the members felt themselves as much bound to obey the heads of the church as to obey god. just previous to the arrival of general lucas at far west, smith had assembled his force, and told them that, for every one they lacked in numbers as compared with their opponents, the lord would send angels to fight for them. he presented the text of the indictment against cowdery, whitmer, and others, drawn up by rigdon. john corrill testified about the effect of rigdon's "salt sermon," and also that he had attended meetings of the danites, and had expressed disapproval of the doctrine that, if one brother got into difficulty, it was the duty of the others to help him out, right or wrong; that smith and rigdon attended one of these meetings, and that he had heard smith declare at a meeting, "if the people would let us alone, we would preach the gospel to them in peace, but if they came on us to molest us, we would establish our religion by the sword, and that he would become to this generation a second mohammed"; just after the expulsion of the mormons from dewitt, smith declared hostilities against their opponents in caldwell and daviess counties, and had a resolution passed, looking to the confiscation of the property of the brethren who would not join him in the march; and on a sunday he advised the people that they might at times take property which at other times it would be wrong to take, citing david's eating of the shew bread, and the saviour's plucking ears of corn.* reed peck testified to the same effect. * corrill, avard, hinckle, marsh, and others were formally excommunicated at a council held at quincy, illinois, on march , , over which brigham young presided. john clemison testified to the presence of smith at the early meetings of the danites; that rigdon and smith had advised that those who were backward in joining his fighting force should be placed in the front ranks at the point of pitchforks; that a great deal of gentile property was brought into mormon camps, and that "it was frequently observed among the troops that the time had come when the riches of the gentiles should be consecrated to the state." w. w. phelps testified that in the previous april he had heard rigdon say, at a meeting in far west, that they had borne persecution and lawsuits long enough, and that, if a sheriff came with writs against them, they would kill him, and that smith approved his words. phelps said that the character of rigdon's "salt sermon" was known and discussed in advance of its delivery. john whitmer testified that, soon after the preaching of the "salt sermon," a leading mormon told him that they did not intend to regard any longer "the niceties of the law of the land," as "the kingdom spoken of by the prophet daniel had been set up." the testimony concerning the danite organization and smith's threats against the missourians received confirmation in an affidavit by no less a person than thomas b. marsh, the first president of the twelve apostles, before a justice of the peace in ray county, in october, . in this marsh said:-- "the plan of said smith, the prophet, is to take this state; and he professes to his people to intend taking the united states and ultimately the whole world. the prophet inculcates the notion, and it is believed by every true mormon, that smith's prophecies are superior to the law of the land. i have heard the prophet say that he would yet tread down his enemies, and walk over their dead bodies; that, if he was not let alone, he would be a second mohammed to this generation, and that he would make it one gore of blood from the rocky mountains to the atlantic ocean." this affidavit was accompanied by an affidavit by orson hyde, who was afterward so prominent in the councils of the church, stating that he knew most of marsh's statements to be true, and believed the others to be true also. of the witnesses for the defence, two women and one man gave testimony to establish an alibi for lyman wight at the time of the last mormon expedition to daviess county; rigdon's daughter nancy testified that she had heard avard say that he would swear to a lie to accomplish an object; and j. w. barlow gave testimony to show that smith and rigdon were not with the men who took part in the battle on crooked creek. rigdon, in an "appeal to the american people," which he wrote soon after, declared that this trial was a compound between an inquisition and a criminal court, and that the testimony of avard was given to save his own life. "a part of an armed body of men," he says, "stood in the presence of the court to see that the witnesses swore right, and another part was scouring the country to drive out of it every witness they could hear of whose testimony would be favorable to the defendants. if a witness did not swear to please the court, he or she would be threatened to be cast into prison.... a man by the name of allen began to tell the story of bogart's burning houses in the south part of caldwell; he was kicked out of the house, and three men put after him with loaded guns, and he hardly escaped with his life. finally, our lawyers, general doniphan and amos rees, told us not to bring our witnesses there at all, for if we did, there would not be one of them left for the final trial.... as to making any impression on king, if a cohort of angels were to come down and declare we were clear, doniphan said it would be all the same, for he had determined from the beginning to cast us into prison." smith alleged that judge king was biased against them because his brother-in-law had been killed during the early conflicts in jackson county. several of the defendants were discharged during or after the close of the hearing. smith, rigdon, lyman wight, and three others were ordered committed to the clay county jail at liberty on a charge of treason; parley p. pratt and four others to the ray county jail on a charge of murder; and twenty-three others were ordered to give bail on a charge of arson, burglary, robbery, and larceny, and all but eight of these were locked up in default of bail. the prisoners confined at liberty secured a writ of habeas corpus soon after, but only rigdon was ordered released, and he thought it best for his safety to go back to the jail. he afterward, with the connivance of the sheriff and jailer, made his escape at night, and reached quincy, illinois, in february, . p. p. pratt, in his "late persecution," says that the prisoners were kept in chains most of the time, and that riodon, although ill, "was compelled to sleep on the floor, with a chain and padlock round his ankle, and fastened to six others." hyrum smith, in a "communication to the saints" printed a year later, says; "we suffered much from want of proper food, and from the nauseous cell in which i was confined." joseph smith remained in the liberty jail until april, . at one time all the prisoners nearly made their escape, "but unfortunately for us, the timber of the wall being very hard, our augur handles gave out, which hindered us longer than we expected," and the plan was discovered. the prophet employed a good deal of his time in jail in writing long epistles to the church. he gave out from there also three "revelations," the chief direction of which was that the brethren should gather up all possible information about their persecutions, and make out a careful statement of their property losses. his letters reveal the character of the man as it had already been exhibited--headlong in his purposes, vindictive toward any enemy. he says in his biography that he paid his lawyers about $ , "in cash, lands, etc." (a pretty good sum for the refugee from ohio to amass so soon), but got little practical assistance from them, "for sometimes they were afraid to act on account of the mob, and sometimes they were so drunk as to incapacitate them for business." in one of his letters to the church he thus speaks of some of his recent allies, "this poor man [w. w. phelps] who professes to be much of a prophet, has no other dumb ass to ride but david whitmer, or to forbid his madness when he goes up to curse israel; but this not being of the same kind as balaam's, therefore, notwithstanding the angel appeared unto him, yet he could not sufficiently penetrate his understanding but that he brays out cursings instead of blessings."* * times and seasons, vol. i, p. . on april , smith and his fellow-prisoners were taken to daviess county for trial. the judge and jury before whom their cases came were, according to his account, all drunk. smith and four others were promptly indicted for "murder, treason, burglary, arson, larceny, theft, and stealing." they at once secured a change of venue to boone county, miles east, and set out for that place on april , but they never reached there. smith says they were enabled to escape because their guard got drunk. in a newspaper interview printed many years later, general doniphan is quoted as saying that he had it on good authority that smith paid the sheriff and his guards $ to allow the prisoners to escape. ebenezer robinson says that joseph and hyrum were allowed to ride away on two fine horses, and that, a few weeks later, he saw the sheriff at quincy making joseph a friendly visit, at which time he received pay for the animals.* the party arrived at quincy, illinois, on april , and were warmly welcomed by the brethren who had preceded them. among these was brigham young, who was among those who had found it necessary to flee the state before the final surrender was arranged. the missouri authorities, as we shall see, for a long time continued their efforts to secure the extradition of smith, but he never returned to missouri. as the mormons had tried to set aside their original agreement with the jackson county people, so, while their leaders were in jail, they endeavored to find means to break their treaty with general lucas. their counsel, general atchison, was a member of the legislature, and he warmly espoused their cause. they sent in a petition,* which john corrill presented, giving a statement in detail of the opposition they had encountered in the state, and asking for the enactment of a law "rescinding the order of the governor to drive us from the state, and also giving us the sanction of the legislature to inherit our lands in peace"; as well as disapproving of the "deed of trust," as they called the second section of the lucas treaty. the petition was laid on the table. an effort for an investigation of the whole trouble by a legislative committee was made, and an act to that effect was passed in , but nothing practical came of it. when the mormon memorial was called up, its further consideration was postponed until july, and then the mormons knew that they had no alternative except to leave the state. * for full text, see millennial star, vol. xvi, pp. - . while the prisoners were in jail, things had not quieted down in the mormon counties. the decisive action of the state authorities had given the local missourians to understand that the law of the land was on their side, and when the militia withdrew they took advantage of their opportunity. mormon property was not respected, and what was left to those people in the way of horses, cattle, hogs, and even household belongings was taken by the bands of men who rode at pleasure,* and who claimed that they were only regaining what the mormons had stolen from them. the legislature appropriated $ for the relief of such sufferers. * see m. arthur's letter, "correspondence, orders, etc.," p. . facing the necessity of moving entirely out of the state, the mormons, as they had reached the western border line of civilization, now turned their face eastward to quincy, illinois, where some of their members were already established. not until april did the last of them leave far west. the migration was attended with much suffering, as could not in such circumstances be avoided. the people of the counties through which they passed were, however, not hostile, and mormon writers have testified that they received invitations to stop and settle. these were declined, and they pressed on to the banks of the mississippi, where, in february and march, there were at one time more than families, waiting for the moving ice to enable them to cross, many of them without food, and the best sheltered depending on tents made of their bedclothing.* * green's "facts relative to the expulsion." what the total of the pecuniary losses of the mormons in missouri was cannot be accurately estimated. they asserted that in jackson county alone, $ , worth of their property was destroyed, and that fifteen thousand of their number fled from the state. smith, in a statement of his losses made after his arrival in illinois, placed them at $ , , . in a memorial presented to congress at this time the losses in jackson county were placed at $ , , and in the state of missouri at $ , , . the efforts of the mormons to secure redress were long continued. not only was congress appealed to, but legislatures of other states were urged to petition in their behalf. the senate committee at washington reported that the matter was entirely within the jurisdiction of the state of missouri. one of the latest appeals was addressed by smith at nauvoo in december, , to his native state, vermont, calling on the green mountain boys, not only to assist him in attaining justice in missouri, "but also to humble and chastise or abase her for the disgraces she has brought upon constitutional liberty, until she atones for her sin." the final act of the mormon authorities in missouri was somewhat dramatic. smith in his "revelation" of april , , directing the building of a temple at far west, had (the lord speaking) ordered the beginning to be made on the following fourth of july, adding, "in one year from this day let them recommence laying the foundation of my house." the anniversary found the latest missouri zion deserted, and its occupants fugitives; but the command of the lord must be obeyed. accordingly, the twelve apostles journeyed secretly to far west, arriving there about midnight of april , . a conference was at once held, and, after transacting some miscellaneous business, including the expulsion of certain seceding members, all adjourned to the selected site of the temple, where, after the singing of a hymn, the foundation was relaid by rolling a large stone to one corner.* the apostles then returned to illinois as quietly as possible. the leader of this expedition was brigham young, who had succeeded t. b. marsh as president of the twelve. * the modern post-office name of far west is kerr. all the mormon houses there have disappeared. traces of the foundation of the temple, which in places was built to a height of three or four feet, are still discernible. thus ended the early history of the mormon church in missouri. book iv. -- in illinois chapter i. -- the reception of the mormons the state of illinois, when the mormons crossed the missouri river to settle in it, might still be considered a pioneer country. iowa, to the west of it, was a territory, and only recently organized as such. the population of the whole state was only , in , as compared with , , in . young as it was, however, the state had had some severe financial experiences, which might have served as warnings to the new-comers. a debt of more than $ , , had been contracted for state improvements, and not a railroad or a canal had been completed. "the people," says ford, "looked one way and another with surprise, and were astonished at their own folly." the payment of interest on the state debt ceased after july, , and "in a short time illinois became a stench in the nostrils of the civilized world.... the impossibility of selling kept us from losing population; the fear of disgrace or high taxes prevented us from gaining materially."* the state bank and the shawneetown bank failed in , and when ford became governor in that year he estimated that the good money in the state in the hands of the people did not exceed one year's interest on the public debt. * ford's "history of illinois," chap. vii. the lawless conditions in many parts of the state in those days can scarcely be realized now. it was in that the rev. owen lovejoy (handwritten comment in the book says "elijah p. lovejoy." transcriber) was killed at alton in maintaining his right to print there an abolition newspaper. all over the state, settlers who had occupied lands as "squatters" defended their claims by force, and serious mobs often resulted. large areas of military lands were owned by non-residents, who were in very bad favor with the actual settlers. these settlers made free use of the timber on such lands, and the non-residents, failing to secure justice at law, finally hired preachers, who were paid by the sermon to preach against the sin of "hooking" timber.* * ford's "history of illinois," chap. vi. bands of desperadoes in the northern counties openly defied the officers of the law, and, in one instance, burned down the courthouse (in ogle county in ) in order to release some of their fellows who were awaiting trial. one of these gangs ten years earlier had actually built, in pope county, a fort in which they defied the authorities, and against which a piece of artillery had to be brought before it could be taken. even while the conflict between the mormons was going on, in , there was vitality enough in this old organization, in pope and massac counties, to call for the interposition of a band of "regulators," who made many arrests, not hesitating to employ torture to secure from one prisoner information about his associates. governor ford sent general j. t. davies there, to try to effect a peaceable arrangement of the difficulties, but he failed to do so, and the "regulators," who found the county officers opposed to them, drove out of the county the sheriff, the county clerk, and the representative elect to the legislature. when the judge of the massac circuit court charged the grand jury strongly against the "regulators," they, with sympathizers from kentucky, threatened to lynch him, and actually marched in such force to the county seat that the sheriff's posse surrendered, and the mob let their friends out of jail, and drowned some members of the posse in the ohio river. the reception and treatment of the mormons in illinois, and the success of the new-comers in carrying out their business and political schemes, must be viewed in connection with these incidents in the early history of the state. the greeting of the mormons in illinois, in its practical shape, had both a political and a business reason.* party feeling ran very high throughout the country in those days. the house of representatives at washington, after very great excitement, organized early in december, , by choosing a whig speaker, and at the same time the whig national convention, at harrisburg, pennsylvania, nominated general w. h. harrison for president. thus the expulsion from missouri occurred on the eve of one of our most exciting presidential campaigns, and the illinois politicians were quick to appraise the value of the voting strength of the immigrants. as a residence of six months in the state gave a man the right to vote, the mormon vote would count in the presidential election. * "the first great error committed by the people of hancock county was in accepting too readily the mormon story of persecution. it was continually rung in their ears, and believed as often as asserted."--gregg, "history of hancock county," p. . accordingly, we find that in february, , the democratic association of quincy, at a public meeting in the court-house, received a report from a committee previously appointed, strongly in favor of the refugees, and adopted resolutions condemning the treatment of the mormons by the people and officers of missouri. the quincy argus declared that, because of this treatment, missouri was "now so fallen that we could wish her star stricken out from the bright constellation of the union." in april, , rigdon wrote to the "saints in prison" that governor carlin of illinois and his wife "enter with all the enthusiasm of their nature" into his plan to have the governor of each state present to congress the unconstitutional course of missouri toward the mormons, with a view to federal relief. governor lucas of iowa territory, in the same year (iowa had only been organized as a territory the year before, and was not admitted as a state until ), replying to a query about the reception the mormons would receive in his domain, said: "their religious opinions i consider have nothing to do with our political transactions. they are citizens of the united states, and are entitled to the same political rights and legal protection that other citizens are entitled to." he gave rigdon at the same time cordial letters of introduction to president van buren and governor shannon of ohio, and rigdon received a similar letter to the president, recommending him "as a man of piety and a valuable citizen," signed by governor carlin, united states senator young, county clerk wren, and leading business men of quincy. thus began that recognition of the mormons as a political power in illinois which led to concessions to them that had so much to do with finally driving them into the wilderness. the business reason for the welcome of the mormons in illinois and iowa was the natural ambition to secure an increase of population. in all of hancock county there were in only inhabitants as compared with , in . along with this public view of the matter was a private one. a dr. isaac galland owned (or claimed title to) a large tract of land on both sides of the border line between illinois and iowa, that in iowa being included in what was known as "the half-breed tract," an area of some , acres which, by a treaty between the united states government and the sacs and foxes, was reserved to descendants of indian women of those tribes by white fathers, and the title to much of which was in dispute. as soon as the mormons began to cross into illinois, galland approached them with an offer of about , acres between the mississippi and des moines rivers at $ per acre, to be paid in twenty annual instalments, without interest. a meeting of the refugees was held in quincy in february, , to consider this offer, but the vote was against it. the failure of the efforts in ohio and missouri to establish the mormons as a distinct community had made many of smith's followers sceptical about the success of any new scheme with this end in view, and at this conference several members, including so influential a man as bishop partridge, openly expressed their doubt about the wisdom of another gathering of the saints. galland, however, pursued the subject in a letter to d. w. rodgers, inviting rigdon and others to inspect the tract with him, and assuring the mormons of his sympathy in their sufferings, and "deep solicitude for your future triumphant conquest over every enemy." rigdon, partridge, and others accepted galland's invitation, but reported against purchasing his land, and the refugees began scattering over the country around quincy. chapter ii. -- the settlement of nauvoo smith's leadership was now to have another illustration. others might be discouraged by past persecutions and business failures, and be ready to abandon the great scheme which the prophet had so often laid before them in the language of "revelation"; but it was no part of smith's character to abandon that scheme, and remain simply an object of lessened respect, with a scattered congregation. he had been kept advised of galland's proposal, and, two days after his arrival in quincy, we find him, on april , presiding at a church council which voted to instruct him with two associates to visit iowa and select there a location for a church settlement, and which advised all the brethren who could do so to move to the town of commerce, illinois. thus were the doubters defeated, and the proposal to scatter the flock brought to a sudden end. smith and his two associates set out at once to make their inspection. the town of commerce had been laid out (on paper) in by two eastern owners of the property, a. white and j. b. teas, and adjoining its northern border h. r. hotchkiss of new haven, connecticut, had mapped out commerce city. neither enterprise had proved a success, and when the mormon agents arrived there the place had scarcely attained the dignity of a settlement, the only buildings being one storehouse, two frame dwellings and two blockhouses. the mormon agents, on may , bought two farms there, one for $ and one for $ (known afterward as the white purchase), and on august they bought of hotchkiss five hundred acres for the sum of $ , . bishop knight, for the church, soon afterward purchased part of the town of keokuk, iowa, a town called nashville six miles above, a part of the town of montrose, four miles above nashville, and thirty thousand acres in the "half-breed tract," which included galland's original offer, and ten thousand acres additional. thus was smith prepared to make another attempt to establish his followers in a permanent abiding-place. but how, it may be asked, could the prophet reconcile this abandonment of the missouri zion and this new site for a church settlement with previous revelations? by further "revelation," of course. such a mouthpiece of god can always enlighten his followers provided he can find speech, and smith was not slow of utterance. while in jail in liberty he had advised a committee which was sent to him from illinois to sell all the lands in missouri, and in a letter to the saints, written while a prisoner, he spoke favorably of galland's offer, saying, "the saints ought to lay hold of every door that shall seem to be opened unto them to obtain foothold on the earth." in order to make perfectly clear the new purpose of the lord in regard to zion he gave out a long "revelation" (sec. ), which is dated nauvoo, january , , and which contains the following declarations:-- "verily, verily i say unto you, that when i give a commandment to any of the sons of men to do a work under my name, and those sons of men go with all their might and with all they have, to perform that work and cease not their diligence, and their enemies come upon them and hinder them from performing that work, behold, it behooveth me to require that work no more at the hands of those sons of men, but to accept their offerings. "and the iniquity and transgression of my holy laws and commandments i will visit upon the heads of those who hindered my work, unto the third and fourth generation, so long as they repent not and hate me, saith the lord god. "therefore for this cause have i accepted the offerings of those whom i commanded to build up a city and house unto my name in jackson county, missouri, and were hindered by their enemies, saith the lord your god." this announcement seems to have been accepted without question by the faithful, as reconciling the failure in missouri with the new establishment farther east. the financiering of the new land purchases did credit to smith's genius in that line. for some of the smaller tracts a part payment in cash was made. hotchkiss accepted for his land two notes signed by smith and his brother hyrum and rigdon, one payable in ten, and the other in twenty years. galland took notes, and, some time later, as explained in a letter to the saints abroad, the mormon lands in missouri, "in payment for the whole amount, and in addition to the first purchase we have exchanged lands with him in missouri to the amount of $ , ."* galland's title to the iowa tract was vigorously assailed by iowa newspapers some years later. what cash he eventually realized from the transaction does not appear.** smith had influence enough over him to secure his conversion to the mormon belief, and he will be found associated with the leaders in nauvoo enterprises. * times and seasons, vol. ii, p. . ** "galland died a pauper in iowa."--"mormon portraits," p. . the hotchkiss notes gave smith a great deal of trouble. notwithstanding the influx of immigrants to nauvoo and the growth of the place, which ought to have brought in large profits from the sale of lots, the accrued interest due to hotchkiss in two years amounted to about $ . hotchkiss earnestly urged its payment, and smith was in dire straits to meet his demands. in a correspondence between them, in , smith told hotchkiss that he had agreed to forego interest for five years, and not to "force payment" even then. smith assured hotchkiss that the part of the city bought from him was "a deathly sickly hole" on which they had been able to realize nothing, "although," he added, with unblushing affrontery for the head of a church, "we have been keeping up appearances and holding out inducements to encourage immigration that we scarcely think justifiable in consequence of the mortality that almost invariably awaits those who come from far distant parts."* in pursuance of this same policy (in a letter dated october , ), the eastern brethren were urged to transfer their lands there to hotchkiss in payment of the notes, and to accept lots in nauvoo from the church in exchange. * millennial star, vol. xviii, p. . the name of the town was changed to nauvoo in april, , with the announcement that this name was of hebrew origin, signifying "a beautiful place."* * in answer to a query about this alleged derivation of the name of the city, a competent hebrew scholar writes to me: "the nearest approach to nauvoo in hebrew is an adjective which would be transliterated naveh, meaning pleasant, a rather rare word. the letter correctly represented by v could not possibly do the double duty of uv, nor could a of the hebrew ever be au in english, nor eh of the hebrew be oo in english. students of theology at middletown, connecticut, used to have a saying that that name was derived from moses by dropping 'iddletown' and adding 'mass.'" chapter iii. -- the building up of the city--foreign proselyting the geographical situation of nauvoo had something in its favor. lying on the east bank of the mississippi, which is there two miles wide, it had a water frontage on three sides, because of a bend in the stream, and the land was somewhat rising back from the river. but its water front was the only thing in its favor. "the place was literally a wilderness," says smith. "the land was mostly covered with trees and bushes, and much of it so wet that it was with the utmost difficulty a foot man could get through, and totally impossible for teams. commerce was so unhealthy very few could live there, but, believing it might become a healthy place by the blessing of heaven to the saints, and no more eligible place presenting itself, i considered it wisdom to make an attempt to build up a city." contemporary accounts say that most of the refugees from missouri suffered from chills and fevers during their first year in the new settlement. smith, in his autobiography, laments the mortality among the settlers. the rev. henry caswall, in his description of three days at nauvoo in , says:-- "i was informed again and again in montrose, iowa, that nearly half of the english who emigrated to nauvoo in died soon after their arrival... in his sermon at montrose in may , , the following words of most christian consolation were delivered by the prophet to the poor deluded english: 'many of the english who have lately come here have expressed great disappointment on their arrival. such persons have every reason to be satisfied in this beautiful and fertile country. if they choose to complain, they may; but i don't want to be troubled with their complaints. if they are not satisfied here, i have only this to say to them, "don't stay whining about me, but go back to england, and go to h--l and be d--d."'"* *"city of the mormons," p. . brigham young, in after years, thus spoke of smith's exhibition of miraculous healing during the year after their arrival in illinois: "joseph commenced in his own house and dooryard, commanding the sick, in the name of jesus christ, to arise and be made whole, and they were healed according to his word. he then continued to travel from house to house, healing the sick as he went."* any attempt to reconcile this statement by young with the previously cited testimony about the mortality of the place would be futile. * "life of brigham young" (cannon & son, publishers), p. . the growth of the town, however, was more rapid than that of any of the former mormon settlements. the united states census shows that the population of hancock county, illinois, increased from in to in . statements regarding the population of nauvoo during the mormon occupancy are conflicting and often exaggerated. in a letter to the elders in england, printed in the times and seasons of january, , smith said, "there are at present about inhabitants in nauvoo." the same periodical, in an article on the city, on december , , said that it was "a densely populated city of near , inhabitants." a visitor, describing the place in a letter in the columbus (ohio) advocate of march, , said that it contained about persons, and that the buildings were small and much scattered, log cabins predominating. the times and seasons of october, , said, "it will be no more than probably correct if we allow the city to contain between and houses, with a population of , or , ," with two steam mills and other manufacturing concerns in operation. w. w. phelps estimated the population in at , , almost all professed mormons. the times and seasons in said that a census just taken showed a population of , in the city and one third more outside the city limits. as soon as the mormons arrived, nauvoo was laid out in blocks measuring about by feet, with a river frontage of more than three miles. an english visitor to the place in wrote "the city is of great dimensions, laid out in beautiful order; the streets are wide and cross each other at right angles, which will add greatly to its order and magnificence when finished. the city rises on a quick incline from the rolling mississippi, and as you stand near the temple you may gaze on the picturesque scenery round. at your side is the temple, the wonder of the world; round about and beneath you may behold handsome stores, large mansions, and fine cottages, interspersed with varied scenery."* * mackay's "the mormons," p. . whatever the exact population of the place may have been, its rapid growth is indisputable. the cause of this must be sought, not in natural business reasons, such as have given a permanent increase of population to so many of our western cities, but chiefly in active and aggressive proselyting work both in this country and in europe. this work was assisted by the sympathy which the treatment of the mormons had very generally secured for them. copies of mormon bibles were rare outside of the hands of the brethren, and the text of smith's "revelations" bearing on his property designs in missouri was known to comparatively few even in the church. while the nauvoo edition of the "doctrine and covenants" was in course of publication, the times and seasons, on january , , said that it would be published in the spring, "but, many of our readers being deprived of the privilege of perusing its valuable pages, we insert the first section." mormon emissaries took advantage of this situation to tell their story in their own way at all points of the compass. meetings were held in the large cities of the eastern states to express sympathy with these victims of the opponents of "freedom of religious opinion," and to raise money for their relief, and the voice of the press, from the mississippi to the atlantic, was, without a discovered exception, on the side of the refugees. this paved the way for a vast extension of that mission work which began with the trip of cowdery and his associates in , was expanded throughout this country while the saints were at kirtland, and was extended to foreign lands in . the missionaries sent out in the early days of the church represented various degrees of experience and qualification. there were among them men like orson hyde and willard richards, who, although they gave up secular callings on entering the church, were close students of the scriptures and debaters who could hold their own, when it came to an interpretation of the scriptures, before any average audience. many were sent out without any especial equipment for their task. john d. lee, describing his first trip, says:-- "i started forth an illiterate, inexperienced person, without purse or scrip. i could hardly quote a passage of scripture. yet i went forth to say to the world that i was a minister of the gospel." he was among the successful proselyters, and rose to influence in the church.* of the requirement that the missionaries should be beggars, lorenzo snow, who was sent out on a mission from kirtland in , says, "it was a severe trial to my natural feelings of independence to go without purse or scrip especially the purse; for, from the time i was old enough to work, the feeling that 'i paid my way' always seemed a necessary adjunct to self respect." * for an account of his travels and successes, see "mormonism unveiled." parley p. pratt, in a letter to smith from new york in november, , describing the success of the work in the united states, says, "you would now find churches of the saints in philadelphia, in albany, in brooklyn, in new york, in sing sing, in jersey, in pennsylvania, on long island, and in various other places all around us," and he speaks of the "spread of the work" in michigan and maine. the importance of england as a field from which to draw emigrants to the new settlement was early recognized at nauvoo, and in such lights of the church as brigham young, heber c. kimball, p. p. pratt, orson pratt, john taylor, wilford woodruff, and george a. smith, of the quorum of the twelve apostles, were sent to cultivate that field. there they ordained willard richards an apostle, preached and labored for over a year, established a printing-office which turned out a vast amount of mormon literature, including their bible and "doctrine and covenants," and began the publication of the millennial star. in orson hyde was sent on a mission to the jews in london, amsterdam, constantinople, and jerusalem, and the same year missionaries were sent to australia, wales, ireland, the isle of man, and the east indies. in a missionary was sent to the sandwich islands; in others were sent to france, denmark, sweden, norway and iceland, italy, and switzerland; in ten more elders were sent to the sandwich islands; in four converts were baptized in hindostan; in a branch of the church was organized at malta; in three elders reached the cape of good hope; and in two began work in holland, but with poor success. we shall see that this proselyting labor has continued with undiminished industry to the present day, in all parts of the united states as well as in foreign lands. england provided an especially promising field for mormon missionary work. the great manufacturing towns contained hundreds of people, densely ignorant,* superstitious, and so poor that the ownership of a piece of land in their own country was practically beyond the limit of their ambition. these people were naturally susceptible to the mormon teachings, easily imposed upon by stories of alleged miracles, and ready to migrate to any part of the earth where a building lot or a farm was promised them. the letters from the first missionaries in england gave glowing reports of the results of their labors. thus wilford woodruff, writing from manchester in , said, "the work has been so rapid it was impossible to ascertain the exact number belonging to each branch, but the whole number is churches, members, officers, all of which had embraced the work in less than four months." lorenzo snow, in a letter from london in april, , said: "throughout all england, in almost every town and city of any considerable importance, we have chapels or public halls in which we meet for public worship. all over this vast kingdom the laws of zion are rolling onward with the most astonishing rapidity." * "it has been calculated that there are in england and wales six million persons who can neither read nor write, that is to say, about one-third of the population, including, of course, infants; but of all the children more than one-half attend no place of public instruction."--dickens, "household words." the visiting missionaries began their work in england at preston, lancashire, in or , and soon secured there some five hundred converts. then they worked on each side of the ribble, making converts in all the villages, and gaining over a few farm owners and mechanics of some means. their method was first to drop hints to the villagers that the holy bible is defective in translation and incomplete, and that the mormon bible corrects all these defects. not able to hold his own in any theological discussion, the rustic was invited to a meeting. at that meeting the missionary would announce that he would speak simply as the lord directed him, and he would then present the mormon view of their bible and prophet. as soon as converts were won over, they were immersed, at night, and given the sacrament. then they were initiated into the secret "church meeting," to which only the faithful were admitted, and where the flock were told of visions and "gifts," and exhorted to stand firm (along with their earthly goods) for the church, and warned against apostasy. one way in which the prophetic gift of the missionaries was proved in the early days in england was as follows: "whenever a candidate was immersed, some of the brethren was given a letter signed by hyde and kimball, setting forth that 'brother will not abide in the spirit of the lord, but will reject the truth, and become the enemy of the people of god, etc., etc.' if the brother did not apostatize, this letter remained unopened; if he did, it was read as a striking verification of prophecy."* * caswall's "city of the mormons," appendix. miracles exerted a most potent influence among the people in england with whom the early missionaries labored, and the millennial star contains a long list of reported successes in this line. there are accounts of very clumsy tricks that were attempted to carry out the deception. thus, at newport, wales, three mormon elders announced that they would raise a dead man to life. the "corpse" was laid out and surrounded by weeping friends, and the elders were about to begin their incantations, when a doubting thomas in the audience attacked the "corpse" with a whip, and soon had him fleeing for dear life.* * tract by rev. f. b. ashley, p. . thomas webster, who was baptized in england in by orson hyde and became an elder, saw the falsity of the mormon professions through the failure of their miracles and other pretensions, and, after renouncing their faith, published a pamphlet exposing their methods. he relates many of the declarations made by the first missionaries in preston to their ignorant hearers. hyde declared that the apostles peter, james, and john were still alive. he and kimball asserted that neither of them would "taste death" before christ's second coming. at one meeting kimball predicted that in ten or fifteen years the sea would be dried up between liverpool and america. "one of the most glaring things they ever brought before the public," says webster, "was stated in a letter written by orson hyde to the brethren in preston, saying they were on the way to the promised land in missouri by hundreds, and the wagons reached a mile in length. they fell in with some of their brethren in canada, who told him the lord had been raining down manna in rich profusion, which covered from seven to ten acres of land. it was like wafers dipped in honey, and both saints and sinners partook of it. i was present in the pulpit when this letter was read." however ridiculous such methods may appear, their success in great britain was great.* in three years after the arrival of the first missionaries, the general conference reported a membership of in england alone; in the general conference reported that the mormons in england and scotland numbered , , and in wales . the report for june, , showed a total of , in the united kingdom, and said, "during the last fourteen years more than , have been baptized in england, of which nearly , have migrated from her shores to zion." in the years between and it was estimated that foreign converts settled in and around nauvoo.** * "there is no page of religious history which more proudly tells its story than that which relates this peculiar phase of mormon experience. the excitement was contagious, even affecting persons in the higher ranks of social life, and the result was a grand outpouring of spiritual and miraculous healing power of the most astonishing description. miracles were heard of everywhere, and numerous competent and most reliable witnesses bore testimony to their genuineness."--"rocky mountain saints," p. . ** two of the most intelligent english converts, who did proselyting work for the church and in later years saw their error, have given testimony concerning this work in great britain. john hyde, jr., summing up in the proselyting system, said: "enthusiasm is the secret of the great success of mormon proselyting; it is the universal characteristic of the people when proselyted; it is the hidden and strong cord that leads them to utah, and the iron clamp that keeps them there."--"mormonism," p. . stenhouse says: "mormonism in england, scotland and wales was a grand triumph, and was fast ripening for a vigorous campaign in continental europe" (when polygamy was pronounced). the emigration of mormon converts from great britain to the united states, in its earlier stages, was thoroughly systemized by the church authorities in this country. the first record of the movement of any considerable body tells of a company of about two hundred who sailed for new york from liverpool in august, , on the ship north american, in charge of two elders. a second vessel with emigrants, the shefeld, sailed from bristol to new york in february, . the expense of the trip from new york to nauvoo proved in excess of the means of many of these immigrants, some of whom were obliged to stop at kirtland and other places in ohio. this led to a change of route, by which vessels sailed from british ports direct to new orleans, the immigrants ascending the mississippi to nauvoo. the extent of this movement to the time of the departure of the saints from nauvoo is thus given by james linforth, who says the figures are "as complete and correct as it is possible now to make them*":-- * "route from liverpool to great salt lake valley," . year *** no. of vessels *** no. of emigrants - total the mormon agents in england would charter a vessel at an english port* when a sufficient company had assembled and announce their intention to embark. the emigrants would be notified of the date of sailing, and an agent would accompany them all the way to nauvoo. men with money were especially desired, as were mechanics of all kinds, since the one sound business view that seems to have been taken by the leaders at nauvoo was that it would be necessary to establish manufactures there if the people were to be able to earn a living. in some instances the passage money was advanced to the converts. * for dickens's description of one of these vessels ready to sail, see "the uncommercial traveller," chap. xxii chapter iv. -- the nauvoo city government--temple and other buildings a tide of immigration having been turned toward the new settlement, the next thing in order was to procure for the city a legal organization. several circumstances combined to place in the hands of the mormon leaders a scheme of municipal government, along with an extensive plan for buildings, which gave them vast power without incurring the kind of financial rocks on which they were wrecked in ohio. dr. galland* should probably be considered the inventor of the general scheme adopted at nauvoo. he was at that time a resident of cincinnati, but his intercourse with the mormons had interested him in their beliefs, and some time in he addressed a letter to elder r. b. thompson, which gave the church leaders some important advice.** first warning them that to promulgate new doctrinal tenets will require not only tact and energy, but moral conduct and industry among their people, he confessed that he had not been able to discover why their religious views were not based on truth. "the project of establishing extraordinary religious doctrines being magnificent in its character," he went on to say, would require "preparations commensurate with the plan." nauvoo being a suitable rallying-place, they would "want a temple that for size, proportions and style shall attract, surprise and dazzle all beholders"; something "unique externally, and in the interior peculiar, imposing and grand." the "clergymen" must be of the best as regards mental and vocal equipment, and there should be a choir such as "was never before organized." a college, too, would be of great value if funds for it could be collected. * "in the year one dr. galland was a candidate for the legislature in a district composed of hancock, adams, and pike counties. he resided in the county of hancock, and, as he had in the early part of his life been a notorious horse thief and counterfeiter, belonging to the massac gang, and was then no pretender to integrity, it was useless to deny the charge. in all his speeches he freely admitted the fact."--"ford's history of illinois," p. . ** times and seasons, vol. ii, pp. - . the letter is signed with eight asterisks galland's usual signature to such communications. these suggestions were accepted by smith, with some important additional details, and they found place in the longest of the "revelations" given out by him in illinois (sec. i ), the one, previously quoted from, in which the lord excused the failure to set up a zion in missouri. there seemed to be some hesitation about giving out this "revelation." it is dated after the meeting of the general conference at nauvoo which ordered the building of a church there, and it was not published in the times and seasons until the following june, and then not entire. the "revelation" shows how little effect adversity had had in modifying the prophet's egotism, his arrogance, or his aggressiveness. starting out with, "verily, thus with the lord unto you, my servant joseph smith, i am well pleased with your offerings and acknowledgments," it calls on him to make proclamation to the kings of the world, the president of the united states, and the governors of the states concerning the lord's will, "fearing them not, for they are as grass," and warning them of "a day of visitation if they reject my servants and my testimony." various direct commands to leading members of the church follow. galland here found himself in smith's clutches, being directed to "put stock" into the boardinghouse to be built. the principal commands in this "revelation" directed the building of another "holy house," or temple, and a boardinghouse. with regard to the temple it was explained that the lord would show smith everything about it, including its site. all the saints from afar were ordered to come to nauvoo, "with all your gold, and your silver, and your precious stones, and with all your antiquities,... and bring the box tree, and the fir tree, and the pine tree, together with all the precious trees of the earth, and with iron, with copper, and with brass, and with zinc, and with all your most precious things of the earth." the boarding-house ordered built was to be called nauvoo house, and was to be "a house that strangers may come from afar to lodge therein... a resting place for the weary traveler, that he may contemplate the glory of zion." it was explained that a company must be formed, the members of which should pay not less than $ a share for the stock, no subscriber to be allotted more than $ worth. this "revelation" further announced once more that joseph was to be "a presiding elder over all my church, to be a translator, a revelator, a seer and a prophet," with sidney rigdon and william law his counsellors, to constitute with him the first presidency, and brigham young to be president over the twelve travelling council. legislation was, of course, necessary to carry out the large schemes that the mormon leaders had in mind; but this was secured at the state capital with a liberality that now seems amazing. this was due to the desire of the politicians of all parties to conciliate the mormon vote, and to the good fortune of the mormons in finding at the capital a very practical lobbyist to engineer their cause. this was a dr. john c. bennett, a man who seems to have been without any moral character, but who had filled positions of importance. born in massachusetts in , he practised as a physician in ohio, and later in illinois, holding a professorship in willoughby university, ohio, and taking with him to illinois testimonials as to his professional skill. in the latter state he showed a taste for military affairs, and after being elected brigadier general of the invincible dragoons, he was appointed quartermaster general of the state in , and held that position at the state capital when the mormons applied to the legislature for a charter for nauvoo. with his assistance there was secured from the legislature an act incorporating the city of nauvoo, the nauvoo legion, and the university of the city of nauvoo. the powers granted to the city government thus established were extraordinary. a city council was authorized, consisting of the mayor, four aldermen, and nine councillors, which was empowered to pass any ordinances, not in conflict with the federal and state constitutions, which it deemed necessary for the peace and order of the city. the mayor and aldermen were given all the power of justices of the peace, and they were to constitute the municipal court. the charter gave the mayor sole jurisdiction in all cases arising under the city ordinances, with a right of appeal to the municipal court. further than this, the charter granted to the municipal court the right to issue writs of habeas corpus in all cases arising under the city ordinances. thirty-six sections were required to define the legislative powers of the city council. a more remarkable scheme of independent local government could not have been devised even by the leaders of this mormon church, and the shortsightedness of the law makers in consenting to it seems nothing short of marvellous. under it the mayor, who helped to make the local laws (as a member of the city council), was intrusted with their enforcement, and he could, as the head of the municipal court, give them legal interpretation. governor ford afterward defined the system as "a government within a government; a legislature to pass ordinances at war with the laws of the state; courts to execute them with but little dependence upon the constitutional judiciary, and a military force at their own command." * * a bill repealing this charter was passed by the illinois house on february , , by a vote of fifty-eight to thirty-three, but failed in the senate by a vote of sixteen ayes to seventeen nays. this military force, called the nauvoo legion, the city council was authorized to organize from the inhabitants of the city who were subject to military duty. it was to be at the disposal of the mayor in executing city laws and ordinances, and of the governor of the state for the public defence. when organized, it embraced three classes of troops--flying artillery, lancers, and riflemen. its independence of state control was provided for by a provision of law which allowed it to be governed by a court martial of its own officers. the view of its independence taken by the mormons may be seen in the following general order signed by smith and bennett in may, , founded on an opinion by judge stephen a. douglas:--"the officers and privates belonging to the legion are exempt from all military duty not required by the legally constituted authorities thereof; they are therefore expressly inhibited from performing any military service not ordered by the general officers, or directed by the court martial."* * times and seasons, vol. ii, p. . governor ford commissioned brigham young to succeed smith as lieutenant general of the legion from august , . to show the mormon idea of authority, the following is quoted from tullidge's "life of brigham young," p. : "it is a singular fact that, after washington, joseph smith was the first man in america who held the rank of lieutenant general, and that brigham young was the next. in reply to a comment by the author upon this fact brigham young said: 'i was never much of a military man. the commission has since been abrogated by the state of illinois; but if joseph had lived when the (mexican) war broke out he would have become commander-in chief of the united states armies.'" in other words, this city military company was entirely independent of even the governor of the state. little wonder that the presidency, writing about the new law to the saints abroad, said, "'tis all we ever claimed." in view of the experience of the missourians with the mormons as directed by smith and rigdon, it would be rash to say that they would have been tolerated as neighbors in illinois under any circumstances, after their actual acquaintance had been made; but if the state of illinois had deliberately intended to incite the mormons to a reckless assertion of independence, nothing could have been planned that would have accomplished this more effectively than the passage of the charter of nauvoo. what next followed remains an unexplained incident in joseph smith's career. instead of taking the mayoralty himself, he allowed that office to be bestowed upon bennett, smith and rigdon accepting places among the councillors, bennett having taken up his residence in nauvoo in september, . his election as mayor took place in february, . bennet was also chosen major general of the legion when that force was organized, was selected as the first chancellor of the new university, and was elected to the first presidency of the church in the following april, to take the place of sidney rigdon during the incapacity of the latter from illness. judge stephen a. douglas also appointed him a master in chancery. bennett was introduced to the mormon church at large in a letter signed by smith, rigdon, and brother hyrum, dated january , , as the first of the new acquisitions of influence. they stated that his sympathies with the saints were aroused while they were still in missouri, and that he then addressed them a letter offering them his assistance, and the church was assured that "he is a man of enterprise, extensive acquirements, and of independent mind, and is calculated to be a great blessing to our community." when his appointment as a master in chancery was criticised by some illinois newspapers, the mormons defended him earnestly, sidney rigdon (then attorney-at-law and postmaster at nauvoo), in a letter dated april , , said, "he is a physician of great celebrity, of great versatility of talent, of refined education and accomplished manners; discharges the duties of his respective offices with honor to himself and credit to the people." all this becomes of interest in the light of the abuse which the mormons soon after poured out upon this man when he "betrayed" them. bennett's inaugural address as mayor was radical in tone. he advised the council to prohibit all dram shops, allowing no liquor to be sold in a quantity less than a quart. this suggestion was carried out in a city ordinance. he condemned the existing system of education, which gave children merely a smattering of everything, and made "every boarding school miss a plato in petticoats, without an ounce of genuine knowledge," pleading for education "of a purely practical character." the legion he considered a matter of immediate necessity, and he added, "the winged warrior of the air perches upon the pole of american liberty, and the beast that has the temerity to ruffle her feathers should be made to feel the power of her talons." smith was commissioned lieutenant general of this legion by governor carlin on february , , and he and bennett blossomed out at once as gorgeous commanders. an order was issued requiring all persons in the city, of military obligation, between the ages of eighteen and forty-five, to join the legion, and on the occasion of the laying of the corner-stone of the temple, on april , , it comprised fourteen companies. an army officer passing through nauvoo in september, , expressed the opinion that the evolutions of the legion would do honor to any militia in the united states, but he queried: "why this exact discipline of the mormon corps? do they intend to conquer missouri, illinois, mexico? before many years this legion will be twenty, perhaps fifty, thousand strong and still augmenting. a fearful host, filled with religious enthusiasm, and led on by ambitious and talented officers, what may not be effected by them? perhaps the subversion of the constitution of the united states." * * mackay's "the mormons," p. . contemporary accounts of the appearance of the legion on the occasion of the laying of the temple corner-stone indicate that the display was a big one for a frontier settlement. smith says in his autobiography, "the appearance, order, and movements of the legion were chaste, grand, imposing." the times and seasons, in its report of the day's doings, says that general smith had a staff of four aides-de-camp and twelve guards, "nearly all in splendid uniforms. the several companies presented a beautiful and interesting spectacle, several of them being uniformed and equipped, while the rich and costly dresses of the officers would have become a bonaparte or a washington." ladies on horseback were an added feature of the procession. the ceremonies attending the cornerstone laying attracted the people from all the outlying districts, and marked an epoch in the church's history in illinois. the temple at nauvoo measured by feet on the ground, and was nearly feet high, surmounted by a steeple which was planned to be more than feet in height. the material was white limestone, which was found underlying the site of the city. the work of construction continued throughout the occupation of nauvoo by the mormons, the laying of the capstone not being accomplished until may , , and the dedication taking place on may , . the cost of the completed structure was estimated by the mormons at $ , , .* among the costly features were thirty stone pilasters, which cost $ each. * "the temple is said to have cost, in labor and money, a million dollars. it may be possible, and it is very probable, that contributions to that amount were made to it, but that it cost that much to build it few will believe. half that sum would be ample to build a much more costly edifice to-day, and in the three or four years in which it was being erected, labor was cheap and all the necessaries of life remarkably low."--gregg's "history of hancock county," p. . the portico of the temple was surrounded by these pilasters of polished stone, on the base of which was carved a new moon, the capital of each being a representation of the rising sun coming from under a cloud, supported by two hands holding a trumpet. under the tower were the words, in golden letters: "the house of the lord, built by the church of latter-day saints. commenced april , . holiness to the lord." the baptismal font measured twelve by sixteen feet, with a basin four feet deep. it was supported by twelve oxen "carved out of fine plank glued together," says smith, "and copied after the most beautiful five-year-old steer that could be found." from the basement two stairways led to the main floor, around the sides of which were small rooms designed for various uses. in the large room on this floor were three pulpits and a place for the choir. the upper floor contained a large hall, and around this were twelve smaller rooms. the erection of this temple was carried on without incurring such debts or entering upon such money-making schemes as caused disaster at kirtland. labor and material were secured by successful appeals to the saints on the ground and throughout the world. here the tithing system inaugurated in missouri played an efficient part. a man from the neighboring country who took produce to nauvoo for sale or barter said, "in the committee rooms they had almost every conceivable thing, from all kinds of implements and men and women's clothing, down to baby clothes and trinkets, which had been deposited by the owners as tithing or for the benefit of the temple." * * gregg's "history of hancock county," p. nauvoo house, as planned, was to have a frontage of two hundred feet and a depth of forty feet, and to be three stories in height, with a basement. its estimated cost was $ , .* a detailed explanation of the uses of this house was thus given in a letter from the twelve to the saints abroad, dated november , :-- * times and seasons, vol. ii, p. . "the time set to favor the stakes of zion is at hand, and soon the kings and the queens, the princes and the nobles, the rich and the honorable of the earth, will come up hither to visit the temple of our god, and to inquire concerning this strange work; and as kings are to become nursing fathers, and queens nursing mothers in the habitation of the righteous, it is right to render honor to whom honor is due; and therefore expedient that such, as well as the saints, should have a comfortable house for boarding and lodging when they come hither, and it is according to the revelations that such a house should be built... all are under equal obligations to do all in their power to complete the buildings by their faith and their prayers; with their thousands and their mites, their gold and their silver, their copper and their zinc, their goods and their labors." nauvoo house was not finished during the prophet's life, the appeals in its behalf failing to secure liberal contributions. it was completed in later years, and used as a hotel. smith's residence in nauvoo was a frame building called the mansion house, not far from the r*iver side. it was opened as a hotel on october , , with considerable ceremony, one of the toasts responded to being as follows, "resolved, that general joseph smith, whether we view him as a prophet at the head of the church, a general at the head of the legion, a mayor at the head of the city council, or a landlord at the head of the table, has few equals and no superiors." another church building was the hall of the seventies, the upper story of which was used for the priesthood and the council of fifty. galland's suggestion about a college received practical shape in the incorporation of a university, in whose board of regents the leading men of the church, including galland himself, found places. the faculty consisted of james keeley, a graduate of trinity college, dublin, as president; orson pratt as professor of mathematics and english literature; orson spencer, a graduate of union college and the baptist theological seminary in new york, as professor of languages; and sidney rigdon as professor of church history. the tuition fee was $ per quarter. chapter v. -- the mormons in politics--missouri requisitions for smith the mormons were now equipped in their new home with large landed possessions, a capital city that exhibited a phenomenal growth, and a form of local government which made nauvoo a little independency of itself; their prophet wielding as much authority and receiving as much submission as ever; a temple under way which would excel anything that had been designed in ohio or missouri, and a stream of immigration pouring in which gave assurance of continued numerical increase. what were the causes of the complete overthrow of this apparent prosperity which so speedily followed? these causes were of a twofold character, political and social. the two were interwoven in many ways, but we can best trace them separately. we have seen that a democratic organization gave the first welcome to the mormon refugees at quincy. in the presidential campaign of the vote of illinois had been: democratic, , , whig, , ; that of hancock county, democratic, , whig, . the closeness of this vote explained the welcome that was extended to the new-comers. it does not appear that smith had any original party predilections. but he was not pleased with questions which president van buren asked him when he was in washington (from november, , to february, ) seeking federal aid to secure redress from missouri, and he wrote to the high council from that city, "we do not say the saints shall not vote for him, but we do say boldly (though it need not be published in the streets of nauvoo, neither among the daughters of the gentiles), that we do not intend he shall have our votes."* * millennial star, vol. xvii, p. . on his return to illinois smith was toadied to by the workers of both parties. he candidly told them that he had no faith in either; but the whigs secured his influence, and, by an intimation that there was divine authority for their course, the mormon vote was cast for harrison, giving him a majority of in hancock county. in order to keep the democrats in good humor, the mormons scratched the last name on the whig electoral ticket (abraham lincoln)* and substituted that of a democrat. this demonstration of their political weight made the mormons an object of consideration at the state capital, and was the direct cause of the success of the petition which they sent there, signed by some thousands of names, asking for a charter for nauvoo. the representatives of both parties were eager to show them favor. bennett, in a letter to the times and seasons from springfield, spoke of the readiness of all the members to vote for what the mormons wanted, adding that "lincoln had the magnanimity to vote for our act, and came forward after the final vote and congratulated me on its passage." *this is mentioned in "joab's" (bermett's) letter, times and seasons, vol, ii, p. . in the gubernatorial campaign of - smith swung the mormon vote back to the democrats, giving them a majority of more than one thousand in the county. this was done publicly, in a letter addressed "to my friends in illinois,"* dated december , , in which the prophet, after pointing out that no persons at the state capital were more efficient in securing the passage of the nauvoo charter than the heads of the present democratic ticket, made this declaration:-- * times and seasons, vol. iii, p. . "the partisans in this county who expect to divide the friends of humanity and equal rights will find themselves mistaken. we care not a fig for whig or democrat; they are both alike to us; but we shall go for our friends, our tried friends, and the cause of human liberty which is the cause of god.... snyder and moore are known to be our friends.... we will never be justly charged with the sin of ingratitude,--they have served us, and we will serve them." if smith had been a man possessing any judgment, he would have realized that the political course which he was pursuing, instead of making friends in either party, would certainly soon arraign both parties against him and his followers. the mormons announced themselves distinctly to be a church, and they were now exhibiting themselves as a religious body already numerically strong and increasing in numbers, which stood ready to obey the political mandate of one man, or at least of one controlling authority. the natural consequence of this soon manifested itself. a congressional and a county election were approaching, and a mass meeting, made up of both whigs and democrats of hancock county, was held to place in the field a non-mormon county ticket. the fusion was not accomplished without heart-burnings on the part of some unsuccessful aspirants for nominations. a few of these went over to smith, and the election resulted in the success of the state democratic and the mormon local ticket, legislative and county, smith's brother william being elected to the house. it is easy to realize that this victory did not lessen smith's aggressive egotism. some important matters were involved in the next political contest, the congressional election of august, . the whigs nominated cyrus walker, a lawyer of reputation living in mcdonough county, and the democrats j. p. hoge, also a lawyer, but a weaker candidate at the polls. every one conceded that smith's dictum would decide the contest. on may , , governor boggs of missouri, while sitting near a window in his house in independence, was fired at, and wounded so severely that his recovery was for some days in doubt. the crime was naturally charged to his mormon enemies,* and was finally narrowed down to o. p. rockwell,** a mormon living in nauvoo, as the agent, and joseph smith, jr., as the instigator. indictments were found against both of them in missouri, and a requisition for smith's surrender was made by the governor of that state on the governor of illinois. smith was arrested under the governor's warrant. now came an illustration of the value to him of the form of government provided by the nauvoo charter. taken before his own municipal court, he was released at once on a writ of habeas corpus. this assumption of power by a local court aroused the indignation of non-mormons throughout the state. governor carlin characterized it somewhat later, in a letter to smith's wife, as "most absurd and ridiculous; to attempt to exercise it is a gross usurpation of power that cannot be tolerated."*** * the hatred felt toward governor boggs by the mormon leaders was not concealed. thus, an editorial in the times and seasons of january , , headed "lilburn w. boggs," began, "the thing whose name stands at the head of this article," etc. referring to the ending of his term of office, the article said, "lilburn has gone down to the dark and dreary abode of his brother and prototype, nero, there to associate with kindred spirits and partake of the dainties of his father's, the devil's, table." bennett afterward stated that he heard joseph smith say, on july , , that governor boggs, "the exterminator, should be exterminated," and that the destroying angels (danites) should do it; also that in the spring of that year he heard smith, at a meeting of danites, offer to pay any man $ who would secretly assassinate the governor. bennett's statement is only cited for what it may be worth; that some mormon fired the shot is within the limit of strict probability. ** rockwell, who, in his latter days, was employed by general connor to guard stock in california, told the general that he fired the shot at governor boggs, and was sorry it did not kill him.--"mormon portraits," p. . *** millennial star, vol. xx, p. . notwithstanding his release, smith thought it best to remain in hiding for some time to escape another arrest, for which the governor ordered a reward of $ . about the middle of august his associates in nauvoo concluded that the outlook for him was so bad, notwithstanding the protection which his city court was ready to afford, that it might be best for him to flee to the pine woods of the north country. smith incorporates in his autobiography a long letter which he wrote to his wife at this time,* giving her directions about this flight if it should become necessary. their goods were to be loaded on a boat manned by twenty of the best men who could be selected, and who would meet them at prairie du chien: "and from thence we will wend our way like larks up the mississippi, until the towering mountains and rocks shall remind us of the places of our nativity, and shall look like safety and home; and there we will bid defiance to carlin, boggs, bennett, and all their whorish whores and motley clan, that follow in their wake, missouri not excepted, and until the damnation of hell rolls upon them by the voice and dread thunders and trump of the eternal god." * ibid., pp. - . in october rigdon obtained from justin butterfield, united states attorney for illinois, an opinion that smith could not be held on a missouri requisition for a crime committed in that state when he was in illinois. in december, , smith was placed under arrest and taken before the united states district court at springfield, illinois, under a writ of habeas corpus issued by judge roger b. taney of the state supreme court. butterfield, as his counsel, secured his discharge by judge pope (a whig) who held that smith was not a fugitive from missouri. while these proceedings were pending, the nauvoo city council (smith was then mayor), passed two ordinances in regard to the habeas corpus powers of the municipal court, one giving that court jurisdiction in any case where a person "shall be or stand committed or detained for any criminal, or supposed criminal, matter."* this was intended to make smith secure from the clutches of any missouri officer so long as he was in his own city. * for text of these ordinances, see millennial star, vol. xx, p. . but smith's enemy, general bennett (who before this date had been cast out of the fold), was now very active, and through his efforts another indictment against smith on the old charges of treason, murder, etc., was found in missouri, in june, , and under it another demand was made on the governor of illinois for smith's extradition. governor ford, a democrat, who had succeeded carlin, issued a warrant on june , , and it was served on smith while he was visiting his wife's sister in lee county, illinois. an attempt to start with him at once for missouri was prevented by his mormon friends, who rallied in considerable numbers to his aid. smith secured counsel, who began proceedings against the missouri agent and obtained a writ in smith's behalf returnable, the account in the times and seasons says, before the nearest competent tribunal, which "it was ascertained was at nauvoo"--smith's own municipal court. the prophet had a sort of triumphal entry into nauvoo, and the question of the jurisdiction of the municipal court in his case came up at once. both of the candidates for congress, walker (who was employed as his counsel) and hoge, gave opinions in favor of such jurisdiction, and, after a three hours' plea by walker, the court ordered smith's release. smith addressed the people of nauvoo in the grove after his return. from the report of his remarks in the journal of discourses (vol. ii, p. ) the following is taken: "before i will bear this unhallowed persecution any longer, before i will be dragged away again among my enemies for trial, i will spill the last drop of blood in my veins, and will see all my enemies in hell.... deny me the writ of habeas corpus, and i will fight with gun, sword, cannon, whirlwind, thunder, until they are used up like the kilkenny cats.... if these [charter] powers are dangerous, then the constitutions of the united states and of this state are dangerous. if the legislature has granted nauvoo the right of determining cases of habeas corpus, it is no more than they ought to have done, or more than our fathers fought for." smith expressed his gratitude to walker for what the latter had accomplished in his behalf, and the whig candidate now had no doubt that the mormon vote was his. but the missouri agent, indignant that a governor's writ should be set aside by a city court, hurried to springfield and demanded that governor ford should call out enough state militia to secure smith's arrest and delivery at the missouri boundary. the governor, who was not a man of the firmest purpose, had no intention of being mixed up in the pending congressional fight and struggle for the mormon vote; so he asked for delay and finally decided not to call out any troops. the hancock county democrats were quick to see an opportunity in this situation, and they sent to springfield a man named backenstos (who took an active part in the violent scenes connected with the subsequent history of the mormons in the state) to ascertain for the mormons just what the governor's intentions were. backenstos reported that the prophet need have no fear of the democratic governor so long as the mormons voted the democratic ticket.* * governor ford, in his "history of illinois," says that such a pledge was given by a prominent democrat, but without his own knowledge. when this news was brought back to nauvoo, a few days before the election, a mass meeting of the mormons was called, and hyrum smith (then patriarch, succeeding the prophet's father, who was dead) announced the receipt of a "revelation" directing the mormons to vote for hoge. william law, an influential business man in the mormon circle, immediately denied the existence of any such "revelation." the prophet alone could decide the matter. he was brought in and made a statement to the effect that he himself proposed to vote for walker; that he considered it a "mean business" to influence any man's vote by dictation, and that he had no great faith in revelations about elections; "but brother hyrum was a man of truth; he had known brother hyrum intimately ever since he was a boy, and he had never known him to tell a lie. if brother hyrum said he had received such a revelation, he had no doubt it was a fact. when the lord speaks, let all the earth be silent." * * ford's"history of illinois," p. . the election resulted in the choice of hoge by a majority of ! chapter vi. -- smith a candidate for president of the united states smith's latest triumph over his missouri enemies, with the feeling that he had the governor of his state back of him, increased his own and his followers' audacity. the nauvoo council continued to pass ordinances to protect its inhabitants from outside legal processes, civil and criminal. one of these provided that no writ issued outside of nauvoo for the arrest of a person in that city should be executed until it had received the mayor's approval, anyone violating this ordinance to be liable to imprisonment for life, with no power of pardon in the governor without the mayor's consent! the acquittal of o. p. rockwell on the charge of the attempted assassination of governor boggs caused great delight among the mormons, and their organ declared on january , , that "throughout the whole region of country around us those bitter and acrimonious feelings, which have so long been engendered by many, are dying away." smith's political ideas now began to broaden. "who shall be our next president?" was the title of an editorial in the times and seasons of october , , which urged the selection of a man who would be most likely to give the mormons help in securing redress for their grievances. the next month smith addressed a letter to henry clay and john c. calhoun, who were the leading candidates for the presidential nomination, citing the mormons' losses and sufferings in missouri, and their failure to obtain redress in the courts or from congress, and asking, "what will be your rule of action relative to us as a people should fortune favor your ascendancy to the chief magistracy? "clay replied that, if nominated, he could "enter into no engagements, make no promises, give no pledges to any particular portion of the people of the united states," adding, "if i ever enter into that high office, i must go into it free and unfettered, with no guarantees but such as are to be drawn from my whole life, character and conduct." he closed with an expression of sympathy with the mormons "in their sufferings under injustice." calhoun replied that, if elected president, he would try to administer the government according to the constitution and the laws, and that, as these made no distinction between citizens of different religious creeds, he should make none. he repeated an opinion which he had given smith in washington that the mormon case against the state of missouri did not come within the jurisdiction of the federal government. these replies excited smith to wrath and he answered them at length, and in language characteristic of himself. a single quotation from his letter to clay (dated may , ) will suffice:-- "in your answer to my question, last fall, that peculiar trait of the modern politician, declaring 'if you ever enter into that high office, you must go into it unfettered, with no guarantees but such as are to be drawn from your whole life, character and conduct,' so much resembles a lottery vender's sign, with the goddess of good luck sitting on the car of fortune, astraddle of the horn of plenty, and driving the merry steeds of beatitude, without reins or bridle, that i cannot help exclaiming, 'o, frail man, what have you done that will exalt you? can anything be drawn from your life, character or conduct that is worthy of being held up to the gaze of this nation as a model of virtue, character and wisdom?'... 'your whole life, character and conduct' have been spotted with deeds that causes a blush upon the face of a virtuous patriot; so you must be contented with your lot, while crime, cowardice, cupidity or low cunning have handed you down from the high tower of a statesman to the black hole of a gambler.... crape the heavens with weeds of woe; gird the earth with sackcloth, and let hell mutter one melody in commemoration of fallen splendor! for the glory of america has departed, and god will set a flaming sword to guard the tree of liberty, while such mint-tithing herods as van buren, boggs, benton, calhoun, and clay are thrust out of the realms of virtue as fit subjects for the kingdom of fallen greatness--vox reprobi, vox diaboli." calhoun was admonished to read the eighth section of article one of the federal constitution, after which "god, who cooled the heat of a nebuchadnezzar's furnace, or shut the mouths of lions for the honor of a daniel, will raise your mind above the narrow notion that the general government has no power, to the sublime idea that congress, with the president as executor, is as almighty in its sphere as jehovah is in his." *for this correspondence in full, see times and seasons, january , and june , , or mackay's "the mormons," p. . smith's next step was to have judge phelps read to a public meeting in nauvoo on february , , a very long address by the prophet, setting forth his views on national politics.* he declared that "no honest man can doubt for a moment but the glory of american liberty is on the wane, and that calamity and confusion will sooner or later destroy the peace of the people," while "the motto hangs on the nation's escutcheon, `every man has his price.'" * for its text, see times and seasons, may , , or mackay's "the mormons," p. . smith proposed an abundance of remedies for these evils: reduce the members of congress at least one-half; pay them $ a day and board; petition the legislature to pardon every convict, and make the punishment for any felony working on the roads or some other place where the culprit can be taught wisdom and virtue, murder alone to be cause for confinement or death; petition for the abolition of slavery by the year , the slaves to be paid for out of the surplus from the sale of public lands, and the money saved by reducing the pay of congress; establish a national bank, with branches in every state and territory, "whose officers shall be elected yearly by the people, with wages of $ a day for services," the currency to be limited to "the amount of capital stock in her vaults, and interest"; "and the bills shall be par throughout the nation, which will mercifully cure that fatal disorder known in cities as brokery, and leave the people's money in their own pockets"; give the president full power to send an army to suppress mobs; "send every lawyer, as soon as he repents and obeys the ordinances of heaven, to preach the gospel to the destitute, without purse or scrip"; "spread the federal jurisdiction to the west sea, when the red men give their consent"; and give the right hand of fellowship to texas, canada, and mexico. he closed with this declaration: "i would, as the universal friend of man, open the prisons, open the eyes, open the ears, and open the hearts of all people to behold and enjoy freedom, unadulterated freedom; and god, who once cleansed the violence of the earth with a flood, whose son laid down his life for the salvation of all his father gave him out of the world, and who has promised that he will come and purify the world again with fire in the last days, should be supplicated by me for the good of all people. with the highest esteem, i am a friend of virtue and of the people." it seems almost incomprehensible that the promulgator of such political views should have taken himself seriously. but smith was in deadly earnest, and not only was he satisfied of his political power, but, in the church conference of , he declared, "i feel that i am in more immediate communication with god, and on a better footing with him, than i have ever been in my life." the announcement of smith's political "principles" was followed immediately by an article in the times and seasons, which answered the question, "whom shall the mormons support for president?" with the reply, "general joseph smith. a man of sterling worth and integrity, and of enlarged views; a man who has raised himself from the humblest walks in life to stand at the head of a large, intelligent, respectable, and increasing society;... and whose experience has rendered him every way adequate to the onerous duty." the formal announcement that smith was the mormon candidate was made in the times and seasons of february , , and the ticket-- for president, general joseph smith, nauvoo, illinois. was kept at the head of its editorial page from march , until his death. a weekly newspaper called the wasp, issued at nauvoo under mormon editorship, had been succeeded by a larger one called the neighbor, edited by john taylor (afterward president of the church), who also had charge of the times and seasons. the neighbor likewise placed smith's name, as the presidential candidate, at the head of its columns, and on march completed its ticket with "general james a. bennett of new york, for vice-president."* three weeks later bennett's name was taken down, and on june , sidney rigdon's was substituted for it. there was nothing modest in the mormon political ambition. * this general bennett was not the first mayor of nauvoo, as some writers like smucker have supposed, but a lawyer who gave his address as "arlington house," on long island, new york, and who in had offered himself to smith as "a most undeviating friend," etc. proof of smith's serious view of his candidacy is furnished in his next step, which was to send out a large body of missionaries (two or three thousand, according to governor ford) to work-up his campaign in the eastern and southern states. these emissaries were selected from among the ablest of smith's allies, including brigham young, lorenzo snow, and john d. lee. their absence from nauvoo was a great misfortune to smith at the time of his subsequent arrest and imprisonment at carthage. the campaigners began work at once. lorenzo snow, to whom the state of ohio was allotted, went to kirtland, where he had several thousand pamphlets printed, setting forth the prophet's views and plans, and he then travelled around in a buggy, distributing the pamphlets and making addresses in smith's behalf. "to many persons," he confesses, "who knew nothing of joseph but through the ludicrous reports in circulation, the movement seemed a species of insanity."* john d. lee was a most devout mormon, but his judgment revolted against this movement. "i would a thousand times rather have been shut up in jail," he says. he began his canvassing while on the boat bound for, st. louis. "i told them," he relates, "the prophet would lead both candidates. there was a large crowd on the boat, and an election was proposed. the prophet received a majority of out of votes polled. this created a tremendous laugh."** * "biography of lorenzo snow." ** "mormonism unveiled," p. . we have an account of one state convention called to consider smith's candidacy, and this was held in the melodeon in boston, massachusetts, on july , , the news of smith's death not yet having reached that city. a party of young rowdies practically took possession of the hall as soon as the business of the convention began, and so disturbed the proceedings that the police were sent for, and they were able to clear the galleries only after a determined fight. the convention then adjourned to bunker hill, but nothing further is heard of its proceedings. the press of the city condemned the action of the disturbers as a disgrace. mention is made in the times and seasons of july , , of a conference of elders held in dresden, tennessee, on the th of may previous, at which smith's name was presented as a presidential candidate. the meeting was broken up by a mob, which the sheriff confessed himself powerless to overcome, but it met later and voted to print three thousand copies of smith's views. the prophet's death, which occurred so soon after the announcement of his candidacy, rendered it impossible to learn how serious a cause of political disturbance that candidacy might have been in neighborhoods where the mormons had a following. chapter vii. -- social conditions in nauvoo having followed smith's political operations to their close, it is now necessary to retrace our steps, and examine the social conditions which prevailed in and around nauvoo during the years of his reign--conditions which had quite as much to do in causing the expulsion of the mormons from the state as did his political mistakes. it must be remembered that nauvoo was a pioneer town, on the borders of a thinly settled country. its population and that of its suburbs consisted of the refugees from missouri, of whose character we have had proof; of the converts brought in from the eastern states and from europe, not a very intelligent body; and of those pioneer settlers, without sympathy with the mormon beliefs, who were attracted to the place from various motives. while active work was continued by the missionaries throughout the united states, their labors in this country seem to have been more efficient in establishing local congregations than in securing large additions to the population of nauvoo, although some "branches" moved bodily to the mormon centre.* * lee's "mormonism unveiled;" p. . of the class of people reached by the early missionaries in england we have this description, in a letter from orson hyde to his wife, dated september , :--"those who have been baptized are mostly manufacturers and some other mechanics. they know how to do but little else than to spin and weave cloth, and make cambric, mull and lace; and what they would do in kirtland or the city of far west, i cannot say. they are extremely poor, most of them not having a change of clothes decent to be baptized in."* * elders' journal, vol. i, no. . in a letter of instructions from smith to the travelling elders in great britain, dated october, , he warned them that the gathering of the saints must be "attended to in the order that the lord intends it should"; and he explains that, as "great numbers of the saints in england are extremely poor,... to prevent confusion and disappointment when they arrive here, let those men who are accustomed to making machinery, and those who can command a capital, though it be small, come here as soon as convenient and put up machinery, and make such other preparations as may be necessary, so that when the poor come on they may have employment to come to." the invitation to all converts having means was so urgent that it took the form of a command. a letter to the saints abroad, signed by joseph and hyrum smith, dated january , , directed those "blessed of heaven with the possession of this world's goods" to sell out as soon as possible and move to nauvoo, adding in italics: "this is agreeable to the order of heaven, and the only principal (sic) on which the gathering can be effected."* * the following is a quotation from a letter written by an american living near nauvoo, dated october , , printed in the postscript to caswall's "the city of the mormons":-- "if an english mormon arrives, the first effort of joe is to get his money. this in most cases is easily accomplished, under a pledge that he can have it at any time on giving ten days' notice. the man after some time calls for his money; he is treated kindly, and told that it is not convenient to pay. he calls a second time; the prophet cannot pay, but offers a town lot in nauvoo for $ (which cost perhaps as many cents), or land on the 'half-breed tract' at $ or $ per acre.... finally some of the irresponsible bishops or elders execute a deed for land to which they have no valid title, and the poor fellow dares not complain. this is the history of hundreds of cases.... the history of every dupe reaches nauvoo in advance. when an elder abroad wins one over to the faith, he makes himself perfectly acquainted with all his family arrangements, his standing in society, his ability, and (what is of most importance) the amount of ready money and other property which he will take to nauvoo.... they make no converts in nauvoo, and it appears to me that they would never make another if all could witness their conduct at nauvoo for one month... . in regard to this communication, i prefer, on account of my own safety, that you should not make known the author publicly. you cannot appreciate these fears [in england]. you have no idea what it is to be surrounded by a community of mormons, guided by a leader the most unprincipled." we have seen how hard-pressed smith was for money with which to meet his obligations for the payment of land purchased. it was not necessary that a newcomer should be a mormon in order to buy a lot, special emphasis being laid on the freedom of religious opinion in the city; but it was early made known that purchasers were expected to buy their lots of the church, and not of private speculators. the determination with which this rule was enforced, as well as its unpopularity in some quarters, may be seen in the following extract from smith's autobiography, under date of february , : "i spent the evening at elder o. hyde's. in the course of conversation i remarked that those brethren who came here having money, and purchased without the church and without counsel, must be cut off. this, with other observations, aroused the feelings of brother dixon, from salem, mass., and he appeared in great wrath." the nauvoo neighbor of december , , contained an advertisement signed by the clerk of the church, calling the attention of immigrants to the church lands, and saying, "let all the brethren, therefore, when they move into nauvoo, consult president joseph smith, the trustee in trust, and purchase their land from him, and i am bold to say that god will bless them, and they will hereafter be glad they did so." a good many immigrants of more or less means took warning as soon as they discovered the conditions prevailing there, and returned home. a letter on this subject from the officers of the church said:-- "we have seen so many who have been disappointed and discouraged when they visited this place, that we would have imagined they had never been instructed in the things pertaining to the kingdom of god, and thought that, instead of coming into a society of men and women, subject to all the frailties of mortality, they were about to enjoy the society of the spirits of just men made perfect, the holy angels, and that this place should be as pure as the third heaven. but when they found that this people were but flesh and blood... they have been desirous to choose them a captain to lead them back." the additions to the mormon population from the settlers whom they found in the outlying country in illinois and iowa were not likely to be of a desirable class. the banks of the mississippi river had long been hiding-places for pirate bands, whose exploits were notorious, and the "half-breed tract" was a known place of refuge for the horse thief, the counterfeiter, and the desperado of any calling. the settlement of the mormons in such a region, with an invitation to the world at large to join them and be saved, was a piece of good luck for this lawless class, who found a covering cloak in the new baptism, and a shield in the fidelity with which the mormon authorities, under their charter, defended their flock. in this way nauvoo became a great receptacle for stolen goods, and the river banks up and down the stream concealed many more, the takers of which walked boldly through the streets of the mormon city. the retaliatory measures which smith encouraged his followers to practise on their neighbors in missouri had inculcated a disregard for the property rights of non-mormons, which became an inciting cause of hostilities with their neighbors in illinois. the complaints of thefts by mormons became so frequent that the church authorities deemed it necessary to recognize and rebuke the practice. lee quotes from an address by smith at the conference of april, , in nauvoo, in which the prophet said: "we are no longer at war, and you must stop stealing. when the right time comes, we will go in force and take the whole state of missouri. it belongs to us as our inheritance; but i want no more petty stealing. a man that will steal petty articles from his enemies will, when occasion offers, steal from his brethren too. now i command you that have stolen must steal no more."* * lee's "mormonism unveiled;" p. . the case of elder o. walker bears on this subject. on october , , he was brought before a high council and accused of discourtesy to the prophet, and "suggesting (at different places) that in the church at nauvoo there did exist a set of pilferers who were actually thieving, robbing and plundering, taking and unlawfully carrying away from missouri certain goods and chattels, wares and property; and that the act and acts of such supposed thieving, etc., was fostered and conducted by the knowledge and approval of the heads and leaders of the church, viz., by the presidency and high council."* * millennial star, vol. xviii, p. . the action of the church authorities themselves shows how serious they considered the reports about thieving. as early as december , , hyrum smith, then one of the first presidency, published in the times and seasons an affidavit denying that the heads of the church "sanction and approbate the members of said church in stealing property from those persons who do not belong to said church," etc. this was followed by a long denial of a similar character, signed by the twelve, and later by an affidavit by the prophet himself, denying that he ever "directly or indirectly encouraged the purloining of property, or taught the doctrine of stealing." on march , , smith, as mayor, issued a proclamation beginning with the declaration, "i have not altered my views on the subject of stealing," reciting rumors of a secret band of desperadoes bound by oath to self-protection, and pledging pardon to any one who would give him any information about "such abominable characters." this exhibition of the heads of a church solemnly protesting that they were opposed to thieving is unique in religious history. the patriarch, hyrum smith, made an announcement to the conference of , which further confirms the charges of organized thieving made by the non-mormons. while denouncing the thieves as hypocrites, he said he had learned of the existence of a band held together by secret oaths and penalties, "who hold it right to steal from anyone who does not belong to the church, provided they consecrate one-third of it to the building of the temple. they are also making bogus money.... the man who told me this said, 'this secret band referred to the bible, book of doctrine and covenants, and book of mormon to substantiate their doctrines; and if any of them did not remain steadfast, they ripped open their bowels and gave them to the catfish.'" he named two men, inmates of his own house, who, he had discovered, were such thieves. the prophet followed this statement with some remarks, declaring, "thieving must be stopped."* * millennial star, vol. xx, pp. - . the rev. henry caswall, in a description of a sunday service in nauvoo in april, "city of the mormons," (p. ) says:-- "the elder who had delivered the first discourse now rose and said a certain brother whom he named had taken a keg of white lead. 'now,' said he, 'if any of the brethren present has taken it by mistake, thinking it was his own, he ought to restore it; but if any of the brethren present have stolen a keg, much more ought he to restore it, or else maybe he will get catched.'... another person rose and stated that he had lost a ten dollar bill. if any of the brethren had found it or taken it, he hoped it would be restored." this introduction of calls for the restoration of stolen property as a feature of a sunday church service is probably unique with the mormons. that the mormons did not do all the thieving in the counties around nauvoo while they were there would be sufficiently proved by the character of many of the persons whom they found there on their arrival, and also by the fact that their expulsion did not make those counties a paradise.* the trouble with them was that, as soon as a man joined them, no matter what his previous character might have been, they gave him that protection which came with their system of "standing together." an early and significant proof of this protection is found in the action of the conference held in nauvoo on october , , two months before the charter had given the city government its extended powers, which voted that "no person be considered guilty of crime unless proved by the testimony of two or three witnesses."** * "long afterward, while the writer was travelling through hancock, pike and adams counties, no family thought of retiring at night without barring and doublelocking every ingress."--beadle, "life in utah," p. . ** millennial star, vol. xviii, p. . it became notorious in all the country round that it was practically useless for a non-mormon to attempt the recovery of stolen property in nauvoo, no matter how strong the proof in his possession might be. s. j. clarke* says that a great deal of stolen stock was traced into nauvoo, but that, "when found, it was extremely difficult to gain possession of it." he cites as an illustration the case of a resident of that county who traced a stolen horse into nauvoo, and took with him sixty witnesses to identify the animal before a mormon justice of the peace. he found himself, however, confronted with seventy witnesses who swore that the horse belonged to some mormon, and the justice decided that the "weight of evidence," numerically calculated, was against the non-mormon. * "history of mcdonough county," p. . a form of protection against outside inquirers for property, which is well authenticated, was given by what were known as "whittlers." when a non-mormon came into the city, and by his questions let it be known that he was looking for something stolen, he would soon find himself approached by a mormon who carried a long knife and a stick, and who would follow him, silently whittling. soon a companion would join this whittler, and then another, until the stranger would find himself fairly surrounded by these armed but silent observers. unless he was a man of more than ordinary grit, an hour or more of this companionship would convince him that it would be well for him to start for home.* * lee's "mormonism unveiled," p. . chapter viii. -- smith's picture of himself as autocrat smith's autobiography gives incidentally many interesting glimpses of the prophet as he exercised his authority of dictator during the height of his power at nauvoo. it is fortunate for the impartial student that these records are at his disposal, because many of the statements, if made on any other authority, would be met by the customary mormon denials, and be considered generally incredible. that smith's life, aside from the constant danger of extradition which the missouri authorities held over him, was not an easy one at this time may readily be imagined. he had his position to maintain as sole oracle of the church. he was also mayor, judge, councillor, and lieutenant-general. there were individual jealousies to be disposed of among his associates, rivalries of different parts of the city over wished-for improvements to be considered, demands of the sellers of church lands for payment to be met, and the claims of politicians to be attended to. but smith rarely showed any indication of compromise, apparently convinced that his position at all points was now more secure than it had ever been. the big building enterprises in which the church was engaged were a heavy tax on the people, and constant urging was necessary to keep them up to the requirements. thus we find an advertisement in the wasp dated june , , and signed by the "temple recorder," saying, "brethren, remember that your contracts with your god are sacred; the labor is wanted immediately." smith referred to the discontent of the laborers, and to some other matters, in a sermon on february , . the following quotations are from his own report of it. "if any man working on the nauvoo house is hungry, let him come to me and i will feed him at my table... and then if the man is not satisfied i will kick his backside.... this meeting was got up by the nauvoo house committee. the pagans, roman catholics, methodists and baptists shall have place in nauvoo--only they must be ground in joe smith's mill. i have been in their mill... and those who come here must go through my smut machine, and that is my tongue."* the difficulty of carrying on these building enterprises at this time was increased by the financial disturbance that was convulsing the whole country. it was in these years that congress was wrestling with the questions of the deposits of the public funds, the united states bank, the subtreasury scheme, and the falling off of customs and land-sale revenues, with a threatened deficit in the federal treasury. the break-down of the bank of the united states caused a general failure of the banks of the western and southern states, and money was so scarce at nauvoo that one mormon writer records the fact that "when corn was brought to my door at ten cents a bushel, and sadly needed, the money could not be raised." * millennial star, vol. xx, p. . the relations between smith and rigdon had been strained ever since the departure of the mormons from missouri. the trouble between them was finally brought before a special conference at nauvoo, on october , , at which smith stated that he had received no material benefits from rigdon's labors or counsel since they had left missouri. he presented complaints against rigdon's management of the post-office, brought up a charge that rigdon had been in correspondence with general bennett and governor carlin, and offered "indirect testimony" that rigdon had given the missourians information of smith's whereabouts at the time of his last arrest. rigdon met these accusations, some with denials and some with explanations, closing with a pitiful appeal to the all-powerful head of the church, whose nod would decide the verdict, reciting their long associations and sufferings, and signifying his willingness to resign his position as councillor to the first presidency, but not concealing the pain and humiliation that such a step would cause him. smith became magnanimous. "he expressed entire willingness to have elder rigdon retain his station, provided he would magnify his office, and walk and conduct himself in all honesty, righteousness and integrity; but signified his lack of confidence in his integrity and steadfastness."* this incident once more furnishes proof of some great power which smith held over rigdon that induced the latter to associate with the prophet on these terms. * times and seasons, vol. iv, p. . h. c. kimball stated afterward at rigdon's church trial that smith did not accept him as an adviser after this, but took amasa lyman in his place, and that it was hyrum smith who induced his brother to show some apparent magnanimity. smith's creditors finally pressed him so hard that he attempted to secure aid from the bankruptcy act. in this he did not succeed,* and he was very bitter in his denunciation of the law because it was interpreted against him. it was about this time that smith, replying to reports of his wealth, declared that his assets consisted of one old horse, two pet deer, ten turkeys, an old cow, one old dog, a wife and child, and a little household furniture. on march , , the council of the twelve wrote to the outlying branches of the church, calling on them "to bring to our president as many loads of wheat, corn, beef, pork, lard, tallow, eggs, poultry, venison, and everything eatable, at your command," in order that he might be relieved of business cares and have time to attend to their spiritual interests. it was characteristic of smith to find him, at a conference held the following month, lecturing the twelve on their own idleness, telling them it was not necessary for them to be abroad all the time preaching and gathering funds, but that they should spend a part of their time at home earning a living. * see chapter on this subject in bennett's "history of the saints." at this same conference smith was compelled to go into the details of a transaction which showed of how little practical use to him were his divining and prophetic powers. a man named remick had come to him the previous summer and succeeded in getting from him a loan of $ by misrepresentation. afterward remick offered to give him a quit-claim deed for all the land bought of galland, as well as the notes which smith had given to galland, and one-half of all the land that remick owned in illinois and iowa, if smith would use his influence to build up the city of keokuk, iowa. smith actually agreed to this in writing. at the conference he had to explain this whole affair. after alleging that remick was a swindler, he said: "i am not so much of a 'christian' as many suppose i am. when a man undertakes to ride me for a horse i feel disposed to kick up, and throw him off and ride him. david did so, and so did joshua." * * millennial star, vol. xx, pp. - . the old kirtland business troubles came up to annoy smith from time to time, but he always found a way to meet them. while his writ of habeas corpus was under argument out of the city in , a man presented to him a five-dollar bill of the kirtland bank, and threatened to sue him on it. as the easiest way to dispose of this matter, smith handed the man $ . smith's ohio experience did not lessen his estimation of himself as an authority on finance. we find him, at the meeting of the nauvoo city council on february , , denouncing the state law of illinois making property a legal tender for the payment of debts; asserting that their city charter gave them authority to enact such local currency laws as did not conflict with the federal and state constitutions, and continuing:-- "shall we be such fools as to be governed by their [illinois] laws which are unconstitutional? no. we will make a law for gold and silver; then their law ceases, and we can collect our debts. powers not delegated to the states, or reserved from the states, are constitutional. the constitution acknowledges that the people have all power not reserved to itself. i am a lawyer. i am a big lawyer, and comprehend heaven, earth and hell, to bring forth knowledge that shall cover up all lawyers, doctors and other big bodies."* *ibid., p. . smith had his way, as usual, and on march , the council passed unanimously an ordinance making gold and silver the only legal tender in payment of debts and fines in nauvoo, and fixing a punishment for the circulation of counterfeit money. perhaps this council never took a broader view of its legislative authority than in this instance. smith never laid aside his natural inclination for good fellowship, nor took himself too seriously while posing as a mouthpiece of the lord. along with the entries recording his predictions he notes such matters as these: "played ball with the brethren." "cut wood all day." a visitor at nauvoo, in , describes him as "a jolly fellow, and one of the last persons whom he would have supposed god would have raised up as a prophet."* josiah quincy said that smith seemed to him to have a keen sense of the humorous aspects of his position. "it seems to me, general," quincy said to him, "that you have too much power to be safely trusted in one man." "in your hands or that of any other person," was his reply, "so much power would no doubt be dangerous. i am the only man in the world whom it would be safe to trust with it. remember, i am a prophet." "the last five words," says quincy, "were spoken in a rich comical aside, as if in hearty recognition of the ridiculous sound they might have in the ears of a gentile."** * this same idea is presented by a writer in the millennial star, vol. xvii, p. : "when the fact of smith's divine character shall burst upon the nations, they will be struck dumb with wonder and astonishment at the lord's choice,--the last individual in the whole world whom they would have chosen." ** "figures of the past;" p. . smith makes this entry on february , : "while the [municipal] court was in session, i saw two boys fighting in the street. i left the business of the court, ran over immediately, caught one of the boys and then the other, and after giving them proper instruction, i gave the bystanders a lecture for not interfering in such cases. i returned to the court, and told them nobody was allowed to fight in nauvoo but myself." in january, , smith once more became a "storekeeper." writing to an absent brother on january , , he described his building, with a salesroom fitted up with shelves and drawers, a private office, etc. he added that he had a fair stock, "although some individuals have succeeded in detaining goods to a considerable amount. i have stood behind the counter all day," he continued, "dealing out goods as steadily as any clerk you ever saw."* * millennial star, vol. xix, p. . the following entry is found under date of june , : "sent dr. richards to carthage on business. on his return, old charley, while on a gallop, struck his knees and breast instead of his feet, fell in the street and rolled over in an instant, and the doctor narrowly escaped with his life. it was a trick of the devil to kill my clerk. similar attacks have been made upon myself of late, and satan is seeking our destruction on every hand." smith practically gave up "revealing" during his life in nauvoo. at rigdon's church trial, after smith's death, president marks said, "brother joseph told us that he, for the future, whenever there was a revelation to be presented to the church, would first present it to the quorum, and then, if it passed the quorum, it should be presented to the church." strong pressure must have been exerted upon the prophet to persuade him to consent to such a restriction, and it is the only instance of the kind that is recorded during his career. but if he did not "reveal," he could not be prevented from uttering oral prophecies and giving his interpretation of the scriptures. that he had become possessed with the idea of a speedy ending of this world seems altogether probable. all through his autobiography he notes reports of earthquakes, tornadoes, floods, etc., and he gives special emphasis to accounts that reached him of "showers of flesh and blood." under date of february , , he notes, "while at dinner i remarked to my family and friends present that, when the earth was sanctified and became like a sea of glass, it would be one great urim and thummim, and the saints could look in it and see as they are seen." another of his wise sayings is thus recorded, "the battle of gog and magog will be after the millennial." in some remarks, on april , , smith made the one prediction that came true, and one which has always given the greatest satisfaction to the saints. this was: "i prophesy in the name of the lord god that the commencement of the difficulties which will cause much bloodshed previous to the coming of the son of man will be in south carolina. it may probably arise through the slave trade." this prediction was afterward amplified so as to declare that the war between the northern and southern states would involve other nations in europe, and that the slaves would rise up against their masters. it would have been better for his fame had he left the announcement in its original shape. such is the picture of smith the prophet as drawn by himself. of the rumors about the mormons, current in all the counties near nauvoo, which cannot be proved by mormon testimony there were hundreds. chapter ix. -- smith's falling out with bennett and higbee surprise has been expressed that smith would permit the newcomer, general john c. bennett, to be elected the first mayor of nauvoo under the new charter. much less surprising is the fact that a falling-out soon occurred between them which led to the withdrawal of bennett from the church on may , , and made for the prophet an enemy who pursued him with a method and vindictiveness that he had not before encountered from any of those who had withdrawn, or been driven, from the church fellowship. the exact nature of the dispute between the two men has never been explained. that personal jealousy entered into it there is little doubt. smith never had submitted to any real division of his supreme authority, and when bennett entered the fold as political lobbyist, mayor, major general, etc., a clash seemed unavoidable. it was stated, during rigdon's church trial after smith's death, that bennett declared, at the first conference he attended at nauvoo, that he sustained the same position in the first presidency that the holy ghost does to the father and the son; and that, after smith's death, bennett visited nauvoo, and proposed to rigdon that the latter assume smith's place in the church, and let bennett assume that which had been occupied by rigdon.* * times and seasons, vol. v, p. . the mormon explanation given at the time of bennett's expulsion was that some of their travelling elders in the eastern states discovered that the general had a wife and family there while he was paying attention to young ladies in nauvoo; but a very slight acquaintance with smith's ideas on the question of morality at that time is needed to indicate that this was an afterthought. the course of the church authorities showed that they were ready to every way qualified to be a useful citizen. smith directed the clerk of the church to permit bennett to withdraw "if he desires to do so, and this with the best of feelings toward you and general bennett." but as soon as bennett began his attacks on smith the church made haste to withdraw the hand of fellowship from him, and framed a formal writ of excommunication, and smith could not find enough phials of wrath to pour upon him. thus, in a statement published in the times and seasons of july , , he called bennett "an impostor and a base adulterer," brought up the story of his having a wife in ohio, and charged that he taught women that it was proper to have promiscuous intercourse with men. as soon as bennett left nauvoo he began the publication of a series of letters in the sangamon (illinois) journal, which purported to give an inside view of the mormon designs, and the personal character and practices of the church leaders. these were widely copied, and seem to have given people in the east their first information that smith was anything worse than a religious pretender. bennett also started east lecturing on the same subject, and he published in boston in the same year a little book called "history of the saints; or an expose of joe smith and mormonism," containing, besides material which he had collected, copious extracts from the books of howe and w. harris. bennett declared that he had never believed in any of the mormon doctrines, but that, forming the opinion that their leaders were planning to set up "a despotic and religious empire" over the territory included in ohio, indiana, illinois, iowa, and missouri, he decided to join them, learn their secrets, and expose them. bennett's personal rascality admits of no doubt, and not the least faith need be placed in this explanation of his course, which, indeed, is disproved by his later efforts to regain power in the church. it does seem remarkable, however, that neither the lord nor his prophet knew anything about bennett's rascality, and that they should select him, among others, for special mention in the long revelation of january , , wherein the lord calls him "my servant," and directs him to help smith "in sending my word to the kings of the people of the earth." there is no doubt that bennett obtained an inside view of smith's moral, political, and religious schemes, and that, while his testimony un-corroborated might be questioned, much that he wrote was amply confirmed. according to bennett's statements, mormon society at nauvoo was organized licentiousness. there were "cyprian saints," "chartered sisters of charity," and "cloistered saints," or spiritual wives, all designed to pander to the passions of church members. of the system of "spiritual wives" (which was set forth in the revelation concerning polygamy), bennett says in his book: "when an apostle, high priest, elder or scribe conceives an affection for a female, and he has satisfactorily ascertained that she experiences a mutual claim, he communicates confidentially to the prophet his affaire du coeur, and requests him to inquire of the lord whether or not it would be right and proper for him to take unto himself the said woman for his spiritual wife. it is no obstacle whatever to this spiritual marriage if one or both of the parties should happen to have a husband or wife already united to them according to the laws of the land." bennett alleged that smith forced him, at the point of a pistol, to sign an affidavit stating that smith had no part in the practice of the spiritual wife doctrine; but bennett's later disclosures went into minute particulars of alleged attempts of smith to secure "spiritual wives," a charge which the commandments to the prophet's wife in the "revelation" on polygamy amply sustain. a leading illustration cited concerned the wife of orson pratt.* according to the story as told (largely in mrs. pratt's words), pratt was sent to england on a mission to get him out of the way, and then smith used every means in his power to secure mrs. pratt's consent to his plan, but in vain. nancy rigdon, the eldest unmarried daughter of sidney rigdon, was another alleged intended victim of the prophet, and bennett said that smith offered him $ in cash, or a choice lot, if he would assist in the plot. one day, when smith was alone with her, he pressed his request so hard that she threatened to cry for help. the continuation of the story is not by general bennett, but is taken from a letter to james a. bennett, he of "arlington house," dated nauvoo, july , , by george w. robinson, one of smith's fellow prisoners in independence jail, and one of the generals of the nauvoo legion:-- * ebenezer robinson says that when orson pratt returned from his mission to england, and learned of the teaching of the spiritual wife doctrine, his mind gave way. one day he disappeared, and a search party found him five miles below nauvoo, hatless, seated on the bank of the river.--the return, vol. ii, p. . "she left him with disgust, and came home and told her father of the transaction; upon which smith was sent for. he came. she told the tale in the presence of all the family, and to smith's face. i was present. smith attempted to deny at first, and face her down with a lie; but she told the facts with so much earnestness, and the fact of a letter being proved which he had caused to be written to her on the same subject, the day after the attempt made on her virtue, breathing the same spirit, and which he had fondly hoped was destroyed, all came with such force that he could not withstand the testimony; and he then and there acknowledged that every word of miss rigdon's testimony was true. now for his excuse. he wished to ascertain if she was virtuous or not!" to offset this damaging attack on smith, a man named markham was induced to make an affidavit assailing miss rigdon's character, which was published in the wasp. but markham's own character was so bad, and the charge caused so much indignation, that the editor was induced to say that the affidavit was not published by the prophet's direction. bennett's charges aroused great interest among the non-mormons in all the counties around nauvoo, and increased the growing enmity against smith's flock which was already aroused by their political course and their alleged propensity to steal. a minor incident among those leading up to smith's final catastrophe was a quarrel, some time later, between the prophet and francis m. higbee. this resulted in a suit for libel against smith, tried in may, , in which much testimony disclosing the rotten condition of affairs in nauvoo was given, and in the arrest of smith in a suit for $ damages. the hearing, on a writ of habeas corpus, in smith's behalf, is reported in times and seasons, vol. v, no. . the court (smith's municipal court) ordered smith discharged, and pronounced higbee's character proved "infamous." chapter x. -- the institution of polygamy the student of the history of the mormon church to this date, who seeks an answer to the question, who originated the idea of plural marriages among the mormons? will naturally credit that idea to joseph smith, jr. the reorganized church (non-polygamist), whose membership includes smith's direct descendants, defend the prophet's memory by alleging that "in the brain of j. c. bennett was conceived the idea, and in his practice was the principle first introduced into the church." in maintaining this ground, however, they contend that "the official character of president joseph smith should be judged by his official ministrations as set forth in the well authenticated accepted official documents of the church up to june , . his personal, private conduct should not enter into this discussion."* the secular investigator finds it necessary to disregard this warning, and in studying the question he discovers an incontrovertible mass of testimony to prove that the "revelation" concerning polygamy was a production of smith,** was familiar to the church leaders in nauvoo, and was lived up to by them before their expulsion from illinois. * pamphlets nos. and published by the reorganized church. ** "elder w. w. phelps said in salt lake tabernacle in that while joseph was translating the book of abraham in kirtland, ohio, in , from the papyrus found with the egyptian mummies, the prophet became impressed with the idea that polygamy would yet become an institution of the mormon church. brigham young was present, and was much annoyed at the statement made by phelps; but it is highly probable that it was the real secret that the latter then divulged."--"rocky mountain saints," p. . the book of mormon furnishes ample proof that the idea of plural marriages was as far from any thought of the real "author" of the doctrinal part of that book as it was from the mind of rigdon's fellow-disciples in ohio at the time. the declarations on the subject in the mormon bible are so worded that they distinctly forbid any following of the example of old testament leaders like david and solomon. in the book of jacob ii. - , we find these commands: "behold, david and solomon truly had many wives and concubines, which thing was abominable before me saith the lord; wherefore, thus with the lord, i have led this people forth out of the land of jerusalem, by the power of mine arm, that i might raise up unto me a righteous branch from the fruit of the loins of joseph. "wherefore, i, the lord god, will not suffer that this people shall do like unto them of old. wherefore my brethren, hear me, and hearken to the word of the lord; for there shall not any man among you hath save it be one wife; and concubines he shall have none; for i, the lord god, delighteth in the chastity of women. and whoredoms are an abomination before me; thus saith the lord of hosts." the same view is expressed in the book of mosiah, where, among the sins of king noah, it is mentioned that "he spent his time in riotous living with his wives and concubines," and in the book of ether x. , where it is said that "riplakish did not do that which was right in the sight of the lord, for he did have many wives and concubines." smith, at the beginning of his career as a prophet, inculcated the same views on this subject in his "revelations." thus, in the one dated at kirtland, february , , it was commanded (sec. ), "thou shalt love thy wife with all thy heart, and shall cleave unto her and none else; and he that looketh upon a woman to lust after her shall deny the faith, and shall not have the spirit, and if he repents not he shall be cast out." in another "revelation," dated the following month (sec. ), it was declared, "wherefore it is lawful that he should have one wife, and they twain shall be one flesh, and all this that the earth might answer the end of its creation."* these teachings may be with justness attributed to rigdon, and we shall see on how little ground rests a carelessly made charge that he was the originator of the "spiritual wife" notion. "it is the strongest proof of the firm hold of a party, whether religious or political, upon the public mind, when it may offend with impunity against its own primary principles." milman, "history of christianity." that there was a loosening of the views regarding the marriage tie almost as soon as smith began his reign at kirtland can be shown on abundant proof. booth in one of his letters said, "it has been made known to one who has left his wife in new york state, that he is entirely free from his wife, and he is at pleasure to take him a wife from among the lamanites" (indians).* that reports of polygamous practices among the mormons while they were in ohio were current was conceded in the section on marriage, inserted in the kirtland edition of the "book of doctrine and covenants"--"inasmuch as this church of christ has been reproached with the crime of fornication and polygamy," etc.; and is further proved by smith's denial in the elders' journal,** and by the declaration of the presidents of the seventies, withholding fellowship with any elder "who is guilty of polygamy." * howe's "mormonism unveiled." ** p. , ante. of the enmity of the higher powers toward transgressors of the law of morality of this time, we find an amusing (some will say shocking) mention in smith's "revelation" of october , (sec. ). this "revelation" (announced as the words of "the lord your redeemer, the saviour of the world") was addressed to w. e. mclellin (who was soon after "rebuked" by the prophet for attempting to have a "revelation" on his own account). it declared that mclellin was "blessed for receiving mine everlasting covenant," directed him to go forth and preach, gave him power to heal the sick, and then added, "commit no adultery, a temptation with which thou hast been troubled." could religious bouffe go to greater lengths? testimony as to the liberal mormon view of the marriage relation while the church was in missouri is found in the case of one lyon, reported by smith on page of vol. xvi of the millennial star. lyon was the presiding high priest of one of the outlying branches of the church. desiring to marry a mrs. jackson, whose husband was absent in the east, lyon announced a "revelation," ordering the marriage to take place, telling her that he knew by revelation that her husband was dead. he gained her consent in this way, but, before the ceremony was performed, jackson returned home, and, learning of lyon's conduct, he had him brought before the authorities for trial. the high priest was found guilty enough to be deposed from his office, but not from his church membership. there is abundant testimony from mormon sources to show that the doctrine of polygamy, with the "spiritual wife" adjunct, was practised in nauvoo for some time before joseph smith's death. a very orthodox mormon witness on this point is eliza r. snow. in her biography of her brother, lorenzo snow,* the recent head of the church, she gives this account of her connection with polygamy: * "this biography and autobiography of my brother lorenzo snow has been written as a tribute of sisterly affection for him, and as a token of sincere respect to his family. it is designed to be handed down in lineal descent, from generation to generation,--to be preserved as a family memorial."--extract from the preface. "while my brother was absent on this [his first] mission to europe [ - ], changes had taken place with me, one of eternal import, of which i supposed him to be entirely ignorant. the prophet joseph had taught me the principle of plural or celestial marriage, and i was married to him for time and eternity. in consequence of the ignorance of most of the saints, as well as people of the world, on this subject, it was not mentioned, only privately between the few whose minds were enlightened on the subject. not knowing how my brother [he returned on april , ] would receive it, i did not feel at liberty, and did not wish to assume the responsibility, of instructing him in the principle of plural marriage.... i informed my husband [the prophet] of the situation, and requested him to open the subject to my brother. a favorable opportunity soon presented, and, seated together on the bank of the mississippi river, they had a most interesting conversation. the prophet afterward told me he found that my brother's mind had been previously enlightened on the subject in question. that comforter which jesus says shall i lead unto all truth had penetrated his understanding, and, while in england, had given him an intimation of what at that time was to many a secret. this was the result of living near the lord. "it was at the private interview referred to above that the prophet joseph unbosomed his heart, and described the trying ordeal he experienced in overcoming the repugnance of his feelings, the natural result of the force of education and social custom, relative to the introduction of plural marriage. he knew the voice of god--he knew the command of the almighty to him was to go forward--to set the example and establish celestial plural marriage.... yet the prophet hesitated and deferred from time to time, until an angel of god stood by him with a drawn sword, and told him that, unless he moved forward and established plural marriage, his priesthood would be taken from him and he should be destroyed. this testimony he not only bore to my brother, but also to others."* * "biography of lorenzo snow" ( ), pp. - . young married some of smith's spiritual widows after the prophet's death, and four of them, including eliza snow, appear in crockwell's illustrated "biographies of young's wives," published in utah. catherine lewis, who, after passing two years with the mormons, escaped from nauvoo, after taking the preliminary degrees of the endowment, says: "the twelve took joseph's wives after his death. kimball and young took most of them; the daughter of kimball was one of joseph's wives. i heard her say to her mother: 'i will never be sealed to my father [meaning as a wife], and i would never have been sealed [married] to joseph had i known it was anything more than ceremony. i was young, and they deceived me by saying the salvation of our whole family depended on it.' the apostles said they only took joseph's wives to raise up children, carry them through to the next world, and there deliver them up to him; by so doing they would gain his approbation."--"narrative of some of the proceedings of the mormons." smith's versatility as a fabricator seems to give him a leading place in that respect in the record of mankind. snow says that he asked the prophet to set him right if he should see him indulging in any practice that might lead him astray, and the prophet assured him that he would never be guilty of any serious error. "it was one of snow's peculiarities," observes his sister, "to do nothing by halves"; and he exemplified this in this instance by having two wives "sealed" to him at the same time in , adding two more very soon afterward, and another in . "it was distinctly understood," says his sister, "and agreed between them, that their marriage relations should not, for the time being, be divulged to the world." the testimony of john d. lee in regard to the practice of polygamy in illinois is very circumstantial, and lee was a conscientious polygamist to the day of his death. he says* that he was directed in this matter by principle and not by passion, and goes on to explain:-- * "mormonism unveiled," p. "in those days i did not always make due allowance for the failings of the weaker vessels. i then expected perfection in all women. i know now that i was foolish in looking for that in anything human. i have, for slight offences, turned away good-meaning young women that had been sealed to me, and refused to hear their excuses, but sent them away brokenhearted. in this i did wrong. i have regretted the same in sorrow for many years .... should my history ever fall into the hands of emeline woolsey or polly ann workman, i wish them to know that, with my last breath, i asked god to pardon me the wrong i did them, when i drove them from me, poor young girls as they were" lee says that in the winter of - smith set one sidney hay jacobs to writing a pamphlet giving selections from the scriptures bearing on the practice of polygamy and advocating that doctrine. the appearance of this pamphlet created so much unfavorable comment (even hyrum smith denouncing it "as from beneath") that joseph deemed it best to condemn it in the wasp, although men in his confidence were busy advocating its teachings. the "revelation" sanctioning plural marriages is dated july , , and lee says that smith "dared not proclaim it publicly," but taught it "confidentially," urging his followers "to surrender themselves to god" for their salvation; and "in the winter of , meetings were held all over the city of nauvoo, and the spirit of elijah was taught in the different families, as a foundation to the order of celestial marriage, as well as the law of adoption."* the saints were also taught that gentiles had no right to perform the marriage ceremony, and that their former marriage relations were invalid, and that they could be "sealed" to new wives under the authority of the church. *"mormonism unveiled," p. . lee gives a complete record of his plural marriages, which is interesting, showing how the business was conducted at the start. his second wife, the daughter of a wealthy farmer near quincy, illinois, was "sealed" to him in nauvoo in , after she had been an inmate of his house for three months. his third and fourth wives were "sealed" to him soon after, but young took a fancy to wife no. (who had borne lee a son), and, after much persuasion, she was "sealed" to young. at this same "sealing" lee took wife no. , a girl whom he had baptized in tennessee. in the spring of two sisters of his first wife and their mother were "sealed" to him; he married the mother, he says, "for the salvation of her eternal state." at the completion of the nauvoo temple he took three more wives. at council bluffs, in , brigham young "sealed" him to three more, two of them sisters, in one night, and he secured the fourteenth soon after, the fifteenth in , the sixteenth in , the seventeenth in ("a dashing young bride"), the eighteenth in , and the nineteenth and last in salt lake city. he says he claimed "only eighteen true wives," as he married mrs. woolsey "for her soul's sake, and she was nearly sixty years old." by these wives he had sixty-four children, of whom fifty-four were living when his book was written. ebenezer robinson, explaining in the return a statement signed by him and his wife in october, , to offset bennett's charges, in which they declared that they "knew of no other form of marriage ceremony" except the one in the "book of doctrine and covenants," said that this statement was then true, as the heads of the church had not yet taught the new system to others. but they had heard it talked of, and the prophet's brother, don carlos, in june, , had said to robinson, "any man who will teach and practise spiritual wifery will go to hell, no matter if it is my brother joseph." hyrum smith, who first opposed the doctrine, went to robinson's house in december, , and taught the system to him and his wife. robinson was told of the "revelation" to joseph a few days after its date, and just as he was leaving nauvoo on a mission to new york. he, law, and william marks opposed the innovation. he continues: "we returned home from that mission the latter part of november, . soon after our return, i was told that when we were gone the 'revelation' was presented to and read in the high council in nauvoo, three of the members of which refused to accept it as from the lord, president marks, cowles, and counsellor leonard soby." cowles at once resigned from the high council and the presidency of the church at nauvoo, and was looked on as a seceder. robinson gives convincing testimony that, as early as , the ceremonies of the endowment house were performed in nauvoo by a secret organization called "the holy order," and says that in june, , he saw john taylor clad in an endowment robe. he quotes a letter to himself from orson hyde, dated september , , in which hyde refers guardedly to the new revelation and the "holy order" as "the charge which the prophet gave us," adding, "and we know that elder rigdon does not know what it was." * * the return, vol. ii, p. . we may find the following references to this subject in smith's diary: "april , . the lord makes manifest to me many things which it is not wisdom for me to make public until others can witness the proof of them." "may . i preached in the grove on the keys of the kingdom, etc. the keys are certain signs and words by which the false spirits and personages can be detected from true, and which cannot be revealed to the elders till the temple is completed." "may . i spent the day in the upper part of my store... in council with (hyrum, brigham young and others) instructing them in the principles and order of the priesthood, attending to washings, anointings, endowments.... the communications i made to this council were of things spiritual, and to be received only by the spiritually minded; and there was nothing made known to these men but what will be made known to all the saints of the last days as soon as they are prepared to receive, and a proper place is prepared to communicate them." * * millennial star, vol. xix, pp. - . in one of smith's dissertations, which are inserted here and there in his diary, is the following under date of august, :-- "if we seek first the kingdom of god, all good things will be added. so with solomon. first he asked wisdom and god gave it to him, and with it every desire of his heart, even things which might be considered abominable to all who understand the order of heaven only in part, but which in reality were right, because god gave and sanctioned them by special revelation." * * millennial star, vol. xix, p. . while the mormon leaders, lorenzo snow and others, were in the utah penitentiary after conviction under the edmunds antipolygamy law, refusing pardons on condition that they would give up the practice of polygamy, the deseret news of may , , printed an affidavit made on february , , at the request of joseph f. smith, by william clayton, who was a clerk in the prophet's office in nauvoo and temple recorder, to show the world that "the martyred prophet is responsible to god and the world for this doctrine." the affidavit recites that while clayton and the prophet were taking a walk, in february, , smith first broached to him the subject of plural marriages, and told him that the doctrine was right in the sight of god, adding, "it is your privilege to have all the wives you want." he gives the names of a number of the wives whom smith married at this time, adding that his wife emma "was cognizant of the fact of some, if not all, of these being his wives, and she generally treated them very kindly." he says that on july , , hyrum offered to read the "revelation" to emma if the prophet would write it out, saying, "i believe i can convince her of its truth, and you will hereafter have peace." joseph smiled, and remarked, "you do not know emma as well as i do," but he thereupon dictated the "revelation" and clayton wrote it down. an examination of its text will show how largely it was devoted to emma's subjugation. when hyrum returned from reading it to the prophet's lawful wife, he said that "he had never received a more severe talking to in his life; that emma was very bitter and full of resentment and anger." joseph repeated his remark that his brother did not know emma as well as he did, and, putting the "revelation" into his pocket, they went out. * * jepson's "historical record," vol. vi, pp. - , gives the names of twenty-seven women who, "besides a few others about whom we have been unable to get all the necessary information, were sealed to the prophet joseph during the last three years of his life." "at the present time," says stenhouse ("rocky mountain saints"), p. , "there are probably about a dozen sisters in utah who proudly acknowledge themselves to be the `wives of joseph, 'and how many others there may be who held that relationship no man knoweth.'" at the conference in salt lake city on august , , at which the first public announcement of the revelation was made, brigham young said in the course of his remarks: "though that doctrine has not been preached by the elders, this people have believed in it for many years.* the original copy of this revelation was burned up. william clayton was the man who wrote it from the mouth of the prophet. in the meantime it was in bishop whitney's possession. he wished the privilege to copy it, which brother joseph granted. sister emma burnt the original." the "revelation," he added, had been locked up for years in his desk, on which he had a patent lock.** * as evidence that polygamy was not countenanced by smith and his associates in nauvoo, there has been cited a notice in the times and seasons of february, , signed by joseph and hyrum smith, cutting off an elder named brown for preaching "polygamy and other false and corrupt doctrines," and a letter of hyrum, dated march , , threatening to deprive of his license and membership any elder who preached "that a man having a certain priesthood may have as many wives as he pleases." the deseret news of may , , noticing these and other early denials, justifies the falsehoods, saying that "jesus enjoined his disciples on several occasions to keep to themselves principles that he made known to them," that the "book of doctrine and covenants" gave the same instruction, and that the elders, as the "revelation" was not yet promulgated, "were justified in denying those imputations, and at the same time avoiding the avowal of such doctrines as were not yet intended for this world." p. p. pratt flatly denied, in england, in , that any such doctrine was known or practised by the saints, and john taylor (afterward the head of the church), in a discussion in france in july, , declared that "these things are too outrageous to admit of belief." the latter false statements would be covered by the excuse of the deseret news. ** deseret news, extra, september , . young declared in a sermon in salt lake city in july, , that he was among the doubters when the prophet revealed the new doctrine, saying: "it was the first time in my life that i desired the grave, and i could hardly get over it for a long time.... and i have had to examine myself from that day to this, and watch my faith and carefully meditate, lest i should be found desiring the grave more than i ought to." his examinations proved eminently successful. further proof is not needed to show that this doctrine was the offspring of joseph smith, and that its original object was to grant him unrestricted indulgence of his passions. justice to sidney rigdon requires that his memory should be cleared of the charge, which has been made by more than one writer, that the spiritual wife doctrine was of his invention. there is the strongest evidence to show that it was smith's knowledge that he could not win rigdon over to polygamy which made the prophet so bitter against his old counsellor, and that it was rigdon's opposition to the new doctrine that made young so determined to drive him out of church after the prophet's death. when rigdon returned to pittsburg, pennsylvania, to establish his own mormon church there, he began in october, , the publication of a revived latter-day saints' messenger and advocate. stating "the greater cause" of the opposition of the leaders of nauvoo to him, in an editorial, he said:-- "know then that the so-called twelve apostles at nauvoo are now teaching the doctrine of what is called spiritual wives; that a man may have more wives than one; and they are not only teaching it, but practising it, and this doctrine is spreading alarmingly through that apostate branch of the church of latter-day saints. their greatest objection to us was our opposition to this doctrine, knowing, as they did, that we had got the fact in possession. it created alarm, great alarm; every effort was made while we were there to effect something that might screen them from the consequence of exposure.... "this doctrine of a man having more wives than one is the cause which has induced these men to put at defiance the ecclesiastical arrangements of the church, and, what is equally criminal, to do despite unto the moral excellence of the doctrine and covenants of the church, setting up an order of things of their own, in violation of all the rules and regulations known to the saints." in the same editorial rigdon prints a statement by a gentleman who was at nauvoo at the time, and for whose veracity he vouches, which said, "it was said to me by many that they had no objection to elder rigdon but his opposition to the spiritual wife system." benjamin winchester, who was one of the earliest missionaries sent out from kirtland, adds this testimony in a letter to elder john hardy of boston, massachusetts, whose trial in for opposing the spiritual wife doctrine occasioned wide comment: "as regards the trial of elder rigdon at nauvoo, it was a forced affair, got up by the twelve to get him out of their way, that they might the better arrogate to themselves higher authority than they ever had, or anybody ever dreamed they would have; and also (as they perhaps hope) to prevent a complete expose of the spiritual wife system, which they knew would deeply implicate themselves." chapter xi. -- public announcement of the doctrine of polygamy although there was practically no concealment of the practice of polygamy by the mormons resident in utah after their arrival there, it was not until five years from that date that open announcement was made by the church of the important "revelation." this "revelation" constitutes sec. of the modern edition of the "book of doctrine and covenants," and bears this heading: "revelation on the eternity of the marriage covenant, including plurality of wives. given through joseph, the seer, in nauvoo, hancock county, illinois, july , ." all its essential parts are as follows: "verily, thus saith the lord unto you, my servant joseph, that inasmuch as you have inquired of my hand, to know and understand wherein i, the lord, justified my servants abraham, isaac and jacob; as also moses, david and solomon, my servants, as touching the principle and doctrine of their having many wives and concubines: "behold! and lo, i am the lord thy god, and will answer thee as touching this matter: "therefore, prepare thy heart to receive and obey the instructions which i am about to give unto you; for all those who have this law revealed unto them must obey the same; "for behold! i reveal unto you a new and an everlasting covenant; and if ye abide not that covenant, then are ye damned; for no one can reject this covenant, and be permitted to enter into my glory; "for all who will have a blessing at my hands shall abide the law which was appointed for that blessing, and the conditions thereof, as were instituted from before the foundation of the world: "and as pertaining to the new and everlasting covenant, it was instituted for the fullness of my glory; and he that receiveth a fullness thereof, must and shall abide the law, or he shall be damned, saith the lord god. "and verily i say unto you, that the conditions of this law are these: all covenants, contracts, bonds, obligations, oaths, vows, performances, connections, associations, or expectations, that are not made, and entered into, and sealed, by the holy spirit of promise, of him who is anointed, both as well for time and for all eternity, and that too most holy, by revelation and commandment through the medium of mine anointed, whom i have appointed on the earth to hold this power (and i have appointed unto my servant joseph to hold this power in the last days, and there is never but one on the earth at a time, on whom this power and the keys of this priesthood are conferred), are of no efficacy, virtue, or force, in and after the resurrection from the dead; for all contracts that are not made unto this end, have an end when men are dead.... "i am the lord thy god, and i give unto you this commandment, that no man shall come unto the father but by me, or by my word, which is my law, saith the lord;... "therefore, if a man marry him a wife in the world, and he marry her not by me, nor by my word; and he covenant with her so long as he is in the world, and she with him, their covenant and marriage are not of force when they are dead, and when they are out of the world; therefore, they are not bound by any law when they are out of the world; "therefore, when they are out of the world, they neither marry, nor are given in marriage; but are appointed angels in heaven, which angels are ministering servants, to minister for those who are worthy of a far more, and an exceeding, and an eternal weight of glory; "for these angels did not abide my law, therefore they cannot be enlarged, but remain separately and singly, without exaltation, in their saved condition, to all eternity, and from henceforth are not gods, but are angels of god, for ever and ever. "and again, verily i say unto you, if a man marry a wife, and make a covenant with her for time and for all eternity, if that covenant is not by me, or by my word, which is my law, and is not sealed by the holy spirit of promise, through him whom i have anointed, and appointed unto this power--then it is not valid, neither of force when they are out of the world, because they are not joined by me, saith the lord, neither by my word; when they are out of the world, it cannot be received there, because the angels and the gods are appointed there, by whom they cannot pass; they cannot, therefore, inherit my glory, for my house is a house of order, saith the lord god. "and again, verily i say unto you, if a man marry a wife by my word, which is my law, and by the new and everlasting covenant, and it is sealed unto them by the holy spirit of promise, by him who is anointed, unto whom i have appointed this power, and the keys of this priesthood; and it shall be said unto them, ye shall come forth in the first resurrection; and if it be after the first resurrection, in the next resurrection; and shall inherit thrones, kingdoms, principalities, and powers, dominions, all heights and depths--then shall it be written in the lamb's book of life, that he shall commit no murder whereby to shed innocent blood, and if ye abide in my covenant, and commit no murder whereby to shed innocent blood, it shall be done unto them in all things whatsoever my servant hath put upon them, in time, and through all eternity, and shall be of full force when they are out of the world; and they shall pass by the angels, and the gods, which are set there, to their exaltation and glory in all things, as hath been sealed upon their heads, which glory shall be a fullness and a continuation of the seeds for ever and ever. "then shall they be gods, because they have no end; therefore shall they be from everlasting to everlasting, because they continue; then shall they be above all, because all things are subject unto them. then shall they be gods, because they have all power, and the angels are subject unto them. "verily, verily i say unto you, except ye abide my law, ye cannot attain to this glory;... "and verily, verily i say unto you, that whatsoever you seal on earth, shall be sealed in heaven; and whatsoever you bind on earth, in my name, and by my word, with the lord, it shall be eternally bound in the heavens; and whosesoever sins you remit on earth shall be remitted eternally in the heavens; and whosesoever sins you retain on earth, shall be retained in heaven. "and again, verily i say, whomsoever you bless, i will bless, and whomsoever you curse, i will curse, with the lord; for i, the lord, am thy god.... "verily i say unto you, a commandment i give unto mine handmaid, emma smith, your wife, whom i have given unto you, that she stay herself, and partake not of that which i commanded you to offer unto her; for i did it, saith the lord, to prove you all, as i did abraham; and that i might require an offering at your hand, by covenant and sacrifice. "and let mine handmaid, emma smith, receive all those that have been given unto my servant joseph, and who are virtuous and pure before me; and those who are not pure, and have said they were pure, shall be destroyed, with the lord god; "for i am the lord, thy god, and ye shall obey my voice; and i give unto my servant joseph that he shall be made ruler over many things, for he hath been faithful over a few things, and from henceforth i will strengthen him. "and i command mine handmaid, emma smith, to abide and cleave unto my servant joseph, and to none else. but if she will not abide this commandment, she shall be destroyed, saith the lord; for i am the lord thy god, and will destroy her, if she abide not in my law; "but if she will not abide this commandment, then shall my servant joseph do all things for her, even as he hath said; and i will bless him and multiply him, and give unto him an hundred fold in this world, of fathers and mothers, brothers and sisters, houses and lands, wives and children, and crowns of eternal lives in the eternal worlds. "and again, verily i say, let mine handmaid forgive my servant joseph his trespasses; and then shall she be forgiven her trespasses, wherein she has trespassed against me; and i, the lord thy god, will bless her, and multiply her, and make her heart to rejoice.... "and again, as pertaining to the law of the priesthood, if any man espouse a virgin, and desire to espouse another, and the first give her consent; and if he espouse the second, and they are virgins, and have vowed to no other man, then is he justified; he cannot commit adultery, for they are given unto him; for he cannot commit adultery with that that belongeth unto him and to no one else. "and if he have ten virgins given unto him by this law, he cannot commit adultery, for they belong to him, and they are given unto him, therefore is he justified. "but if one or either of the ten virgins, after she is espoused, shall be with another man; she has committed adultery, and shall be destroyed; for they are given unto him to multiply and replenish the earth, according to my commandment, and to fulfill the promise which was given by my father before the foundation of the world; and for their exaltation in the eternal worlds, that they may bear the souls of men; for herein is the work of my father continued, that he may be glorified. "and again, verily, verily i say unto you, if any man have a wife who holds the keys of this power, and he teacheth unto her the law of my priesthood, as pertaining to these things, then shall she believe, and administer unto him, or she shall be destroyed, saith the lord your god, for i will destroy her; for i will magnify my name upon all those who receive and abide in my law. "therefore, it shall be lawful in me, if she receive not this law, for him to receive all things, whatsoever i, the lord his god, will give unto him, because she did not administer unto him according to my word; and she then becomes the transgressor; and he is exempt from the law of sarah; who administered unto abraham according to the law, when i commanded abraham to take hagar to wife. "and now, as pertaining to this law, verily, verily i say unto you, i will reveal more unto you, hereafter; therefore, let this suffice for the present. behold, i am alpha and omega. amen." this jumble of doctrinal and family commands bears internal evidence of the truth of clayton's account of its offhand dictation with a view to its immediate submission to the prophet's wife, who was already in a state of rebellion because of his infidelities. the publication of the "revelation" was made at a church conference which opened in salt lake city on august , , and was called especially to select elders for missionary work.* at the beginning of the second day's session orson pratt announced that, unexpectedly, he had been called on to address the conference on the subject of a plurality of wives. "we shall endeavor," he said, "to set forth before this enlightened assembly some of the causes why the almighty has revealed such a doctrine, and why it is considered a part and portion of our religious faith." *for text of the addresses at this conference, see deseret news, extra, september , . he then took up the attitude of the church, as a practiser of this doctrine, toward the united states government, saying:-- "i believe that they will not, under our present form of government (i mean the government of the united states), try us for treason for believing and practising our religious notions and ideas. i think, if i am not mistaken, that the constitution gives the privilege to all of the inhabitants of this country, of the free exercise of their religious notions, and the freedom of their faith and the practice of it. then, if it can be proved to a demonstration that the latter-day saints have actually embraced, as a part and portion of their religion, the doctrine of a plurality of wives, it is constitutional. and should there ever be laws enacted by this government to restrict them from the free exercise of their religion, such laws must be unconstitutional." thus, at this early date in the history of utah, was stated the mormon doctrine of the constitutional foundation of this belief, and, in the views then stated, may be discovered the reason for the bitter opposition which the mormon church is still making to a constitutional amendment specifically declaring that polygamy is a violation of the fundamental law of the united states. pratt then spoke at great length on the necessity and rightfulness of polygamy. taking up the doctrine of a previous existence of all souls and a kind of nobility among the spirits, he said that the most likely place for the noblest spirits to take their tabernacles was among the saints, and he continued:--"now let us inquire what will become of those individuals who have this law taught unto them in plainness, if they reject it." (a voice in the stand "they will be damned.") "i will tell you. they will be damned, saith the lord, in the revelation he hath given. why? because, where much is given, much is required. where there is great knowledge unfolded for the exaltation, glory and happiness of the sons and daughters of god, if they close up their hearts, if they reject the testimony of his word and will, and do not give heed to the principles he has ordained for their good, they are worthy of damnation, and the lord has said they shall be damned." after brigham young had made a statement concerning the history of the "revelation," already referred to, the "revelation" itself was read. the millennial star (liverpool) published the proceedings of this conference in a supplement to its volume xv, and the text of the "revelation" in its issue of january , , saying editorially in the next number:-- "none [of the revelations] seem to penetrate so deep, or be so well calculated to shake to its very center the social structure which has been reared and vainly nurtured by this professedly wise and christian generation; none more conclusively exhibit how surely an end must come to all the works, institutions, ordinances and covenants of men; none more portray the eternity of god's purpose--and, we may say, none have carried so mighty an influence, or had the power to stamp their divinity upon the mind by absorbing every feeling of the soul, to the extent of the one which has appeared in our last." with the mormon church in england, however, the publication of the new doctrine proved a bombshell, as is shown by the fact that excommunications in the british isles were reported to the semi-annual conference of december , , and to the conference of the following june. the doctrine of "sealing" has been variously stated. according to one early definition, the man and the woman who are to be properly mated are selected in heaven in a pre-existent state; if, through a mistake in an earthly marriage, a has got the spouse intended for b, the latter may consider himself a husband to mrs. a. another early explanation which may be cited was thus stated by henry rowe in the boston investigator of, february , :-- "the spiritual wife doctrine i will explain, as taught me by elder w--e, as taught by joseph smith, brigham young, elder adams, william smith, and the rest of the quorum, etc., etc. joseph had a revelation from god that there were a number of spirits to be born into the world before their exaltation in the next; that christ would not come until all these spirits received or entered their 'tabernacles of clay'; that these spirits were hovering around the world, and at the door of bad houses, watching a chance of getting into their tabernacles; that god had provided an honorable way for them to come forth--that was, by the elders in israel sealing up virtuous women; and as there was no provision made for woman in the scriptures, their only chance of heaven was to be sealed up to some elder for time and eternity, and be a star in his crown forever; that those who were the cause of bringing forth these spirits would receive a reward, the ratio of which reward should be the greater or less according to the number they were the means of bringing forth." brigham young's definition of "spiritual wifeism" was thus expressed: "and i would say, as no man can be perfect without the woman, so no woman can be perfect without a man to lead her. i tell you the truth as it is in the bosom of eternity; and i say to every man upon the face of the earth, if he wishes to be saved, he cannot be saved without a woman by his side. this is spiritual wifeism, that is, the doctrine of spiritual wives."* * times and seasons, vol. vi, p. . the mormon, under polygamy, was taught that he "married" for time, but was "sealed" for eternity. the "sealing" was therefore the more important ceremony, and was performed in the endowment house, with the accompaniment of secret oaths and mystic ceremonies. if a wife disliked her husband, and wished to be "sealed" to a man of her choice, the mormon church would marry her to the latter*--a marriage made actual in every sense--if he was acceptable as a mormon; and, if the first husband also wanted to be "sealed" to her, the church would perform a mock ceremony to satisfy this husband. "it is impossible," says hyde, "to state all the licentiousness, under the name of religion, that these sealing ordinances have occasioned." ** * one of stenhouse's informants about the "reformation" of in utah writes: "it was hinted, and secretly taught by authority, that women should form relations with more than one man." on this stenhouse says: "the author has no personal knowledge, from the present leaders of the church, of this teaching; but he has often heard that something would then be taught which 'would test the brethren as much as polygamy had tried the sisters."'--"rocky mountain saints," p. . ** "mormonism," p. . a mormon preacher never hesitated to go to any lengths in justifying the doctrine of plural marriages. one illustration of this may suffice. orson hyde, in a discourse in the salt lake tabernacle in march, , made the following argument to support a claim that jesus christ was a polygamist:-- "it will be borne in mind that, once on a time, there was a marriage in cana of galilee; and on a careful reading of that transaction it will be discovered that no less a person than jesus christ was married on that occasion. if he was never married, his intimacy with mary and martha, and the other mary also, whom jesus loved, must have been highly unbecoming and improper, to say the best of it. i will venture to say that, if jesus christ was now to pass through the most pious countries in christendom, with a train of women such as used to follow him, fondling about him, combing his hair, anointing him with precious ointments, washing his feet with tears and wiping them with the hair of their heads, and unmarried, or even married, he would be mobbed, tarred and feathered, and rode, not on an ass, but on a rail.... did he multiply, and did he see his seed? did he honor his father's law by complying with it, or did he not? others may do as they like, but i will not charge our saviour with neglect or transgression in this or any other duty."* * journal of discourses, vol. iv, p. . the doctrine of "adoption," referred to, taught that the direct line of the true priesthood was broken with the death of christ's apostles, and that the rights of the lineage of abraham could be secured only by being "adopted" by a modern apostle, all of whom were recognized as lineal descendants of abraham. recourse was here had to the scriptures, and romans iv. was quoted to sustain this doctrine. the first "adoptions" took place in the nauvoo temple. lee was "adopted to" brigham young, and young's and lee's children were then "adopted" to their own fathers. with this necessary explanation of the introduction of polygamy, we may take up the narrative of events at nauvoo. chapter xii. -- the suppression of the expositor smith was now to encounter a kind of resistance within the church that he had never met. in all previous apostasies, where members had dared to attack his character or question his authority, they had been summarily silenced, and in most cases driven at once out of the mormon community. but there were men at nauvoo above the average of the mormon convert as regards intelligence and wealth, who refused to follow the prophet in his new doctrine regarding marriage, and whose opposition took the very practical shape of the establishment of a newspaper in the mormon city to expose him and to defend themselves. in his testimony in the higbee trial smith had accused a prominent mormon, dr. r. d. foster, of stealing and of gross insults to women. dr. foster, according to current report, had found smith at his house, and had received from his wife a confession that smith had been persuading her to become one of his spiritual wives.* * "at the may, , term of the hancock circuit court two indictments were found against smith by the grand jury--one for adultery and one for perjury. to the surprise of all, on the monday following, the prophet appeared in court and demanded that he be tried on the last-named indictment. the prosecutor not being ready, a continuance was entered to the next term."--gregg, "history of hancock county," p. . among the leading members of the church at nauvoo at this time were two brothers, william and wilson law. they were canadians, and had brought considerable property with them, and in the "revelation" of january , , william law was among those who were directed to take stock in nauvoo house, and was named as one of the first presidency, and was made registrar of the university. wilson law was a regent of the university and a major general of the legion. general law had been an especial favorite of smith. in writing to him while in hiding from the missouri authorities in , smith says, "i love that soul that is so nobly established in that clay of yours." * at the conference of april, , hyrum smith said: "i wish to speak about messrs. law's steam mill. there has been a great deal of bickering about it. the mill has been a great benefit to the city. it has brought in thousands who would not have come here. the messrs. law have sunk their capital and done a great deal of good. it is out of character to cast any aspersions on the messrs. law." * millennial star, vol. xx, p. . dr. foster, the laws, and counsellor sylvester emmons became greatly stirred up about the spiritual wife doctrine, and the effort of smith and those in his confidence to teach and enforce the doctrine of plural wives; and they finally decided to establish in nauvoo a newspaper that would openly attack the new order of things. the name chosen for this newspaper was the expositor, and emmons was its editor.* its motto was: "the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth," and its prospectus announced as its purpose, "unconditional repeal of the city charter--to correct the abuses of the unit power--to advocate disobedience to political revelations." only one number of this newspaper was ever issued, but that number was almost directly the cause of the prophet's death. * emmons went direct to beardstown, illinois, after the destruction of the paper, and lived there till the day of his death, a leading citizen. he established the first newspaper published in beardstown, and was for sixteen years the mayor of the city. the most important feature of the expositor (which bore date of june , ) was a "preamble" and resolutions of "seceders from the church at nauvoo," and affidavits by mr. and mrs. william law and austin cowles setting forth that hyrum smith had read the "revelation" concerning polygamy to william law and to the high council, and that mrs. law had read it.* * these were the only affidavits printed in the expositor. more than one description of the paper has stated that it contained many more. thus, appleton's "american encyclopedia," under "mormons," says, "in the first number (there was only one) they printed the affidavits of sixteen women to the effect that joseph smith and sidney rigdon and others had endeavored to convert them to the spiritual wife doctrine." the "preamble" affirmed the belief of the seceders in the mormon bible and the "book of doctrine and covenants," but declared their intention to "explode the vicious principles of joseph smith," adding, "we are aware, however, that we are hazarding every earthly blessing, particularly property, and probably life itself, in striking this blow at tyranny and oppression." many of them, it was explained, had sought a reformation of the church without any public exposure, but they had been spurned, "particularly by joseph, who would state that, if he had been or was guilty of the charges we would charge him with, he would not make acknowledgment, but would rather be damned, for it would detract from his dignity and would consequently prove the overthrow of the church. we would ask him, on the other hand, if the overthrow of the church were not inevitable; to which he often replied that we would all go to hell together and convert it into a heaven by casting the devil out; and, says he, hell is by no means the place this world of fools supposes it to be, but, on the contrary, it is quite an agreeable place." the "preamble" further set forth the methods employed by smith to induce women from other countries, who had joined the mormons in nauvoo, to become his spiritual wives, reciting the arguments advanced, and thus summing up the general result: "she is thunderstruck, faints, recovers and refuses. the prophet damns her if she rejects. she thinks of the great sacrifice, and of the many thousand miles she has travelled over sea and land that she might save her soul from pending ruin, and replies, 'god's will be done and not mine.' the prophet and his devotees in this way are gratified." smith's political aspirations were condemned as preposterous, and the false "doctrine of many gods" was called blasphemy. fifteen resolutions followed. they declared against the evils named, and also condemned the order to the saints to gather in haste at nauvoo, explaining that the purpose of this command was to enable the men in control of the church to sell property at exorbitant prices, "and thus the wealth that is brought into the place is swallowed up by the one great throat, from whence there is no return." the seceders asserted that, although they had an intimate acquaintance with the affairs of the church, they did not know of any property belonging to it except the temple. finally, as speaking for the true church, they ordered all preachers to cease to teach the doctrine of plural gods, a plurality of wives, sealing, etc., and directed offenders in this respect to report and have their licenses renewed. another feature of the issue was a column address signed by francis m. higbee, advising the citizens of hancock county not to send hyrum smith to the legislature, since to support him was to support joseph, "a man who contends all governments are to be put down, and one established upon its ruins." the appearance of this sheet created the greatest excitement among the mormon leaders that they had experienced since leaving missouri. they recognized in it immediately a mouthpiece of men who were better informed than bennett, and who were ready to address an audience composed both of their own flock and of their outlying non-mormon neighbors, whose antipathy to them was already manifesting itself aggressively. to permit the continued publication of this sheet meant one of those surrenders which smith had never made. the prophet therefore took just such action as would have been expected of him in the circumstances. calling a meeting of the city council, he proceeded to put the expositor and its editors on trial, as if that body was of a judicial instead of a legislative character. the minutes of this trial, which lasted all of saturday, june , and a part of monday, june l , , can be found in the neighbor of june , of that year, filling six columns. the prophet-mayor occupied the chair, and the defendants were absent. the testimony introduced aimed at the start to break down the characters of dr. foster, higbee, and the laws. a mechanic testified that the laws had bought "bogus"--(counterfeit) dies of him. the prophet told how william law had "pursued" him to recover $ , that smith owed him. hyrum smith alleged that william law had offered to give a man $ if he would kill hyrum, and had confessed adultery to him, making a still more heinous charge against higbee. hyrum referred "to the revelation of the high council of the church, which has caused so much talk about a multiplicity of wives," and declared that it "concerned things which transpired in former days, and had no reference to the present time." testimony was also given to show that the laws were not liberal to the poor, and that william's motto with his fellow-churchmen who owed him was, "punctuality, punctuality."* this was naturally a serious offence in the eyes of the smiths. * the expositor contained this advertisement: "the subscribers wish to inform all those who, through sickness or other misfortunes, are much limited is their means of procuring bread for their families, that we have allotted thursday of every week to grind toll free for them, till grain becomes plentiful after harvest.--w. & w. law." the prophet declared that the conduct of such men, and of such papers as the expositor, was calculated to destroy the peace of the city. he unblushingly asserted that what he had preached about marriage only showed the order in ancient days, having nothing to do with the present time. in regard to the alleged revelation about polygamy he explained that, on inquiring of the lord concerning the scriptural teaching that "they neither marry nor are given in marriage in heaven," he received a reply to the effect that men in this life must marry in one of eternity, otherwise they must remain as angels, or be single in heaven. smith then proposed that the council make some provision for putting down the expositor, declaring its allegations to be "treasonable against all chartered rights and privileges." he read from the federal and state constitutions to define his idea of the rights of the press, and quoted blackstone on private wrongs. hyrum openly advocated smashing the press and pieing the type. one councillor alone raised his voice for moderation, proposing to give the offenders a few days' notice, and to assess a fine of $ for every libel. w. w. phelps (who was back in the fold again) held that the city charter gave them power to declare the newspaper a nuisance, and cited the spilling of the tea in boston harbor as a precedent for an attack on the expositor office. finally, on june , this resolution was passed unanimously:-- "resolved by the city council of the city of nauvoo that the printing office from whence issues the nauvoo expositor is a public nuisance, and also all of said nauvoo expositors which may be or exist in said establishment; and the mayor is instructed to cause said printing establishment and papers to be removed without delay, in such manner as he shall direct." smith, of course, made very prompt use of this authority, issuing the following order to the city marshal:-- "you are hereby commanded to destroy the printing press from whence issues the nauvoo expositor, and pi the type of said printing establishment in the street, and burn all the expositors and libellous hand bills found in said establishment; and if resistance be offered to the execution of this order, by the owners or others, destroy the house; and if any one threatens you or the mayor or the officers of the city, arrest those who threaten you; and fail not to execute this order without delay, and make due return thereon. "joseph smith, mayor." to meet any armed opposition which might arise, the acting major general of the legion was thus directed:-- "you are hereby commanded to hold the nauvoo legion in readiness forthwith to execute the city ordinances, and especially to remove the printing establishment of the nauvoo expositor; and this you are required to do at sight, under the penalty of the laws, provided the marshal shall require it and need your services." joseph smith, "lieutenant general nauvoo legion." the story of the compliance with the mayor's order is thus concisely told in the "marshal's return," "the within-named press and type is destroyed and pied according to order on this loth day of june, , at about eight o'clock p.m." the work was accomplished without any serious opposition. the marshal appeared at the newspaper office, accompanied by an escort from the legion, and forced his way into the building. the press and type were carried into the street, where the press was broken up with hammers, and all that was combustible was burned. dr. foster and the laws fled at once to carthage, illinois, under the belief that their lives were in danger. the story of their flight and of the destruction of their newspaper plant by order of the nauvoo authorities spread quickly all over the state, and in the neighboring counties the anti-mormon feeling, that had for some time been growing more intense, was now fanned to fury. this feeling the mormon leaders seemed determined to increase still further. the owners of the expositor sued out at carthage a writ for the removal to that place of joseph smith and the nauvoo counsellors on a charge of a riot in connection with the destruction of their plant. this writ, when presented, was at once set aside by a writ of habeas corpus issued by the nauvoo municipal court, but the case was heard before a mormon justice of the peace on june , and he discharged the accused. as if this was not a sufficient defiance of public opinion, smith, as mayor, published a "proclamation" in the neighbor of june , reciting the events in connection with the attack on the expositor, and closing thus: "our city is infested with a set of blacklegs, counterfeiters and debauchees, and that the proprietors of this press were of that class, the minutes of the municipal court fully testify, and in ridding our young and flourishing city of such characters, we are abused by not only villanous demagogues, but by some who, from their station and influence in society, ought rather to raise than depress the standard of human excellence. we have no disturbance or excitement among us, save what is made by the thousand and one idle rumors afloat in the country. every one is protected in his person and property, and but few cities of a population of twenty thousand people, in the united states, hath less of dissipation or vice of any kind than the city of nauvoo. "of the correctness of our conduct in this affair, we appeal to every high court in the state, and to its ordeal we are willing to appear at any time that his excellency, governor ford, shall please to call us before it. i, therefore, in behalf of the municipal court of nauvoo, warn the lawless not to be precipitate in any interference in our affairs, for as sure as there is a god in israel we shall ride triumphant over all oppression." joseph smith, mayor. chapter xiii. -- uprising of the non-mormons--smith's arrest the gauntlet thus thrown down by smith was promptly taken up by his non-mormon neighbors, and public meetings were held in various places to give expression to the popular indignation. at such a meeting in warsaw, hancock county, eighteen miles down the river, the following was among the resolutions adopted: "resolved, that the time, in our opinion, has arrived when the adherents of smith, as a body, should be driven from the surrounding settlements into nauvoo; that the prophet and his miscreant adherents should then be demanded at their hands, and, if not surrendered, a war of extermination should be waged, to the entire destruction, if necessary for our protection, of his adherents." warsaw was considered the most violent anti-mormon neighborhood, the signal newspaper there being especially bitter in its attacks; but the people in all the surrounding country began to prepare for "war" in earnest. at warsaw men were mustered in under general knox, and $ was voted for supplies. in carthage, rushville, green plains, and many other towns in illinois men began organizing themselves into military companies, cannon were ordered from st. louis, and the near-by places in iowa, as well as some in missouri, sent word that their aid could be counted on. rumors of all sorts of mormon outrages were circulated, and calls were made for militia, here to protect the people against armed mormon bands, there against mormon thieves. many farmhouses were deserted by their owners through fear, and the steamboats on the river were crowded with women and children, who were sent to some safe settlement while the men were doing duty in the militia ranks. many of the alarming reports were doubtless started by non-mormons to inflame the public feeling against their opponents, others were the natural outgrowth of the existing excitement. on june a committee from carthage made to governor ford so urgent a request for the calling out of the militia, that he decided to visit the disturbed district and make an investigation on his own account.* on arriving at carthage he found a considerable militia force already assembled as a posse comitatus, at the call of the constables. this force, and similar ones in mcdonough and schuyler counties, he placed under command of their own officers. next, the governor directed the mayor and council of nauvoo to send a committee to state to him their story of the recent doings. this they did, convincing him, by their own account, of the outrageous character of the proceedings against the expositor. he therefore arrived at two conclusions: first, that no authority at his command should be spared in bringing the mormon leaders to justice; and, second, that this must be done without putting the mormons in danger of an attack by any kind of a mob. he therefore addressed the militia force from each county separately, urging on them the necessity of acting only within the law; and securing from them all a vote pledging their aid to the governor in following a strictly legal course, and protecting from violence the mormon leaders when they should be arrested. * the story of the events just preceding joseph smith's death are taken from governor ford's report to the illinois legislature, and from his "history of illinois." the governor then sent word to smith that he and his associates would be protected if they would surrender, but that arrested they should be, even if it took the whole militia force of the state to accomplish this. the constable and guards who carried the governor's mandate to nauvoo found the city a military camp. smith had placed it under martial law, assembled the legion, called in all the outlying mormons, and ordered that no one should enter or leave the place without submitting to the strictest inquiry. the governor's messengers had no difficulty, however, in gaining admission to smith, who promised that he and the members of the council would accompany the officers to carthage the next morning (june ) at eight o'clock. but at that time the accused did not appear, and, without any delay or any effort to arrest the men who were wanted, the officers returned to carthage and reported that all the accused had fled. whatever had been the intention of smith when the constable first appeared, he and his associates did surrender, as the governor had expressed a belief that they would do.. statements of the circumstances of the surrender were written at the time by h. p. reid and james w. woods of iowa, who were employed by the mormons as counsel, and were printed in the times and seasons, vol. v, no. . mr. woods, according to these accounts, arrived in nauvoo on friday, june , and, after an interview with smith and his friends, went to carthage the next evening to assure governor ford that the nauvoo officers were ready to obey the law. there he learned that the constable and his assistants had gone to nauvoo to demand his clients' surrender; but he does not mention their return without the prisoners. he must have known, however, that the first intention of smith and the council was to flee from the wrath of their neighbors. the "life of brigham young," published by cannon & sons, salt lake city, , contains this statement:-- "the prophet hesitated about giving himself up, and started, on the night of june , with his brother hyrum, w. richards, john taylor, and a few others for the rocky mountains. he was, however, intercepted by his friends, and induced to abandon his project, being chided with cowardice and with deserting his people. this was more than he could bear, and so he returned, saying: 'if my life is of no value to my friends, it is of no value to myself. we are going back to be slaughtered.'" it will be remembered that young, rigdon, orson pratt, and many others of the leading men of the church were absent at this time, most of them working up smith's presidential "boom." orson pratt, who was then in new hampshire, said afterward, "if the twelve had been here, we would not have seen him given up." woods received from the governor a pledge of protection for all who might be arrested, and an assurance that if the mormons would give themselves up at carthage, on monday, the th, this would be accepted as a compliance with the governor's orders. he therefore returned to nauvoo with this message on sunday evening, and the next morning the accused left that place with him for carthage. they soon met captain dunn, who, with a company of sixty men, was going to nauvoo with an order from the governor for the state arms in the possession of the legion.* woods made an agreement with captain dunn that the arms should be given up by smith's order, and that his clients should place themselves under the captain's protection, and return with him to carthage. the return trip to nauvoo, and thence to carthage, was not completed until about midnight. the mormons were not put under restraint that night, but the next morning they surrendered themselves to the constable on a charge of riot in connection with the destruction of the expositor plant. * it was stated that on two hours' notice two thousand men appeared, all armed, and that they surrendered their arms in compliance with the governor's plans. chapter xiv. -- the murder of the prophet--his character on tuesday morning, joseph and hyrum smith were arrested again in carthage, this time on a charge of treason in levying war against the state, by declaring martial law in nauvoo and calling out the legion. in the afternoon of that day all the accused, numbering fifteen, appeared before a justice of the peace, and, to prevent any increase in the public excitement, gave bonds in the sum of $ each for their appearance at the next term of the circuit court to answer the charge of riot.* it was late in the evening when this business was finished, and nothing was said at the time about the charge of treason. * the trial of the survivors resulted in a verdict of acquittal. "the mormons," says governor ford, "could have a mormon jury to be tried by, selected by themselves, and the anti-mormons, by objecting to the sheriff and regular panel, could have one from the anti-mormons. no one could [then] be convicted of any crime in hancock county."--"history of illinois," p. . very soon after their return to the hotel, however, the constable who had arrested the smiths on the new charge appeared with a mittimus from the justice of the peace, and, under its authority, conveyed them to the county jail. their counsel immediately argued before the governor that this action was illegal, as the smiths had had no hearing on the charge of treason, and the governor went with the lawyers to consult the justice concerning his action. the justice explained that he had directed the removal of the prisoners to jail because he did not consider them safe in the hotel. the governor held that, from the time of their delivery to the jailer, they were beyond his jurisdiction and responsibility, but he granted a request of their counsel for a military guard about the jail. he says, however, that he apprehended neither an attack on the building nor an escape of the prisoners, adding that if they had escaped, "it would have been the best way of getting rid of the mormons," since these leaders would never have dared to return to the state, and all their followers would have joined them in their place of refuge. the militia force in carthage at that time numbered some twelve hundred men, with four hundred or five hundred more persons under arms in the town. there was great pressure on the governor to march this entire force to nauvoo, ostensibly to search for a counterfeiting establishment, in order to overawe the mormons by a show of force. the governor consented to this plan, and it was arranged that the officers at carthage and warsaw should meet on june at a point on the mississippi midway between the latter place and nauvoo. governor ford was not entirely certain about the safety of the prisoners, and he proposed to take them with him in the march to nauvoo, for their protection. but while preparations for this march were still under way, trustworthy information reached him that, if the militia once entered the mormon city, its destruction would certainly follow, the plan being to accept a shot fired at the militia by someone as a signal for a general slaughter and conflagration. he determined to prevent this, not only on humane grounds,--"the number of women, inoffensive and young persons, and innocent children which must be contained in such a city of twelve hundred to fifteen thousand inhabitants"--but because he was not certain of the outcome of a conflict in which the mormons would outnumber his militia almost two to one. after a council of the militia officers, in which a small majority adhered to the original plan, the governor solved the question by summarily disbanding all the state forces under arms, except three companies, two of which would continue to guard the jail, and the other would accompany the governor on a visit to nauvoo, where he proposed to search for counterfeiters, and to tell the inhabitants that any retaliatory measures against the non-mormons would mean "the destruction of their city, and the extermination of their people." the jail at carthage was a stone building, situated at the northwestern boundary of the village, and near a piece of woods that were convenient for concealment. it contained the jailer's apartments, cells for prisoners, and on the second story a sort of assembly room. at the governor's suggestion, joseph and hyrum were allowed the freedom of this larger room, where their friends were permitted to visit them, without any precautions against the introduction of weapons or tools for their escape. their guards were selected from the company known as the carthage grays, captain smith, commander. in this choice the governor made a mistake which always left him under a charge of collusion in the murder of the prisoners. it was not, in the first place, necessary to select any hancock company for this service, as he had militia from mcdonough county on the ground. all the people of hancock county were in a fever of excitement against the mormons, while the mcdonough county militia had voted against the march into nauvoo. moreover, when the prisoners, after their arrival at carthage, had been exhibited to the mcdonough company at the request of the latter, who had never seen them, the grays were so indignant at what they called a triumphal display, that they refused to obey the officer in command, and were for a time in revolt. "although i knew that this company were the enemies of the smiths," says the governor, "yet i had confidence in their loyalty and their integrity, because their captain was universally spoken of as a most respectable citizen and honorable man." the governor further excused himself for the selection because the mcdonough company were very anxious to return home to attend to their crops, and because, as the prisoners were likely to remain in jail all summer, he could not have detained the men from the other county so long. he presents also the curious plea that the frequent appeals made to him direct for the extermination or expulsion of the mormons gave him assurance that no act of violence would be committed contrary to his known opposition, and he observes, "this was a circumstance well calculated to conceal from me the secret machinations on foot!" in this state of happy confidence the governor set out for nauvoo on the morning of june . on the way, one of the officers who accompanied him told him that he was apprehensive of an attack on the jail because of talk he had heard in carthage. the governor was reluctant to believe that such a thing could occur while he was in the mormon city, exposed to mormon vengeance, but he sent back a squad, with instructions to captain smith to see that the jail was safely guarded. he had apprehensions of his own, however, and on arriving at nauvoo simply made an address as above outlined, and hurried back to carthage without even looking for counterfeit money. he had not gone more than two miles when messengers met him with the news that the smith brothers had been killed in the jail. the warsaw regiment (it is so called in the local histories), under command of colonel levi williams, set out on the morning of june for the rendezvous on the mississippi, preparatory to the march to nauvoo. the resolutions adopted in warsaw and the tone of the local press had left no doubt about the feeling of the people of that neighborhood toward the mormons, and fully justified the decision of the governor in countermanding the march proposed. his unexpected order disbanding the militia reached the warsaw troops when they had advanced about eight miles. a decided difference of opinion was expressed regarding it. some of the most violent, including editor sharp of the signal, wanted to continue the march to carthage in order to discuss the situation with the other forces there; the more conservative advised an immediate return to warsaw. each party followed its own inclination, those who continued toward carthage numbering, it is said, about two hundred. while there is no doubt that the warsaw regiment furnished the men who made the attack on the jail, there is evidence that the carthage grays were in collusion with them. william n. daniels, in his account of the assault, says that the warsaw men, when within four miles of carthage, received a note from the grays (which he quotes) telling them of the good opportunity presented "to murder the smiths" in the governor's absence. his testimony alone would be almost valueless, but governor ford confirms it, and gregg (who holds that the only purpose of the mob was to seize the prisoners and run them into missouri) says he is "compelled" to accept the report. according to governor ford, one of the companies designated as a guard for the jail disbanded and went home, and the other was stationed by its captain yards from the building, leaving only a sergeant and eight men at the jail itself. "a communication," he adds, "was soon established between the conspirators and the company, and it was arranged that the guards should have their guns charged with blank cartridges, and fire at the assailants when they attempted to enter the jail." both willard richards and john taylor were in the larger room with the smith brothers when the attack was made (other visitors having recently left), and both gave detailed accounts of the shooting, richards soon afterward, in a statement printed in the neighbor and the times and seasons under the title "two minutes in gaol," and taylor in his "martyrdom of joseph smith." * they differ only in minor particulars. * to be found in burton's "city of the saints." all in the room were sitting in their shirt sleeves except richards, when they saw a number of men, with blackened faces, advancing around the corner of the jail toward the stairway. the door leading from the room to the stairs was hurriedly closed, and, as it was without a lock, hyrum smith and richards placed their shoulders against it. finding their entrance opposed, the assailants fired a shot through the door (richards says they fired a volley up the stairway), which caused hyrum and richards to leap back. while hyrum was retreating across the room, with his face to the door, a second shot fired through the door struck him by the side of the nose, and at the same moment another ball, fired through the window at the other side of the room, entered his back, and, passing through his body, was stopped by the watch in his vest pocket, smashing the works. he fell on his back exclaiming, "i am a dead man," and did not speak again. one of their callers had left a six-shooting pistol with the prisoners, and, when joseph saw his brother shot, he advanced with this weapon to the door, and opening it a few inches, snapped each barrel toward the men on the other side. three barrels missed fire, but each of the three that exploded seems to have wounded a man; accounts differ as to the seriousness of their injuries. while joseph was firing, taylor stood by him armed with a stout hickory stick, and richards was on his other side holding a cane. as soon as joseph's firing, which had checked the assailants for a moment, ceased, the latter stuck their weapons through the partly opened doorway, and fired into the room. taylor tried to parry the guns with his cudgel. "that's right, brother taylor, parry them off as well as you can," said the prophet, and these are the last words he is remembered to have spoken. the assailants hesitated to enter the room, perhaps not knowing what weapons the mormons had, and taylor concluded to take his chances of a leap through an open window opposite the door, and some twenty-five feet from the ground. but as he was about to jump out, a ball struck him in the thigh, depriving him of all power of motion. he fell inside the window, and as soon as he recovered power to move, crawled under a bed which stood in one corner of the room. the men in the hallway continued to thrust in their guns and fire, and richards kept trying to knock aside the muzzles with his cane. taylor in this way, before he reached the bed, received three more balls, one below the left knee, one in the left arm, and another in the left hip. almost as soon as taylor fell, the prophet made a dash for the window. as he was part way out, two balls fired through the doorway struck him, and one from outside the building entered his right breast. richards says: "he fell outward, exclaiming 'o lord, my god.' as his feet went out of the window, my head went in, the balls whistling all around. at this instant the cry was raised, 'he's leaped the window,' and the mob on the stairs and in the entry ran out. i withdrew from the window, thinking it of no use to leap out on a hundred bayonets, then around general smith's body. not satisfied with this, i again reached my head out of the window and watched some seconds, to see if there were any signs of life, regardless of my own, determined to see the end of him i loved. being fully satisfied that he was dead, with a hundred men near the body and more coming round the corner of the gaol, and expecting a return to our room, i rushed toward the prison door at the head of the stairs." finding the inner doors of the jail unlocked, richards dragged taylor into a cell and covered him with an old mattress. both expected a return of the mob, but the lynchers disappeared as soon as they satisfied themselves that the prophet was dead. richards was not injured at all, although his large size made him an ample target. most mormon accounts of smith's death say that, after he fell, the body was set up against a well curb in the yard and riddled with balls. taylor mentions this report, but richards, who specifically says that he saw the prophet die, does not. governor ford's account says that smith was only stunned by the fall and was shot in the yard. perhaps the original authority for this version was a lad named william n. daniels, who accompanied the warsaw men to carthage, and, after the shooting, went to nauvoo and had his story published by the mormons in pamphlet form, with two extravagant illustrations, in which one of the assailants is represented as approaching smith with a knife to cut off his head.* *a detailed account of the murder of the smiths, and events connected with it, was contributed to the atlantic monthly for december, , by john hay. this is accepted by kennedy as written by "one whose opportunities for information were excellent, whose fairness cannot be questioned, and whose ability to distinguish the true from the false is of the highest order." h. h. bancroft, whose tone is always pro-mormon, alludes to this article as "simply a tissue of falsehoods." in reply to a note of inquiry secretary hay wrote to the author, under date of november , : "i relied more upon my memory and contemporary newspapers for my facts than on certified documents. i will not take my oath to everything the article contains, but i think in the main it is correct." this article says that joseph smith was severely wounded before he ran to the window, "and half leaped, half fell into the jail yard below. with his last dying energies he gathered himself up, and leaned in a sitting posture against the rude stone well curb. his stricken condition, his vague wandering glances, excited no pity in the mob thirsting for his life. a squad of missourians, who were standing by the fence, leveled their pieces at him, and, before they could see him again for the smoke they made, joe smith was dead:" this is not an account of an eye-witness. the bodies of the two brothers were removed to the hotel in carthage, and were taken the next day to nauvoo, arriving there about three o'clock in the afternoon. they were met by practically the entire population, and a procession made up of the city council, the generals of the legion with their staffs, the legion and the citizens generally, all under command of the city marshal, escorted them to the nauvoo mansion, where addresses were made by dr. richards, w. w. phelps, the lawyers woods and reid, and colonel markham. the utmost grief was shown by the mormons, who seemed stunned by the blow. the burial followed, but the bodies did not occupy the graves. stenhouse is authority for the statement that, fearing a grave robbery (which in fact occurred the next night), the coffins were filled with stones, and the bodies were buried secretly beneath the unfinished temple. mistrustful that even this concealment would not be sufficient, they were soon taken up and reburied under the brick wall back of the mansion house.* * "rocky mountain saints," p. . brigham young said at the conference in the temple on october , , "we will petition sister emma, in the name of israel's god, to let us deposit the remains of joseph according as he has commanded us, and if she will not consent to it, our garments are clear." she did not consent. for the following statement about the future disposition of the bodies i am indebted to the grandson of the prophet, mr. frederick madison smith, one of the editors of the saints' herald (reorganized church) at lamoni, iowa, dated december , :-- "the burial place of the brothers joseph and hyrum has always remained a secret, being known only to a very few of the immediate family. in fact, unless it has lately been revealed to others, the exact spot is known only to my father and his brother. others who knew the secret are now silent in death. the reasons for the secrecy were that it was feared that, if the burial place was known at the time, there might have been an inclination on the part of the enemies of those men to desecrate their bodies and graves. there is not now, and probably has not been for years, any danger of such desecration, and the only reason i can see for still keeping it a secret is the natural disinclination on the part of the family to talk about such matters. "however, i have been on the ground with my father when i knew i was standing within a few feet of where the remains were lying, and it is known to many about where that spot is. it is a short distance from the nauvoo house, on the bank of the mississippi. the lot is still owned by the family, the title being in my father's name. there is not, that i know, any intention of ever taking the bodies to far west or independence, missouri. the chances are that their resting places will never be disturbed other than to erect on the spot a monument. in fact, a movement is now underway to raise the means to do that. a monument fund is being subscribed to by the members of the church. the monument would have been erected by the family, but it is not financially able to do it." in the october following, indictments were found against colonel williams of the warsaw regiment, state senator j. c. davis, editor sharp, and six others, including three who were said to have been wounded by smith's pistol shots, but the sheriff did not succeed in making any arrests. in the may following some of the accused appeared for trial. a struck jury was obtained, but, in the existing state of public feeling, an acquittal was a foregone conclusion. the guards at the jail would identify no one, and daniels, the pamphlet writer, and another leading witness for the prosecution gave contradictory accounts. but the prophet, according to mormon recitals, did not go unavenged. lieutenant worrell, who commanded the detachment of the guards at the jail, was shot not long after, as we shall see. murray mcconnell, who represented the governor in the prosecution of the alleged lynchers, was assassinated twenty-four years later. p. p. pratt gives an account of the fate of other "persecutors." the arm of one townsend, who was wounded by joe's pistol, continued to rot until it was taken off, and then would not heal. a colonel of the missouri forces, who died in sacramento in , "was eaten with worms, a large, black-headed kind of maggot, seeming a half-pint at a time." another missourian's "face and jaw on one side literally rotted, and half his face actually fell off."* *pratt's "autobiography," pp. - . it is difficult for the most fair-minded critic to find in the character of joseph smith anything to commend, except an abundance of good-nature which made him personally popular with the body of his followers. he has been credited with power as a leader, and it was certainly little less than marvellous that he could maintain his leadership after his business failure in ohio, and the utter break-down of his revealed promises concerning a zion in missouri. the explanation of this success is to be found in the logically impregnable position of his character as a prophet, so long as the church itself retained its organization, and in the kind of people who were gathered into his fold. if it was not true that he received the golden plates from an angel; if it was not true that he translated them with divine assistance; if it was not true that he received from on high the "revelations" vouchsafed for the guidance of the church,--then there was no new bible, no new revelation, no mormon church. if smith was pulled down, the whole church structure must crumble with him. lee, referring to the days in missouri, says, "every mormon, if true to his faith, believed as freely in joseph smith and his holy character as they did that god existed."* some of the mormons who knew smith and his career in missouri and illinois were so convinced of the ridiculousness of his claims that they proposed, after the gathering in utah, to drop him entirely. proof of this, and of brigham young's realization of the impossibility of doing so, is found in young's remarks at the conference which received the public announcement of the "revelation" concerning polygamy. referring to the suggestion that had been made, "don't mention joseph smith, never mention the book of mormon and zion, and all the people will follow you," young boldly declared: "what i have received from the lord, i have received by joseph smith; he was the instrument made use of. if i drop him, i must drop these principles. they have not been revealed, declared, or explained by any other man since the days of the apostles." this view is accepted by the mormons in utah to-day. * "mormonism unveiled," p. . if it seems still more surprising that smith's associates placed so little restraint on his business schemes, it must be remembered that none of his early colaborers--rigdon, harris, cowdery, and the rest--was a better business man than he, and that he absolutely brooked no interference. it was smith who decided every important step, as, for instance, the land purchases in and around nauvoo; and men who would let him originate were compelled to let him carry out. we have seen how useless better business men like the laws found it to argue with him on any practical question. the length to which he dared go in discountenancing any restriction, even regarding his moral ideas, is illustrated in an incident related in his autobiography.* at a service on sunday, november , , in nauvoo, an elder named clark ventured to reprove the brethren for their lack of sanctity, enjoining them to solemnity and temperance. "i reproved him," says the prophet, "as pharisaical and hypocritical, and not edifying the people, and showed the saints what temperance, faith, virtue, charity, and truth were. i charged the saints not to follow the example of the adversary non-mormons in accusing the brethren, and said, 'if you do not accuse each other, god will not accuse you. if you have no accuser, you will enter heaven; if you will follow the revelations and instructions which god gives you through me, i will take you into heaven as my back load. if you will not accuse me, i will not accuse you. if you will throw a cloak of charity over my sins, i will over yours--for charity covereth a multitude of sins. what many people call sin is not sin. i do many things to break down superstition."' a congregation that would accept such teaching without a protest, would follow their leader in any direction which he chose to indicate. * millennial star, vol. xviii, p. . smith was the farthest possible from being what spinoza has been called, "a god-intoxicated man." real reverence for sacred things did not enter into his mental equipment. a story illustrating his lack of reverence for what he called "long-faced" brethren was told by j. m. grant in salt lake city. a baptist minister, who talked much of "my dee-e-ar brethren," called on smith in nauvoo, and, after conversing with him for a short time, stood up before smith and asked in solemn tones if it were possible that he saw a man who was a prophet and who had conversed with the saviour. "'yes,' says the prophet, 'i don't know but you do; would you not like to wrestle with me?' after he had whirled around a few times, like a duck shot in the head, he concluded that his piety had been awfully shocked."* * journal of discourses, vol. iii, p. . in manhood smith was about six feet tall, weighing something over two hundred pounds. from among a number of descriptions of him by visitors at nauvoo, the following may be cited. josiah quincy, describing his arrival at what he calls "the tavern" in nauvoo, in may, , gives this impression of the prophet: "pre-eminent among the stragglers at the door stood a man of commanding appearance, clad in the costume of a journeyman carpenter when about his work. he was a hearty, athletic fellow, with blue eyes standing prominently out on his light complexion, a long nose, and a retreating forehead. he wore striped pantaloons, a linen jacket which had not lately seen the wash-tub, and a beard of three days' growth. a fine-looking man, is what the passer-by would instinctively have murmured upon meeting the remarkable individual who had fashioned the mould which was to shape the feelings of so many thousands of his fellow-mortals." * *" figures of the past," p. . the rev. henry caswall, m.a., who had an interview with the prophet at nauvoo, in , thus describes him: "he is a coarse, plebeian, sensual person in aspect, and his countenance exhibits a curious mixture of the knave and the clown. his hands are large and fat, and on one of his fingers he wears a massive gold ring, upon which i saw an inscription. his eyes appear deficient in that open and straightforward expression which often characterizes an honest man." * millennial star, november , . john taylor had death-casts taken of the faces of joseph and hyrum after their murder. by the aid of these and of sketches of the brothers which he had secured while they were living, he had busts of them made by a modeller in europe named gahagan, and these were offered to the saints throughout the world, for a price, of course.* the proofs already cited of smith's immorality are convincing. caswall names a number of occasions on which, he charges, the prophet was intoxicated after his settlement in nauvoo. he relates that on one of these, when smith was asked how it happened that a prophet of the lord could get drunk, smith answered that it was necessary that he should do so to prevent the saints from worshipping him as a god!* * "mormonism and its author," . no mormon ever concedes that proof of smith's personal failings affects his character as a prophet. a mormon doctor, with whom caswall argued at nauvoo, said that smith might be a murderer and an adulterer, and yet be a true prophet. he cited st. peter as saying that, in his time, david had not yet ascended into heaven (acts ii. ); david was in hell as a murderer; so if smith was "as infamous as david, and even denied his own revelations, that would not affect the revelations which god had given him." chapter xv. -- after smith's death--rigdon's last days the murder of the smiths caused a panic, not among the mormons, but among the other inhabitants of hancock county, who looked for summary vengeance at the hands of the prophet's followers, with their famous legion to support them. the state militia having been disbanded, the people considered themselves without protection, and governor ford shared their apprehension. carthage was at once almost depopulated, the people fleeing in wagons, on horseback, and on foot, and most of the citizens of warsaw placed the river between them and their enemies. "i was sensible," says governor ford, "that my command was at an end; that my destruction was meditated as well as the mormons', and that i could not reasonably confide longer in one party or the other." the panic-stricken executive therefore set out at once for quincy, forty miles from the scene of the murder. from that city the governor issued a statement to the people of the state, reciting the events leading up to the recent tragedy, and, under date of june , ordered the enlistment of as many men as possible in the militia of adams, marquette, pike, brown, schuyler, morgan, scott, cass, fulton, and mcdonough counties, and the regiments of general stapp's brigade, for a twelve days' campaign. the independent companies of all sorts, in the same counties, were also told to hold themselves in readiness, and the federal government was asked to station a force of five hundred men from the regular army in hancock county. this last request was not complied with. the governor then sent colonel fellows and captain jonas to nauvoo by the first boat, to find out the intentions of the mormons as well as those of the people of warsaw. meanwhile the voice of the mormon leaders was for peace. willard richards, john taylor, and samuel h. smith united in a letter (written in the first person singular by richards), on the night of the murders, addressed to the prophet's widow, general deming (commanding at carthage), and others, which said:-- "the people of the county are greatly excited, and fear the mormons will come out and take vengeance. i have pledged my word the mormons will stay at home as soon as they can be informed, and no violence will be on their part. and say to my brethren in nauvoo, in the name of the lord, be still, be patient; only let such friends as choose come here to see the bodies. mr. taylor's wounds are dressed and not serious. i am sound." this quieting advice was heeded without even a protest, and after the funeral of the victims the mormons voted unanimously to depend on the law for retribution. while things temporal in nauvoo remained quiet, there were deep feeling and great uncertainty concerning the future of the church. the first presidency had consisted, since the action of the conference at far west in , of joseph and hyrum smith and sidney rigdon. two of these were now dead. did this leave rigdon as the natural head, did smith's son inherit the successorship, or did the supreme power rest with the twelve apostles? discussion of this matter brought out many plans, including a general reorganization of the church, and the appointment of a trustee or a president. rigdon had been sent to pittsburg to build up a church,* and brigham young was electioneering in new hampshire for smith. accordingly, phelps, richards; and taylor, on july issued a brief statement to the church at large, asking all to await the assembling of the twelve. john taylor so stated at rigdon's coming trial. this, perhaps, contradicts the statement in the cannons' "life of brigham young" that rigdon had gone there "to escape the turmoils of nauvoo." rigdon arrived in nauvoo on august , and preached the next day in the grove. he said the lord had shown him a vision, and that there must be a "guardian" appointed to "build the church up to joseph" as he had begun it. cannon's account, in the "juvenile instructor," says that at a meeting at john taylor's the next day rigdon declared that the church was in confusion and must have a head, and he wanted a special meeting called to choose a "guardian." on the evening of august , young, h. c. kimball, lyman wight, orson pratt, orson hyde, and wilford woodruff arrived from the east. a meeting of the twelve apostles, the high council, and high priests was called for august , at p.m., which rigdon attended. he declared that in a vision at pittsburg it had been shown to him that he had been ordained a spokesman to joseph, and that he must see that the church was governed in a proper manner. "i propose," said he, "to be a guardian of the people. in this i have discharged my duty and done what god has commanded me, and the people can please themselves, whether they accept me or not." a special meeting of the church was held on the morning of august . rigdon had previously addressed a gathering in the grove, but he had not been winning adherents. as we have seen, he had alienated himself from the men who had accepted smith's new social doctrines, and a plan which he proposed, that the church should move to pennsylvania, appealed neither to the good judgment nor the pecuniary interests of those to whom it was presented. young made an address at this meeting which so wrought up his hearers that they declared that they saw the mantle of joseph fall upon him. when he asked, "do you want a guardian, a prophet, a spokesman, or what do you want?" not a hand went up. young then went on to give his own view of the situation; his argument pointed to a single result--the demolition of rigdon's claim and the establishment of the supreme authority of the twelve, of whom young himself was the head. w. w. phelps, p. p. pratt, and others sustained young's view. before a vote was taken, according to the minutes quoted, rigdon refused to have his name voted on as "spokesman" or guardian. the meeting then voted unanimously in favor of "supporting the twelve in their calling," and also that the twelve should appoint two bishops to act as trustees for the church, and that the completion of the temple should be pushed.* * for minutes of this church meeting, see times and seasons, vol. v, p. . for a full account of the happenings at nauvoo, from august to , see "historical record" (mormon), vol viii, pp. - . on august young, as president of the twelve, issued an epistle to the church in all the world in which he said:-- "let no man presume for a moment that his [the prophet's] place will be filled by another; for, remember he stands in his own place, and always will, and the twelve apostles of this dispensation stand in their own place, and always will, both in time and eternity, to minister, preside, and regulate the affairs of the whole church." the epistle told the saints also that "it is not wisdom for the saints to have anything to do with politics, voting, or president-making at present." rigdon remained in nauvoo after the decision of the church in favor of the twelve, preaching as of old, declaring that he was with the brethren heart and soul, and urging the completion of the temple. but young regarded him as a rival, and determined to put their strength to a test. accordingly, on tuesday, september , he had a notice printed in the neighbor directing rigdon to appear on the following sunday for trial before a high council presided over by bishop whitney. rigdon did not attend this trial, not only because he was not well, but because, after a conference with his friends, he decided that the case against him was made up and that his presence would do no good.* * for the minutes of this high council, see times and seasons, vol. v, pp. - , - . when the high council met, young expressed a disbelief in rigdon's reported illness. he said that, having heard that rigdon had ordained men to be prophets, priests, and kings, he and orson hyde had obtained from rigdon a confession that he had performed the act of ordination, and that he believed he held authority above any man in the church. that evening eight of the twelve had visited him at his house, and, getting confirmation of his position, had sent a committee to him to demand his license. this he had refused to surrender, saying, "i did not receive it from you, neither shall i give it up to you." then came the order for his trial. orson hyde presented the case against rigdon in detail. he declared that, when they demanded the surrender of his license, rigdon threatened to turn traitor, "his own language was, 'inasmuch as you have demanded my license, i shall feel it my duty to publish all your secret meetings, and all the history of the secret works of this church, in the public journals.'* he intimated that it would bring a mob upon us." parley p. pratt, the member of rigdon's old church in ohio, who, according to his own account, first called rigdon's attention to the mormon bible, next spoke against his old friend. * lee thus explains one of these "secret works": "the same winter [ ] he [smith] organized what was called 'the council of fifty.' this was a confidential organization. this council was designated as a lawmaking department, but no record was ever kept of its doings, or, if kept, they were burned at the close of each meeting. whenever anything of importance was on foot, this council was called to deliberate upon it. the council was called the 'living constitution.' joseph said that no legislature could enact laws that would meet every case, or attain the ends of justice in all respells."--"mormonism unveiled," p. . after amasa lyman, john taylor, and h. c. kimball had spoken against rigdon, brigham young took the floor again, and in reply to the threat that rigdon would expose the secrets of the church, he denounced him in the following terms:-- "brother sidney says, if we go to opposing him, he will tell our secrets. but i would say, 'o, don't, brother sidney! don't tell our secrets--o, don't!' but if he tells our secrets, we will tell his. tit for tat. he has had long visions in pittsburg, revealing to him wonderful iniquity among the saints. now, if he knows of so much iniquity, and has got such wonderful power, why don't he purge it out? he professes to have the keys of david. wonderful power and revelations! and he will publish our iniquity. o, dear brother sidney, don't publish our iniquity! now don't! if sidney rigdon undertakes to publish all our secrets, as he says, he will lie the first jump he takes. if he knew of all our iniquity why did he not publish it sooner? if there is so much iniquity in the church as you talk of, elder rigdon, and you have known of it so long, you are a black-hearted wretch because you have not published it sooner. if there is not this iniquity, you are a blackhearted wretch for endeavoring to bring a mob upon us, to murder innocent men, women and children. any man that says the twelve are bogus-makers, or adulterers, or wicked men is a liar; and all who say such things shall have the fate of liars, where there is weeping and gnashing of teeth. who is there who has seen us do such things? no man. the spirit that i am of tramples such slanderous wickedness under my feet." * * william small, in a letter to the pittsburg messenger and advocate, p. , relates that when he met rigdon on his arrival at st. louis by boat after this trial, orson hyde, who was also a passenger and thought small was with the twelve, addressed small, asking him to intercede with rigdon not to publish the secret acts of the church, and telling him that if rigdon would come back and stand equal with the twelve and counsel with them, he would pledge himself, in behalf of the twelve, that all they had said against rigdon would be revoked. at this point the proceedings had a rather startling interruption. william marks, president of the stake at nauvoo, and a member of the high council (who, as we have seen, had rebelled against the doctrine of polygamy when it was presented to him) took the floor in rigdon's defence. but it was in vain. w. w. phelps moved that rigdon "be cut off from the church, and delivered over to the buffetings of satan until he repents." the vote by the council in favor of this motion was unanimous, but when it was offered to the church, some ten members voted against it. phelps at once moved that all who had voted to follow rigdon should be suspended until they could be tried by the high council, and this was agreed to unanimously, with an amendment including the words, "or shall hereafter be found advocating his principles." after compelling president marks, by formal motion, to acknowledge his satisfaction with the action of the church, the meeting adjourned. rigdon's next steps certainly gave substance to his brother's theory that his mind was unbalanced, the family having noticed his peculiarities from the time he was thrown from a horse, when a boy.* he soon returned to pittsburg, pennsylvania, where his first step was to "resuscitate" the messenger and advocate, which had died at kirtland. in a signed article in the first number he showed that he then intended "to contend for the same doctrines, order of government, and discipline maintained by that paper when first published at kirtland," in other words, to uphold the mormon church as he had known it, with himself at its head. but his old desire for original leadership got the better of him, and after a conference of the membership he had gathered around him, held in pittsburg in april, , at which he was voted "first president, prophet, seer, revelator, and translator," he issued an address to the public in which he declared that his church of christ was neither a branch nor connection of the church at nauvoo, and that it received members of the church of latter-day saints only after baptism and repentance.** in an article in his organ, on july , , he made assertions like these: "the church of christ and the mormons are so widely different in their respective beliefs that they are of necessity opposed to one another, as far as religion is concerned.... there is scarcely one point of similarity.... the church of christ has obtained a distinctive character." * baptist witness, march i, . **pittsburg messenger and advocate, p, . rigdon told the april conference that he had one unceasing desire, namely, to know whether god would accept their work. at the suggestion of the spirit, he had taken some of the brethren into a room in his house that morning, and had consecrated them. what there occurred he thus described:-- "after the washing and anointing, and the patriarchal seal, as the lord had directed me, we kneeled and in solemn prayer asked god to accept the work we had done. during the time of prayer there appeared over our heads in the room a ray of light forming a hollow square, inside of which stood a company of heavenly messengers, each with a banner in his hand, with their eyes looking downward upon us, their countenance expressive of the deep interest they felt in what was passing on the earth. there also appeared heavenly messengers on horseback, with crowns upon their heads, and plumes floating in the air, dressed in glorious attire, until, like elisha, we cried in our hearts, 'the chariots of israel and the horsemen thereof.' even my little son of fourteen years of age saw the vision, and gazed with great astonishment, saying that he thought his imagination was running away with him. after which we arose and lifted our hands to heaven in holy convocation to god; at which time was shown an angel in heaven registering the acceptance of our work, and the decree of the great god that the kingdom is ours and we shall prevail." while the conference was in session, pittsburg was visited by a disastrous conflagration. rigdon prayed for the sufferers by the fire and asked god to check it. "during the prayer" (this quotation is from the official report of the conference in the messenger and advocate, p. ), "an escort of the heavenly messengers that had hovered around us during the time of this conference were seen leaving the room; the course of the wind was instantly changed, and the violence of the flames was stayed." rigdon's attempt to build up a new church in the east was a failure. urgent appeals in its behalf in his periodical were made in vain. the people addressed could not be cajoled with his stories of revelations and miraculous visions, which both the secular and religious press held up to ridicule, and he had no system of foreign immigration to supply ignorant recruits. he soon after took up his residence in friendship, allegheny county, new york, where he died at the residence of his son-in-law, earl wingate, on july , . in an obituary sketch of him the standard of that place said:-- "he was approached by the messengers of young joseph smith of plano, ill., but he refused to converse or answer any communication which in any way would bring him into notice in connection with the mormon church of to-day. it was his daily custom to visit the post-office, get the daily paper, read and converse upon the chief topics of the day. he often engaged in a friendly dispute with the local ministers, and always came out first best on new testament doctrinal matters. patriarchal in appearance, and kindly in address, he was often approached by citizens and strangers with a view to obtaining something of the unrecorded mysteries of his life; but citizen, stranger and persistent reporter all alike failed in eliciting any information as to his knowledge of the mormon imposture, the motives of his early life, or the religious faith, fears and hopes of his declining years. once or twice he spoke excitedly, in terms of scorn, of those who attributed to him the manufacture of the mormon bible; but beyond this, nothing. his library was small: he left no manuscripts, and refused persistently to have a picture of himself taken. it can only be said that he was a compound of ability, versatility, honesty, duplicity, and mystery." one person succeeded in drawing out from rigdon in his later years a few words on his relations with the mormon church. this was charles l. woodward, a new york bookseller, who some years ago made an important collection of mormon literature. while making this collection he sent an inquiry to rigdon, and received a reply, dated may , . after apologizing for his handwriting on account of his age and paralysis, the letter says:-- "we know nothing about the people called mormons now.* the lord notified us that the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints were going to be destroyed, and for us to leave. we did so, and the smiths were killed a few days after we started. since that, i have had no connection with any of the people who staid and built up to themselves churches; and chose to themselves leaders such as they chose, and then framed their own religion. * the statement has been published that, after young had established himself in utah, be received from rigdon an intimation that the latter would be willing to join him. i could obtain no confirmation of this in salt lake city. on the contrary, a leading member of the church informed me that young invited rigdon to join the mormons is utah, but that rigdon did not accept the invitation. "the church of latter-day saints had three books that they acknowledged as canonical, the bible, the book of mormon, and the commandments. for the existence of that church there had to be a revelater, one who received the word of the lord; a spokesman, one inspired of god to expound all revelation, so that the church might all be of one faith. without these two men the church of latter-day saints could not exist. this order ceased to exist, being overcome by the violence of armed men, by whom houses were beaten down by cannon which the assailents had furnished themselves with. "thus ended the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints, and it never can move again till the lord inspires men and women to believe it. all the societies and assemblies of men collected together since then is not the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints, nor never can there be such a church till the lord moves it by his own power, as he did the first. "should you fall in with one who was of the church [of] christ, though now of advanced age, you will find one deep red in the revelations of heaven. but many of them are dead, and many of them have turned away, so there are few left. "i have a manuscript paper in my possession, written with my own hands while in my { th. year}, but i am to poor to do anything with it; and therefore it must remain where it [is]. during the great fight of affliction i have had, i have lost all my property, but i struggle along in poverty to which i am consigned. i have finished all i feel necessary to write. "respectfully, "sidney rigdon."* * the original of this letter is in the collection of mormon literature in the new york public library. an effort to learn from rigdon's descendants something about the manuscript paper referred to by him has failed. rigdon's affirmation of his belief in smith as a prophet and the mormon bible when he returned to pennsylvania was proclaimed by the mormons as proof that there was no truth in the spaulding manuscript story, but it carries no weight as such evidence. rigdon burned all his old theological bridges behind him when he entered into partnership with smith, and his entire course after his return to pittsburg only adds to the proof that he was the originator of the mormon bible, and that his object in writing it was to enable him to be the head of a new church. surely no one would accept as proof of the divinity of the mormon bible any declaration by the man who told the story of angel visits in pittsburg. chapter xvi. -- rivalries over the succession rigdon was not alone in contending for the successorship to joseph smith as the head of the mormon church. the prophet's family defended vigorously the claim of his eldest son to be his successor.* lee says that the prophet had bestowed the right of succession on his eldest son by divination, and that "it was then [after his father's death] understood among the saints that young joseph was to succeed his father, and that right justly belonged to him," when he should be old enough. lee says further that he heard the prophet's mother plead with brigham young, in nauvoo, in , with tears, not to rob young joseph of his birthright, and that young conceded the son's claim, but warned her to keep quiet on the subject, because "you are only laying the knife to the throat of the child. if it is known that he is the rightful successor of his father, the enemy of the priesthood will seek his life."** strang says, "anyone who was in nauvoo in or knows that the majority of those who started to the western exodus, started in this hope," that the younger joseph would take his father's place.*** * the prophet's sons were joseph, born november , ; fred g. w., june , ; alexander, june , ; don carlos, june , ; and david h., november , . ** "mormonism unveiled," pp. , . *** strang's "prophetic controversy," p. . at the last day of the conference held in the temple in nauvoo, in october, , mother smith, at her request, was permitted to make an address. she went over the history of her family, and asked for an expression of opinion whether she was "a mother in israel." one universal "yes" rang out. she said she hoped all her children would accompany the saints to the west, and if they did she would go; but she wanted her bones brought back to be buried beside her husband and children. brigham young then said: "we have extended the helping hand to mother smith. she has the best carriage in the city, and, while she lives, shall ride in it when and where she pleases." * mother smith died in the summer of in nauvoo, where she spent the last two years of her life with joseph's first wife, emma, who had married a major bideman. * millennial star, vol. vii, p. . emma caused the twelve a good deal of anxiety after her husband's death. pratt describes a council held by her, marks, and others to endeavor to appoint a trustee-in-trust for the whole church, the necessity of which she vigorously urged. pratt opposed the idea, and nothing was done about it.* soon after her husband's death the times and seasons noticed a report that she was preparing, with the assistance of one of the prophet's iowa lawyers, an exposure of his "revelations," etc. james arlington bennett, who visited nauvoo after the prophet's death, acting as correspondent for the new york sun, gave in one of his letters the text of a statement which he said emma had written, to this effect, "i never for a moment believed in what my husband called his apparitions or revelations, as i thought him laboring under a diseased mind; yet they may all be true, as a prophet is seldom without credence or honor, excepting in his own family or country." mrs. smith, in a letter to the sun, dated december , , pronounced this letter a forgery, while bennett maintained that he knew that it was genuine.** *pratt's "autobiography," p. . ** emma smith is described as "a tall, dark, masculine looking woman" in "sketches and anecdotes of the old settlers." the organization--or, as they define it, the reorganization of a church by those who claim that the mantle of joseph smith, jr., descended on his sons, had its practical inception at a conference at beloit, wisconsin, in june, , at which resolutions were adopted disclaiming all fellowship with young and other claimants to the leadership of the church, declaring that the successor of the prophet "must of necessity be the seed of joseph smith, jr." at a conference held in amboy, illinois, in april, , joseph smith's son and namesake was placed at the head of this church, a position which he still holds. the reorganized church has been twice pronounced by united states courts to be the one founded under the administration of the prophet. its teachings may be called pure mormonism, free from the doctrines engrafted in after years. it holds that "the doctrines of a plurality and community of wives are heresies, and are opposed to the law of god." its declaration of faith declares its belief in baptism by immersion, the same kind of organization (apostles, prophets, pastors, etc.) that existed in the primitive church, revelations by god to man from time to time "until the end of time," and in "the powers and gifts of the everlasting gospel, viz., the gift of faith, discerning of spirits, prophesy, revelation, healing, visions, tongues, and the interpretation of tongues." no one ever heard of this church having any trouble with its gentile neighbors. the reorganized church moved its headquarters to lamoni, iowa, in . it has a present membership of , , according to the report of the general church recorder to the conference of april, . of these members, were foreign,-- in canada, in england, and in the society islands. the largest membership in this country is in iowa, in missouri, and in michigan. utah reported members. the most determined claimant to the successorship of smith was james j. strang. born at scipio, new york, in , strang was admitted to the bar when a young man, and moved to wisconsin. some of the mormons who went into the north woods to get lumber for the nauvoo temple planted a stake near la crosse, under lyman wight, in . trouble ensued very soon with their non-mormon neighbors, and after a rather brief career the supporters of this stake moved away quietly one night. strang heard of the mormon doctrines from these settlers, accepted their truth, and visiting nauvoo, was baptized in february, , made an elder, and authorized to plant another stake in wisconsin. he first attempted to found a city called voree, where a temple covering more than two acres of ground, with twelve towers, was begun. when smith was killed, strang at once came forward with a declaration that the prophet's revelations indicated that, at the close of his own prophetic office, another would be called to the place by revelation, and ordained at the hands of angels; that not only had he (strang) been so ordained, but that smith had written to him in june, , predicting the end of his own work, and telling strang that he was to gather the people in a zion in wisconsin. strang began at once giving out revelations, describing visions, and announcing that an angel had shown him "plates of the sealed record," and given him the urim and thummim to translate them. although strang's whole scheme was a very clumsy imitation of smith's, he drew a considerable number of followers to his wisconsin branch, where he published a newspaper called the voree herald, and issued pamphlets in defence of his position, and a "book of the law," explaining his doctrinal teachings, which included polygamy. he had five wives. his herald printed a statement, signed by the prophet's mother and his brother william, his three married sisters, and the husband of one of them, certifying that "the smith family do believe in the appointment of j. j. strang." among other mormons of note who gave in their allegiance to strang were john e. page, one of the twelve (whom phelps had called "the sun-dial"), general john c. bennett, and martin harris. strang gave the mormon leaders considerable anxiety, especially when he sent missionaries to england to work up his cause. the millennial star of november , , devoted a good deal of space to the subject. the article began:-- "sketches of notorious characters: james j. strang, successor of sidney rigdon, judius iscariot, cain & co., envoy extraordinary and a minister plenipotentiary to his most gracious majesty lucifer l, assisted by his allied contemporary advisers, john c. bennett, william smith, g. t. adams, and john e. page, secretary of legation." strang announced a revelation which declared that he was to be "king in zion," and his coronation took place on july , , when he was crowned with a metal crown having a cluster of stars on its front. burnt offerings were included in the programme. this ceremony took place on beaver island, in lake superior, where in strang had gathered his people and assumed both temporal and spiritual authority. both of these claims got him into trouble. his non-mormon neighbors, fishermen and lumbermen, accused the mormons of wholesale thefts; his assumption of regal authority brought him before the united states court, (where he was not held); and his advocacy of the practice of polygamy by his followers aroused insubordination, and on june , , he was shot by two members of his flock whom he had offended, and who were at once regarded as heroes by the people of the mainland. a mob secured a vessel, visited beaver island, where strang had maintained a sort of fort, and compelled the mormon inhabitants to embark immediately, with what little property they could gather up. they were landed at different places, most of them in milwaukee. thus ended strang's kingdom.* * "a moses of the mormons," by henry e. legler, parkman club publications, nos. - , milwaukee, wisconsin, may , ; "an american kingdom of mormons," magazine of western history, cleveland, ohio, april, . another leader who "set up for himself" after smith's death was lyman wight, who had been one of the twelve in missouri, and was arrested with smith there. wight did not lay claim to the position of president of the church, but he resented what he called brigham young's usurpation. in he led a small company of his followers to texas, where they first settled on the colorado river, near austin. they made successive moves from that place into gillespie, burnett, and bandera counties. he died near san antonio in march, . the fact that wight entered into the practice of polygamy almost as soon as he reached texas, and still escaped any conflict with his non-mormon neighbors, affords proof of his good character in other respects. the galveston news, in its notice of his death, said, "mr. wight first came to texas in november, , and has been with his colony on our extreme frontier ever since, moving still farther west as settlements formed around him, thus always being the pioneer of advancing civilization, affording protection against the indians." after wight's death his people scattered. a majority of them became identified with the reorganized church, a few gave in their allegiance to the organization in utah, and others abandoned mormonism entirely. chapter xvii. -- brigham young brigham young, the man who had succeeded in expelling rigdon and establishing his own position as head of the church, was born in whitingham, windham county, vermont, on june , . the precise locality of his birth in that town is in dispute. his father, a native of massachusetts, is said to have served under washington during the revolutionary war. the family consisted of eleven children, five sons and six daughters, of whom brigham was the ninth. the youngs moved to whitingham in january, . in his address at the centennial celebration of that town in , clark jillson said, "henry goodnow, esq., of this town says that brigham young's father came here the poorest man that ever had been in town; that he never owned a cow, horse, or any land, but was a basket maker." mormon accounts represent the elder young as having been a farmer. his circumstances permitted him to give his children very little education, and, when sixteen years old, brigham seems to have started out to make his own living, working as a carpenter, painter, and glazier, as jobs were offered. he was living in aurelius, cayuga county, new york, in , working at his trade, and there, in october of that year, he married his first wife, miriam works. in they moved to mendon, monroe county, new york. joseph smith's brother, in the following year, left a copy of the mormon bible at the house of brigham's brother phineas in mendon, and there brigham first saw it. occasional preaching by mormon elders made the new faith a subject of conversation in the neighborhood, and phineas was an early convert. brigham stated in a sermon in salt lake city, on august , , that he examined the new bible for two years before deciding to receive it. he was baptized into the mormon church on april , . his wife, who also embraced the faith, died in september of that year, leaving him two daughters. young married his second wife, mary a. angel, in kirtland on march , . his application for a marriage license is still on file among the records of the probate court at chardon, now the shire town of geauga county, ohio, and his signature is a proof of his illiterateness, showing that he did not know how to spell his own baptismal name, spelling it "bricham." young began preaching and baptizing in the neighborhood, having at once been made an elder, and in the autumn of , after smith's second return from missouri, he visited kirtland and first saw the prophet. mormon accounts of this visit say that young "spoke in tongues," and that smith pronounced his language "the pure adamic," and then predicted that he would in time preside over the church. it is not at all improbable that joseph did not hesitate to interpret brigham's "tongues," but at that time he was thinking of everything else but a successor to himself. young, with his brother joseph, went from kirtland on foot to canada, where he preached and baptized, and whence he brought back a company of converts. he worked at his trade in kirtland (preaching as called upon) from that time until , when he accompanied the "army of zion" to missouri, being one of the captains of tens. returning with the prophet, he was employed on the temple and other church buildings for the next three years (superintending the painting of the temple), when he was not engaged in other church work. having been made one of the original quorum of twelve in , he devoted a good deal of time in the warmer months holding conferences in new york state and new england. when open opposition to smith manifested itself in kirtland, young was one of his firmest defenders. he attended a meeting in an upper room of the temple, the object of which was to depose smith and place david whitmer in the presidency, leading in the debate, and declaring that he "knew that joseph was a prophet." according to his own statement, he learned of a plot to kill smith as he was returning from michigan in a stage-coach, and met the coach with a horse and buggy, and drove the prophet to kirtland unharmed. when smith found it necessary to flee from ohio, young followed him to missouri with his family, arriving at far west on march , . he sailed to liverpool on a mission in , remaining there a little more than a year. in all the discords of the church that occurred during smith's life, young never incurred the prophet's displeasure, and there is no evidence that he ever attempted to obtain any more power or honor for himself than was voluntarily accorded to him. he gave practical assistance to the refugees from missouri as they arrived at quincy, but there is no record of his prominence in the discussions there over the future plans for the church. the prophet's liking for him is shown in a revelation dated at nauvoo, july ; (sec. ), which said:-- "dear and beloved brother brigham young, verily thus saith the lord unto you, my servant brigham, it is no more required at your hand to leave your family as in times past, for your offering is acceptable to me; i have seen your labor and toil in journeyings for my name. i therefore command you to send my word abroad, and take special care of your family from this time, henceforth, and forever. amen." the apostasy of marsh and the death of patton had left young the president of the twelve, and that was the position in which he found himself at the time of smith's death. one of the first subjects which young had to decide concerned "revelations." did they cease with smith's death, or, if not, who would receive and publish them? young made a statement on this subject at the church conference held at nauvoo on october of that year, which indicated his own uncertainty on the subject, and which concluded as follows, "every member has the right of receiving revelations for themselves, both male and female." as if conscious that all this was not very clear, he closed by making a declaration which was very characteristic of his future policy: "if you don't know whose right it is to give revelations, i will tell you. it is i."* we shall see that the discontinuance of written "revelations" was a cause of complaint during all of young's subsequent career in utah, but he never yielded to the demand for them. * times and seasons, vol. v, pp. - . at the conference in nauvoo young selected eighty-five men from the quorum of high priests to preside over branches of the church in all the congressional districts of the united states; and he took pains to explain to them that they were not to stay six months and then return, but "to go and settle down where they can take their families and tarry until the temple is built, and then come and get their endowments, and return to their families and build up a stake as large as this." young's policy evidently was, while not imitating rigdon's plan to move the church bodily to the east, to build up big branches all over the country, with a view to such control of affairs, temporal and spiritual, as could be attained. "if the people will let us alone," he said to this same conference, "we will convert the world." many members did not look on the twelve as that head of the church which smith's revelations had decreed. it was argued by those who upheld rigdon and strang, and by some who remained with the twelve, that the "revelations" still required a first presidency. the twelve allowed this question to remain unsettled until the brethren were gathered at winter quarters, iowa, after their expulsion from nauvoo, and young had returned from his first trip to salt lake valley. the matter was taken up at a council at orson hyde's house on december , , and it was decided, but not without some opposing views, to reorganize the church according to the original plan, with a first presidency and patriarch. in accordance with this plan, a conference was held in the log tabernacle at winter quarters on december , and young was elected president and john smith patriarch. young selected heber c. kimball and willard richards to be his counsellors, and the action of this conference was confirmed in salt lake city the following october. young wrote immediately after his election, "this is one of the happiest days of my life." the vacancies in the twelve caused by these promotions, and by wight's apostasy, were not filled until february , , in salt lake city, when lorenzo snow, erastus snow, c. c. rich, and f. d. richards were chosen. chapter xviii. -- renewed trouble for the mormons--"the burnings" the death of the prophet did not bring peace with their outside neighbors to the mormon church. indeed, the causes of enmity were too varied and radical to be removed by any changes in the leadership, so long as the brethren remained where they were. in the winter of - charges of stealing made against the mormons by their neighbors became more frequent. governor ford, in his message to the legislature, pronounced such reports exaggerated, but it probably does the governor no injustice to say that he now had his eye on the mormon vote. the non-mormons in hancock and the surrounding counties held meetings and appointed committees to obtain accurate information about the thefts, and the old complaints of the uselessness of tracing stolen goods to nauvoo were revived. the mormons vigorously denied these charges through formal action taken by the nauvoo city council and a citizens' meeting, alleging that in many cases "outlandish men" had visited the city at night to scatter counterfeit money and deposit stolen goods, the responsibility for which was laid on mormon shoulders. it is not at all improbable that many a theft in western illinois in those days that was charged to mormons had other authors; but testimony regarding the dishonesty of many members of the church, such as we have seen presented in smith's day, was still available. thus, young, in one of his addresses to the conference assembled at nauvoo about two months after smith's death, made this statement: "elders who go to borrowing horses or money, and running away with it, will be cut off from the church without any ceremony. they will not have so much lenity as heretofore."* * times and seasons, vol. v, p. . a lady who published a sketch of her travels in through illinois and iowa wrote:-- "we now entered a part of the country laid waste by the desperadoes among the mormons. whole farms were deserted, fields were still covered with wheat unreaped, and cornfields stood ungathered, the inhabitants having fled to a distant part of the country.... friends gave us a good deal of information about the doings of these saints at nauvoo--said that often, when their orchards were full of fruit, some sixteen of these monsters would come with bowie knives and drive the owners into their houses while they stripped their trees of the fruit. if these rogues wanted cattle they would drive off the cattle of the gentiles."* * "book for the married and single," by ann archbold. a trial concerning the title to some land in adams county in that year brought out the fact that there existed in the mormon church what was called a "oneness." five persons would associate and select one of their members as a guardian; then, if any of the property they jointly owned was levied on, they would show that one or more of the other five was the real owner. while the mormons continued to send abroad glowing pictures of the prosperity of nauvoo, less prejudiced accounts gave a very different view. the latter pointed out that the immigrants, who supplied the only source of prosperity, had expended most of their capital on houses and lots, that building operations had declined, because houses could be bought cheaper than they could be built, and that mechanics had been forced to seek employment in st. louis. published reports that large numbers of the poor in the city were dependent on charity received confirmation in a letter published in the millennial star of october , , which said that on a fast-day proclaimed by young, when the poor were to be remembered, "people were seen trotting in all directions to the bishops of the different wards" with their contributions. we have seen that the gathering of the saints at nauvoo was an idea of joseph smith, and was undertaken against the judgment of some of the wiser members of the church. the plan, so far as its business features were concerned, was on a par with the other business enterprises that the prophet had fathered. there was nothing to sustain a population of , persons, artificially collected, in this frontier settlement, and that disaster must have resulted from the experiment, even without the hostile opposition of their neighbors, is evident from the fact that nauvoo to day, when fifty years have settled up the surrounding district and brought it in better communication with the world, is a village of only inhabitants (census of ). politics were not eliminated from the causes of trouble by smith's death. not only was a presidential year, but the citizens of hancock county were to vote for a member of congress, two members of the legislature, and a sheriff. governor ford urgently advised the mormons not to vote at all, as a measure of peace; but political feeling ran very high, and the democrats got the mormon vote for president, and with the same assistance elected as sheriff general deming, the officer left by governor ford in command of the militia at carthage when the smiths were killed, as well as two members of the legislature who had voted against the repeal of the nauvoo city charter. the tone of the mormons toward their non-mormon neighbors seemed to become more defiant at this time than ever. the repeal of the nauvoo charter, in january, , unloosened their tongues. their newspaper, the neighbor, declared that the legislature "had no more right to repeal the charter than the united states would have to abrogate and make void the constitution of the state, or than great britain would have to abolish the constitution of the united states--and the man that says differently is a coward, a traitor to his own rights, and a tyrant; no odds what blackstone, kent or story may have written to make themselves and their names popular, to the contrary." the neighbor, in the same article, thus defined its view of the situation, after the repeal:-- "nor is it less legal for an insulted individual or community to resist oppression. for this reason, until the blood of joseph and hyrum smith has been atoned for by hanging, shooting or slaying in some manner every person engaged in that cowardly, mean assassination, no latter-day saint should give himself up to the law; for the presumption is that they wilt murder him in the same manner.... neither should civil process come into nauvoo till the united states by a vigorous course, causes the state of missouri and the state of illinois to redress every man that has suffered the loss of lands, goods or anything else by expulsion. ... if any man is bound to maintain the law, it is for the benefit he may derive from it.... well, our charter is repealed; the murderers of the smiths are running at large, and if the mormons should wish to imitate their forefathers and fulfil the scriptures by making it 'hard to kick against the pricks' by wearing cast steel pikes about four or five inches long in their boots and shoes to kick with, what's the harm?" such utterances, which found imitation in the addresses of the leaders, and were echoed in the columns of pratt's prophet in new york, made it easy for their hostile neighbors to believe that the mormons considered themselves beyond the reach of any law but their own. some daring murders committed across the river in iowa in the spring of afforded confirmation to the non-mormons of their belief in church-instigated crimes of this character, and in the existence and activity of the danite organization. the mormon authorities had denied that there were organized danites at nauvoo, but the weight of testimony is against the denial. gregg, a resident of the locality when the mormons dwelt there, gives a fair idea of the accepted view of the danites at that time:-- "they were bound together with oaths of the most solemn character, and the punishment of traitors to the order was death. john a. murrell's band of pirates, who flourished at one time near jackson, tennessee, and up and down the mississippi river above new orleans, was never so terrible as the danite band, for the latter was a powerful organization, and was above the law. the band made threats, and they were not idle threats. they went about on horseback, under cover of darkness, disguised in long white robes with red girdles. their faces were covered with masks to conceal their identity."* * "history of hancock county." see also "sketches and anecdotes of the old settlers," p. . phineas wilcox, a young man of good reputation, went to nauvoo on september , , to get some wheat ground, and while there disappeared completely. the inquiry made concerning him led his friends to believe that he was suspected of being a gentile spy, and was quietly put out of the way.* * see lee's "mormonism unveiled," pp. - , for accounts of methods of disposing of objectionable persons at nauvoo. william smith, the prophet's brother, contributed to the testimony against the mormon leaders. returning from the east, where he had been living for three years when joseph was killed, he was warmly welcomed by the mormon press, and elevated to the position of patriarch, and, as such, issued a sort of advertisement of his patriarchal wares in the times and seasons* and neighbor, inviting those in want of blessings to call at his residence. william was not a man of tact, and it required but a little time for him to arouse the jealousy of the leaders, the result of which was a notice in the times and seasons of november , , that he had been "cut off and left in the hands of god." but william was not a man to remain quiet even in such a retreat, and he soon afterward issued to the saints throughout the world "a proclamation and faithful warning," which filled eight and a half columns of the warsaw signal of october , , in which, "in all meekness of spirit, and without anger or malice" (william possessed most of the family traits), he accused young of instigating murders, and spoke of him in this way:-- * vol. vi, p. . "it is my firm and sincere conviction that, since the murder of my two brothers, usurpation, and anarchy, and spiritual wickedness in high places have crept into the church, with the cognizance and acquiescence of those whose solemn duty it was to guardedly watch against such a state of things. under the reign of one whom i may call a pontius pilate, under the reign, i say, of this brigham young, no greater tyrant ever existed since the days of nero. he has no other justification than ignorance to cover the most cruel acts--acts disgraceful to any one bearing the stamp of humanity; and this being has associated around him men, bound by oaths and covenants, who are reckless enough to commit almost any crime, or fulfil any command that their self-crowned head might give them." william was, of course, welcomed as a witness by the non-mormons. he soon after went to st. louis, and while there received a letter from orson hyde, which called his proclamation "a cruel thrust," but urged him to return, pledging that they would not harm him. william did not accept the invitation, but settled in illinois, became a respected citizen, and in later years was elected to the legislature. when invited to join the reorganized church by his nephew joseph, he declined, saying, "i am not in sympathy, very strongly, with any of the present organized bands of mormons, your own not excepted." by the spring of the mormons were deserted even by their democratic allies, some three hundred of whom in hancock county issued an address denying that the opposition to them was principally whig, and declaring that it had arisen from compulsion and in self-defence. governor ford, anxious to be rid of his troublesome constituents, sent a confidential letter to brigham young, dated april , , saying, "if you can get off by yourselves you may enjoy peace," and suggesting california as opening "a field for the prettiest enterprise that has been undertaken in modern times." an era of the most disgraceful outrages that marked any of the conflicts between the mormons and their opponents east of the rocky mountains began in hancock county on the night of september , when a schoolhouse in green plain, south of warsaw, in which the anti-mormons were holding a meeting, was fired upon. the mormons always claimed that this was a sham attack, made by the anti-mormons to give an excuse for open hostilities, and probabilities favor this view. straightway ensued what were known as the "burnings." a band of men, numbering from one hundred to two hundred, and coming mostly from warsaw, began burning the houses, outbuildings, and grain stacks of mormons all over the southwest part of the county. the owners were given time to remove their effects, and were ordered to make haste to nauvoo, and in this way the country region was rapidly rid of mormon settlers.* * gregg's "history of hancock county," p. . the sheriff of the county at that time was j. b. backenstos, who, ford says, went to hancock county from sangamon, a fraudulent debtor, and whose brother married a niece of the prophet joseph.* he had been elected to the legislature the year before, and had there so openly espoused the mormon cause opposing the repeal of the nauvoo charter that his constituents proposed to drive him from the county when he returned home. backenstos at once took up the cause of the mormons, issued proclamation after proclamation,** breathing the utmost hostility to the mormon assailants, and calling on the citizens to aid him as a posse in maintaining order. * ford's "history of illinois," pp. - . ** for the text of five of these proclamations, see millennial star, vol. vi. a sheriff of different character might have secured the help that was certainly his due on such an occasion, but no non-mormon would respond to a call by backenstos. an occurrence incidental to these disturbances now added to the public feeling. on september , lieutenant worrell, who had been in command of the guard at the jail when the smith brothers were killed, was shot dead while riding with two companions from carthage to warsaw. his death was charged to backenstos and to o. p. rockwell,* the man accused of the attempted assassination of governor boggs, and both were afterward put on trial for it, but were acquitted. the sheriff now turned to the nauvoo legion for recruits, and in his third proclamation he announced that he then had a posse of upward of two thousand "well-armed men" and two thousand more ready to respond to his call. he marched in different directions with this force, visiting carthage, where he placed a number of citizens under arrest and issued his proclamation no. ., in which he characterized the carthage grays as "a band of the most infamous and villanous scoundrels that ever infested any community." * "who was the actual guilty party may never be known. we have lately been informed from salt lake that rockwell did the deed, under order of the sheriff, which is probably the case."--gregg, "history of hancock county," p. . "during the ascendency of the sheriff and the absence of the anti-mormons from their homes," said governor ford,* "the people who had been burnt out of their houses assembled at nauvoo, from whence, with many others, they sallied forth and ravaged the country, stealing and plundering whatever was convenient to carry or drive away." thus it seems that the governor had changed his opinion about the honesty of the mormons. to remedy the chaotic condition of affairs in the county, governor ford went to jacksonville, morgan county, where, in a conference, it was decided that judge stephen a. douglas, general j. j. hardin, attorney general t. a. mcdougal, and major w. b. warren should go to hancock county with such forces as could be raised, to put an end to the lawlessness. when the sheriff heard of this, he pronounced the governor's proclamation directing the movement a forgery, and said, in his own proclamation no. , "i hope no armed men will come into hancock county under such circumstances. i shall regard them in the character of a mob, and shall treat them accordingly." *ford's "history of illinois," p. . the sheriff labored under a mistake. the steps now taken resulted, not in a demonstration of his authority, but in the final expulsion of all the mormons from illinois and iowa. chapter xix. -- the expulsion of the mormons general hardin announced the coming of his force, which numbered about four hundred men, in a proclamation addressed "to the citizens of hancock county," dated september . he called attention to the lawless acts of the last two years by both parties, characterizing the recent burning of houses as "acts which disgrace your county, and are a stigma to the state, the nation, and the age." his force would simply see that the laws were obeyed, without taking part with either side. he forbade the assembling of any armed force of more than four men while his troops remained in the county, urged the citizens to attend to their ordinary business, and directed officers having warrants for arrests in connection with the recent disturbances to let the attorney-general decide whether they needed the assistance of troops. but the citizens were in no mood for anything like a restoration of the recent order of things, or for any compromise. the warsaw signal of september had appealed to the non-mormons of the neighboring counties to come to the rescue of hancock, and the citizens of these counties now began to hold meetings which adopted resolutions declaring that the mormons "must go," and that they would not permit them to settle in any of the counties interested. the most important of these meetings, held at quincy, resulted in the appointment of a committee of seven to visit nauvoo, and see what arrangements could be made with the mormons regarding their removal from the state. notwithstanding their defiant utterances, the mormon leaders had for some time realized that their position in illinois was untenable. that smith himself understood this before his death is shown by the following entry in his diary:-- "feb. , . i instructed the twelve apostles to send out a delegation, and investigate the locations of california and oregon, and hunt out a good location where we can remove to after the temple is completed, and where we can build a city in a day, and have a government of our own, get up into the mountains, where the devil cannot dig us out, and live in a healthy climate where we can live as old as we have a mind to."* * millennial star, vol. xx, p. . the mormon reply to the quincy committee was given under date of september in the form of a proclamation signed by president brigham young.* in a long preamble it asserted the desire of the mormons "to live in peace with all men, so far as we can, without sacrificing the right to worship god according to the dictates of our own consciences"; recited their previous expulsion from their homes, and the unfriendly view taken of their "views and principles" by many of the people of illinois, finally announcing that they proposed to leave that country in the spring "for some point so remote that there will not need to be a difficulty with the people and ourselves." the agreement to depart was, however, conditioned on the following stipulations: that the citizens would help them to sell or rent their properties, to get means to assist the widows, the fatherless, and the destitute to move with the rest; that "all men will let us alone with their vexatious lawsuits"; that cash, dry goods, oxen, cattle, horses, wagons, etc., be given in exchange for mormon property, the exchanges to be conducted by a committee of both parties; and that they be subjected to no more house burnings nor other depredations while they remained. * millennial star, vol. vi, p. . the adjourned meeting at quincy received the report of its committee on september , and voted to accept the proposal of the mormons to move in the spring, but stated explicitly, "we do not intend to bring ourselves under any obligation to purchase their property, nor to furnish purchasers for the same; but we will in no way hinder or obstruct them in their efforts to sell, and will expect them to dispose of their property and remove at the time appointed." to manifest their sympathy with the unoffending poor of nauvoo, a committee of twenty was appointed to receive subscriptions for their aid. the resignation of sheriff backenstos was called for, and the judge of that circuit was advised to hold no court in hancock county that year. the outcome of the meetings in the different counties was a convention which met in carthage on october and , and at which nine counties (hancock not included) were represented. this convention adopted resolutions setting forth the inability of non-mormons to secure justice at the hands of juries under mormon influence, declaring that the only settlement of the troubles could be through the removal of the mormons from the state, and repudiating "the impudent assertion, so often and so constantly put forth by the mormons, that they are persecuted for righteousness' sake." the counties were advised to form a military organization, and the mormons were warned that their opponents "solemnly pledge ourselves to be ready to act as the occasion may require." meanwhile, the commissioners appointed by governor ford had been in negotiation with the mormon authorities, and on october they, too, asked the latter to submit their intentions in writing. this they did the same day. their reply, signed by brigham young, president, and willard richards, clerk,* referred the commission to their response to the quincy committee, and added that they had begun arrangements to remove from the county before the recent disturbances, one thousand families, including the heads of the church, being determined to start in the spring, without regard to any sacrifice of their property; that the whole church desired to go with them, and would do so if the necessary means could be secured by sales of their possessions, but that they wished it "distinctly understood that, although we may not find purchasers for our property, we will not sacrifice it or give it away, or suffer it illegally to be wrested from us." to this the commissioners on october sent a reply, informing the mormons that their proposition seemed to be acquiesced in by the citizens of all the counties interested, who would permit them to depart in peace the next spring without further violence. they closed as follows:-- * text in millennial star, vol. vi, p. . "after what has been said and written by yourselves, it will be confidently expected by us and the whole community, that you will remove from the state with your whole church, in the manner you have agreed in your statement to us. should you not do so, we are satisfied, however much we may deprecate violence and bloodshed, that violent measures will be resorted to, to compel your removal, which will result in most disastrous consequences to yourselves and your opponents, and that the end will be your expulsion from the state. we think that steps should be taken by you to make it apparent that you are actually preparing to remove in the spring. "by carrying out, in good faith, your proposition to remove, as submitted to us, we think you should be, and will be, permitted to depart peaceably next spring for your destination, west of the rocky mountains. for the purpose of maintaining law and order in this county, the commanding general purposes to leave an armed force in this county which will be sufficient for that purpose, and which will remain so long as the governor deems it necessary. and for the purpose of preventing the use of such force for vexatious or improper objects, we will recommend the governor of the state to send some competent legal officer to remain here, and have the power of deciding what process shall be executed by said military force. "we recommend to you to place every possible restraint in your power over the members of your church, to prevent them from committing acts of aggression or retaliation on any citizens of the state, as a contrary course may, and most probably will, bring about a collision which will subvert all efforts to maintain the peace in this county; and we propose making a similar request of your opponents in this and the surrounding counties. "with many wishes that you may find that peace and prosperity in the land of your destination which you desire, we have the honor to subscribe ourselves, "john j. hardin, w. b. warren. "s. a. douglas, j. a. mcdougal." on the following day these commissioners made official announcement of the result of their negotiations, "to the anti-mormon citizens of hancock and the surrounding counties." they expressed their belief in the sincerity of the mormon promises; advised that the non-mormons be satisfied with obtaining what was practicable, even if some of their demands could not be granted, beseeching them to be orderly, and at the same time warning them not to violate the law, which the troops left in the county by general hardin would enforce at all hazards. the report closed as follows:-- "remember, whatever may be the aggression against you, the sympathy of the public may be forfeited. it cannot be denied that the burning of the houses of the mormons in hancock county, by which a large number of women and children have been rendered homeless and houseless, in the beginning of the winter, was an act criminal in itself, and disgraceful to its perpetrators. and it should also be known that it has led many persons to believe that, even if the mormons are so bad as they are represented, they are no worse than those who have burnt their houses. whether your cause is just or unjust, the acts of these incendiaries have thus lost for you something of the sympathy and good-will of your fellow-citizens; and a resort to, or persistence in, such a course under existing circumstances will make you forfeit all the respect and sympathy of the community. we trust and believe, for this lovely portion of our state, a brighter day is dawning; and we beseech all parties not to seek to hasten its approach by the torch of the incendiary, nor to disturb its dawn by the clash of arms." the millennial star of december , , thus introduced this correspondence:-- the end of american liberty "the following official correspondence shows that this government has given thirty thousand american citizens the choice of death or banishment beyond the rocky mountains. of these two evils they have chosen the least. what boasted liberty! what an honor to american character!" chapter xx. -- the evacuation of nauvoo--"the last mormon war" the winter of - in hancock county passed without any renewed outbreak, but the credit for this seems to have been due to the firmness and good judgment of major w. b. warren, whom general hardin placed in command of the force which he left in that county to preserve order, rather than to any improvement in the relations between the two parties, even after the mormons had agreed to depart. major warren's command, which at first consisted of one hundred men, and was reduced during the winter to fifty and later to ten, came from quincy, and had as subordinate officers james d. morgan and b. m. prentiss, whose names became famous as union generals in the war of the rebellion. warren showed no favoritism in enforcing his authority, and he was called on to exercise it against both sides. the local newspapers of the day contain accounts of occasional burnings during the winter, and of murders committed here and there. on november , a meeting of citizens of warsaw, who styled themselves "a portion of the anti-mormon party," was held to protest against such acts as burnings and the murder of a mormon, ten miles south of warsaw, and to demand adherence to the agreement entered into. on february , major warren had to issue a warning to an organization of anti-mormons who had ordered a number of mormon families to leave the county by may , if they did not want to be burned out. governor ford sent mr. brayman to hancock county as legal counsel for the military commander. in a report dated december , , mr. brayman said of the condition of affairs as he found them:-- "judicial proceedings are but mockeries of the forms of law; juries, magistrates and officers of every grade concerned in the civil affairs of the county partake so deeply of the prevailing excitement that no reliance, as a general thing, can be placed on their action. crime enjoys a disgraceful impunity, and each one feels at liberty to commit any aggression, or to avenge his own wrongs to any extent, without legal accountability.... whether the parties will become reconciled or quieted, so as to live together in peace, is doubted.... such a series of outrages and bold violations of law as have marked the history of hancock county for several years past is a blot upon our institutions; ought not to be endured by a civilized people." * * warsaw signal, december , . meanwhile, the mormons went on with their preparations for their westward march, selling their property as best they could, and making every effort to trade real estate in and out of the city, and such personal property as they could not take with them, for cattle, oxen, mules, horses, sheep, and wagons. early in february the non-mormons were surprised to learn that the mormons at nauvoo had begun crossing the river as a beginning of their departure for the far west. "we scarcely know what to make of this movement," said the warsaw signal, the general belief being that the mormons would be slow in carrying out their agreement to leave "so soon as grass would grow and water run." the date of the first departure, it has since been learned, was hastened by the fact that the grand jury in springfield, illinois, in december, , had found certain indictments for counterfeiting, in regard to which the journal of that city, on december , gave the following particulars:-- "during the last week twelve bills of indictment for counterfeiting mexican dollars and our half dollars and dimes were found by the grand jury, and presented to the united states circuit court in this city against different persons in and about nauvoo, embracing some of the 'holy twelve' and other prominent mormons, and persons in league with them. the manner in which the money was put into circulation was stated. at one mill $ was paid out for wheat in one week. whenever a land sale was about to take place, wagons were sent off with the coin into the land district where such sale was to take place, and no difficulty occurred in exchanging off the counterfeit coin for paper.... so soon as the indictments were found, a request was made by the marshal of the governor of this state for a posse, or the assistance of the military force stationed in hancock county, to enable him to arrest the alleged counterfeiters. gov. ford refused to grant the request. an officer has since been sent to nauvoo to make the arrests, but we apprehend there is no probability of his success." the report that a whole city was practically for sale had been widely spread, and many persons--some from the eastern states--began visiting it to see what inducements were offered to new settlers, and what bargains were to be had. among these was w. e. matlack, who on april issued, in nauvoo, the first number of a weekly newspaper called the hancock eagle. matlack seems to have been a fair-minded man, possessed of the courage of his convictions, and his paper was a better one in, a literary sense than the average weekly of the day. in his inaugural editorial he said that he favored the removal of the mormons as a peace measure, but denounced mob rule and threats against the mormons who had not departed. the ultra-antis took offence at this at once, and, so far as the eagle was supposed to represent the views of the new-comers,--who were henceforth called new citizens,--counted them little better than the mormons themselves. among these, however, was a class whom the county should have welcomed, the boats, in one week in may, landing four or five merchants, six physicians, three or four lawyers, two dentists, and two or three hundred others, including laborers. the people of hancock and the surrounding counties still refused to believe that the mormons were sincere in their intention to depart, and the county meetings of the year before were reassembled to warn the mormons that the citizens stood ready to enforce their order. the vacillating course of governor ford did not help the situation. he issued an order disbanding major warren's force on may , and on the following day instructed him to muster it into service again. warren was very outspoken in his determination to protect the departing mormons, and in a proclamation which he issued he told them to "leave the fighting to be done by my detachment. if we are overpowered, then recross the river and defend yourselves and your property." the peace was preserved during may, and the mormon exodus continued, young with the first company being already well advanced in his march across iowa. major warren sent a weekly report on the movement to the warsaw signal. that dated may said that the ferries at nauvoo and at fort madison were each taking across an average of teams in twenty-four hours. for the week ending may he reported the departure of teams and persons; and for the week ending may , the departure of teams and persons, and he said he had counted the day before wagons in nauvoo ready to start. but even this activity did not satisfy the ultra element among the anti-mormons, and at a meeting in carthage, on saturday, june , resolutions drawn by editor sharp of the signal expressed the belief that many of the mormons intended to remain in the state, charged that they continued to commit depredations, and declared that the time had come for the citizens of the counties affected to arm and equip themselves for action. the signal headed its editorial remarks on this meeting, "war declared in hancock." when the news of the gathering at carthage reached nauvoo it created a panic. the mormons, lessened in number by the many departures, and with their goods mostly packed for moving, were in no situation to repel an attack; and they began hurrying to the ferry until the streets were blocked with teams. the new citizens, although the carthage meeting had appointed a committee to confer with them, were almost as much alarmed, and those who could do so sent away their families, while several merchants packed up their goods for safety. on friday, june , the committee of new citizens met some anti-mormons who had assembled near carthage, and strenuously objected to their marching into nauvoo. as a sort of compromise, the force consented to rendezvous at golden point, five miles south of nauvoo, and there they arrived the next day. this force, according to the signal's own account, was a mere mob, three-fourths of whom went there against their own judgment, and only to try to prevent extreme measures. a committee was at once sent to nauvoo to confer with the new citizens, but it met with a decided snubbing. the nauvoo people then sent a committee to the camp, with a proposition that thirty men of the antis march into the city, and leave three of their number there to report on the progress of the mormon exodus. on sunday morning, before any such agreement was reached, word came from nauvoo that sheriff backenstos had arrived there and enrolled a posse of some men, the new citizens uniting with the mormons for the protection of the place. this led to an examination of the war supplies of the antis, and the discovery that they had only five rounds of ammunition to a man, and one day's provision. thereupon they ingloriously broke camp and made off to carthage. after this nothing more serious than a war of words occurred until july , when an event happened which aroused the feeling of both parties to the fighting pitch. three mormons from nauvoo had been harvesting a field of grain about eight miles from the city.* in some way they angered a man living near by (according to his wife's affidavit, by shooting around his fields, using his stable for their horses, and feeding his oats), and he collected some neighbors, who gave the offenders a whipping, more or less severe, according to the account accepted. the men went at once to nauvoo, and exhibited their backs, and that night a mormon posse arrested seventeen antis and conveyed them to nauvoo. the antis in turn seized five mormons whom they held as "hostages," and the northern part of hancock county and a part of mcdonough were in a state of alarm. * the eagle stated that the farm where the mormons were at work had been bought by a new citizen, who had sent out both mormons and new citizens to cut the grain. civil chaos ensued. general hardin and major warren had joined the federal army that was to march against mexico, and their cool judgment was greatly missed. one carlin, appointed as a special constable, called on the citizens of hancock county to assemble as his posse to assist in executing warrants in nauvoo, and the mormons of that city at once took steps to resist arrests by him. governor ford sent major parker of fulton county, who was a whig, to make an inquiry at nauvoo and defend that city against rioting, and mr. brayman remained there to report to him on the course of affairs. what was called at that time, in illinois, "the last mormon war" opened with a fusillade of correspondence between carlin and major parker. parker issued a proclamation, calling on all good citizens to return to their homes, and carlin declared that he would obey no authority which tried to prevent him from doing his duty, telling the major that it would "take something more than words" to disperse his posse. while parker was issuing a series of proclamations, the so-called posse was, on august , placed under the command of colonel j. b. chittenden of adams county, who was superseded three days later by colonel singleton. colonel singleton was successful in arranging with major parker terms of peace, which provided among other things that all the mormons should be out of the state in sixty days, except heads of families who remained to close their business; but the colonel's officers rejected this agreement, and the colonel thereupon left the camp. carlin at once appointed colonel brockman to the chief command. he was a campbellite preacher who, according to ford, had been a public defaulter and had been "silenced" by his church. after rejecting another offer of compromise made by the mormons, brockman, on september , with about seven hundred men who called themselves a posse, advanced against nauvoo, with some small field pieces. governor ford had authorized major flood, commanding the militia of adams county, to raise a force to preserve order in hancock; but the major, knowing that such action would only incense the force of the antis, disregarded the governor's request. at this juncture major parker was relieved of the command at nauvoo and succeeded by major b. clifford, jr., of the rd regiment of illinois volunteers. on the morning of september , brockman sent into nauvoo a demand for its surrender, with the pledge that there would be no destruction of property or life "unless absolutely necessary in self-defence." major clifford rejected this proposition, advised brockman to disperse his force, and named mayor wood of quincy and j. p. eddy, a st. louis merchant then in nauvoo, as recipients of any further propositions from the antis. the forces at this time were drawn up against one another, the mormons behind a breastwork which they had erected during the night, and the antis on a piece of high ground nearer the city than their camp. brayman says that an estimate which placed the mormon force at five hundred or six hundred was a great exaggeration, and that the only artillery they had was six pieces which they fashioned for themselves, by breaking some steamboat shafts to the proper length and boring them out so that they would receive a six-pound shot. when clifford's reply was received, the commander of the antis sent out the warsaw riflemen as flankers on the right and left; directed the lima guards, with one cannon, to take a position a mile to the front of the camp and occupy the attention of the men behind the mormon breastwork, who had opened fire; and then marched the main body through a cornfield and orchard to the city itself. both sides kept up an artillery fire while the advance was taking place. when the antis reached the settled part of the city, the firing became general, but was of an independent character. the mormons in most cases fired from their houses, while the antis found such shelter as they could in a cornfield and along a worm fence. after about an hour of such fighting, brockman, discovering that all of the sixty-one cannon balls with which he had provided himself had been shot away, decided that it was perilous "to risk a further advance without these necessary instruments." accordingly, he ordered a retreat and his whole force returned to its camp. in this engagement no antis were killed, and the surgeon's list named only eight wounded, one of whom died. three citizens of nauvoo were killed. the mormons had the better protection in their houses, but the other side made rather effective use of their artillery. the antis began at once intrenching their camp, and sent to quincy for ammunition. there were some exchanges of shots on sunday and monday, and three antis were wounded on the latter day. quincy responded promptly to the request for ammunition, but the people of that town were by no means unanimously in favor of the "war." on sunday evening a meeting of the peaceably inclined appointed a committee of one hundred to visit the scene of hostilities and secure peace "on the basis of a removal of the mormons." the negotiations of this committee began on the following tuesday, and were continued, at times with apparent hopelessness of success, until wednesday evening, when terms of peace were finally signed. it required the utmost effort of the quincy committee to induce the anti-mormon force to delay an assault on the city, which would have meant conflagration and massacre. the terms of peace were as follows: " . the city of nauvoo will surrender. the force of col. brockman to enter and take possession of the city tomorrow, the th of september, at o'clock p.m. " . the arms to be delivered to the quincy committee, to be returned on the crossing of the river. " . the quincy committee pledge themselves to use their influence for the protection of persons and property from all violence; and the officers of the camp and the men pledge themselves to protect all persons and property from violence. " . the sick and helpless to be protected and treated with humanity. " . the mormon population of the city to leave the state, or disperse, as soon as they can cross the river. " . five men, including the trustees of the church, and five clerks, with their families (william pickett not one of the number), to be permitted to remain in the city for the disposition of property, free from all molestation and personal violence. " . hostilities to cease immediately, and ten men of the quincy committee to enter the city in the execution of their duty as soon as they think proper." the noticeable features of these terms are the omission of any reference to the execution of carlin's writs, and the engagement that the mormons should depart immediately. the latter was the real object of the "posse's" campaign. the mormons had realized that they could not continue their defence, as no reenforcements could reach them, while any temporary check to their adversaries would only increase the animosity of the latter. they acted, therefore, in good faith as regards their agreement to depart. how they went is thus described in brayman's second report to governor ford: * * for brayman's reports, see warsaw signal, october , . "these terms were not definitely signed until the morning of thursday, the th, but, confident of their ratification, the mormon population had been busy through the night in removing. so firmly had they been taught to believe that their lives, their city, and temple, would fall a sacrifice to the vengeance of their enemies, if surrendered to them, that they fled in consternation, determined to be beyond their reach at all hazards. this scene of confusion, fright and distress was continued throughout the forenoon. in every part of the city scenes of destitution, misery and woe met the eye. families were hurrying away from their homes, without a shelter,--without means of conveyance,--without tents, money, or a day's provision, with as much of their household stuff as they could carry in their hands. sick men and women were carried upon their beds--weary mothers, with helpless babes dying in the arms, hurried away--all fleeing, they scarcely knew or cared whither, so it was from their enemies, whom they feared more than the waves of the mississippi, or the heat, and hunger and lingering life and dreaded death of the prairies on which they were about to be cast. the ferry boats were crowded, and the river bank was lined with anxious fugitives, sadly awaiting their turn to pass over and take up their solitary march to the wilderness." on the afternoon of the th, brockman's force, with which the members of the quincy committee had been assigned a place, marched into nauvoo and through it, encamping near the river on the southern boundary. curiosity to see the mormon city had swelled the number who entered at the same time with the posse to nearly two thousand men, but there was no disorder. the streets were practically deserted, and the few mormons who remained were busy with their preparations to cross the river. brockman, to make his victory certain, ordered that all citizens of nauvoo who had sided with the mormons should leave the state, thus including many of the new citizens. the order was enforced on september , "with many circumstances of the utmost cruelty and injustice," according to brayman's report. "bands of armed men," he said, "traversed the city, entering the houses of citizens, robbing them of arms, throwing their household goods out of doors, insulting them, and threatening their lives." chapter xxi. -- nauvoo after the exodus brockman's force was disbanded after its object had been accomplished, and all returned to their homes but about one hundred, who remained in nauvoo to see that no mormons came back. these men, whose number gradually decreased, provided what protection and government the place then enjoyed. governor ford received much censure from the state at large for the lawless doings of the recent months. a citizens' meeting at springfield demanded that he call out a force sufficient "to restore the supremacy of the law, and bring the offenders to justice." he did call on hancock county for volunteers to restore order, but a public meeting in carthage practically defied him. he, however, secured a force of about two hundred men, with which he marched into nauvoo, greatly to the indignation of the hancock county people. his stay there was marked by incidents which showed how his erratic course in recent years had deprived him of public respect, and which explain some of the bitterness toward the county which characterizes his "history." one of these was the presentation to him of a petticoat as typical of his rule. when ford was succeeded as governor by french, the latter withdrew the militia from the county, and, in an address to the citizens, said, "i confidently rely upon your assistance and influence to aid in preventing any act of a violent character in future." matters in the county then quieted down. the warsaw newspapers, in place of anti-mormon literature, began to print appeals to new settlers, setting forth the advantages of the neighborhood. but a newspaper war soon followed between two factions in nauvoo, one of which contended that the place was an assemblage of gamblers and saloon-keepers, while the other defended its reputation. this latter view, however, was not established, and most of the houses remained tenantless. amid all their troubles in nauvoo the mormon authorities never lost sight of one object, the completion of the temple. to the non-mormons, and even to many in the church, it seemed inexplicable why so much zeal and money should be expended in finishing a structure that was to be at once abandoned. before the agreement to leave the state was made, a warsaw newspaper predicted that the completion of the temple would end the reign of the mormon leaders, since their followers were held together by the expectation of some supernatural manifestation of power in their behalf at that time* another outside newspaper suggested that they intended to use it as a fort. * a man from the neighborhood who visited nauvoo in to buy calves called on a blind man, of whom he says: "he told me he had a nice home in massachusetts, which gave them a good support. but one of the mormon elders preaching in that country called on him and told him if he would sell out and go to nauvoo the prophet would restore his sight. he sold out and had come to the city and spent all his means, and was now in great need. i asked why the prophet did not open his eyes. he replied that joseph had informed him that he could not open his eyes till the temple was finished."--gregg, "history of hancock county," p. . orson pratt, in a letter to the saints in the eastern states, written at the time of the agreement to depart, answering the query why the lord commanded them to build a house out of which he would then suffer them to be driven at once, quoted a paragraph from the "revelation" of january , , which commanded the building of the temple "that you may prove yourselves unto me, that ye are faithful in all things whatsoever i command you, that i may bless you and cover you with honor, immortality, and eternal life." the cap-stone of the temple was laid in place early on the morning of may , , amid shouts of "hosannah to god and the lamb," music by the band, and the singing of a hymn. the first meeting was held in the temple on october , , and from that time the edifice was used almost constantly in administering the ordinances (baptism, endowment, etc.). brigham young says that on one occasion he continued this work from p.m. to . a.m., and others of the quorum assisted. the ceremony of the "endowment," although considered very secret, has been described by many persons who have gone through it. the descriptions by elder hyde and i. mcgee van dusen and his wife go into details. a man and wife received notice to appear at the temple at nauvoo at a.m., he to wear white drawers, and she to bring her nightclothes with her. passing to the upper floor, they were told to remove their hats and outer wraps, and were then led into a narrow hall, at the end of which stood a man who directed the husband to pass through a door on the right, and the wife to one on the left. the candidates were then questioned as to their preparation for the initiation, and if this resulted satisfactorily, they were directed to remove all their outer clothing. this ended the "first degree." in the next room their remaining clothing was removed and they received a bath, with some mummeries which may best be omitted. next they were anointed all over with oil poured from a horn, and pronounced "the lord's anointed," and a priest ordained them to be "king (or queen) in time and eternity." the man was now furnished with a white cotton undergarment of an original design, over which he put his shirt, and the woman was given a somewhat similar article, together with a chemise, nightgown, and white stockings. each was then conducted into another apartment and left there alone in silence for some time. then a rumbling noise was heard, and brigham young appeared, reciting some words, beginning "let there be light," and ending "now let us make man in our image, after our likeness." approaching the man first, he went through a form of making him out of the dust; then, passing into the other room, he formed the woman out of a rib he had taken from the man. giving this eve to the man adam, he led them into a large room decorated to represent eden, and, after giving them divers instructions, left them to themselves. much was said in later years about the requirement of the endowment oath. when general maxwell tried to prevent the seating of cannon as delegate to congress in , one of his charges was that cannon had, in the endowment house, taken an oath against the united states government. this called out affidavits by some of the leading anti-young mormons of the day, including e. l. t. harrison, that they had gone through the endowment house without taking any oath of the kind. but hyde, in his description of the ceremony, says:-- "we were sworn to cherish constant enmity toward the united states government for not avenging the death of smith, or righting the persecutions of the saints; to do all that we could toward destroying, tearing down or overturning that government; to endeavor to baffle its designs and frustrate its intentions; to renounce all allegiance and refuse all submission. if unable to do anything ourselves toward the accomplishment of these objects, to teach it to our children from the nursery, impress it upon them from the death bed, entail it upon them as a legacy." * * hyde's "mormonism," p. . in the suit of charlotte arthur against brigham young's estate, to recover a lot in salt lake city which she alleged that young had unlawfully taken possession of, her verified complaint (filed july , ) alleged that the endowment oath contained the following declaration:--"to obey him, the lord's anointed, in all his orders, spiritual and temporal, and the priesthood or either of them, and all church authorities in like manner; that this obligation is superior to all the laws of the united states, and all earthly laws; that enmity should be cherished against the government of the united states; that the blood of joseph smith, the prophet, and apostles slain in this generation shall be avenged." as soon as the agreement to leave the state was made, the mormons tried hard to sell or lease the temple, but in vain; and when the last mormon departed, the structure was left to the mercy of the hancock county "posse." colonel kane, in his description of his visit to nauvoo soon after the evacuation, says that the militia had defiled and defaced such features as the shrines and the baptismal font, the apartment containing the latter being rendered "too noisome to abide in." had the building been permitted to stand, it would have been to nauvoo something on which the town could have looked as its most remarkable feature. but early on the morning of november , , the structure was found to be on fire, evidently the work of an incendiary, and what the flames could eat up was soon destroyed. the nauvoo patriot deplored the destruction of "a work of art at once the most elegant in its construction, and the most renowned in its celebrity, of any in the whole west." when the icarians, a band of french socialists, settled in nauvoo, they undertook, in , to rebuild the edifice for use as their halls of reunion and schools. after they had expended on this work a good deal of time and labor, the city was visited by a cyclone on may of that year, which left standing only a part of the west wall. out of the stone the icarians then built a school house, but nothing original now remains on the site except the old well. the nauvoo of to-day is a town of only inhabitants. the people are largely of german origin, and the leading occupation is fruit growing. the site of the temple is occupied by two modern buildings. a part of nauvoo house is still standing, as are brigham young's former residence, joseph smith's "new mansion," and other houses which mormons occupied. the mormons in iowa were no more popular with their non-mormon neighbors there than were those in illinois, and after the murders by the hodges, and other crimes charged to the brethren, a mass meeting of lee county inhabitants was held, which adopted resolutions declaring that the mormons and the old settlers could not live together and that the mormons must depart, citizens being requested to aid in this movement by exchanging property with the emigrants. in the last of these objectionable citizens left the county. book v. -- the migration to utah chapter i. -- preparations for the long march two things may be accepted as facts with regard to the migration of the mormons westward from illinois: first, that they would not have moved had they not been compelled to; and second, that they did not know definitely where they were going when they started. although joseph smith showed an uncertainty of his position by his instruction that the twelve should look for a place in california or oregon to which his people might move, he considered this removal so remote a possibility that he was at the same time beginning his campaign for the presidency of the united states. as late as the spring of , removal was considered by the leaders as only an alternative. in april, brigham young, willard richards, the two pratts, and others issued an address to president polk, which was sent to the governors of all the states but illinois and missouri, setting forth their previous trials, and containing this declaration:--"in the name of israel's god, and by virtue of multiplied ties of country and kindred, we ask your friendly interposition in our favor. will it be too much for us to ask you to convene a special session of congress and furnish us an asylum where we can enjoy our rights of conscience and religion unmolested? or will you, in special message to that body when convened, recommend a remonstrance against such unhallowed acts of oppression and expatriation as this people have continued to receive from the states of missouri and illinois? or will you favor us by your personal influence and by your official rank? or will you express your views concerning what is called the great western measure of colonizing the latter-day saints in oregon, the northwestern territory, or some location remote from the states, where the hand of oppression will not crush every noble principle and extinguish every patriotic feeling?" after the publication of the correspondence between the hardin commission and the mormon authorities, orson pratt issued an appeal "to american citizens," in which, referring to what he called the proposed "banishment" of the mormons, he said: "ye fathers of the revolution! ye patriots of ' ! is it for this ye toiled and suffered and bled? ... must they be driven from this renowned republic to seek an asylum among other nations, or wander as hopeless exiles among the red men of the western wilds? americans, will ye suffer this? editors, will ye not speak? fellow-citizens, will ye not awake?"* * millennial star, vol. vi, p. . their destination could not have been determined in advance, because so little was known of the far west. the territory now embraced in the boundaries of california and utah was then under mexican government, and "california" was, in common use, a name covering the pacific coast and a stretch of land extending indefinitely eastward. oregon had been heard of a good deal, and it, as well as vancouver island, had been spoken of as a possible goal if a westward migration became necessary. lorenzo snow, in describing the westward start, said: "on the first of march, the ground covered with snow, we broke encampment about noon, and soon nearly four hundred wagons were moving to--we knew not where." * * "biography of lorenzo snow," p. . the first step taken by the mormon authorities to explain the removal to their people was an explanation made at a conference in the new temple, three days after the correspondence with the commission closed. p. p. pratt stated to the conference that the removal meant that the lord designed to lead them to a wider field of action, where no one could say that they crowded their neighbors. in such a place they could, in five years, become richer than they then were, and could build a bigger and a better temple. "it has cost us," said he, "more for sickness, defence against mob exactions, persecutions, and to purchase lands in this place, than as much improvement will cost in another." it was then voted unanimously that the saints would move en masse to the west, and that every man would give all the help he could to assist the poorer members of the community in making the journey.* * millennial star, vol. vi, p. . wilford woodruff, in an appeal to the saints in great britain, asked them to buy mormon books in order to assist the presidency with funds with which to take the poor saints with them westward. brigham young next issued an address to the church at large, stating that even the mormon bible had foretold what might be the conduct of the american nation toward "the israel of the last days," and urging all to prepare to make the journey. a conference of mormons in new york city on november , , attended by brethren from new york state, new jersey, and connecticut, voted that "the church in this city move, one and all, west of the rocky mountains between this and next season, either by land or by water." active preparations for the removal began in and around nauvoo at once. all who had property began trading it for articles that would be needed on the journey. real estate was traded or sold for what it would bring, and the eagle was full of advertisements of property to sell, including the mansion house, masonic hall, and the armory. the mormons would load in wagons what furniture they could not take west with them, and trade it in the neighborhood for things more useful. the church authorities advertised for one thousand yokes of oxen and all the cattle and mules that might be offered, oxen bringing from $ to $ a yoke. the necessary outfit for a family of five was calculated to be one wagon, three yokes of cattle, two cows, two beef cattle, three sheep, one thousand pounds of flour, twenty pounds of sugar, a tent and bedding, seeds, farming tools, and a rifle--all estimated to cost about $ . three or four hundred mormons were sent to more distant points in illinois and iowa for draft animals, and, when the western procession started, they boasted that they owned the best cattle and horses in the country. in the city the men were organized into companies, each of which included such workmen as wagonmakers, blacksmiths, and carpenters, and the task of making wagons, tents, etc., was hurried to the utmost. "nauvoo was constituted into one great wagon shop," wrote john taylor. if any members of the community were not skilled in the work now in demand, they were sent to st. louis, galena, burlington, or some other of the larger towns, to find profitable employment during the winter, and thus add to the moving fund. on january , , the high council issued a circular announcing that, early in march, a company of hardy young men, with some families, would be sent into the western country, with farming utensils and seed, to put in a crop and erect houses for others who would follow as soon as the grass was high enough for pasture. this circular contained also the following declaration:-- "we venture to say that our brethren have made no counterfeit money; and if any miller has received $ base coin in a week from us, let him testify. if any land agent of the general government has received wagon loads of base coin from us in payment for lands, let him say so. or if he has received any at all, let him tell it. these witnesses against us have spun a long yarn." this referred to the charges of counterfeiting, which had resulted in the indictment of some of the twelve at springfield, and which hastened the first departures across the river. that counterfeiting was common in the western country at that time is a matter of history, and the mormons themselves had accused such leading members of their church as cowdery of being engaged in the business. the persons indicted at springfield were never tried, so that the question of their guilt cannot be decided. tullidge's pro-mormon "life of brigham young" mentions an incident which occurred when the refugees had gone only as far as the chariton river in iowa, which both admits that they had counterfeit money among them, and shows the mild view which a bishop of the church took of the offence of passing it:--"about this time also an attempt was made to pass counterfeit money. it was the case of a young man who bought from a mr. cochran a yoke of oxen, a cow and a chain for $ . bishop miller wrote to brigham to excuse the young man, but to help cochran to restitution. the president was roused to great anger, the bishop was severely rebuked, and the anathemas of the leader from that time were thundered against thieves and 'bogus men,' and passers of bogus money.... the following is a minute of his diary of a council on the next sunday, with the twelve bishops and captains: 'i told them i was satisfied the course we were taking would prove to be the salvation, not only of the camp but of the saints left behind. but there had been things done which were wrong. some pleaded our sufferings from persecution, and the loss of our homes and property, as a justification for retaliating on our enemies; but such a course tends to destroy the kingdom of god'." as soon as the leaders decided to make a start, they sent a petition to the governor of iowa territory, explaining their intention to pass through that domain, and asking for his protection during the temporary stay they might make there. no opposition to them seems to have been shown by the iowans, who on the contrary employed them as laborers, sold them such goods as they could pay for, and invited their musicians to give concerts at the resting points. lee's experience in iowa confirmed him, he says, in his previous opinion that much of the mormons' trouble was due to "wild, ignorant fanatics"; "for," he adds, "only a few years before, these same people were our most bitter enemies, and, when we came again and behaved ourselves, they treated us with the utmost kindness and hospitality."* * "mormonism unveiled," p. . how much property the mormons sacrificed in illinois cannot be ascertained with accuracy. an investigation of all the testimony obtainable on the subject leads to the conclusion that a good deal of their real estate was disposed of at a fair price, and that there were many cases of severe individual loss. major warren, in a communication to the signal from nauvoo, in may, , said that few of the mormons' farms remained unsold, and that three-fourths of the improved property on the flat in nauvoo had been disposed of. a correspondent of the signal, answering on april an assertion that the mormons had a good deal of real estate to dispose of before they could leave, replied that most of their farms were sold, and that there were more inquiries after the others than there were farms. as to the real estate in the city, he explained:-- "it is scattered over an area of eight or ten square miles, and contains from to houses, four-fifths of which, at least, are wretched cabins of no permanent value whatever. there are, however, or houses, large and small, built of brick and other desirable material. such will mostly sell, though many of them, owing to the distance from the river and other unfavorable circumstances, only at a very great sacrifice." * * "a score or more of chimneys on the northern boundary of the city marked the site of houses deliberately burned for fuel during the winter of - ."--hancock eagle, may , . a general epistle to the church from the twelve, dated winter quarters, december , , stated that the property of the saints in hancock county was "little or no better than confiscated." * * see john taylor's address, p. post. chapter ii. -- from the mississippi to the missouri the first party to leave nauvoo began crossing the mississippi early in february, , using flatboats propelled by oars for the wagons and animals, and small boats for persons and the lighter baggage. it soon became colder and snow fell, and after the th those who remained were able to cross on the ice. brigham young, with a few attendants, had crossed on february , and selected a point on sugar creek as a gathering place.* he seems to have returned secretly to the city for a few days to arrange for the departure of his family, and lee says that he did not have teams enough at that time for their conveyance, adding, "such as were in danger of being arrested were helped away first." john taylor says that those who crossed the river in february included the twelve, the high council, and about four hundred families.** * "mormonism unveiled," p. . ** "february i crossed the river with my family and teams, and encamped not far from the sugar creek encampment, taking possession of a vacant log house on account of the extreme cold."--p. p. pratt, "autobiography," p. . "camp of israel" was the name adopted for the camp in which president young and the twelve might be, and this name moved westward with them. the camp on sugar creek was the first of these, and there, on february , young addressed the company from a wagon. he outlined the journey before them, declaring that order would be preserved, and that all who wished to live in peace when the actual march began "must toe the mark," ending with a call for a show of hands by those who wanted to make the move. the vote in favor of going west was unanimous.* * "at a council in nauvoo of the men who were to act as the captains of the people in that famous exodus, one after the other brought up difficulties in their path, until the prospect was without one poor speck of daylight. the good nature of george a. smith was provoked at last, when he sprang up and observed, with his quaint humor, that had now a touch of the grand in it, 'if there is no god in israel we are a sucked-in set of fellows. but i am going to take my family and the lord will open the way.'"--tullidge, "history of salt lake city," p. . the turning out of doors in midwinter of so many persons of all ages and both sexes, accustomed to the shelter of comfortable homes, entailed much suffering. a covered wagon or a tent is a poor protection from wintry blasts, and a camp fire in the open air, even with a bright sky overhead, is a poor substitute for a stove. their first move, therefore, gave the emigrants a taste of the trials they were to endure. while they were at sugar creek the thermometer dropped to degrees below zero, and heavy falls of snow occurred. several children were born at this point, before the actual western journey began, and the sick and the feeble entered upon their sufferings at once. before that camp broke up it was found necessary, too, to buy grain for the animals. the camp was directly in charge of the twelve until the chariton river was reached. there, on march , it was divided into companies containing from to wagons, the companies being put in charge of captains of fifties and captains of tens--suggesting smith's "army of zion." the captains of fifties were responsible directly to the high council. there were also a commissary general, and, for each fifty, a contracting commissary "to make righteous distribution of grains and provisions." strict order was maintained by day while the column was in motion, and, whenever there was a halt, special care was taken to secure the cattle and the horses, while at night watches were constantly maintained. the story of the march to the missouri does not contain a mention of any hostile meeting with indians. the company remained on sugar creek for about a month, receiving constant accessions from across the river, and on the first of march the real westward movement began. the first objective point was council bluffs, iowa, on the missouri river, about miles distant; but on the way several camps were established, at which some of the emigrants stopped to plant seeds and make other arrangements for the comfort of those who were to follow. the first of these camps was located at richardson's point in lee county, iowa, miles from nauvoo; the next on chariton river; the next on locust creek; the next, named by them garden grove, on a branch of grand river, some miles from nauvoo; and another, which p. p. pratt named mt. pisgah, on grand river, miles east of council bluffs. the camp on the missouri first made was called winter quarters, and was situated just north of the present site of omaha, where the town now called florence is located. it was not until july that the main body arrived at council bluffs. the story of this march is a remarkable one in many ways. begun in winter, with the ground soon covered with snow, the travellers encountered arctic weather, with the inconveniences of ice, rain, and mud, until may. after a snowfall they would have to scrape the ground when they had selected a place for pitching the tents. after a rain, or one of the occasional thaws, the country (there were no regular roads) would be practically impassable for teams, and they would have to remain in camp until the water disappeared, and the soil would bear the weight of the wagons after it was corduroyed with branches of trees. at one time bad roads caused a halt of two or three weeks. fuel was not always abundant, and after a cold night it was no unusual thing to find wet garments and bedding frozen stiff in the morning. here is an extract from orson pratt's diary:--"april . the rain poured down in torrents. with great exertion a part of the camp were enabled to get about six miles, while others were stuck fast in the deep mud. we encamped at a point of timber about sunset, after being drenched several hours in rain. we were obliged to cut brush and limbs of trees, and throw them upon the ground in our tents, to keep our beds from sinking in the mud. our animals were turned loose to look out for themselves; the bark and limbs of trees were their principal food." ** * millennial star, vol. xi, p. . game was plenty,--deer, wild turkeys, and prairie hens,--but while the members of this party were better supplied with provisions than their followers, there was no surplus among them, and by april many families were really destitute of food. eliza snow mentions that her brother lorenzo--one of the captains of tens--had two wagons, a small tent, a cow, and a scanty supply of provisions and clothing, and that "he was much better off than some of our neighbors." heber c. kimball, one of the twelve, says of the situation of his family, that he had the ague, and his wife was in bed with it, with two children, one a few days old, lying by her, and the oldest child well enough to do any household work was a boy who could scarcely carry a two-quart pail of water. mrs. f. d. richards, whose husband was ordered on a mission to england while the camp was at sugar creek, was prematurely confined in a wagon on the way to the missouri. the babe died, as did an older daughter. "our situation," she says, "was pitiable; i had not suitable food for myself or my child; the severe rain prevented our having any fire." the adaptability of the american pioneer to his circumstances was shown during this march in many ways. when a halt occurred, a shoemaker might be seen looking for a stone to serve as a lap stone in his repair work, or a gunsmith mending a rifle, or a weaver at a wheel or loom. the women learned that the jolting wagons would churn their milk, and, when a halt occurred, it took them but a short time to heat an oven hollowed out of a hillside, in which to bake the bread already "raised." colonel kane says that he saw a piece of cloth, the wool for which was sheared, dyed, spun, and woven during this march. the leaders of the company understood the people they had in charge, and they looked out for their good spirits. captain pitt's brass band was included in the equipment, and the camp was not thoroughly organized before, on a clear evening, a dance--the mormons have always been great dancers--was announced, and the visiting iowans looked on in amazement, to see these exiles from comfortable homes thus enjoying themselves on the open prairie, the highest dignitaries leading in virginia reels and copenhagen jigs. john taylor, whose pictures of this march, painted with a view to attract english emigrants, were always highly colored, estimated that, when he left council bluffs for england, in july, , there were in camp and on the way , mormons, with wagons, , head of cattle, a great many horses and mules, and a vast number of sheep. colonel kane says that, besides the wagons, there was "a large number of nondescript turnouts, the motley makeshifts of poverty; from the unsuitable heavy cart that lumbered on mysteriously, with its sick driver hidden under its counterpane cover, to the crazy two-wheeled trundle, such as our own poor employ in the conveyance of their slop barrels, this pulled along, it may be, by a little dry-dugged heifer, and rigged up only to drag some such light weight as a baby, a sack of meal or a pack of clothes and bedding." * * "the mormons," a lecture by colonel t. l. kane. there was no large supply of cash to keep this army and its animals in provisions. every member who could contribute to the commissary department by his labor was expected to do so. the settlers in the territory seem to have been in need of such assistance, and were very glad to pay for it in grain, hay, or provisions. a letter from one of the emigrants to a friend in england* said that, in every settlement they passed through, they found plenty of work, digging wells and cellars, splitting rails, threshing, ploughing, and clearing land. some of the men in the spring were sent south into missouri, not more than forty miles from far west, in search of employment. this they readily secured, no one raising the least objection to a mormon who was not to be a permanent settler. others were sent into that state to exchange horses, feather beds, and other personal property for cows and provisions. * millennial star, vol. viii, p. . a part of the plan of operations provided for sending out pioneers to select the route and camping sites, to make bridges where they were necessary, and to open roads. the party carried light boats, but a good many bridges seem to have been required because of the spring freshets. it was while resting after a march through prolonged rain and mud, late in april, that it was decided to establish the permanent camp called garden grove. hundreds of men were at once set to work, making log houses and fences, digging wells, and ploughing, and soon hundreds of acres were enclosed and planted. the progress made during april was exasperatingly slow. there was soft mud during the day, and rough ruts in the early morning. sometimes camp would be pitched after making only a mile; sometimes they would think they had done well if they had made six. the animals, in fact, were so thin from lack of food that they could not do a day's work even under favorable circumstances. the route, after the middle of april, was turned to the north, and they then travelled over a broken prairie country, where the game had been mostly killed off by the pottawottomi indians, whose trails and abandoned camps were encountered constantly. on may , as the two pratts and others were in advance, locating the route, p. p. pratt discovered the site of what was called mt. pisgah (the post-office of mt. pisgah of to-day) which he thus describes: "riding about three or four miles over beautiful prairies, i came suddenly to some round sloping hills, grassy, and crowned with beautiful groves of timber, while alternate open groves and forests seemed blended into all the beauty and harmony of an english park. beneath and beyond, on the west, rolled a main branch of grand river, with its rich bottoms of alternate forest and prairie."* as soon as young and the other high dignitaries arrived, it was decided to form a settlement there, and several thousand acres were enclosed for cultivation, and many houses were built. * pratt's "autobiography," p. . young and most of the first party continued their westward march through an uninhabited country, where they had to make their own roads. but they met with no opposition from indians, and the head of the procession reached the banks of the missouri near council bluffs in june, other companies following in quite rapid succession. the company which was the last to leave nauvoo (on september ), driven out by the hancock county forces, endured sufferings much greater than did the early companies who were conducted by brigham young. the latter comprised the well-to-do of the city and all the high officers of the church, while the remnant left behind was made up of the sick and those who had not succeeded in securing the necessary equipment for the journey. brayman, in his second report to governor ford, said:-- "those of the mormons who were wealthy or possessed desirable real estate in the city had sold and departed last spring. i am inclined to the opinion that the leaders of the church took with them all the movable wealth of their people that they could control, without making proper provision for those who remained. consequently there was much destitution among them; much sickness and distress. i traversed the city, and visited in company with a practising physician the sick, and almost invariably found them destitute, to a painful extent, of the comforts of life."* * warsaw signal, october , . it was on the th of september that the last of these unfortunates crossed the river, making who were then collected on the west bank. illness had not been accepted by the "posse" as an excuse for delay. thomas bullock says that his family, consisting of a husband, wife, blind mother-in-law, four children, and an aunt, "all shaking with the ague," were given twenty minutes in which to get their goods into two wagons and start.* the west bank in iowa, where the people landed, was marshy and unhealthy, and the suffering at what was called "poor camp," a short distance above montrose, was intense. severe storms were frequent, and the best cover that some of the people could obtain was a tent made of a blanket or a quilt, or even of brush, or the shelter to be had under the wagons of those who were fortunate enough to be thus equipped. bullock thus describes one night's experience: "on monday, september , while in my wagon on the slough opposite nauvoo, a most tremendous thunderstorm passed over, which drenched everything we had. not a dry thing left us--the bed a pool of water, my wife and mother-in-law lading it out by basinfuls, and i in a burning fever and insensible, with all my hair shorn off to cure me of my disease. a poor woman stood among the bushes, wrapping her cloak around her three little orphan children, to shield them from the storm as well as she could." the supply of food, too, was limited, their flour being wheat ground in hand mills, and even this at times failing; then roasted corn was substituted, the grain being mixed by some with slippery elm bark to eke it out.** the people of hancock county contributed something in the way of clothing and provisions and a little money in aid of these sufferers, and the trustees of the church who were left in nauvoo to sell property gave what help they could. *millennial star, vol. x, p. . ** bancrofts "history of utah," p. , on october wagons sent back by the earlier emigrants for their unfortunate brethren had arrived, and the start for the missouri began. bullock relates that, just as they were ready to set out, a great flight of quails settled in the camp, running around the wagons so near that they could be knocked over with sticks, and the children caught some alive. one bird lighted upon their tea board, in the midst of the cups, while they were at breakfast. it was estimated that five hundred of the birds were flying about the camp that day, but when one hundred had been killed or caught, the captain forbade the killing of any more, "as it was a direct manifestation and visitation by the lord." young closes his account of this incident with the words, "tell this to the nations of the earth! tell it to the kings and nobles and great ones." wells, in his manuscript, "utah notes" (quoted by h. h. bancroft), says: "this phenomenon extended some thirty or forty miles along the river, and was generally observed. the quail in immense quantities had attempted to cross the river, but this being beyond their strength, had dropped into the river boats or on the banks."* * bancroft's "history of utah," p. , note. the westward march of these refugees was marked by more hardships than that of the earlier bodies, because they were in bad physical condition and were in no sense properly equipped. council bluffs was not reached till november . the division of the emigrants and their progress was thus noted in an interview, printed in the nauvoo eagle of july , with a person who had left council bluffs on june , coming east. the advance company, including the twelve, with a train of wagons, was then encamped on the east bank of the missouri, the men being busy building boats. the second company, strong, were at mt. pisgah, recruiting their cattle for a new start. the third company had halted at garden grove. between garden grove and the mississippi river the eagle's informant counted more than wagons on their way west. he estimated the total number of teams engaged in this movement at about , and the number of persons on the road at , . the eagle added:-- "from to have disappeared from nauvoo in various directions, and about or less still remain in illinois. this comprises the entire mormon population that once flourished in hancock county. in their palmy days they probably numbered , or , ." the camp that had been formed at mt. pisgah suffered severely from the start. provisions were scarce, and a number of families were dependent for food on neighbors who had little enough for themselves. fodder for the cattle gave out, too, and in the early spring the only substitute was buds and twigs of trees. snow notes as a calamity the death of his milch cow, which had been driven all the way from ohio. along with their destitution came sickness, and at times during the following winter it seemed as if there were not enough of the well to supply the needed nurses. so many deaths occurred during that autumn and winter that a funeral came to be conducted with little ceremony, and even the customary burial clothes could not be provided.* elder w. huntington, the presiding officer of the settlement, was among the early victims, and lorenzo snow, the recent head of the mormon church, succeeded him. during snow's stay there three of his four wives gave birth to children. * "biography of lorenzo snow," p. . notwithstanding these depressing circumstances, the camp was by no means inactive during the winter. those who were well were kept busy repairing wagons, and making, in a rude way, such household articles as were most needed--chairs, tubs, and baskets. parties were sent out to the settlements within reach to work, accepting food and clothing as pay, and two elders were selected to visit the states in search of contributions. these efforts were so successful that about $ was raised, and the camp sent to brigham young at council bluffs a load of provisions as a new year's gift. the usual religious meetings were kept up during the winter, and the utility of amusements in such a settlement was not forgotten. ingenuity was taxed to give variety to the social entertainments. snow describes a "party" that he gave in his family mansion--"a one-story edifice about fifteen by thirty feet, constructed of logs, with a dirt roof, a ground floor, and a chimney made of sod." many a man compelled to house four wives (one of them with three sons by a former husband) in such a mansion would have felt excused from entertaining company. but the snows did not. for a carpet the floor was strewn with straw. the logs of the sides of the room were concealed with sheets. hollowed turnips provided candelabras, which were stuck around the walls and suspended from the roof. the company were entertained with songs, recitations, conundrums, etc., and all voted that they had a very jolly time. in the larger camps the travellers were accustomed to make what they called "boweries"--large arbors covered with a framework of poles, and thatched with brush or branches. the making of such "boweries" was continued by the saints in utah. chapter iii. -- the mormon battalion during the halt of a part of the main body of the mormons at mt. pisgah, an incident occurred which has been made the subject of a good deal of literature, and has been held up by the mormons as a proof both of the severity of the american government toward them and of their own patriotism. there is so little ground for either of these claims that the story of the battalion should be correctly told. when hostilities against mexico began, early in , the plan of campaign designed by the united states authorities comprised an invasion of mexico at two points, by generals taylor and wool, and a descent on santa fe, and thence a march into california. this march was to be made by general stephen f. kearney, who was to command the volunteers raised in missouri, and the few hundred regular troops then at fort leavenworth. in gathering his force general (then colonel) kearney sent captain j. allen of the first dragoons to the mormons at mt. pisgah, not with an order of any kind, but with a written proposition, dated june , , that he "would accept the service, for twelve months, of four or five companies of mormon men" (each numbering from to ), to unite with the army of the west at santa fe, and march thence to california, where they would be discharged. these volunteers were to have the regular volunteers' pay and allowances, and permission to retain at their discharge the arms and equipments with which they would be provided, the age limit to be between eighteen and forty-five years. the most practical inducement held out to the mormons to enlist was thus explained: "thus is offered to the mormon people now--this year--an opportunity of sending a portion of their young and intelligent men to the ultimate destination of their whole people, and entirely at the expense of the united states; and this advance party can thus pave the way and look out the land for their brethren to come after them." there was nothing like a "demand" on the mormons in this invitation, and the advantage of accepting it was largely on the mormon side. if it had not been, it would have been rejected. that the government was in no stress for volunteers is shown by the fact that general kearney reported to the war department in the following august that he had more troops than he needed, and that he proposed to use some of them to reenforce general wool.* * chase's "history of the polk administration," p. . the initial suggestion about the raising of these mormon volunteers came from a mormon source.* in the spring of jesse c. little, a mormon elder of the eastern states, visited washington with letters of introduction from governor steele of new hampshire and colonel thomas l. kane of philadelphia, hoping to secure from the government a contract to carry provisions or naval stores to the pacific coast, and thus pay part of the expense of conveying mormons to california by water. according to little, this matter was laid before the cabinet, who proposed that he should visit the mormon camp and raise picked men to make a dash for california overland, while as many more would be sent around cape horn from the eastern states. this big scheme, according to mormon accounts, was upset by one of the hated missourians, senator thomas h. benton, whose macchiavellian mind had designed the plan of taking from the mormons of their best men for the battalion, thus crippling them while in the indian country. all this part of their account is utterly unworthy of belief. if volunteers for the army "crippled" the immigrants where they were, what would have been their condition if of their number had been hurried on to california? ** * tullidge's "life of brigham young," p. . ** delegate berahisel, in a letter to president fillmore (december , ), replying to a charge by judge brocchus that the th of july orators had complained of the conduct of the government in taking the battalion from them for service against mexico, said, "the government did not take from us a battalion of men," the mormons furnishing them in response to a call for volunteers. aside from the opportunity afforded by general kearney's invitation to send a pioneer band, without expense to themselves, to the pacific coast, the offer gave the mormons great, and greatly needed, pecuniary assistance. p. p. pratt, on his way east to visit england with taylor and hyde, found the battalion at fort leavenworth, and was sent back to the camp* with between $ and $ , a part of the battalion's government allowance. this was a godsend where cash was so scarce, as it enabled the commissary officers to make purchases in st. louis, where prices were much lower than in western iowa.** john taylor, in a letter to the saints in great britain on arriving there, quoted the acceptance of this battalion as evidence that "the president of the united states is favorably disposed to us," and said that their employment in the army, as there was no prospect of any fighting, "amounts to the same as paying them for going where they were destined to go without."*** * "unexpected as this visit was, a member of my family had been warned in a dream, and had predicted my arrival and the day."--pratt, "autobiography," p. . ** "history of brigham young," ms., , p. . *** millennial star, vol. viii, p. . the march of the federal force that went from santa fe (where the mormon battalion arrived in october) to california was a notable one, over unexplored deserts, where food was scarce and water for long distances unobtainable. arriving at the junction of the gila and colorado rivers on december , they received there an order to march to san diego, california, and arrived there on january , after a march of over two thousand miles. the war in california was over at that date, but the battalion did garrison duty at san luis rey, and then at los angeles. various propositions for their reenlistment were made to them, but their church officers opposed this, and were obeyed except in some individual instances. about of those who set out from santa fe were sent back invalided before california was reached, and the number mustered out was only about . these at once started eastward, but, owing to news received concerning the hardships of the first mormons who arrived in salt lake valley, many of them decided to remain in california, and a number were hired by sutter, on whose mill-race the first discovery of gold in that state was made. those who kept on reached salt lake valley on october , . thirty-two of their number continued their march to winter quarters on the missouri, where they arrived on december . mormon historians not only present the raising of the battalion as a proof of patriotism, but ascribe to the members of that force the credit of securing california to the united states, and the discovery of gold.* * "the mormons have always been disposed to overestimate the value of their services during this period, attaching undue importance to the current rumors of intending revolt on the part of the californians, and of the approach of mexican troops to reconquer the province. they also claim the credit of having enabled kearney to sustain his authority against the revolutionary pretensions of fremont. the merit of this claim will be apparent to the readers of preceding chapters."--bancroft, "history of california," vol. v, p. . when elder little left washington for the west with despatches for general kearney concerning the mormon enlistments, he was accompanied by colonel thomas l. kane, a brother of the famous arctic explorer. on his way west colonel kane visited nauvoo while the hancock county posse were in possession of it, saw the expelled mormons in their camp across the river, followed the trail of those who had reached the missouri, and lay ill among them in the unhealthy missouri bottom in . from that time colonel kane became one of the most useful agents of the mormon church in the eastern states, and, as we shall see, performed for them services which only a man devoted to the church, but not openly a member of it, could have accomplished. it was stated at the time that colonel kane was baptized by young at council bluffs in . his future course gives every reason to accept the correctness of this view. he served the mormons in the east as a jesuit would have served his order in earlier days in france or spain. he bore false witness in regard to polygamy and to the character of men high in the church as unblushingly as a brigham young or a kimball could have done. his lecture before the historical society of pennsylvania in was highly colored where it stated facts, and so inaccurate in other parts that it is of little use to the historian. a mormon writer who denied that kane was a member of the church offered as proof of this the statement that, had kane been a mormon, young would have commanded him instead of treating him with so much respect. but young was not a fool, and was quite capable of appreciating the value of a secret agent at the federal capital. chapter iv. -- the camps on the missouri mormon accounts of the westward movement from nauvoo represent that the delay which occurred when they reached the missouri river was an interruption of their leaders' plans, attributing it to the weakening of their force by the enlistment of the battalion, and the necessity of waiting for the last mormons who were driven out of nauvoo. but after their experiences in a winter march from the mississippi, with something like a base of supplies in reach, it is inconceivable that the council would have led their followers farther into the unknown west that same year, when their stores were so nearly exhausted, and there was no region before them in which they could make purchases, even if they had the means to do so. when the mormons arrived on the missouri they met with a very friendly welcome. they found the land east of the river occupied by the pottawottomi indians, who had recently been removed from their old home in what is now michigan and northern illinois and indiana; and the west side occupied by the omahas, who had once "considered all created things as made for their peculiar use and benefit," but whom the smallpox and the sioux had many years before reduced to a miserable remnant. the mormons won the heart of the pottawottomies by giving them a concert at their agent's residence. a council followed, at which their chief, pied riche, surnamed le clerc, made an address, giving the mormons permission to cut wood, make improvements, and live where they pleased on their lands. the principal camp on the missouri, known as winter quarters, was on the west bank, on what is now the site of florence, nebraska. a council was held with the omaha chiefs in the latter apart of august, and big elk, in reply to an address by brigham young, recited their sufferings at the hands of the sioux, and told the whites that they could stay there for two years and have the use of firewood and timber, and that the young men of the indians would watch their cattle and warn them of any danger. in return, the indians asked for the use of teams to draw in their harvest, for assistance in housebuilding, ploughing, and blacksmithing, and that a traffic in goods be established. an agreement to this effect was put in writing. the arrival of party after party of mormons made an unusually busy scene on the river banks. on the east side every hill that helped to make up the council bluffs was occupied with tents and wagons, while the bottom was crowded with cattle and vehicles on the way to the west side. kane counted four thousand head of cattle from a single elevation, and says that the mormon herd numbered thirty thousand. along the banks of the river and creeks the women were doing their family washing, while men were making boats and superintending in every way the passage of the river by some, and the preparations for a stay on the east side by others--building huts, breaking the sod for grain, etc. the pottawottomies had cut an approach to the river opposite a trading post of the american fur company, and established a ferry there, and they now did a big business carrying over, in their flat-bottom boats, families and their wagons, and the cows and sheep. as for the oxen, they were forced to swim, and great times the boys had, driving them to the bank, compelling them to take the initial plunge, and then guiding them across by taking the lead astride some animal's back. sickness in the camps began almost as soon as they were formed. "misery bottom," as it was then called, received the rich deposit brought down by the river in the spring, and, when the river retired into its banks, became a series of mud flats, described as "mere quagmires of black dirt, stretching along for miles, unvaried except by the limbs of half-buried carrion, tree trunks, or by occasional yellow pools of what the children called frog's spawn; all together steaming up vapors redolent of the savor of death." in the previous year--not an unusually bad one--one-ninth of the indian population on these flats had died in two months. the mormons suffered not only from the malaria of the river bottom, but from the breaking up of many acres of the soil in their farming operations. the illness was diagnosed as, the usual malarial fever, accompanied in many cases with scorbutic symptoms, which they called "black canker," due to a lack of vegetable food. in and around winter quarters there were more than burials before cold weather set in, and out of a population of were reported on the sick list as late as december. the papillon camp, on the little butterfly river, was a deadly site. kane, who had the fever there, in passing by the place earlier in the season had opened an indian mound, leaving a deep trench through it. "my first airing," he says, "upon my convalescence, took me to the mound, which, probably to save digging, had been readapted to its original purpose. in this brief interval they had filled the trench with bodies, and furrowed the ground with graves around it, like the ploughing of a field." but amid such affliction, in which cows went unmilked and corpses became loathsome before men could be found to bury them, preparations continued at all the camps for the winter's stay and next year's supplies. brigham young, writing from winter quarters on january , , to the elders in england, said: "we have upward of seven hundred houses in our miniature city, composed mostly of logs in the body, covered with puncheon, straw, and dirt, which are warm and wholesome; a few are composed of turf, willows, straw, etc., which are comfortable this winter, but will not endure the thaws, rain, and sunshine of spring." * this city was divided into twenty-two wards, each presided over by a bishop. the principal buildings were the council house, thirty-two by twenty-four feet, and dr. richard's house, called the octagon, and described as resembling the heap of earth piled up over potatoes to shield them from frost. in this octagon the high council held most of their meetings. a great necessity was a flouring mill, and accordingly they sent to st. louis for the stones and gearing, and, under brigham young's personal direction as a carpenter, the mill was built and made ready for use in january. the money sent back by the battalion was expended in st. louis for sugar and other needed articles. * millennial star, vol. ix, p. . as usual with the pictures sent to europe, young's description of the comfort of the winter camp was exaggerated. p. p. pratt, who arrived at winter quarters from his mission to europe on april , , says:-- "i found my family all alive, and dwelling in a log cabin. they had, however, suffered much from cold, hunger, and sickness. they had oftentimes lived for several days on a little corn meal, ground in a hand mill, with no other food. one of the family was then lying very sick with the scurvy--a disease which had been very prevalent in camp during the winter, and of which many had died. i found, on inquiry, that the winter had been very severe, the snow deep, and consequently that all my four horses were lost, and i afterward ascertained that out of twelve cows, i had but seven left, and, out of some twelve or fourteen oxen, only four or five were saved." if this was the plight in which the spring found the family of one of the twelve, imagination can picture the suffering of the hundreds who had arrived with less provision against the rigors of such a winter climate. chapter v. -- the pioneer trip across the plains during the winter of - preparations were under way to send an organization of pioneers across the plains and beyond the rocky mountains, to select a new dwelling-place for the saints. the only "revelation" to brigham young found in the "book of doctrine and covenants" is a direction about the organization and mission of this expedition. it was dated january , , and it directed the organization of the pioneers into companies, with captains of hundreds, of fifties, and of tens, and a president and two counsellors at their head, under charge of the twelve. each company was to provide its own equipment, and to take seeds and farming implements. "let every man," it commanded, "use all his influence and property to remove this people to the place where the lord shall locate a stake of zion." the power of the head of the church was guarded by a threat that "if any man shall seek to build up himself he shall have no power," and the "revelation" ended, like a rustic's letter, with the words, "so no more at present," "amen and amen" being added. in accordance with this command, on april * a pioneer band of volunteers set out to blaze a path, so to speak, across the plains and mountains for the main body which was to follow. * date given in the general epistle of december , . others say april . it is difficult to-day, when this "far west" is in possession of the agriculturist, the merchant, and the miner, dotted with cities and flourishing towns, and cut in all directions by railroads, which have made pleasure routes for tourists of the trail over which the pioneers of half a century ago toiled with difficulty and danger, to realize how vague were the ideas of even the best informed in the thirties and forties about the physical characteristics of that country and its future possibilities. the conception of the latter may be best illustrated by quoting washington irving's idea, as expressed in his "astoria," written in :-- "such is the nature of this immense wilderness of the far west; which apparently defies cultivation and the habitation of civilized life. some portion of it, along the rivers, may partially be subdued by agriculture, others may form vast pastoral tracts like those of the east; but it is to be feared that a great part of it will form a lawless interval between the abodes of civilized man, like the wastes of the ocean or the deserts of arabia, and, like them, be subject to the depredations of the marauders. there may spring up new and mongrel races, like new formations in zoology, the amalgamation of the 'debris' and 'abrasions' of former races, civilized and savage; the remains of broken and extinguished tribes; the descendants of wandering hunters and trappers; of fugitives from the spanish-american frontiers; of adventurers and desperadoes of every class and country, yearly ejected from the bosom of society into the wilderness.... some may gradually become pastoral hordes, like those rude and migratory people, half shepherd, half warrior, who, with their flocks and herds, roam the plains of upper asia; but others, it is to be apprehended, will become predatory bands, mounted on the fleet steeds of the prairies, with the open plains for their marauding grounds, and the mountains for their retreats and lurking places. there they may resemble those great hordes of the north, 'gog and magog with their bands,' that haunted the gloomy imaginations of the prophets--'a great company and a mighty host, all riding upon horses, and warring upon those nations which were at rest, and dwelt peaceably, and had gotten cattle and goods."' "what about the country between the missouri river and the pacific," asked a father living near the missouri, of his son on his return from california across the plains in --"oh, it's of no account," was the reply; "the soil is poor, sandy, and too dry to produce anything but this little short grass afterward learned to be so rich in nutriment, and, when it does rain, in three hours afterward you could not tell that it had rained at all."* * nebraska historical society papers. but while this distant west was still so unknown to the settled parts of the country, these mormon pioneers were by no means the first to traverse it, as the records of the journeyings of lewis and clark, ezekiel williams, general w. h. ashley, wilson price hunt, major s. h. long, captain w. sublette, bonneville, fremont, and others show. the pioneer band of the mormons consisted of men, three women (wives of brigham and lorenzo young and h. c. kimball), and two children. they took with them seventy-three wagons. their chief officers were brigham young, lieutenant general; stephen markham, colonel; john pack, first major; shadrack roundy, second major, two captains of hundreds, and fourteen captains of companies. the order of march was intelligently arranged, with a view to the probability of meeting indians who, if not dangerous to life, had little regard for personal property. the indians of the platte region were notorious thieves, but had not the reputation as warriors of their more northern neighbors. the regulations required that each private should walk constantly beside his wagon, leaving it only by his officer's command. in order to make as compact a force as possible, two wagons were to move abreast whenever this could be done. every man was to keep his weapons loaded, and special care was insisted upon that the caps, flints, and locks should be in good condition. they had with them one small cannon mounted on wheels. the bugle for rising sounded at a.m., and two hours were allowed for breakfast and prayers. at night each man was to retire into his wagon for prayer at . o'clock, and for the night's rest at . the night camp was formed by drawing up the wagons in a semicircle, with the river in the rear, if they camped near its bank, or otherwise with the wagons in a circle, a forewheel of one touching the hind wheel of the next. in this way an effective corral for the animals was provided within. at the head of grand island, on april , they had their first sight of buffaloes. a hunting party was organized at once, and a herd of sixty-five of the animals was pursued for several miles in full view of the camp (when game and hunters were not hidden by the dust), and so successfully that eleven buffaloes were killed. the first alarm of indians occurred on may , when scouts reported a band of about four hundred a few miles ahead. the wagons were at once formed five abreast, the cannon was fired as a means of alarm, and the company advanced in close formation. the indians did not attack them, but they set fire to the prairie, and this caused a halt. a change of wind the next morning and an early shower checked the flames, and the column moved on again at daybreak. during the next few days the buffaloes were seen in herds of hundreds of thousands on both sides of the platte. so numerous were they that the company had to stop at times and let gangs of the animals pass on either side, and several calves were captured alive.* with or near the buffaloes were seen antelopes and wolves. * "the vast herds of buffalo were often in our way, and we were under the necessity of sending out advance guards to clear the track so that our teams might pass." erastus snow, "address to the pioneers," in mo. at grand island the question of their further route was carefully debated. there was a well-known trail to fort laramie on the south side of the river, used by those who set out from independence, missouri, for oregon. good pasture was assured on that side, but it was argued that, if this party made a new trail along the north side of the river, the mormons would have what might be considered a route of their own, separated from other westward emigrants. this view prevailed, and the course then selected became known in after years as the mormon trail (sometimes called the "old mormon road"); the line of the union pacific railroad follows it for many miles. their decision caused them a good deal of anxiety about forage for their animals before they reached fort laramie. it had not rained at the latter point for two years, and the drought, together with the vast herds of buffaloes and the indian fires, made it for days impossible to find any pasture except in small patches. when the fort was reached, they had fed their animals not only a large part of their grain, but some of their crackers and other breadstuff, and the beasts were so weak that they could scarcely drag the wagons. during the previous winter the church officers had procured for their use from england two sextants and other instruments needed for taking solar observations, two barometers, thermometers, etc., and these were used by orson pratt daily to note their progress.* two of the party also constructed a sort of pedometer, and, after leaving fort laramie, a mile-post was set up every ten miles, for the guidance of those who were to follow. * his diary of the trip will be found in the millennial star for - , full of interesting details, but evidently edited for english readers. in the camp made on may the first of the mormon post-offices on the plains was established. into a board six inches wide and eighteen long, a cut was made with a saw, and in this cut a letter was placed. after nailing on cleats to retain the letter, and addressing the board to the officers of the next company, the board was nailed to a fifteen-foot pole, which was set firmly in the ground near the trail, and left to its fate. how successful this attempt at communication proved is not stated, but similar means of communication were in use during the whole period of mormon migration. sometimes a copy of the camp journal was left conspicuously in the crotch of a tree, for the edification of the next camp, and scores of the buffaloes' skulls that dotted the plains were marked with messages and set up along the trail. the weakness of the draught animals made progress slow at this time, and marches of from to miles a day were recorded. the men fared better, game being abundant. signs of indians were seen from time to time, and precautions were constantly taken to prevent a stampede of the animals; but no open attack was made. a few indians visited the camp on may , and gave assurances of their friendliness; and on the th they had a visit from a party of thirty-five dakotas (or sioux who tendered a written letter of recommendation in french from one of the agents of the american fur company. the mormons had to grant their request for permission to camp with them over night, which meant also giving them supper and breakfast--no small demand on their hospitality when the capacity of the indian stomach is understood). little occurred during may to vary the monotony of the journey. on the afternoon of june they arrived nearly opposite fort laramie and the ruins of old fort platte, a point miles from winter quarters, and from great salt lake. the so-called forts were in fact trading posts, established by the fur companies, both as points of supply for their trappers and trading places with the indians for peltries. on the evening of their arrival at this point they had a visit from members of a party of mormons gathered principally from mississippi and southern illinois, who had passed the winter in pueblo, and were waiting to join the emigrants from winter quarters. the platte, usually a shallow stream, was at that place yards wide, and too deep for wading. brigham young and some others crossed over the next morning in a sole-leather skiff which formed a part of their equipment, and were kindly welcomed by the commandant. there they learned that it would be impracticable--or at least very difficult--to continue along the north bank of the platte, and they accordingly hired a flatboat to ferry the company and their wagons across. the crossing began on june , and on an average four wagons were ferried over in an hour. advantage was taken of this delay to set up, a bellows and forge, and make needed repairs to the wagons. at the fort the mormons learned that their old object of hatred in missouri, ex-governor boggs, had recently passed by with a company of emigrants bound for the pacific coast. young's company came across other missourians on the plains; but no hostilities ensued, the missourians having no object now to interfere with the saints, and the latter contenting themselves by noting in their diaries the profanity and quarrelsomeness of their old neighbors. the journey was resumed at noon on june , along the oregon trail. a small party of the mormons was sent on in advance to the spot where the oregon trail crossed the platte, miles west of fort laramie. this crossing was generally made by fording, but the river was too high for this, and the sole-leather boat, which would carry from to pounds, was accordingly employed. the men with this boat reached the crossing in advance of the first party of oregon emigrants whom they had encountered, and were employed by the latter to ferry their goods across while the empty wagons were floated. this proved a happy enterprise for the mormons. the drain on their stock of grain and provisions had by this time so reduced their supply that they looked forward with no little anxiety to the long march. the oregon party offered liberal pay in flour, sugar, bacon, and coffee for the use of the boat, and the terms were gladly accepted, although most of the persons served were missourians. when the main body of pioneers started on from that point, they left ten men with the boat to maintain the ferry until the next company from winter quarters should come up.* * "the missourians paid them $ . for each wagon and load, and paid it in flour at $ . ; yet flour was worth $ per hundredweight, at least at that point. they divided their earnings among the camp equally."--tullidge, "life of brigham young," p. . the mormons themselves were delayed at this crossing until june , making a boat on which a wagon could cross without unloading. during the first few days after leaving the north platte grass and water were scarce. on june they reached the sweet water, and, fording it, encamped within sight of independence rock, near the upper end of devil's gate. chapter vi. -- from the rockies to salt lake valley more than one day's march was now made without finding water or grass. banks of snow were observed on the near-by elevations, and overcoats were very comfortable at night. on june they reached the south pass, where the waters running to the atlantic and to the pacific separate. they found, however, no well-marked dividing ridge-only, as pratt described it, "a quietly undulating plain or prairie, some fifteen or twenty miles in length and breadth, thickly covered with wild sage." there were good pasture and plenty of water, and they met there a small party who were making the journey from oregon to the states on horseback. all this time the leaders of the expedition had no definite view of their final stopping-place. whenever young was asked by any of his party, as they trudged along, what locality they were aiming for, his only reply was that he would recognize the site of their new home when he saw it, and that they would surely go on as the lord would direct them.* * erastus snow's "address to the pioneers," . while they were camping near south pass, an incident occurred which narrowly escaped changing the plans of the lord, if he had already selected salt lake valley. one of the men whom the company met there was a voyager whose judgment about a desirable site for a settlement naturally seemed worthy of consideration. this was t. l. smith, better known as "pegleg" smith. he had been a companion of jedediah s. smith, one of ashley's company of trappers, who had started from great salt lake in august, , and made his way to san gabriel mission in california, and thence eastward, reaching the lake again in the spring of . "pegleg" had a trading post on bear river above soda springs (in the present idaho). he gave the mormons a great deal of information about all the valley which lay before them, and to the north and south. "he earnestly advised us," says erastus snow, "to direct our course northwestward from bridger, and make our way into cache valley; and he so far made an impression upon the camp that we were induced to enter into an engagement with him to meet us at a certain time and place two weeks afterward, to pilot our company into that country. but for some reason, which to this day never to my knowledge has been explained, he failed to meet us; and i have ever recognized his failure to do so as a providence of an all-wise god."* * "address to the pioneers," . "pegleg's" reputation was as bad as that of any of those reckless trappers of his day, and perhaps, if the mormons had known more about him, they would have given less heed to his advice, and counted less on his keeping his engagement. with the returning oregonians they also made the acquaintance of major harris, an old trapper and hunter in california and oregon, who gave them little encouragement about salt lake valley, as a place of settlement, principally because of the lack of timber. two days later they met colonel james bridger, an authority on that part of the country, whose "fort" was widely known. young told him that he proposed to take a look at great salt lake valley with a view to its settlement. bridger affirmed that his experiments had more than convinced him that corn would not grow in those mountains, and, when young expressed doubts about this, he offered to give the mormon president $ for the first ear raised in that valley. next they met a mountaineer named goodyear, who had passed the last winter on the site of what is now ogden, utah, where he had tried without success to raise a little grain and a few vegetables. he told of severe cold in winter and drought in summer. irrigation had not suggested itself to a man who had a large part of a continent in which to look for a more congenial farm site. mormons in all later years have said that they were guided to the salt lake valley in fulfilment of the prediction of joseph smith that they would have to flee to the rocky mountains. but in their progress across the plains the leaders of the pioneers were not indifferent to any advice that came in their way, and in a manuscript "history of brigham young" ( ), quoted by h. h. bancroft, is the following entry, which may indicate the first suggestion that turned their attention from "california" to utah: "on the th of june met james h. grieve, william tucker, james woodrie, james bouvoir, and six other frenchmen, from whom we learned that mr. bridger was located about three hundred miles west, that the mountaineers could ride to salt lake from fort bridger in two days, and that the utah country was beautiful." * * bancroft's "history of utah," p. . the pioneers resumed their march on june , over a desolate country, travelling seventeen miles without finding grass or water, until they made their night camp on the big sandy. there they encountered clouds of mosquitoes, which made more than one subsequent camping-place very uncomfortable. a march of eight miles the next morning brought them to green river. finding this stream yards wide, and deep and swift, they stopped long enough to make two rafts, on which they successfully ferried over all their wagons without unloading them. at this point the pioneers met a brother mormon who had made the journey to california round the horn, and had started east from there to meet the overland travellers. he had an interesting story to tell, the points of which, in brief, were as follows:--a conference of mormons, held in new york city on november , , resolved to move in a body to the new home of the saints. this emigration scheme was placed in charge of samuel brannan, a native of maine, and an elder in the church, who was then editing the new york prophet, and preaching there. why so important a project was confided to brannan seems a mystery, in view of p. p. pratt's statement that, as early as the previous january, he had discovered that brannan was among certain elders who "had been corrupting the saints by introducing among them all manner of false doctrines and immoral practices"; he was afterward disfellowshipped at nauvoo. by pratt's advice he immediately went to that city, and was restored to full standing in the church, as any bad man always was when he acknowledged submission to the church authorities.* plenty of emigrants offered themselves under orson pratt's call, but of the first applicants for passage only about had money enough to pay their expenses. * pratt's "autobiography," p. . although it was estimated that $ would cover the outlay for the trip. brannan chartered the brooklyn, a ship of tons, and on february , , she sailed with men, women, and children.* * bancrofts figures, "history of california," vol. v, chap. . the voyage to san francisco ended on july . ten deaths and two births occurred during the trip, and four of the company, including two elders and one woman, had to be excommunicated "for their wicked and licentious conduct." three others were dealt with in the same way as soon as the company landed.* on landing they found the united states in possession of the country, which led to brannan's reported remark, "there is that d--d flag again." the men of the party, some of whom had not paid all their passage money, at once sought work, but the company did not hold together. before the end of the year some more "went astray," in church parlance; some decided to remain on the coast when they learned that the church was to make salt lake valley its headquarters, and some time later about reached utah and took up their abode there. * brannan's letter, millennial star, vol. ix, pp. - . brannan fell from grace and was pronounced by p. p. pratt "a corrupt and wicked man." while he was getting his expedition in shape, he sent to the church authorities in the west a copy of an agreement which he said he had made with a. g. benson, an alleged agent of postmaster general kendall. benson was represented as saying that, unless the mormon leaders signed an agreement, to which president polk was a "silent partner," by which they would "transfer to a. g. benson and co., and to their heirs and assigns, the odd number of all the lands and town lots they may acquire in the country where they settle," the president would order them to be dispersed. this seems to have been too transparent a scheme to deceive young, and the agreement was not signed. the march of the pioneers was resumed on july . that evening they were told that those who wished to return eastward to meet their families, who were perhaps five hundred miles back with the second company, could do so; but only five of them took advantage of this permission. the event of sunday, july , was the arrival of thirteen members of the battalion, who had pushed on in advance of the main body of those who were on the way from pueblo, in order that they might recover some horses stolen from them, which they were told were at bridger's fort. they said that the main body of were near at hand. this company had been directed in their course by instructions sent to them by brigham young from a point near fort laramie. the hardships of the trip had told on the pioneers, and a number of them were now afflicted with what they called "mountain fever." they attributed this to the clouds of dust that enveloped the column of wagons when in motion, and to the decided change of temperature from day to night. for six weeks, too, most of them had been without bread, living on the meat provided by the hunters, and saving the little flour that was left for the sick. the route on july kept along the right bank of the green river for about three miles, and then led over the bluffs and across a sandy, waterless plain for sixteen miles, to the left bank of black's fork, where they camped for the night. the two following days took them across this fork several times, but, although fording was not always comfortable, the stream added salmon trout to their menu. on the th the party had a look at bridger's fort, of which they had heard often. orson pratt described it at the time as consisting "of two adjoining log houses, dirt roofs, and a small picket yard of logs set in the ground, and about eight feet high. the number of men, squaws, and half-breed children in these houses and lodges may be about fifty or sixty." at the camp, half a mile from the fort, that night ice formed. the next day the blacksmiths were kept busy repairing wagons and shoeing horses in preparation for a trail through the mountains. on the th and th they passed over a hilly country, camping on beaver river on the night of the th. the fever had compelled several halts on account of the condition of the patients, and on the th it was found that brigham young was too ill to travel. in order not to lose time, orson pratt, with forty-three men and twenty-three wagons, was directed to push on into salt lake valley, leaving a trail that the others could follow. from the information obtainable at fort bridger it was decided that the canyon leading into the valley would be found impassable on account of high water, and that they should direct their course over the mountains. these explorers set out on july , travelling down red fork, a small stream which ran through a narrow valley, whose sides in places were from eight hundred to twelve hundred feet high,--red sandstone walls, perpendicular or overhanging. this route was a rough one, requiring frequent fordings of the stream, and they did well to advance thirteen miles that day. on the th they discovered a mountain trail that had been recommended to them, but it was a mere trace left by wagons that had passed over it a year before. they came now to the roughest country they had found, and it became necessary to send sappers in advance to open a road before the wagons could pass over it. almost discouraged, pratt turned back on foot the next day, to see if he could not find a better route; but he was soon convinced that only the one before them led in the direction they were to take. the wagons were advanced only four and three-quarters miles that day, even the creek bottom being so covered with a growth of willows that to cut through these was a tiresome labor. pratt and a companion, during the day, climbed a mountain, which they estimated to be about two thousand feet high, but they only saw, before and around them, hills piled on hills and mountains on mountains,--the outlines of the wahsatch and uinta ranges. on monday, the th, pratt again acted as advance explorer, and went ahead with one companion. following a ravine on horseback for four miles, they then dismounted and climbed to an elevation from which, in the distance, they saw a level prairie which they thought could not be far from great salt lake. the whole party advanced only six and a quarter miles that day and six the next. one day later erastus snow came up with them, and pratt took him along as a companion in his advance explorations. they discovered a point where the travellers of the year before had ascended a hill to avoid a canyon through which a creek dashed rapidly. following in their predecessors' footsteps, when they arrived at the top of this hill there lay stretched out before them "a broad, open valley about twenty miles wide and thirty long, at the north end of which the waters of the great salt lake glistened in the sunbeams." snow's account of their first view of the valley and lake is as follows:--"the thicket down the narrows, at the mouth of the canyon, was so dense that we could not penetrate through it. i crawled for some distance on my hands and knees through this thicket, until i was compelled to return, admonished to by the rattle of a snake which lay coiled up under my nose, having almost put my hand on him; but as he gave me the friendly warning, i thanked him and retreated. we raised on to a high point south of the narrows, where we got a view of the great salt lake and this valley, and each of us, without saying a word to the other, instinctively, as if by inspiration, raised our hats from our heads, and then, swinging our hats, shouted, 'hosannah to god and the lamb!' we could see the canes down in the valley, on what is now called mill creek, which looked like inviting grain, and thitherward we directed our course."* * "address to the pioneers," . having made an inspection of the valley, the two explorers rejoined their party about ten o'clock that evening. the next day, with great labor, a road was cut through the canyon down to the valley, and on july pratt's entire company camped on city creek, below the present emigration street in salt lake city. the next morning, after sending word of their discovery to brigham young, the whole party moved some two miles farther north, and there, after prayer, the work of putting in a crop was begun. the necessity of irrigation was recognized at once. "we found the land so dry," says snow, "that to plough it was impossible, and in attempting to do so some of the ploughs were broken. we therefore had to distribute the water over the land before it could be worked." when the rest of the pioneers who had remained with young reached the valley the next day, they found about six acres of potatoes and other vegetables already planted. while apostles like snow might have been as transported with delight over the aspect of the valley as he professed to be, others of the party could see only a desolate, treeless plain, with sage brush supplying the vegetation. to the women especially the outlook was most depressing. chapter vii. -- the following companies--last days on the missouri when the pioneers set out from the missouri, instructions were left for the organization of similar companies who were to follow their trail, without waiting to learn their ultimate destination or how they fared on the way. these companies were in charge of prominent men like parley p. pratt, john taylor, bishop hunter, daniel spencer, who succeeded smith as mayor of nauvoo, and j. m. grant, the first mayor of salt lake city after its incorporation. p. p. pratt set out early in june, as soon as he could get his wagons and equipment in order, for elk horn river, where a sort of rendezvous was established, and a rough ferry boat put in operation. hence started about the fourth of july the big company which has been called "the first emigration." it consisted, according to the most trustworthy statistics, of persons, equipped with wagons, oxen, horses, cows, sheep, hogs, and chickens. pratt had brought back from england sovereigns, collected as tithing, which were used in equipping the first parties for utah. this company had at its head, as president, brigham young's brother john, with p. p. pratt as chief adviser. nothing more serious interrupted the movement of these hundreds of emigrants than dissatisfaction with pratt, upsets, broken wagons, and the occasional straying of cattle, and all arrived in the valley in the latter part of september, pratt's division on the th. the company which started on the return trip with young on august embraced those apostles who had gone west with him, some others of the pioneers, and most of the members of the battalion who had joined them, and whose families were still on the banks of the missouri. the eastward trip was made interesting by the meetings with the successive companies who were on their way to the salt lake valley. early in september some indians stole of their hoses, and ten weeks later sioux charged their camp, but there was no loss of life. on the th of october the party were met by a mounted company who had left winter quarters to offer any aid that might be needed, and were escorted to that camp. they arrived there on october , where they were welcomed by their families, and feasted as well as the supplies would permit. the winter of - was employed by young and his associates in completing the church organization, mapping out a scheme of european immigration, and preparing for the removal of the remaining mormons to salt lake valley. that winter was much milder than its predecessor, and the health of the camps was improved, due, in part, to the better physical condition of their occupants. on the west side of the river, however, troubles had arisen with the omahas, who complained to the government that the mormons were killing off the game and depleting their lands of timber. the new-comers were accordingly directed to recross the river, and it was in this way that the camp near council bluffs in secured its principal population. in mormon letters of that date the name winter quarters is sometimes applied to the settlement east of the river generally known as kanesville. the programme then arranged provided for the removal in the spring of to salt lake valley of practically all mormons who remained on the missouri, leaving only enough to look after the crops there and to maintain a forwarding point for emigrants from europe and the eastern states. the legislature of iowa by request organized a county embracing the camps on the east side of the river. there seems to have been an idea in the minds of some of the mormons that they might effect a permanent settlement in western iowa. orson pratt, in a general epistle to the saints in europe, encouraging emigration, dated august , , said, "a great, extensive, and rich tract of country has also been, by the providence of god, put in the possession of the saints in the western borders of iowa," which the saints would have the first chance to purchase, at five shillings per acre. a letter from g. a. smith and e. t. benson to o. pratt, dated december in that year, told of the formation of a company of members to enclose an additional tract of , acres, in shares of from to acres, and of the laying out of two new cities, ten miles north and south. orson hyde set up a printing-press there, and for some time published the frontier guardian. but wiser counsel prevailed, and by most of the emigrants from nauvoo had passed on to utah,* and linforth found kanesville in "very dirty and unhealthy," and full of gamblers, lawyers, and dealers in "bargains," the latter made up principally of the outfits of discouraged immigrants who had given up the trip at that point. * on september , , the first presidency sent a letter to the saints who were still in iowa, directing them all to come to salt lake valley, and saying: "what are you waiting for? have you any good excuse for not coming? no. you have all of you unitedly a far better chance than we had when we started as pioneers to find this place."--millennial star, vol. xiv, p. . young himself took charge of the largest body that was to cross the plains in . the preparations were well advanced by the first of may, and on the th he set out for elk horn (commonly called "the horn") where the organization of the column was to be made. the travellers were divided into two large companies, the first four "hundreds" comprising persons and wagons; the second section, led by h. c. kimball, persons and wagons; and the third, under elders w. richards and a. lyman, about wagons. a census of the first two companies, made by the clerk of the camp, showed that their equipment embraced the following items: horses, ; mules, ; oxen, ; cows and other cattle, ; sheep, ; pigs, ; chickens, ; cats, ; dogs, ; goats, ; geese, ; ducks, ; hives of bees, ; doves, ; and one squirrel.* * millennial star, vol. x, p. . the expense of fitting out these companies was necessarily large, and the heads of the church left at kanesville a debt amounting to $ , "without any means being provided for its payment."* * ibid, vol. xi, p. . president young's company began its actual westward march on june , and the last detachment got away about the th. they reached the site of salt lake city in september. the incidents of the trip were not more interesting than those of the previous year, and only four deaths occurred on the way. book vi. -- in utah chapter i. -- the founding of salt lake city the first white men to enter what is now utah were a part of the force of coronado, under captain garcia lopez de cardinas, if the reader of the evidence decides that their journey from zuni took them, in , across the present utah border line.* a more definite account has been preserved of a second exploration, which left santa fe in , led by two priests, dominguez and escalate, in search of a route to the california coast. a two months' march brought them to a lake, called timpanogos by the natives--now utah lake on the map--where they were told of another lake, many leagues in extent, whose waters were so salt that they made the body itch when wet with them; but they turned to the southwest without visiting it. lahontan's report of the discovery of a body of bad-tasting water on the western side of the continent in is not accepted as more than a part of an imaginary narrative. s. a. ruddock asserted that, in , he with a trading party made a journey from council bluffs to oregon by way of santa fe and great salt lake.** * see bancroft's "history of utah," chap. i. ** house report, no. , st session, th congress. bancroft mentions this claim "for what it is worth," but awards the honor of the discovery of the lake, as the earliest authenticated, to james bridger, the noted frontiersman who, some twelve years later, built his well-known trading fort on green river. bridger, with a party of trappers who had journeyed west from the missouri with henry and ashley in , got into a discussion that winter with his fellows, while they were camped on bear river, about the course of that stream, and, to decide a bet, bridger followed it southward until he came to great salt lake. in the following spring four of the party explored the lake in boats made of skins, hoping to find beavers, and they, it is believed, were the first white men to float upon its waters. fremont saw the lake from the summit of a butte on september , . "it was," he says, "one of the great objects of the exploration, and, as we looked eagerly over the lake in the first emotions of excited pleasure, i am doubtful if the followers of balboa felt more enthusiasm when, from the heights of the andes, they saw for the first time the great western ocean." this practical claim of discovery was not well founded, nor was his sail on the lake in an india-rubber boat "the first ever attempted on this interior sea." dating from , the lake region of utah became more and more familiar to american trappers and explorers. in captain bonneville, of the united states army, obtained leave of absence, and with a company of trappers set out for the far west by the platte route. crossing the rockies through the south pass, he made a fortified camp on green river, whence he for three years explored the country. one of his parties, under joseph walker, was sent to trap beavers on great salt lake and to explore it thoroughly, making notes and maps. bonneville, in his description of the lake to irving, declared that lofty mountains rose from its bosom, and greatly magnified its extent to the south.* walker's party got within sight of the lake, but found themselves in a desert, and accordingly changed their course and crossed the sierras into california. in bonneville's map the lake is called "lake bonneville or great salt lake," and irving calls it lake bonneville in his "astoria." * bonneville's "adventures," p. . the day after the first arrival of brigham young in salt lake valley (sunday, july ), church services were held and the sacrament was administered. young addressed his followers, indicating at the start his idea of his leadership and of the ownership of the land, which was then mexican territory. "he said that no man should buy any land who came here," says woodruff; "that he had none to sell; but every man should have his land measured out to him for city and farming purposes. he might till it as he pleased, but he must be industrious and take care of it." * * "after the assignments were made, persona commenced the usual speculations of selling according to eligibility of situation. this called out anathemas from the spiritual powers, and no one was permitted to traffic for fancy profit; if any sales were made, the first cost and actual value of improvements were all that was to be allowed. all speculative sales were made sub rosa. exchanges are made and the records kept by the register."--gunnison, "the mormons" ( ), p. . the next day a party, including all the twelve who were in the valley, set out to explore the neighborhood. they visited and bathed in great salt lake, climbed and named ensign peak, and met a party of utah indians, who made signs that they wanted to trade. on their return young explained to the people his ideas of an exploration of the country to the west and north. meanwhile, those left in the valley had been busy staking off fields, irrigating them, and planting vegetables and grain. some buildings, among them a blacksmith shop, were begun. the members of the battalion, about four hundred of whom had now arrived, constructed a "bowery." camps of utah indians were visited, and the white men witnessed their method of securing for food the abundant black crickets, by driving them into an enclosure fenced with brush which they set on fire. on july , after a council of the quorum had been held, the site of the temple was selected by brigham young, who waved his hand and said: "here is the acres for the temple. the city can be laid out perfectly square, east and west."* the acres were a few days later reduced to , but the site then chosen is that on which the big temple now stands. it was also decided that the city should be laid out in lots measuring to by rods each, lots to a block, with streets rods wide, and sidewalks feet wide; each house to be erected in the centre of a lot, and feet from the front line. land was also reserved for four parks of to acres each. * tullidge's "life of brigham young," p. . men were at once sent into the mountains to secure logs for cabins, and work on adobe huts was also begun. on august y those of the twelve present selected their "inheritances," each taking a block near the temple. a week later the twelve in council selected the blocks on which the companies under each should settle. the city as then laid out covered a space nearly four miles long and three broad.* * tullidge says: "the land portion of each family, as a rule, was the acre-and-a-quarter lot designated in the plan of the city; but the chief men of the pioneers, who had a plurality of wives and numerous children, received larger portions of the city lots. the giving of farms, as shown is the general epistle, was upon the same principle as the apportioning of city lots. the farm of five, ten, or twenty acres was not for the mechanic, nor the manufacturer, nor even for the farmer, as a mere personal property, but for the good of the community at large, to give the substance of the earth to feed the population.... while the farmer was planting and cultivating his farm, the mechanic and tradesman produced his supplies and wrought his daily work for the community." he adds, "it can be easily understood how some departures were made from this original plan." this understanding can be gained in no better way than by inspecting the list of real estate left by brigham young in his will as his individual possession. on august a general conference decided that the city should be called city of the great salt lake. when the city was incorporated, in , the name was changed to salt lake city. in view of the approaching return of young and his fellow officers to the missouri river, the company in the valley were placed in charge of the prophet's uncle, john smith, as patriarch, with a high council and other officers of a stake. when p. p. pratt and the following companies reached the valley in september, they found a fort partly built, and every one busy, preparing for the winter. the crops of that year had been a disappointment, having been planted too late. the potatoes raised varied in size from that of a pea to half an inch in diameter, but they were saved and used successfully for seed the next year. a great deal of grain was sown during the autumn and winter, considerable wheat having been brought from california by members of the battalion. pratt says that the snow was several inches deep when they did some of their ploughing, but that the ground was clear early in march. a census taken in march, , gave the city a population of , with houses erected. the saints in the valley spent a good deal of that winter working on their cabins, making furniture, and carting fuel. they discovered that the warning about the lack of timber was well founded, all the logs and firewood being hauled from a point eight miles distant, over bad roads, and with teams that had not recovered from the effect of the overland trip. many settlers therefore built huts of adobe bricks, some with cloth roofs. lack of experience in handling adobe clay for building purposes led to some sad results, the rains and frosts causing the bricks to crumble or burst, and more than one of these houses tumbled down around their owners. even the best of the houses had very flat roofs, the newcomers believing that the climate was always dry; and when the rains and melted snow came, those who had umbrellas frequently raised them indoors to protect their beds or their fires. two years later, when captain stansbury of the united states topographical engineers, with his surveying party, spent the winter in salt lake city, in "a small, unfurnished house of unburnt brick or adobe, unplastered, and roofed with boards loosely nailed on," which let in the rains in streams, he says they were better lodged than many of their neighbors. "very many families," he explains, "were obliged still to lodge wholly or in part in their wagons, which, being covered, served, when taken off from the wheels and set upon the ground, to make bedrooms, of limited dimensions, it is true, but exceedingly comfortable. in the very next enclosure to that of our party, a whole family of children had no other shelter than one of these wagons, where they slept all winter." the furniture of the early houses was of the rudest kind, since only the most necessary articles could be brought in the wagons. a chest or a barrel would do for a table, a bunk built against the side logs would be called a bed, and such rude stools as could be most easily put together served for chairs. the letters sent for publication in england to attract emigrants spoke of a mild and pleasant winter, not telling of the privations of these pioneers. the greatest actual suffering was caused by a lack of food as spring advanced. a party had been sent to california, in november, for cattle, seeds, etc., but they lost forty of a herd of two hundred on the way back. the cattle that had been brought across the plains were in poor condition on their arrival, and could find very little winter pasturage. many of the milk cows driven all the way from the missouri had died by midsummer. by spring parched grain was substituted for coffee, a kind of molasses was made from beets, and what little flour could be obtained was home-ground and unbolted. even so high an officer of the church as p. p. pratt, thus describes the privations of his family: "in this labor [ploughing, cultivating, and sowing] every woman and child in my family, so far as they were of sufficient age and strength, had joined to help me, and had toiled incessantly in the field, suffering every hardship which human nature could well endure. myself and most of them were compelled to go with bare feet for several months, reserving our indian moccasins for extra occasions. we toiled hard, and lived on a few greens, and on thistle and other roots." this was the year of the great visitation of crickets, the destruction of which has given the mormons material for the story of one of their miracles. the crickets appeared in may, and they ate the country clear before them. in a wheat-field they would average two or three to a head of grain. even ditches filled with water would not stop them. kane described them as "wingless, dumpy, black, swollen-headed, with bulging eyes in cases like goggles, mounted upon legs of steel wire and clock spring, and with a general personal appearance that justified the mormons in comparing them to a cross of a spider and the buffalo." when this plague was at its worst, the mormons saw flocks of gulls descend and devour the crickets so greedily that they would often disgorge the food undigested. day after day did the gulls appear until the plague was removed. utah guide-books of to-day refer to this as a divine interposition of heaven in behalf of the saints. but writers of that date, like p. p. pratt, ignore the miraculous feature, and the white gulls dot the fields between salt lake city and ogden in just as they did in the summer of , and as fremont found them there in september, . gulls are abundant all over the plains, and are found with the snipe and geese as far north as north dakota. heaven's interposition, if exercised, was not thorough, for, after the crickets, came grasshoppers in such numbers that one writer says, "on one occasion a quarter of one cloudy dropped into the lake and were blown on shore by the wind, in rows sometimes two feet deep, for a distance of two miles." but the crops, with all the drawbacks, did better than had been deemed possible, and on august the people held a kind of harvest festival in the "bowery" in the centre of their fort, when "large sheaves of wheat, rye, barley, oats, and other productions were hoisted on poles for public exhibition."* still, the outlook was so alarming that word was sent to winter quarters advising against increasing their population at that time, and brigham young's son urged that a message be sent to his father giving similar advice.** nevertheless p. p. pratt did not hesitate in a letter addressed to the saints in england, on september , to say that they had had ears of corn to boil for a month, that he had secured "a good harvest of wheat and rye without irrigation," and that there would be from ten thousand to twenty thousand bushels of grain in the valley more than was needed for home consumption. * pratt's "autobiography," p. . ** bancroft's "history of utah;" p. . chapter ii. -- progress of the settlement with the arrival of the later companies from winter quarters the population of the city was increased by the winter of to about five thousand, or more than one-quarter of those who went out from nauvoo. the settlers then had three sawmills, one flouring mill, and a threshing machine run by water, another sawmill and flour mill nearly completed, and several mills under way for the manufacture of sugar from corn stalks. brigham young, again on the ground, took the lead at once in pushing on the work. to save fencing, material for which was hard to obtain, a tract of eight thousand acres was set apart and fenced for the common use, within which farmhouses could be built. the plan adopted for fencing in the city itself was to enclose each ward separately, every lot owner building his share. a stone council house, forty-five feet square, was begun, the labor counting as a part of the tithe; unappropriated city lots were distributed among the new-comers by a system of drawing, and the building of houses went briskly on, the officers of the church sharing in the labor. a number of bridges were also provided, a tax of one per cent being levied to pay for them. among the incidents of the winter mentioned in an epistle of the first presidency was the establishment of schools in the different wards, in which, it was stated, "the hebrew, greek, latin, french, german, tahitian and english languages have been taught successfully"; and the organization of a temporary local government, and of a stake of zion, with daniel spencer as president. it was early the policy of the church to carry on an extended system of public works, including manufacturing enterprises. the assisted immigrants were expected to repay by work on these buildings the advance made to them to cover their travelling expenses. young saw at once the advantage of starting branches of manufacture, both to make his people independent of a distant supply and to give employment to the population. writing to orson pratt on october , , when pratt was in england, he said that they would have the material for cotton and woollen factories ready by the time men and machinery were prepared to handle it, and urged him to send on cotton operatives and "all the necessary fixtures." the third general epistle spoke of the need of furnaces and forges, and orson pratt, in an address to the saints in great britain, dated july , , urged the officers of companies "to seek diligently in every branch for wise, skilful and ingenious mechanics, manufacturers, potters, etc."* * the general epistle of april, , announced two potteries in operation, a small woollen factory begun, a nail factory, wooden bowl factory, and many grist and saw mills. the general epistle of october, , enumerated, as among the established industries, a foundery, a cutlery shop, and manufactories of locks, cloth, leather, hats, cordage, brushes, soap, paper, combs, and cutlery. the general conference of october, , ordered one man to build a glass factory in the valley, and voted to organize a company to transport passengers and freight between the missouri river and california, directing that settlements be established along the route. this company was called the great salt lake valley carrying company. its prospectus in the frontier guardian in december, , stated that the fare from kanesville to sutter's fort, california, would be $ , and the freight rate to great salt lake city $ . per hundredweight, the passenger wagons to be drawn by four horses or mules, and the freight wagons by oxen. but the work of making the new mormon home a business and manufacturing success did not meet with rapid encouragement. where settlements were made outside of salt lake city, the people were not scattered in farmhouses over the country, but lived in what they called "forts," squalid looking settlements, laid out in a square and defended by a dirt or adobe wall. the inhabitants of these settlements had to depend on the soil for their subsistence, and such necessary workmen as carpenters and shoemakers plied their trade as they could find leisure after working in the fields. when johnston's army entered the valley in , the largest attempt at manufacturing that had been undertaken there--a beet sugar factory, toward which english capitalists had contributed more than $ , --had already proved a failure. there were tanneries, distilleries, and breweries in operation, a few rifles and revolvers were made from iron supplied by wagon tires, and in the larger settlements a few good mechanics were kept busy. but if no outside influences had contributed to the prosperity of the valley, and hastened the day when it secured railroad communication, the future of the people whom young gathered in utah would have been very different. a correspondent of the new york tribune, on his way to california, writing on july , , thus described salt lake city as it presented itself to him at that time:--"there are no hotels, because there had been no travel; no barber shops, because every one chose to shave himself and no one had time to shave his neighbor; no stores, because they had no goods to sell nor time to traffic; no center of business, because all were too busy to make a center. there was abundance of mechanics' shops, of dressmakers, milliners and tailors, etc., but they needed no sign, nor had they any time to paint or erect one, for they were crowded with business. besides their several trades, all must cultivate the land or die; for the country was new, and no cultivation but their own within miles. everyone had his lot and built on it; every one cultivated it, and perhaps a small farm in the distance. and the strangest of all was that this great city, extending over several square miles, had been erected, and every house and fence made, within nine or ten months of our arrival; while at the same time good bridges were erected over the principal streams, and the country settlements extended nearly miles up and down the valley."* * new york tribune, october , . the winter of set in early and severe, with frequent snowstorms from december until late in february, and the temperature dropping one degree below zero as late as february . the deep snow in the canyons, the only outlets through the mountains, rendered it difficult to bring in fuel, and the suffering from the cold was terrible, as many families had arrived too late to provide themselves with any shelter but their prairie wagons. the apprehended scarcity of food, too, was realized. early in february an inventory of the breadstuffs in the valley, taken by the bishops, showed only three-quarters of a pound a day per head until july , although it was believed that many had concealed stores on hand. when the first general epistle of the first presidency was sent out from salt lake city in the spring of ,* corn, which had sold for $ and $ a bushel, was not to be had, wheat had ranged from $ to $ a bushel, and potatoes from $ to $ , with none then in market. * millennial star, vol. xi, p. . the people generally exerted themselves to obtain food for those whose supplies had been exhausted, but the situation became desperate before the snow melted. three attempts to reach fort bridger failed because of the depth of snow in the canyons. there is a record of a winter hunt of two rival parties of men each, but they killed "varmints" rather than game, the list including wolves and foxes, minks and skunks, hawks, owls and magpies, and ravens.* some of the mormons, with the aid of indian guides, dug roots that the savages had learned to eat, and some removed the hide roofs from their cabins and stewed them for food. the lack of breadstuffs continued until well into the summer, and the celebration of the anniversary of the arrival of the pioneers in the valley, which had been planned for july , was postponed until the th, as young explained in his address, "that we might have a little bread to set on our tables." * general epistle, millennial star, vol. xi, p. . word was now sent to the states and to europe that no more of the brethren should make the trip to the valley at that time unless they had means to get through without assistance, and could bring breadstuffs to last them several months after their arrival. but something now occurred which turned the eyes of a large part of the world to that new acquisition of the united states on the pacific coast which was called california, which made the mormon settlement in utah a way station for thousands of travellers where a dozen would not have passed it without the new incentive, and which brought to the mormon settlers, almost at their own prices, supplies of which they were desperately in need, and which they could not otherwise have obtained. this something was the discovery of gold in california. when the news of this discovery reached the atlantic states and those farther west, men simply calculated by what route they could most quickly reach the new el dorado, and the first companies of miners who travelled across the plains sacrificed everything for speed. the first rush passed through salt lake valley in august, . some of the mormons who had reached california with brannan's company had by that time arrived in the valley, bringing with them a few bags of gold dust. when the would-be miners from the east saw this proof of the existence of gold in the country ahead of them, their enthusiasm knew no limits, and their one wish was to lighten themselves so that they could reach the gold-fields in the shortest time possible. then the harvest of the mormons began. pack mules and horses that had been worth only $ or $ would now bring $ in exchange for other articles at a low price, and the travellers were auctioning off their surplus supplies every day. for a light wagon they did not hesitate to offer three or four heavy ones, with a yoke of oxen sometimes thrown in. such needed supplies as domestic sheetings could be had at from five to ten cents a yard, spades and shovels, with which the miners were overstocked, at fifty cents each, and nearly everything in their outfit, except sugar and coffee, at half the price that would have been charged at wholesale in the eastern states.* * salt lake city letter to the frontier guardian. the commercial profit to the mormons from this emigration was greater still in , when the rush had increased. before the grain of that summer was cut, the gold seekers paid $ a pound for flour in salt lake city. after the new grain was harvested they eagerly bought the flour as fast as five mills could grind it, at $ per hundredweight. unground wheat sold for $ a bushel, wood for $ a cord, adobe bricks for more than seven shillings a hundred, and skilled mechanics were getting twelve shillings and sixpence a day.* at the same time that the emigrants were paying so well for what they absolutely required, they were sacrificing large supplies of what they did not need on almost any terms. some of them had started across the plains with heavy loads of machinery and miscellaneous goods, on which they expected to reap a big profit in california. learning, however, when they reached salt lake city, that ship-loads of such merchandise were on their way around the horn, the owners sacrificed their stock where it was, and hurried on to get their share of the gold. * millennial star, vol. xii, p. . this is not the place in which to tell the story of that rush of the gold seekers. the clerk at fort laramie reported, "the total number of emigrants who passed this post up to june , , included , men, women, children, wagons, , horses, mules, oxen, and cows." a letter from sacramento dated september , , gave this picture of the trail left by these travellers: "many believed there are dead animals enough on the desert (of miles) between humboldt lake and carson river to pave a road the whole distance. we will make a moderate estimate and say there is a dead animal to every five feet, left on the desert this season. i counted wagons within a mile and a half. not half of those left were to be seen, many having been burned to make lights in the night. the desert is strewn with all kinds of property--tools, clothes, crockery, harnesses, etc." naturally, in this rush for sudden riches, many a mormon had a desire to join. a dozen families left utah for california early in , and in march, , a company of more than five hundred assembled in payson, preparatory to making the trip. here was an unexpected danger to the growth of the mormon population, and one which the head of the church did not delay in checking. the second general epistle, dated october , ,* stated that the valley of the sacramento was unhealthy, and that the saints could do better raising grain in utah, adding, "the true use of gold is for paving streets, covering houses, and making culinary dishes, and when the saints shall have preached the gospel, raised grain, and built up cities enough, the lord will open up the way for a supply of gold, to the perfect satisfaction of his people." * millennial star, vol. xii, p. . notwithstanding this advice, a good many mormons acted on the idea that the lord would help those who helped themselves, and that if they were to have golden culinary dishes they must go and dig the gold. accordingly, we find the third general epistle, dated april , , acknowledging that many brethren had gone to the gold mines, but declaring that they were counselled only "by their own wills and covetous feelings," and that they would have done more good by staying in the valley. young did not, however, stop with a mere rebuke. he proposed to check the exodus. "let such men," the epistle added, "remember that they are not wanted in our midst. let such leave their carcasses where they do their work; we want not our burial grounds polluted with such hypocrites." young was quite as plain spoken in his remarks to the general conference that spring, naming as those who "will go down to hell, poverty-stricken and naked," the mormons who felt that they were so poor that they would have to go to the gold mines.* such talk had its effect, and salt lake valley retained most of its population. * millennial star, vol. xii, p. , the progress of the settlement received a serious check some years later in the failure of the crops in , followed by a near approach to a famine in the ensuing winter. very little reference to this was made in the official church correspondence, but a picture of the situation in salt lake city that winter was drawn in two letters from heber c. kimball to his sons in england.* in the first, written in february, he said that his family and brigham young's were then on a ration of half a pound of bread each per day, and that thousands had scarcely any breadstuff at all. kimball's family of one hundred persons then had on hand about seventy bushels of potatoes and a few beets and carrots, "so you can judge," he says, "whether we can get through until harvest without digging roots." there were then not more than five hundred bushels of grain in the tithing office, and all public work was stopped until the next harvest, and all mechanics were advised to drop their tools and to set about raising grain. "there is not a settlement in the territory," said the writer, "but is also in the same fix as we are. dollars and cents do not count in these times, for they are the tightest i have ever seen in the territory of utah." in april he wrote: "i suppose one-half the church stock is dead. there are not more than one-half the people that have bread, and they have not more than one-half or one quarter of a pound a day to a person. a great portion of the people are digging roots, and hundreds and thousands, their teams being dead, are under the necessity of spading their ground to put in their grain." the harvest of also suffered from drought and insects, and the deseret news that summer declared that "the most rigid economy and untiring, well-directed industry may enable us to escape starvation until a harvest in , and until the lapse of another year emigrants and others will run great risks of starving unless they bring their supplies with them." the first load of barley brought into salt lake city that summer sold for $ a bushel. * ibid., vol. xviii, pp. - . the first building erected in salt lake city in which to hold church services was called a tabernacle. it was begun in , and was consecrated on april , . it stood in temple block, where the assembly hall now stands, measuring about by feet, and providing accommodation for people. the present tabernacle, in which the public church services are held, was completed in . it stands just west of the temple, is elliptical in shape, and, with its broad gallery running around the entire interior, except the end occupied by the organ loft and pulpit, it can seat about persons. its acoustic properties are remarkable, and one of the duties of any guide who exhibits the auditorium to visitors is to station them at the end of the gallery opposite the pulpit, and to drop a pin on the floor to show them how distinctly that sound can be heard. the temple in salt lake city was begun in april, , and was not dedicated until april, . this building is devoted to the secret ceremonies of the church, and no gentile is ever admitted to it. the building, of granite taken from the near-by mountains, is architecturally imposing, measuring by feet. its cost is admitted to have been about $ , , . the building could probably be duplicated to-day for one-half that sum. the excuse given by church authorities for the excessive cost is that, during the early years of the work upon it, the granite had to be hauled from the mountains by ox teams, and that everything in the way of building material was expensive in utah when the church there was young. the interior is divided into different rooms, in which such ceremonies as the baptism for the dead are performed; the baptismal font is copied after the one that was in the temple at nauvoo. there are three other temples in utah, all of which were completed before the one in salt lake city, namely, at st. george, at logan, and at manti. chapter iii. -- the foreign immigration to utah when the mormons began their departure westward from nauvoo, the immigration of converts from europe was suspended because of the uncertainty about the location of the next settlement, and the difficulty of transporting the existing population. but the necessity of constant additions to the community of new-comers, and especially those bringing some capital, was never lost sight of by the heads of the church. an evidence of this was given even before the first company reached the missouri river. while the saints were marching through iowa they received intelligence of a big scandal in connection with the emigration business in england, and p. p. pratt, orson hyde, and john taylor were hurriedly sent to that country to straighten the matter out. the millennial star in the early part of had frequent articles about the british and american commercial joint stock company, an organization incorporated to assist poor saints in emigrating. the principal emigration agent in great britain at that time was r. hedlock. he was the originator of the joint stock company, and thomas ward was its president. the mormon investigators found that more than pounds of the contributions of the stockholders had been squandered, and that ward had been lending hedlock money with which to pay his personal debts. ward and hedlock were at once disfellowshipped, and contributions to the treasury of the company were stopped. pratt says that hedlock fled when the investigators arrived, leaving many debts, "and finally lived incog. in london with a vile woman." thus it seems that mormon business enterprises in england were no freer from scandals than those in america. the efforts of the leaders of the church were now exerted to make the prospects of the saints in utah attractive to the converts in england whom they wished to add to the population of their valley. young and his associates seem to have entertained the idea, without reckoning on the rapid settlement of california, the migration of the "forty-niners," and the connection of the two coasts by rail, that they could constitute a little empire all by itself in utah, which would be self-supporting as well as independent, the farmer raising food for the mechanic, and the mechanic doing the needed work for the farmer. accordingly, the church did not stop short of every kind of misrepresentation and deception in belittling to the foreigners the misfortunes of the past, and picturing to them the fruitfulness of their new country, and the ease with which they could become landowners there. naturally, after the expulsion from illinois, in which so many foreign converts shared, an explanation and palliation of the emigration thence were necessary. in the united states, then and ever since, the mormons pictured themselves as the victims of an almost unprecedented persecution. but as soon as john taylor reached england, in , he issued an address to the saints in great britain* in which he presented a very different picture. granting that, on an average, they had not obtained more than one-third the value of their real and personal property when they left illinois, he explained that, when they settled there, land in nauvoo was worth only from $ to $ per acre, while, when they left, it was worth from $ to $ per acre; in the same period the adjoining farm lands had risen in value from $ . and $ to from $ to $ per acre. he assured his hearers, therefore, that the one-third value which they had obtained had paid them well for their labor. nor was this all. when they left, they had exchanged their property for horses, cattle, provisions, clothing, etc., which was exactly what was needed by settlers in a new country. as a further bait he went on to explain: "when we arrive in california, according to the provisions of the mexican government, each family will be entitled to a large tract of land, amounting to several hundred acres," and, if that country passed into american control, he looked for the passage of a law giving acres to each male settler. "thus," he summed up, "it will be easy to see that we are in a better condition than when we were in nauvoo!" * millennial star, vol. viii, p. . the misrepresentation did not cease here, however. after announcing the departure of brigham young's pioneer company, taylor* wound up with this tissue of false statements: "the way is now prepared; the roads, bridges, and ferry-boats made; there are stopping places also on the way where they can rest, obtain vegetables and corn, and, when they arrive at the far end, instead of finding a wild waste, they will meet with friends, provisions and a home, so that all that will be requisite for them to do will be to find sufficient teams to draw their families, and to take along with them a few woollen or cotton goods, or other articles of merchandise which will be light, and which the brethren will require until they can manufacture for themselves." how many a poor englishman, toiling over the plains in the next succeeding years, and, arriving in arid utah to find himself in the clutches of an organization from which he could not escape, had reason to curse the man who drew this picture! * john taylor was born in england in , and emigrated to canada in , where, after joining the methodists, he, like joseph smith, found existing churches unsatisfactory, and was easily secured as a convert by p. p. pratt. he was elected to the quorum, and was sent to great britain as a missionary in , writing several pamphlets while there. he arrived in nauvoo with brigham young in , and there edited the times and seasons, was a member of the city council, a regent of the university, and judge advocate of the legion, and was in the room with the prophet when the latter was shot. he was the mormon representative in france in , publishing a monthly paper there, translating the mormon bible into the french language, and preaching later at hamburg, germany. he was superintendent of the mormon church in the eastern states in , when young declared war against the united states, and he succeeded young as head of the church. in , at the suggestion of taylor, hyde, and pratt, who were still in england, a petition bearing nearly , names was addressed to queen victoria, setting forth the misery existing among the working classes in great britain, suggesting, as the best means of relief, royal aid to those who wished to emigrate to "the island of vancouver or to the great territory of oregon," and asking her "to give them employment in improving the harbors of those countries, or in erecting forts of defence; or, if this be inexpedient, to furnish them provisions and means of subsistence until they can produce them from the soil." these american citizens did not hesitate to point out that the united states government was favoring the settlement of its territory on the pacific coast, and to add: "while the united states do manifest such a strong inclination, not only to extend and enlarge their possessions in the west, but also to people them, will not your majesty look well to british interests in those regions, and adopt timely precautionary measures to maintain a balance of power in that quarter which, in the opinion of your memorialists, is destined at no very distant period to participate largely in the china trade?" * * see linforth's "route," pp. - . the oregon boundary treaty was less than a year old when this petition was presented. it was characteristic of mormon duplicity to find their representatives in great britain appealing to queen victoria on the ground of self-interest, while their chiefs in the united states were pointing to the organization of the battalion as a proof of their fidelity to the home government. practically no notice was taken of this petition. vancouver island, was, however, held out to the converts in great britain as the one "gathering point of the saints from the islands and distant portions of the earth," until the selection of salt lake valley as the saints' abiding place. on december , , young, in behalf of the twelve, issued from winter quarters a general epistle to the church a which gave an account of his trip to the salt lake valley, directed all to gather themselves speedily near winter quarters in readiness for the march to salt lake valley, and said to the saints in europe:-- "emigrate as speedily as possible to this vicinity. those who have but little means, and little or no labor, will soon exhaust that means if they remain where they are. therefore, it is wisdom that they remove without delay; for here is land on which, by their labor, they can speedily better their condition for their further journey." the list of things which young advised the emigrants to bring with them embraced a wide assortment: grains, trees, and vines; live stock and fowls; agricultural implements and mills; firearms and ammunition; gold and silver and zinc and tin and brass and ivory and precious stones; curiosities, "sweet instruments of music, sweet odors, and beautiful colors." the care of the head of the church, that the immigrants should not neglect to provide themselves with cologne and rouge for use in crossing the prairies, was most thoughtful. * millennial star, vol. x, p. . the millennial star of february , , made this announcement to the faithful in the british isles:-- "the channel of saints' emigration to the land of zion is now opened. the resting place of israel for the last days has been discovered. in the elevated valley of the salt and utah lakes, with the beautiful river jordan running through it, is the newly established stake of zion. there vegetation flourishes with magic rapidity. and the food of man, or staff of life, leaps into maturity from the bowels of mother earth with astonishing celerity. within one month from planting, potatoes grew from six to eight inches, and corn from two to four feet. there the frequent clouds introduce their fertilizing contents at a modest distance from the fat valley, and send their humid influences from the mountain tops. there the saline atmosphere of salt lake mingles in wedlock with the fresh humidity of the same vegetable element which comes over the mountain top, as if the nuptial bonds of rare elements were introduced to exhibit a novel specimen of a perfect vegetable progeny in the shortest possible time," etc. contrast this with brigham young's letter to colonel alexander in october, ,--"we had hoped that in this barren, desolate country we could have remained unmolested." on the th of february, , the shipment of mormon emigrants began again with the sailing of the cornatic, with passengers, for new orleans. in the following april, orson pratt was sent to england to take charge of the affairs of the church there. on his arrival, in august, he issued an "epistle" which was influential in augmenting the movement. he said that "in the solitary valleys of the great interior" they hoped to hide "while the indignation of the almighty is poured upon the nations"; and urged the rich to dispose of their property in order to help the poor, commanding all who could do so to pay their tithing. "o ye saints of the most high," he said, "linger not! make good your retreat before the avenues are closed up!" many other letters were published in the millennial star in - , giving glowing accounts of the fertility of salt lake valley. one from the clerk of the camp observed: "many cases of twins. in a row of seven houses joining each other eight births in one week." in order to assist the poor converts in europe, the general conference held in salt lake city in october, , voted to raise a fund, to be called "the perpetual emigrating fund," and soon $ had been secured for this purpose. in september, , the general assembly of the provisional state of deseret incorporated the perpetual emigration fund company, and brigham young was elected its first president. collections for this fund in great britain amounted to pounds by january, , and the emigrants sent out in that year were assisted from this fund. these expenditures required an additional $ , which was supplied from salt lake city. a letter issued by the first presidency in october, , urged the utmost economy in the expenditure of this money, and explained that, when the assisted emigrants arrived in salt lake city, they would give their obligations to the church to refund as soon as possible what had been expended on them.* in this way, any who were dissatisfied on their arrival in utah found themselves in the church clutches, from which they could not escape. * millennial star, vol. xii, p. . there were outbreaks of cholera among the emigrant parties crossing the plains in , and many deaths. in october, , an important company left salt lake city to augment the list of missionaries in europe. it included john taylor and two others, assigned to france; lorenzo snow and one other, to italy; erastus snow and one other, to denmark;* f. d. richards and eight others, to england; and j. fosgreene, to sweden. * elder dykes reported in october, , that, on his arrival in aalborg, denmark, he found that a mob had broken in the windows of the saints' meeting-house and destroyed the furniture, and had also broken the windows of the saints' houses, and, by the mayor's advice, he left the city by the first steamer. millennial star, vol. xiii, p. . the system of mormon emigration from great britain at that time seems to have been in the main a good one. the rule of the agent in liverpool was not to charter a vessel until enough passengers had made their deposits to warrant him in doing so. the rate of fare depended on the price paid for the charter.* as soon as the passengers arrived in liverpool they could go on board ship, and, when enough came from one district, all sailed on one vessel. once on board, they were organized with a president and two counsellors,--men who had crossed the ocean, if possible,--who allotted the staterooms, appointed watchmen to serve in turn, and looked after the sanitary arrangements. when the first through passengers for salt lake city left liverpool, in , an experienced elder was sent in advance to have teams and supplies in readiness at the point where the land journey would begin, and other men of experience accompanied them to engage river portation when they reached new orleans. the statistics of the emigration thus called out were as follows:-- * see linforth's "route," pp. to, - ; mackay's "history of the mormons," pp. - ; pratt's letter to the millennial star, vol. xi, p. . year vessels emigrants the frontier guardian at kanesville estimated the mormon movement across the plains in at about wagons, taking horses and cattle and sheep. of the class of emigrants then going out, the manager of the leading shipping agents at liverpool who furnished the ships said, "they are principally farmers and mechanics, with some few clerks, surgeons, and so forth." he found on the company's books, for the period between october, , and march, , the names of miners, engineers, farmers, laborers, joiners, weavers, shoemakers, smiths, tailors, watchmakers, stone masons, butchers, bakers, potters, painters, shipwrights, and dyers. the statistics of the mormon emigration given by the british agency for the years named were as follows:-- year vessels emigrants in the experiment was made of engaging to send adults from liverpool to utah for pounds each and children for half price; but this did not succeed, and those who embraced the offer had to borrow money or teams to complete the journey. in , owing to extortions practised on the emigrants by the merchants and traders at kanesville, as well as the unhealthfulness of the missouri bottoms, the principal point of departure from the river was changed to keokuk, iowa. the authorities and people there showed the new-comers every kindness, and set apart a plot of ground for their camp. in this camp each company on its arrival was organized and provided with the necessary teams, etc. in the point of departure was again changed to kansas, in western missouri, fourteen miles west of independence, the route then running to the big blue river, and through what are now the states of kansas and nebraska. chapter iv. -- the hand-cart tragedy in the crops in utah were almost a failure, and the church authorities found themselves very much embarrassed by their debts. a report in the seventh general epistle, of april , , set forth that, from their entry into the valley to march , of that year, there had been received as tithing, mostly in property, $ , . , and in loans and from other sources $ , . , of which total there had been expended in assisting immigrants and on church buildings, city lots, manufacturing industries, etc., $ , . . young found it necessary therefore to cut down his expenses, and he looked around for a method of doing this without checking the stream of new-comers. the method which he evolved was to furnish the immigrants with hand-carts on their arrival in iowa, and to let them walk all the way across the plains, taking with them only such effects as these carts would hold, each party of ten to drive with them one or two cows. although young tried to throw the result of this experiment on others, the evidence is conclusive that he devised it and worked out its details. in a letter to elder f. d. richards, in liverpool, dated september , , young said: "we cannot afford to purchase wagons and teams as in times past. i am consequently thrown back upon my old plan--to make hand-carts, and let the emigration foot it." to show what a pleasant trip this would make, this head of the church, who had three times crossed the plains, added, "fifteen miles a day will bring them through in days, and, after they get accustomed to it, they will travel , , or even with all ease, and no danger of giving out, but will continue to get stronger and stronger; the little ones and sick, if there are any, can be carried on the carts, but there will be none sick in a little time after they get started."* * millennial star, vol. vii, p. . directions in accordance with this plan were issued in the form of a circular in liverpool in february, , naming iowa city, iowa, as the point of outfit. the charge for booking through to utah by the perpetual emigration fund company was fixed at pounds for all over one year old, and pounds shillings for younger infants. the use of trunks or boxes was discouraged, and the emigrants were urged to provide themselves with oil-cloth or mackintosh bags. about thirteen hundred persons left liverpool to undertake this foot journey across the plains, placing implicit faith in the pictures of salt lake valley drawn by the missionaries, and not doubting that the method of travel would be as enjoyable as it seemed economical. five separate companies were started that summer from iowa city. the first and second of these arrived at florence, nebraska, on july , the third, made up mostly of welsh, on july , and the fourth on august . the first company made the trip to utah without anything more serious to report than the necessary discomforts of such a march, and were received with great acclaim by the church authorities, and welcomed with an elaborate procession. it was the last companies whose story became a tragedy.* * the experiences of those companies were told in detail by a member of one, john chislett, and printed in the "rocky mountain saints." mrs. stenhouse gives additional experiences in her "tell it all." the immigrants met with their first disappointment on arriving at iowa city. instead of finding their carts ready for them, they were told that no advance agent had prepared the way. the last companies were subjected to the most delay from this cause. even the carts were still to be manufactured, and, while they were making, many a family had to camp in the open fields, without even the shelter of a tent or a wagon top. the carts, when pronounced finished, moved on two light wheels, the only iron used in their construction being a very thin tire. two projecting shafts of hickory or oak were joined by a cross piece, by means of which the owner propelled the vehicle. when mr. chislett's company, after a three weeks' delay, made a start, they were five hundred strong, comprising english, scotch, and scandanavians. they were divided, as usual, into hundreds, to each hundred being allotted five tents, twenty hand-carts, and one wagon drawn by three yokes of oxen, the latter carrying the tents and provisions. families containing more young men than were required to draw their own carts shared these human draught animals with other families who were not so well provided; but many carts were pulled along by young girls. the iowans bestowed on the travellers both kindness and commiseration. knowing better than did the new-comers from europe the trials that awaited them, they pointed out the lateness of the season, and they did persuade a few members to give up the trip. but the elders who were in charge of the company were watchful, the religious spirit was kept up by daily meetings, and the one command that was constantly reiterated was, "obey your leaders in all things." a march of four weeks over a hot, dusty route was required to bring them to the missouri river near florence. even there they were insufficiently supplied with food. with flour costing $ per hundred pounds, and bacon seven or eight cents a pound, the daily allowance of food was ten ounces of flour to each adult, and four ounces to children under eight years old, with bacon, coffee, sugar, and rice served occasionally. some of the men ate all their allowance for the day at their breakfast, and depended on the generosity of settlers on the way, while there were any, for what further food they had until the next morning. after a week's stay at florence (the old winter quarters), the march across the plains was resumed on august . the danger of making this trip so late in the season, with a company which included many women, children, and aged persons, gave even the elders pause, and a meeting was held to discuss the matter. but levi savage, who had made the trip to and from the valley, alone advised against continuing the march that season. the others urged the company to go on, declaring that they were god's people, and prophesying in his name that they would get through the mountains in safety. the emigrants, "simple, honest, eager to go to zion at once, and obedient as little children to the 'servants of god,' voted to proceed." * * a "bond," which each assisted emigrant was required to sign in liverpool, contained the following stipulations: "we do severally and jointly promise and bind ourselves to continue with and obey the instructions of the agent appointed to superintend our passage thither to [utah]. and that, on our arrival in utah, we will hold ourselves, our time, and our labor, subject to the appropriation of the perpetual emigration fund company until the full cost of our emigration is paid, with interest if required." as the teams provided could not haul enough flour to last the company to utah, a sack weighing ninety-eight pounds was added to the load of each cart. one pound of flour a day was now allowed to each adult, and occasionally fresh beef. soon after leaving florence trouble began with the carts. the sand of the dry prairie got into the wooden hubs and ground the axles so that they broke, and constant delays were caused by the necessity of making repairs., no axle grease had been provided, and some of the company were compelled to use their precious allowance of bacon to grease the wheels. at wood river, where the plains were alive with buffaloes, a stampede of the cattle occurred one night, and thirty of them were never recovered. the one yoke of oxen that was left to each wagon could not pull the load; an attempt to use the milch cows and heifers as draught animals failed, and the tired cart pullers had to load up again with flour. while pursuing their journey in this manner, their camp was visited one evening by apostle f. d. richards and some other elders, on their way to utah from mission work abroad. richards severely rebuked savage for advising that the trip be given up at florence, and prophesied that the lord would keep open a way before them. the missionaries, who were provided with carriages drawn by four horses each, drove on, without waiting to see this prediction confirmed. on arriving at fort laramie, about the first of september, another evidence of the culpable neglect of the church authorities manifested itself. the supply of provisions that was to have awaited them there was wanting. they calculated the amount that they had on hand, and estimated that it would last only until they were within miles of salt lake city; but, perhaps making the best of the situation, they voted to reduce the daily ration and to try to make the supply last by travelling faster. when they reached the neighborhood of independence rock, a letter sent back by richards informed them that supplies would meet them at south pass; but another calculation showed that what remained would not last them to the pass, and again the ration was reduced, working men now receiving twelve ounces a day, other adults nine, and children from four to eight. another source of discomfort now manifested itself. in order to accommodate matters to the capacity of the carts, the elders in charge had made it one of the rules that each outfit should be limited to seventeen pounds of clothing and bedding. as they advanced up the sweetwater it became cold. the mountains appeared snow-covered, and the lack of extra wraps and bedding caused first discomfort, and then intense suffering, to the half-fed travellers. the necessity of frequently wading the sweetwater chilled the stronger men who were bearing the brunt of the labor, and when morning dawned the occupants of the tents found themselves numb with the cold, and quite unfitted to endure the hardships of the coming day. chislett draws this picture of the situation at that time:-- "our old and infirm people began to droop, and they no sooner lost spirit and courage than death's stamp could be traced upon their features. life went out as smoothly as a lamp ceases to burn when the oil is gone. at first the deaths occurred slowly and irregularly, but in a few days at more frequent intervals, until we soon thought it unusual to leave a camp ground without burying one or more persons. death was not long confined in its ravages to the old and infirm, but the young and naturally strong were among its victims. weakness and debility were accompanied by dysentery. this we could not stop or even alleviate, no proper medicines being in the camp; and in almost every instance it carried off the parties attacked. it was surprising to an unmarried man to witness the devotion of men to their families and to their faith under these trying circumstances. many a father pulled his cart, with his little children on it, until the day preceding his death. these people died with the calm faith and fortitude of martyrs." an oregonian returning east, who met two of the more fortunate of these handcart parties, gave this description to the huron (ohio) reflector in :-- "it was certainly the most novel and interesting sight i have seen for many a day. we met two trains, one of thirty and the other of fifty carts, averaging about six to the cart. the carts were generally drawn by one man and three women each, though some carts were drawn by women alone. there were about three women to one man, and two-thirds of the women single. it was the most motley crew i ever beheld. most of them were danes, with a sprinkling of welsh, swedes, and english, and were generally from the lower classes of their countries. most could not understand what we said to them. the road was lined for a mile behind the train with the lame, halt, sick, and needy. many were quite aged, and would be going slowly along, supported by a son or daughter. some were on crutches; now and then a mother with a child in her arms and two or three hanging hold of her, with a forlorn appearance, would pass slowly along; others, whose condition entitled them to a seat in a carriage, were wending their way through the sand. a few seemed in good spirits." the belated company did not meet anyone to carry word of their condition to the valley, but among richard's party who visited the camp at wood river was brigham young's son, joseph a. he realized the plight of the travellers, and when his father heard his report he too recognized the fact that aid must be sent at once. the son was directed to get together all the supplies he could obtain in the city or pick up on the way, and to start toward the east immediately. driving on himself in a light wagon, he reached the advanced line, as they were toiling ahead through their first snowstorm. the provisions travelled slower, and could not reach them in less than one or two days longer. there was encouragement, of course, even in the prospect of release, but encouragement could not save those whose vitality was already exhausted. camp was pitched that night among a grove of willows, where good fires were possible, but in the morning they awoke to find the snow a foot deep, and that five of their companions had been added to the death list during the night. to add to the desperate character of the situation came the announcement that the provisions were practically exhausted, the last of the flour having been given out, and all that remained being a few dried apples, a little rice and sugar, and about twenty-five pounds of hardtack. two of the cattle were killed, and the camp were informed that they would have to subsist on the supplies in sight until aid reached them. the best thing to do in these circumstances, indeed, the only thing, was to remain where they were and send messengers to advise the succoring party of the desperateness of their case. their captain, mr. willie, and one companion acted as their messengers. they were gone three days, and in their absence mr. chislett had the painful duty of doling out what little food there was in camp. he speaks of his task as one that unmanned him. more cattle were killed, but beef without other food did not satisfy the hungry, and the epidemic of dysentery grew worse. the commissary officer was surrounded by a crowd of men and women imploring him for a little food, and it required all his power of reasoning to make them see that what little was left must be saved for the sick. the party with aid from the valley had also encountered the snowstorm, and, not appreciating the desperate condition of the hand-cart immigrants, had halted to wait for better weather. as soon as captain willie took them the news, they hastened eastward, and were seen by the starving party at sunset, the third day after their captain's departure. "shouts of joy rent the air," says chislett. "strong men wept till tears ran freely down their furrowed and sunburnt cheeks, and little children partook of the joy which some of them hardly understood, and fairly danced around with gladness. restraint was set aside in the general rejoicing, and, as the brethren entered our camp, the sisters fell upon them and deluged them with kisses." the timely relief saved many lives, but the end of the suffering had not been reached. a good many of the foot party were so exhausted by what they had gone through, that even their near approach to their zion and their prophet did not stimulate them to make the effort to complete the journey. some trudged along, unable even to pull a cart, and those who were still weaker were given places in the wagons. it grew colder, too, and frozen hands and feet became a common experience. thus each day lessened by a few who were buried the number that remained. then came another snowstorm. what this meant to a weakened party like this dragging their few possessions in carts can easily be imagined. one family after another would find that they could not make further progress, and when a hill was reached the human teams would have to be doubled up. in this way, by travelling backward and forward, some progress was made. that day's march was marked by constant additions to the stragglers who kept dropping by the way. when the main body had made their camp for the night, some of the best teams were sent back for those who had dropped behind, and it was early morning before all of these were brought in. the next morning captain willie was assigned to take count of the dead. an examination of the camp showed thirteen corpses, all stiffly frozen. they were buried in a large square hole, three or four abreast and three deep. "when they did not fit in," says chislett, "we put one or two crosswise at the head or feet of the others. we covered them with willows and then with the earth." two other victims were buried before nightfall. parties passing eastward by this place the following summer found that the wolves had speedily uncovered the corpses, and that their bones were scattered all over the neighborhood. further deaths continued every day until they arrived at south pass. there more assistance from the valley met them, the weather became warmer, and the health of the party improved, so that when they arrived at salt lake city they were in better condition and spirits. the date of their arrival there was november . the company which set out from iowa city numbered about , of whom set out from florence across the plains. of these , died on the way, and there were a few deaths after they reached the end of their journey. another company of these hand-cart travellers left florence still later than the ones whose sufferings have been described. they were in charge of an elder named martin. like their predecessors, they were warned against setting out so late as the middle of august, and many of them tried to give up the trip, but permission to do so was refused. their sufferings began soon after they crossed the platte, near fort laramie, and snow was encountered sixty miles east of devil's gate. when they reached that landmark, they decided that they could make no further progress with their hand-carts. they accordingly took possession of half a dozen dilapidated log houses, the contents of the wagons were placed in some of these, the hand-carts were left behind, and as many people as the teams could drag were placed in the wagons and started forward. one of the survivors of this party has written: "the track of the emigrants was marked by graves, and many of the living suffered almost worse than death. men may be seen to-day in salt lake city, who were boys then, hobbling around on their club-feet, all their toes having been frozen off in that fearful march." * twenty men who were left at devil's gate had a terrible experience, being compelled, before assistance reached them, to eat even the pieces of hide wrapped round their cart-wheels, and a piece of buffalo skin that had been used as a door-mat. strange to say, all of these men reached the valley alive. * "rocky mountain saints," p. . we have seen that brigham young was the inventor of this hand-cart immigration scheme. alarmed by the result of the experiment, as soon as the wretched remnant of the last two parties arrived in salt lake city, he took steps to place the responsibility for the disaster on other shoulders. the idea which he carried out was to shift the blame to f. d. richards on the ground that he allowed the immigrants to start too late. in an address in the tabernacle, while captain willie's party was approaching the city, he told the returned missionaries from england that they needed to be careful about eulogizing richards and spencer, lest they should have "the big head." when these men were in salt lake city he cursed them with the curse of the church. e. w. tullidge, who was an editor of the millennial star in liverpool under richards when the hand-cart emigrants were collected, proposed, when in later years he was editing the utah magazine, to tell the facts about that matter; but when young learned this, he ordered godbe, the controlling owner of the magazine, to destroy that issue, after one side of the sheets had been printed, and he was obeyed.* fortunately young was not able to destroy the files of the millennial star. * "rocky mountain saints," p. . there is much that is thoroughly typical of mormonism in the history of these expeditions. no converts were ever instilled with a more confident belief in the divine character of the ridiculous pretender, joseph smith. to no persons were more flagrant misrepresentations ever made by the heads of the church, and over none was the dictatorial authority of the church exercised more remorselessly. not only was utah held out to them as "a land where honest labor and industry meet with a suitable reward, and where the higher walks of life are open to the humblest and poorest," * but they were informed that, if they had not faith enough to undertake the trip to utah, they had not "faith sufficient to endure, with the saints in zion, the celestial law which leads to exaltation and eternal life." young wrote to richards privately in october, , "adhere strictly to our former suggestion of walking them through across the plains with hand-carts";** and richards in an editorial in the star thereupon warned the saints: "the destroying angel is abroad. pestilence and gaunt famine will soon increase the terrors of the scene to an extent as yet without a parallel in the records of the human race. if the anticipated toils of the journey shake your faith in the promises of the lord, it is high time that you were digging about the foundation of it, and seeing if it be founded on the root of the holy priesthood," etc. * thirteenth general epistle, millennial star, vol. xviii, p. . ** millennial star, vol. xviii, p, . the direct effect of such teaching is shown in two letters printed in the millennial star of june , . in the first of these, a sister, writing to her brother in liverpool from williamsburg, new york, confesses her surprise on learning that the journey was to be made with hand-carts, says that their mother cannot survive such a trip, and that she does not think the girls can, points out that the limitation regarding baggage would compel them to sell nearly all their clothes, and proposes that they wait in new york or st. louis until they could procure a wagon. in his reply the brother scorns this advice, says that he would not stop in new york if he were offered , pounds besides his expenses, and adds "brothers, sisters, fathers or mothers, when they put a stumbling block in the way of my salvation, are nothing more to me than gentiles. as for me and my house, we will serve the lord, and when we start we will go right up to zion, if we go ragged and barefoot." young found himself hard put to meet the church obligations in , notwithstanding the economy of the hand-cart system; and the millennial star of december announced that no assisted emigrants would be sent out during the following year. saints proposing to go through at their own expense were informed, however, that the church bureau would supply them with teams. those proposing to use hand-carts were told of the "indispensable necessity" of having their whole outfit ready on their arrival at iowa city, and the bureau offered to supply this at an estimated cost of pounds per head, any deficit to be made up on their arrival there.* * "the agency of the mormon emigration at that time was a very profitable appointment. by arrangement with ship brokers at liverpool, a commission of half a guinea per head was allowed the agent for every adult emigrant that he sent across the atlantic, and the railroad companies in new york allowed a percentage on every emigrant ticket. but a still larger revenue was derived from the outfitting on the frontiers. the agents purchased all the cattle, wagons, tents, wagon-covers, flour, cooking utensils, stoves, and the staple articles for a three months' journey across the plains, and from them the saints supplied themselves."--"rocky mountain saints," p. . chapter v. -- early political history we have seen that joseph smith's desire was, when he suggested a possible removal of the church to the far west, that they should have, not only an undisturbed place of residence, but a government of their own. this idea of political independence young never lost sight of. had utah remained a distant province of the mexican government, the mormons might have been allowed to dwell there a long time, practically without governmental control. but when that region passed under the government of the united states by the proclamation of the treaty of guadalupe-hidalgo, on july , , brigham young had to face anew situation. he then decided that what he wanted was an independent state government, not territorial rule under the federal authorities, and he planned accordingly. every device was employed to increase the number of the saints in utah, to bring the population up to the figure required for admission as a state, and he encouraged outlying settlements at every attractive point. in this way, by , ogden and provo had become large enough to form stakes, and in a few years the country around salt lake city was dotted with settlements, many of them on lands to which the "lamanites," who held so deep a place in joseph smith's heart, asserted in vain their ancestral titles. the first general epistle sent out from great salt lake city, in , thus explained the first government set up there, "in consequence of indian depredations on our horses, cattle, and other property, and the wicked conduct of a few base fellows who came among the saints, the inhabitants of this valley, as is common in new countries generally, have organized a temporary government to exist during its necessity, or until we can obtain a charter for a territorial government, a petition for which is already in progress." on march , , a convention, to which were invited all the inhabitants of upper california east of the sierra nevadas, was held in great salt lake city to frame a system of government. the outcome was the adoption of a constitution for a state to be called the state of deseret, and the election of a full set of state officers. the boundaries of this state were liberal. starting at a point in what is now new mexico, the line was to run down to the mexican border, then west along the border of lower california to the pacific, up the coast to degrees minutes west longitude, north to the dividing ridge of the sierra nevadas, and along their summit to the divide between the columbia river and the salt lake basin, and thence south to the place of beginning, "by the dividing range of mountains that separate the waters flowing into the gulf of mexico from the waters flowing into the gulf of california." the constitution adopted followed the general form of such instruments in the united states. in regard to religion it declared, "all men have a natural and inalienable right to worship god according to the dictates of their own consciences; and the general assembly shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or disturb any person in his religious worship or sentiments." * *for text of this constitution and the memorial to congress, see millennial star, january , . an epistle of the twelve to orson pratt in england, explaining this subject, said, "we have petitioned the congress of the united states for the organization of a territorial government here. until this petition is granted, we are under the necessity of organizing a local government for the time being."* the territorial government referred to was that of the state of deseret. the local government mentioned was organized on march , by the election of brigham young as governor, h. c. kimball as chief justice, john taylor and n. k. whitney as associate justices, and the bishops of the wards as city magistrates, with minor positions filled. six hundred and seventy-four votes were polled for this ticket. * millennial star, vol. xi, p. . the general assembly, chosen later, met on july , and adopted a memorial to congress setting forth the failure of that body to provide any form of government for the territory ceded by mexico,* declaring that "the revolver and the bowie knife have been the highest law of the land," and asking for the admission of the state of deseret into the union. that same year the californians framed a government for themselves, and a plan was discussed to consolidate california and deseret until , when a separation should take place. the governor of california condemned this scheme, and the legislature gave it no countenance. * "when congress adjourned on march , , all that had been done toward establishing some form of government for the immense domain acquired by the treaty with mexico was to extend over it the revenue laws and make san francisco a port of entry."--bancroft's "utah," p. . the mormons had a confused idea about the government that they had set up. in the constitution adopted they called their domain the state of deseret, but they allowed their legislature to elect their representative in congress, sending a. w. babbitt as their delegate to washington, with their memorial asking for the admission of deseret, or that they be given "such other form of civil government as your wisdom and magnanimity may award to the people of deseret." the mormons' old political friend in illinois, stephen a. douglas, presented this memorial in the senate on december , , with a statement that it was an application for admission as a state, but with the alternative of admission as a territory if congress should so direct. the memorial was referred to the committee on territories. on the st of december, a counter memorial against the admission of the mormon state was presented by mr. underwood of kentucky, a whig. this was signed by william smith, the prophet's brother, and isaac sheen (who called themselves the "legitimate presidents" of the mormon church), and by twelve other members. this memorial alleged that fifteen hundred of the emigrants from nauvoo to salt lake city, before their departure for illinois, took the following oath:-- "you do solemnly swear, in the presence of almighty god, his holy angels, and these witnesses, that you will avenge the blood of joseph smith upon this nation; and so teach your children; and that you will from this day henceforth and forever begin and carry out hostility against this nation, and keep the same a profound secret now and ever. so help you god." this memorial also set forth that the mormons were practising polygamy in the salt lake valley; that since their arrival there they had tried two indian agents on a charge of participation in the expulsion of the mormons from missouri, and that they were, by their own assumed authority, imposing duties on all goods imported into the salt lake region from the rest of the united states. senator douglas, in an explanation concerning the latter charge, admitted that delegate babbitt acknowledged the levying of duties, the excuse being that the mormons had found it necessary to set up a government for themselves, pending the action of congress, and as a means of revenue they had imposed duties on all goods brought into and sold within the limits of great salt lake city, but asserted that goods simply passing through were not molested. this tax seems to have been established entirely by the church authorities, the first of the "ordinances" of the deseret legislature being dated january , . the constitution of deseret was presented to the house of representatives by mr. boyd, a kentucky democrat, on january , , and referred to the committee on territories. on july , john wentworth, an illinois democrat, presented a petition from citizens of lee county, in his state, asking congress to protect the rights of american citizens passing through the salt lake valley, and charging on the organizers of the state of deseret treason, a desire for a kingly government, murder, robbery, and polygamy. the mormon memorial was taken up in the house of representatives on july , after the committee had unanimously reported that "it is inexpedient to admit almon w. babbitt, esq., to a seat in this body from the alleged state of deseret." a long debate on the admission of the delegate from new mexico had deferred action. the chairman of the committee, mr. strong, a pennsylvania whig, explained that their report was founded on the terms of the mormon memorial, which did not ask for babbitt's reception as a delegate until some form of government was provided for them. mr. mcdonald, an indiana whig, offered an amendment admitting babbitt, and a debate of considerable length followed, in which the slavery question received some attention. the committee of the whole voted to report to the house the resolution against seating babbitt, and then the house, by a vote of yeas to nays, laid the resolution on the table (on motion of its friends), and tabled a motion for reconsideration. on the th of september following, the law for the admission of utah as a territory was signed. the boundaries defined were california on the west, oregon on the north, the summit of the rocky mountains on the east, and the th parallel of north latitude on the south. chapter vi. -- brigham young's despotism there is no reason to believe that, to the date of joseph smith's death, brigham young had inspired his fellow-mormons with an idea of his leadership. this was certified to by one of the most radical of them, mayor jedediah m. grant of salt lake city, in , in these words:-- "when joseph smith lived, a man about whose real character and pretensions we differ, joseph was often and almost invariably imposed upon by those in whom he placed his trust. there was one man--only one of his early adherents--he could always rely upon to stick to him closer than a brother, steadfast in faith, clear in counsel, and foremost in fight. he seemed a plain man in those days, of a wonderful talent for business and hundred horse-power of industry, but least of everything affecting cleverness or quickness. 'honest brigham young,' or 'hard-working brigham young,' was nearly as much as you would ever hear him called, though he was the almost universal executor and trustee of men's wills and trusteed estates, and a confidential manager of our most intricate church affairs."* * grant's pamphlet, "truth about the mormons." when the saints found themselves in salt lake valley they had learned something from experience. they could not fail to realize that, distant as they now were from outside interference, union among themselves was an essential to success. the body of the church was soon composed of two elements--those who had constituted the church in the east, and the new members who were pouring in from europe. young established his leadership with both of these parties in the early days. there was much to discourage in those days--a soil to cultivate that required irrigation, houses to build where material was scarce, and starvation to fight year after year. young encouraged everybody by his talk at the church meetings, shared in the manual labor of building houses and cultivating land, and devised means to entertain and encourage those who were disposed to look on their future darkly. no one ever heard him, whatever others might say, doubt the genuineness of joseph smith's inspiration and revelations, and he so established his own position as smith's successor that he secured the devout allegiance of the old flock, without making such business mistakes as weakened smith's reputation. "i believed," says john d. lee, one of the most trusted and prominent of the church members almost to the day of his death, "that brigham young spoke by the direction of the god of heaven. i would have suffered death rather than have disobeyed any command of his." said young's associate in the first presidency, heber c. kimball, "to me the word comes from brother brigham as the word of god," and again, "his word is the word of god to his people."* the new-comers from europe were simply helpless. they were, in the first place, religious enthusiasts, who believed, when they set out on their journey, that they were going to a real zion. large numbers of them were indebted to the church for at least a part of their passage money from the day of their arrival. few of those who had paid their own way brought much cash capital, all depending on the representations about the richness of the valley which had been held out to them. once, there, they soon realized that all must sustain the same policy if the church was to be a success. they were, too, of that superstitious class which was ready, not only to believe in modern miracles, "signs," and revelations, but actually hungered for such manifestations, and, once accepting membership in the church, they accepted with it the dictation of the head of the church in all things. secretary fuller has told me that, after he ascertained the existence of gold near salt lake city, he said to an intelligent goldsmith there, "why do you not look for the gold you need in your business in the mountains?" "why," was the reply, "if i went to the mountains and found gold, and put it into my pouch, the pouch would be empty when i got back to the city. i know this is so, because brigham young has told me so." * journal of discourses, vol iv, p. . the extent of the dictatorship which young prescribed and carried out in all matters, spiritual and commercial, might be questioned if we were not able to follow the various steps taken in establishing his authority, and to illustrate its scope, by the testimony, not of men who suffered from it, but by his own words and those of his closest associates. with a blindness which seems incomprehensible, the sermons, or "discourses," delivered in the early days in salt lake city were printed under church authority, and are preserved in the journal of discourses. the student of this chapter of the church's history can obtain what information he wants by reading the volumes of this journal. the language used is often coarse, but there is never any difficulty in understanding the speakers. young referred to his own plain speaking in a discourse on october , . he said that he had received advice about bridling his tongue--a wheelbarrow load of such letters from the east, especially on the subject of his attacks on the gentiles. "do you know," he asked, "how i feel when i get such communications? i will tell you. i feel just like rubbing their noses with them."* in a discourse on february , , he vouchsafed this explanation, "if i were preaching abroad in the world, i should feel myself somewhat obliged, through custom, to adhere to the wishes and feelings of the people in regard to pursuing the thread of any given subject; but here i feel as free as air." ** * journal of discourses, vol. iii, p. . ** ibid., p. . mention has already been made of young's refusal to continue smith's series of "revelations." in doing this he never admitted for a moment any lack of authority as spokesman for the almighty. a few illustrations will make clear his position in this matter. defining his view of his own authority, before the general conference in salt lake city, on april , , he said, "it is your privilege and it is mine to receive revelation; and my privilege to dictate to the church." * * millennial star, vol xii, p, . when the site of the temple was consecrated, in , there were many inquiries whether a revelation had been given about its construction. young said, "if the lord and all the people want a revelation, i can give one concerning this temple"; but he did not do so, declaring that a revelation was no more necessary concerning the building of a temple than it was concerning a kitchen or a bedroom.* we must certainly concede to this man a dictator's daring. * ibid., vol. xv, p. . an early illustration of young's policy toward all mormon offenders was given in the case of the so-called "gladdenites." there were members of the church even in utah who were ready to revolt when the open announcement of the "revelation" regarding polygamy was made in , and they found a leader in gladden bishop, who had had much experience in apostasy, repentance, and readmission.* these men held meetings and made considerable headway, but when the time came for brigham to exercise his authority he did it. * "this gladden gave joseph much trouble; was cut off from the church and taken back and rebaptized nine times."--ferris, "utah and the mormons," p. . on sunday, march , , a meeting, orderly in every respect, which the gladdenites were holding in front of the council house, was dispersed by the city marshal, and another, called for the next sunday, was prohibited entirely. then alfred smith, a leading gladdenite, who had accused young of robbing him of his property, was arrested and locked up until he gave a promise to discontinue his rebellion. on the th of march young made the gladdenites the subject of a large part of his discourse in the tabernacle. what he said is thus stated in the church report of the address:-- "i say to those persons: you must not court persecution here, lest you get so much of it you will not know what to do with it. do not court persecution. we have known gladden bishop for more than twenty years, and know him to be a poor, dirty curse.... i say again, you gladdenites, do not court persecution, or you will get more than you want, and it will come quicker than you want it. i say to you bishops, do not allow them to preach in your wards." (after telling of a dream he had had, in which he saw two men creep into the bed where one of his wives was lying, whereupon he took a large bowie knife and cut one of their throats from ear to ear, saying, "go to hell across lots," he continued:) "i say, rather than that apostates should flourish here i will unsheath my bowie knife and conquer or die." (great commotion in the congregation, and a simultaneous burst of feeling, assenting to the declaration.) "now, you nasty apostates, clear out, or judgment will be put to the line and righteousness to the plummet." (voices generally, "go it," "go it.") "if you say it is all right, raise your hand." (all hands up.) "let us call upon the lord to assist us in this and every good work." * *journal of discourses, vol. i, p. . this was the practical end of gladdenism. young's dictatorship was quite as broad and determined in things temporal as in things spiritual. he made no concealment of the fact that he was a money-getter, only insisting on his readiness to contribute to the support of church enterprises. the canyons through the mountains which shut in the valley were the source of wood supply for the city, and their control was very valuable. young brought this matter before the conference of october , , speaking on it at length, and finally putting his own view in the form of a resolution that the canyons be placed in the hands of individuals, who should make good roads through them, and obtain their pay by taking toll at the entrance. after getting the usual unanimous vote on his proposition, he said: "let the judges of the county of great salt lake take due notice and govern themselves accordingly.... this is my order for the judges to take due notice of. it does not come from the governor, but from the president of the church. you will not see any proclamation in the paper to this effect, but it is a mere declaration of the president of the conference."* the "declaration," of course, had all the effect of a law, and young got one of the best canyons. * journal of discourses, vol. i, pp. , . very early in his rule young defined his views about the property rights of the saints. "a man," he declared in the tabernacle on june , , "has no right with property which, according to the laws of the land, legally belongs to him, if he does not want to use it.... when we first came into the valley, the question was asked me if men would ever be allowed to come into this church, and remain in it, and hoard up their property. i say, no." * * ibid., vol. i, pp. - another view of property rights was thus set forth in his discourse of december , :-- "if an elder has borrowed [a hundred or a thousand dollars from you], and you find he is going to apostatize, then you may tighten the screws on him. but if he is willing to preach the gospel without purse or scrip, it is none of your business what he does with the money he has borrowed from you." * * ibid, vol. i, p. . addressing the people in the trying business year of , when his own creditors were pushing him hard, young said: "i wish to give you one text to preach upon, 'from this time henceforth do not fret thy gizzard.' i will pay you when i can and not before. now i hope you will apostatize if you would rather do it."* * ibid., vol. iii, p. . kimball, in giving young's order to some seventy men, who had displeased him, to leave the territory, used these words: "when a man is appointed to take a mission, unless he has a just and honorable reason for not going, if he does not go he will be severed from the church. why? because you said you were willing to be passive, and, if you are not passive, that lump of clay must be cut off from the church and laid aside, and a lump put on that will be passive." * * journal of discourses, vol. iii, p. . with this testimony of men inside the church may be placed that of captain howard stansbury, of the united stated topographical engineers, who arrived in the valley in august, , under instructions from the government to make a survey of the lakes of that region. the mormons thought that it was the intention of the government to divide the land into townships and sections, and to ignore their claim to title by occupation. in his official report, after mentioning his haste to disabuse young's mind on this point, captain stansbury says, "i was induced to pursue this conciliatory course, not only in justice to the government, but also because i knew, from the peculiar organization of this singular community, that, unless the 'president' was fully satisfied that no evil was intended to his people, it would be useless for me to attempt to carry out my instructions." the choice between abject conciliation or open conflict was that which brigham young extended to nearly every federal officer who entered utah during his reign. the mormons of utah started in to assert their independence of the government of the united states in every way. the rejection of the constitution of deseret by congress did not hinder the elected legislature from meeting and passing laws. the ninth chapter of the "ordinances," as they were called, passed by this legislature (on january , ) was a charter for great salt lake city. this charter provided for the election of a mayor, four aldermen, nine councillors, and three judges, the first judges to be chosen viva voce, and their successors by the city council. the appointment of eleven subordinate officers was placed in the council's hands. the mayor and aldermen were to be the justices of the peace, with a right of appeal to the municipal court, consisting of the same persons sitting together, and from that to the probate court. the first mayor, aldermen, and councillors were appointed by the governor of the state of deseret. similar charters were provided for ogden, provo city, and other settlements. as soon as salt lake city was laid off into wards, young had a bishop placed over each of these, and, always under his direction, these bishops practically controlled local affairs to the date of the city charter. each bishop came to be a magistrate of his ward,* and under them in all the settlements all public work was carried on and all revenue collected. the high council of ten is defined by tullidge as "a quorum of judges, in equity for the people, at the head of which is the president of the state." * brigham young testified in the tabernacle as to the kind of justice that was meted out in the bishops' courts. in his sermon of march , , he said: "there are men here by the score who do not know their right hands from their left, so far as the principles of justice are concerned. does our high council? no, for they will let men throw dirt in their eyes until you cannot find the one hundred millionth part of an ounce of common sense in them. you may go to the bishops' courts, and what are they? a set of old grannies. they cannot judge a case pending between two old women, to say nothing of a case between man and man." journal of discourses, vol. iii, p. . these men did not hesitate to attempt a currency of their own. on the arrival of the mormons in the valley, they first made their exchanges through barter. paper currency was issued in and some years later. when gold dust from california appeared in , some of it was coined in salt lake city by means of homemade dies and crucibles. the denominations were $ . , $ , $ , and $ . some of these coins, made without alloy, were stamped with a bee-hive and eagle on one side, and on the reverse with the motto, "holiness to the lord" in the so-called deseret alphabet. this alphabet was invented after their arrival in salt lake valley, to assist in separating the mormons from the rest of the nation, its preparation having been intrusted to a committee of the board of regents in . it contained thirty-two characters. a primer and two books of the mormon bible were printed in the new characters, the legislature in having voted $ to meet the expense; but the alphabet was never practically used, and no attempt is any longer made to remember it. early in the high council voted that the kirtland bank-bills (of which a supply must have remained unissued) be put out on a par with gold, and in this they saw a fulfilment of the prophet's declaration that these notes would some day be as good as gold. another early ordinance passed by the deseret legislature incorporated "the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints," authorizing the appointment of a trustee in trust to hold and manage all the property of the church, which should be free from tax, and giving the church complete authority to make its own regulations, "provided, however, that each and every act or practice so established, or adopted for law or custom, shall relate to solemnities, sacraments, ceremonies, consecrations, endowments, tithing, marriages, fellowship, or the religious duties of man to his maker, inasmuch as the doctrines, principles, practices, or performances support virtue and increase morality, and are not inconsistent with or repugnant to the constitution of the united states or of this state, and are founded on the revelations of the lord." thus early was the ground taken that the practice of polygamy was a constitutional right. brigham young was chosen as the trustee. the second ordinance passed by this legislature incorporated the university of the state of deseret, at salt lake city, to be governed by a chancellor and twelve regents. the earliest non-mormons to experience the effect of that absolute mormon rule, the consequences of which the missourians had feared, were the emigrants who passed through salt lake valley on their way to california after the discovery of gold, or on their way to oregon. the complaints of the californians were set forth in a little book, written by one of them, nelson slater, and printed in colona, california, in , under the title, "fruits of mormonism." the general complaints were set forth briefly in a petition to congress containing nearly two hundred and fifty signatures, dated colona, june , , which asked that the territorial government be abrogated, and a military government be established in its place. this petition charged that many emigrants had been murdered by the mormons when there was a suspicion that they had taken part in the earlier persecutions; that when any members of the mormon community, becoming dissatisfied, tried to leave, they were pursued and killed; that the mormons levied a tax of two per cent on the property of emigrants who were compelled to pass a winter among them; that it was nearly impossible for emigrants to obtain justice in the mormon courts; that the mormons, high and low, openly expressed treasonable sentiments against the united states government; and that letters of emigrants mailed at salt lake city were opened, and in many instances destroyed. mr. slater's book furnishes the specifications of these general charges. chapter vii. -- the "reformation" young soon had occasion to make practical use of the dictatorial power that he had assumed. the character which those members of the flock who had migrated from missouri and illinois had established among their neighbors in those states was not changed simply by their removal to a wilderness all by themselves. they had no longer the old excuse that their misdeeds were reprisals on persecuting enemies, but this did not save them from the temptation to exercise their natural propensities. again we shall take only the highest mormon testimony on this subject. one of the first sins for which young openly reproved his congregation was profane swearing. he brought this matter pointedly to their attention in an address to the conference of october , , when he said: "you elders of israel will go into the canyons, and curse and swear--damn and curse your oxen, and swear by him who created you. i am telling the truth. yes, you rip and curse and swear as bad as any pirates ever did."* * journal of discourses, vol. i, p. . possibly the church authorities could have overlooked the swearing, but a matter which gave them more distress was the insecurity of property. this became so great an annoyance that young spoke out plainly on the subject, and he did not attempt to place the responsibility outside of his own people. a few citations will illustrate this. in an address in the tabernacle on june , , noticing complaints about the stealing and rebranding of cattle, he said: "i will propose a plan to stop the stealing of cattle in coming time, and it is this--let those who have cattle on hand join in a company, and fence in about fifty thousand acres of land, and so keep on fencing until all the vacant land is substantially enclosed. some persons will perhaps say, 'i do not know how good or how high a fence it will be necessary to build to keep thieves out.' i do not know either, except you build one that will keep out the devil."* on another occasion, with a personal grievance to air, he said in the tabernacle: "i have gone to work and made roads to get wood, and have not been able to get it. i have cut it down and piled it up, and still have not got it. i wonder if anybody else can say so. have any of you piled up your wood, and, when you have gone back, could not find it? some stories could be told of this kind that would make professional thieves ashamed."** * journal of discourses, vol. i, p. . ** ibid., vol. i, p. . young made no concealment of the fact that men high in the councils of the church were among the peculators. in his discourse of june , , he said: "i have proof ready to show that bishops have taken in thousands of pounds in weight of tithing which they have never reported to the general tithing office. we have documents to show that bishops have taken in hundreds of bushels of wheat, and only a small portion of it has come into the general tithing office. they stole it to let their friends speculate upon."* * ibid., vol. iii, p. . the new-comers from europe also received his attention. referring to unkept promises of speedy repayment by assisted immigrants of advances made to them, young said, in : "and what will they do when they get here? steal our wagons, and go off with them to canada, and try to steal the bake-kettles, frying-pans, tents, and wagon-covers; and will borrow the oxen and run away with them, if you do not watch them closely. do they all do this? no, but many of them will try to do it."* and again, a month later: "what previous characters some of you had in wales, in england, in scotland, and perhaps in ireland. do not be scared if it is proven against some one in the bishop's court that you did steal the poles from your neighbor's garden fence. if it is proven that you have been to some person's wood pile and stolen wood, don't be frightened, for if you will steal it must be made manifest." ** j. m. grant was quite as plain spoken. in an address in the bowery in salt lake city in september, , he declared that "you can scarcely find a place in this city that is not full of filth and abominations."*** * ibid., vol. iii, p. . ** ibid., vol. iii, p. . *** ibid., vol. iv, p. . young's denunciations were not quietly accepted, but protests and threats were alike wasted upon him. referring to complaints of some of the flock that his denunciation was more than they could bear, he replied, "but you have got to bear it, and, if you will not, make up your minds to go to hell at once and have done with it." * on another occasion he said, "you need, figuratively, to have it rain pitchforks, tines downward, from this pulpit, sunday after sunday." on another occasion, alluding to letters he had received, warning him against attacking men's characters, he said, "when such epistles come to me, i feel like saying, i ask no advice of you nor of all your clan this side of hell."** * journal of discourses, vol. iii, p. . ** ibid, p. . when mere denunciation did not reform his followers, young became still plainer in his language, and began to explain to them the latitude which the church proposed to take in applying punishment. in a remarkable sermon on october , , on the "stealing, lying, deceiving, wickedness, and covetousness" of the elders in israel, he spoke as follows:-- "live on here, then, you poor miserable curses, until the time of retribution, when your heads will have to be severed from your bodies. just let the lord almighty say, lay judgment to the line and righteousness to the plummet,* and the time of thieves is short in this community. what do you suppose they would say in old massachusetts should they hear that the latter-day saints had received a revelation or commandment to 'lay judgment to the line and righteousness to the plummet'? what would they say in old connecticut? they would raise a universal howl of, 'how wicked the mormons are. they are killing the evil doers who are among them. why, i hear that they kill the wicked away up yonder in utah.'... what do i care for the wrath of man? no more than i do for the chickens that run in my door yard. i am here to teach the ways of the lord, and lead men to life everlasting; but if they have not a mind to go there, i wish them to keep out of my path."** * these words, from isaiah xxviii. , are constantly used by young to denote the extreme punishment which the church might inflict on any offender. ** journal of discourses, vol. iii, p. . from this time young and his closest associates seemed to make no concealment of their intention to take the lives of any persons whom they considered offenders. one or two more citations from his discourses may be made to sustain this statement. on february , , he declared, "i am not afraid of all hell, nor of all the world, in laying judgment to the line when the lord says so."* in the following month he told his congregation: "the time is coming when justice will be laid to the line and righteousness to the plummet; when we shall take the old broadsword and ask, are you for god? and if you are not heartily on the lord's side, you will be hewn down."** heber c. kimball was equally plain spoken. a year earlier he had said in the tabernacle: "if a man rebels, i will tell him of it, and if he resents a timely warning, he is unwise.... i have never yet shed man's blood, and i pray to god that i never may, unless it is actually necessary."*** sultans and doges have freely used assassination as a weapon, but it seems to have remained for the mormon church under brigham young to declare openly its intention to make whatever it might call church apostasy subject to capital punishment. *journal of discourses, vol. iii, p. . ** ibid., p. . *** ibid., pp, - . out of the lawless condition of the mormon flock, as we have thus seen it pictured, and out of this radical view of the proper punishment of offenders, resulted, in , that remarkable movement still known in mormondon as "the reformation "--a movement that has been characterized by one writer as "a reign of lust and fanatical fury unequalled since the dark ages," and by another as "a fanaticism at once blind, dangerous, and terrible." during its continuance the religious zealot, the amorous priest, the jealous lover, the man covetous of worldly goods, and the framers of the church policy, from acknowledged apostle to secret danite, all had their own way. "were i counsel for a mormon on trial for a crime committed at the time under consideration, i should plead wholesale insanity," said j. h. beadle. it was during this period that that system was perfected under which the life of no man,--or company of men,--against whom the wrath of the church was directed, was of any value; no household was safe from the lust of any aged elder; no person once in the valley could leave it alive against the church's consent. the active agent in starting "the reformation" was the inventor of "blood atonement," jedediah m. grant.* that his censure of a bishop and his counsellors at kayesville was the actual origin of the movement, as has been stated,** cannot be accepted as proven, in view of the preparation made for the era of blood, as indicated in the church discourses. lieutenant gunnison, for whom the mormons in later years always asserted their friendship, writing concerning his observations as early as , said:-- * a correspondent of the new york times at this date described grant as "a tall, thin, repulsive-looking man, of acute, vigorous intellect, a thorough-paced scoundrel, and the most essential blackguard in the pulpit. he was sometimes called brigham's sledge hammer." ** "rocky mountain saints," p. . "witnesses are seldom put on oath in the lower courts, and there is nothing known of the 'law's delay,' and the quibbles whereby the ends of truth and justice may be defeated. but they have a criminal code called 'the laws of the lord,' which has been given by revelation and not promulgated, the people not being able quite to bear it, or the organization still too imperfect. it is to be put in force, however, before long, and when in vogue, all grave crimes will be punished and atoned for by cutting off the head of the offender. this regulation arises from the fact that without shedding of blood there is no remission."* * "history of the mormons," book , chapter x. gunnison's statement furnishes indisputable proof that this legal system was so generally talked of some four years before it was put in force that it came to the ears of a non-mormon temporary resident. after the condemnation of the kayesville offenders and their rebaptism, the next move was the appointment of missionaries to hold services in every ward, and the sending out of what were really confessors, appointed for every block, to inquire of all--young and old--concerning the most intimate details of their lives. the printed catechism given to these confessors was so indelicate that it was suppressed in later years. these prying inquisitors found opportunity to gain information for their superiors about any persons suspected of disloyalty, and one use they made of their visitations was to urge the younger sisters to be married to the older men, as a readier means of salvation than union with men of their own age. that there was opposition to this espionage is shown by some remarks of h. c. kimball in the tabernacle, in march, , when he said: "i have heard some individuals saying that, if the bishops came into their houses and opened their cupboards, they would split their heads open. that would not be a wise or safe operation." * * journal of discourses, vol. iii, p. . some of the information secured by the church confessional was embarrassing to the leaders. at a meeting of male members in social hall, young, grant, and others denounced the sinners in scathing terms, young ending his remarks by saying, "all you who have been guilty of committing adultery, stand up." at once more than three-quarters of those present arose.* for such confessors a way of repentance was provided through rebaptism, but the secretly accused had no such avenue opened to them. * "a leading bishop in salt lake city stated to the author that brigham was as much appalled at this sight as was macbeth when he beheld the woods of birnam marching on to dunsinane. a bishop arose and asked if there were not some misunderstanding among the brethren concerning the question. he thought that perhaps the elders understood brigham's inquiry to apply to their conduct before they had thrown off the works of the devil and embraced mormonism; but upon brigham reiterating that it was the adultery committed since they had entered the church, the brethren to a man still stood up:"--"rocky mountain saints," p. . one of the first victims of the reformers was h. j. jarvis, a reputable merchant of salt lake city. he was dragged over his counter one evening and thrown into the street by men who then robbed his store and defiled his household goods, giving him as the cause of the visitation the explanation that he had spoken evil of the authorities, and had invited gentiles to supper. his two wives could not secure even a hearing from young in his behalf.* this, however, was a minor incident. * "rocky mountain saints;" p. . that young's rule should be objected to by some members of the church was inevitable. there were men in the valley at that early day who would rebel against such a dictatorship under any name; others--men of means--who were alarmed by the declarations about property rights, and others to whom the announcement concerning polygamy was repugnant. when such persons gave expression to their discontent, they angered the church officers; when they indicated their purpose to leave the valley, they alarmed them. anything like an exodus of the flock would have broken up all of young's plans, and have undone the scheme of immigration that had cost so much time and money. accordingly, when this movement for "reform" began, the church let it be known that any desertion of the flock would be considered the worst form of apostasy, and that the deserter must take the consequences. to quote brigham young's own words: "the moment a person decides to leave this people, he is cut off from every object that is desirable for time and eternity. every possession and object of affection will be taken from those who forsake the truth, and their identity and existence will eventually cease."* * journal of discourses, vol. iv, p. . the almost unbreakable hedge that surrounded the inhabitants of the valley at this time, under the system of church espionage, has formed a subject for the novelist, and has seemed to many persons, as described, a probable exaggeration. but, while young did not narrate in his pulpit the tales of blood which his instructions gave rise to, there is testimony concerning them which leaves no reasonable doubt of their truthfulness. chapter viii. -- some church-inspired murders the murders committed during the "reformation" which attracted most attention, both because of the parties concerned, the effort made by a united states judge to convict the guilty, and the confessions of the latter subsequently obtained, have been known as the parrish, or springville, murders. the facts concerning them may be stated fairly as follows:-- william r. parrish was one of the most outspoken champions of the twelve when the controversy with rigdon occurred at nauvoo after smith's death, and he accompanied the fugitives to salt lake valley. one evening, early in march, , a bishop named johnson (husband of ten wives), with two companions, called at parrish's house in springville, and put to him some of the questions which the inquisitors of the day were wont to ask--if he prayed, something about his future plans, etc. it had been rumored that parrish's devotion to the church had cooled, and that he was planning to move with his family--a wife and six children--to california; and at a meeting in bishop johnson's council house a letter had been read from brigham young directing them to ascertain the intention of certain "suspicious characters in the neighborhood,"* and if they should make a break and, being pursued, which he required, he 'would be sorry to hear a favorable report; but the better way is to lock the stable door before the horse is stolen.' this letter was over brigham's signature.** this letter was the real cause of the bishop's visit to parrish. at a meeting about a week later, a. durfee and g. potter were deputed to find out when the parrishes proposed to leave the territory. accordingly, durfee got employment with parrish, and both of them gave him the idea that they sympathized with his desire to depart. one morning, about a week later, parrish discovered that his horses had been stolen, and efforts to recover them were fruitless. * "there had been public preaching in springville to the effect that no apostles would be allowed to leave; if they did, hog-holes in the fences would be stopped up with them. i heard these sermons."--affidavit of mrs. parrish; appendix to "speech of hon. john cradlebaugh". ** confession of j. m. stewart, one of the bishop's counsellors and precinct magistrate. meanwhile, parrish, unsuspicious of potter and durfee,* was telling them of his continued plans to escape, how constantly his house was watched, and how difficult it was for him to get out the few articles required for the trip. finally, at parrish's suggestion, it was arranged that he and durfee should walk out of the village in the daytime, as the method best calculated to allay suspicion. * durfee's confession, appendix to cradlebaugh's speech. they carried out this plan, and when they got to a stream called dry creek, parrish asked durfee to go back to the house and bring his two sons, beason and orrin, to join him. when durfee returned to the house, at about sunset, he found potter there, and potter set off at once for the meeting-place, ostensibly to carry some of the articles needed for the journey. potter met parrish where he was waiting for durfee's return, and they walked down a lane to a fence corner, where a mormon named william bird was lying, armed with a gun. here occurred what might be called an illustration of "poetic justice." in the twilight, bird mistook his victim, and fired, killing potter. as bird rose and stepped forward, parrish asked if it was he who had fired the unexpected shot. for a reply bird drew a knife, clenched with parrish, and, as he afterward expressed it, "worked the best he could in stabbing him." he "worked" so well that, as afterward described by one of the men concerned in the plot,* the old man was cut all over, fifteen times in the back, as well as in the left side, the arms, and the hands. but bird knew that his task was not completed, and, as soon as the murder of the elder parrish was accomplished, taking his own and potter's gun, he again concealed himself in the fence corner, awaiting the appearance of the parrish boys. they soon came up in company with durfee, and bird fired at beason with so good aim that he dropped dead at once. turning the weapon on orrin, the first cap snapped, but he tried again and put a ball through orrin's cartridge box. the lad then ran and found refuge in the house of an uncle. * affidavit of j. bartholemew before judge cradlebaugh. the outcome of this crime? the arrest of orrin and durfee as the murderers by a mormon officer; a farcical hearing by a coroner's jury, with a verdict of assassins unknown; distrusted participants in the crime themselves the object of the mormon spies and would-be assassins; the robbery of a neighbor who dared to condemn the crime; a vain appeal by mrs. parrish to brigham young, who told her he "would have stopped it had he known anything about it," and who, when she persisted in seeking another interview, had her advised to "drop it," and a failure by the widow to secure even the stolen horses. "the wife of mr. parrish told me," said judge cradlebaugh, when he charged the jury concerning this case, "that since then at times she had lived on bread and water, and still there are persons in this community riding about on those horses." the effort to have the men concerned in this and similar crimes convicted, forms a part of the history of judge cradlebaugh's judicial career after the "mormon war," but it failed. when the grand jury would not bring in indictments, he issued bench warrants for the arrest of the accused, and sent the united states marshal, sustained by a military posse, to serve the papers. it was thus that the affidavits and confessions cited were obtained. then followed a stampede among the residents of the springville neighborhood, as the judge explained in his subsequent speech, in congress, the church officials and civil officers being prominent in the flight, and, when their houses were reached, they were occupied only by many wives and many children. "i am justified," he told the house of representatives, "in charging that the mormons are guilty, and that the mormon church is guilty, of the crimes, of murder and robbery, as taught in their books of faith."* * "i say as a fact that there was no escape for any one that the leaders of the church in southern utah selected as a victim.... it was a rare thing for a man to escape from the territory with all his property until after the pacific railroad was built through utah."--lee, "mormonism unveiled," pp. , . charles nordhoff, in a utah letter to the new york evening post in may, , said: "a friend said to me this afternoon, 'i saw a great change in salt lake since i was there three years ago. the place is free; the people no longer speak in whispers. three years ago it was unsafe to speak aloud in salt lake city about mormonism, and you were warned to be cautious.'" another of the murders under this dispensation, which judge cradlebaugh mentioned as "peculiarly and shockingly prominent," was that of the aikin party, in the spring of . this party, consisting of six men, started east from san francisco in may, , and, falling in with a mormon train, joined them for protection against the indians. when they got to a safer neighborhood, the californians pushed on ahead. arriving in kayesville, twenty-five miles north of salt lake city, they were at once arrested as federal spies, and their animals (they had an outfit worth in all, about $ , ) were put into the public corral. when their mormon fellow-travellers arrived, they scouted the idea that the men even knew of an impending "war," and the party were told that they would be sent out of the territory. but before they started, a council, held at the call of a bishop in salt lake city, decided on their death. four of the party were attacked in camp by their escort while asleep; two were killed at once, and two who escaped temporarily were shot while, as they supposed, being escorted back to salt lake city. the two others were attacked by o. p. rockwell and some associates near the city; one was killed outright, and the other escaped, wounded, and was shot the next day while under the escort of "bill" hickman, and, according to the latter, by young's order. * * brigham's "destroying angel," p. . a story of the escape of one man from the valley, notwithstanding elaborate plans to prevent his doing so, has been preserved, not in the testimony of repentant participants in his persecution, but in his own words.* * leavenworth, kansas, letter to new york times, published may , . frederick loba was a prosperous resident of lausanne, switzerland, where for some years he had been introducing a new principle in gas manufacture, when, in , some friends called his attention to the mormons' professions and promises. loba was induced to believe that all mankind who did not gather in great salt lake valley would be given over to destruction, and that, not only would his soul be saved by moving there, but that his business opportunities would be greatly advanced. accordingly he gave up the direction of the gas works at lausanne, and reached st. louis in december, , with about $ worth of property. there he was made temporary president of a mormon church, and there he got his first bad impression of the mormon brotherhood. on the way to utah his wife died of cholera, leaving six children, from six to twelve years old. welcomed as all men with property were, he was made professor of chemistry in the university, and soon learned many of the church secrets. "these," to quote his own words, "opened my eyes at once, and i saw at a glance the terrible position in which i was placed. i now found myself in the midst of a wicked and degraded people, shut up in the midst of the mountains, with a large family, and deprived of all resources with which to extricate myself. the conviction had been forced upon my mind that brigham himself was at the bottom of all the clandestine assassinations, plundering of trains, and robbing of mails." the manner, too, in which polygamy was practised aroused his intense disgust. he married as his second wife an english woman, and his family relations were pleasant; but the church officers were distrustful of him. he was again and again urged to marry more wives, being assured that with less than three he could not rise to a high place in the church. "this neglect on my part," he explained, "and certain remarks that i made with respect to brigham's friends, determined the prophet to order my private execution, as i am able to prove by honest and competent witnesses." loba adopted every precaution for his own safety, night and day. then came the news of the parrish murders, and there was so much alarm among the people that there was talk of the departure of a great many of the dissatisfied. to check this, when the plain threats made in the tabernacle did not avail, young had a band of four hundred organized under the name of "wolf hunters" (borrowed from their old hancock county neighbors), whose duty it was to see that "the wolves" did not stray abroad. loba now communicated his fears to his wife, and found that she also realized the danger of their position, and was ready to advise the risk of flight. the plan, as finally decided on, was that they two should start alone on april , leaving the children in care of the wife's mother and brother, the latter a recent comer not yet initiated in the church mysteries. at ten o'clock on the appointed night loba and his wife--the latter dressed in men's clothes--stole out of their house. their outfit consisted of one blanket, twelve pounds of crackers, a little tea and sugar, a double-barrelled gun, a sword, and a compass. they were without horses, and their route compelled them to travel the main road for twenty-five miles before they reached the mountains, amid which they hoped to baffle pursuit. they were fortunate enough to gain the mountains without detention. there they laid their course, not with a view to taking the easiest or most direct route, but one so far up the mountain sides that pursuit by horsemen would be impossible. this entailed great suffering. the nights were so cold that sometimes they feared to sleep. add to this the necessity of wading through creeks in ice-cold water, and it is easy to understand that loba had difficulty to prevent his companion from yielding to despair. their objective point was greene river ( miles from salt lake city by road, but probably almost by the route taken), where they expected to find indians on whose mercy they would throw themselves. two days before that river was reached they ate the last of their food, and they kept from freezing at night by getting some sage wood from underneath the snow, and using loba's pocket journal for kindling. mrs. loba had to be carried the whole of the last six miles, but this effort brought them to a camp of snake indians, among whom were some canadian traders, and there they received a kindly welcome. news of their escape reached salt lake city, and surveyor general burr sent them the necessary supplies and a guide to conduct them to fort laramie, where, a month later, all the rest of the family joined them, in good health, but entirely destitute. they then learned that, as soon as their flight was discovered, the church authorities sent out horsemen in every direction to intercept them, but their route over the mountains proved their preservation.* * referring to the frequent mormon declarations that there were fewer deeds of violence in utah than in other pioneer settlements of equal population, the salt lake tribune of january , , said: "it is estimated that no less than murders have been committed by the mormons, in nearly every case at the instigation of their priestly leaders, during the occupation of the territory. giving a mean average of , persons professing that faith in utah, we have a murder committed every year to every of population. the same ratio of crime extended to the population of the united states would give , murders every year." the messenger, the organ of the reorganized church in salt lake city, said in november, : "while laying the waste pipes in front of the residence of brigham young recently the skeleton of a man--a white man--was dug up. a similar discovery was made last winter in digging a cellar in this city. what can have been the necessity of these secret burials, without coffins, in such places?" chapter ix. -- blood atonement as early as intimations of the doctrine that an offending member might be put out of the way were given from the tabernacle pulpit. orson hyde, on april of that year, spoke, in the form of a parable, of the fate of a wolf that a shepherd discovered in his flock of sheep, saying that, if let alone, he would go off and tell the other wolves, and they would come in; "whereas, if the first should meet with his just deserts, he could not go back and tell the rest of his hungry tribe to come and feast themselves on the flock. if you say the priesthood, or authorities of the church here, are the shepherd, and the church is the flock, you can make your own application of this figure." in september, , there was a notable service in the bowery in salt lake city at which several addresses were made. heber c. kimball urged repentance, and told the people that brigham young's word was "the word of god to this people." then jedediah m. grant first gave open utterance to a doctrine that has given the saints, in late years, much trouble to explain, and the carrying out of which in brigham young's days has required many a mormon denial. this is, what has been called in utah the doctrine of "blood atonement," and what in reality was the doctrine of human sacrifice. grant declared that some persons who had received the priesthood committed adultery and other abominations, "get drunk, and wallow in the mire and filth." "i say," he continued, "there are men and women that i would advise to go to the president immediately, and ask him to appoint a committee to attend to their case; and then let a place be selected, and let that committee shed their blood. we have those amongst us that are full of all manner of abominations; those who need to have their blood shed, for water will not do; their sins are too deep for that."* he explained that he was only preaching the doctrine of st. paul, and continued: "i would ask how many covenant breakers there are in this city and in this kingdom. i believe that there are a great many; and if they are covenant breakers, we need a place designated where we can shed their blood.... if any of you ask, do i mean you, i answer yes. if any woman asks, do i mean her, i answer yes.... we have been trying long enough with these people, and i go in for letting the sword of the almighty be unsheathed, not only in word, but in deed."** * elder c. w. penrose made an explanation of the view taken by the church at that time, in an address in salt lake city on october , , that was published in a pamphlet entitled "blood atonement as taught by leading elders." this was deemed necessary to meet the criticisms of this doctrine. he pleaded misrepresentation of the saints' position, and defined it as resting on christ's atonement, and on the belief that that atonement would suffice only for those who have fellowship with him. he quoted st. paul as authority for the necessity of blood shedding (hebrews ix. ), and matthew xii. , , and hebrews x. , to show that there are sins, like blasphemy against the holy ghost, which will not be forgiven through the shedding of christ's blood. he also quoted john v. as showing that the apostle and brigham young were in agreement concerning "sins unto death," just as young and the apostle agreed about delivering men unto satan that their spirits might be saved through the destruction of their flesh ( corinthians v. ). having justified the teaching to his satisfaction, he proceeded to challenge proof that any one had ever paid the penalty, coupling with this a denial of the existence of danites. elder hyde, in his "mormonism," says (p. ): "there are several men now living in utah whose lives are forfeited by mormon law, but spared for a little time by mormon policy. they are certain to be killed, and they know it. they are only allowed to live while they add weight and influence to mormonism, and, although abundant opportunities are given them for escape, they prefer to remain. so strongly are they infatuated with their religion that they think their salvation depends on their continued obedience, and their 'blood being shed by the servants of god.' adultery is punished by death, and it is taught, unless the adulterer's blood be shed, he can have no remission for this sin. believing this firmly, there are men who have confessed this crime to brigham, and asked him to have them killed. their superstitious fears make life a burden to them, and they would commit suicide were not that also a crime." ** journal of discourses, vol. iv, pp. , . brigham young, who followed grant, said that he would explain how judgment would be "laid to the line." "there are sins," he explained, "that men commit, for which they cannot receive forgiveness in this world nor in that which is to come; and, if they had their eyes open to see their true condition, they would be perfectly willing to have their blood spilt upon the ground, that the smoke thereof might ascend to heaven for their sins...i know, when you hear my brethren telling about cutting people off from the earth, that you consider it a strong doctrine; but it is to save them, not to destroy them." that these were not the mere expressions of a sudden impulse is shown by the fact that young expounded this doctrine at even greater length a year later. explaining what christ meant by loving our neighbors as ourselves, he said: "will you love your brothers and sisters likewise when they have committed a sin that cannot be atoned for without the shedding of blood? will you love that man or woman well enough to shed their blood? that is what jesus christ meant.... i have seen scores and hundreds of people for whom there would have been a chance (in the last resurrection there will be) if their lives had been taken, and their blood spilled on the ground as a smoking incense to the almighty, but who are now angels to the devil."* * journal of discourses, vol. iv, pp. , . stenhouse relates, as one of the "few notable cases that have properly illustrated the blood atonement doctrine," that one of the wives of an elder who was sent on a mission broke her marriage vows during his absence. on his return, during the height of the "reformation," she was told that "she could not reach the circle of the gods and goddesses unless her blood was shed," and she consented to accept the punishment. seating herself, therefore, on her husband's knee, she gave him a last kiss, and he then drew a knife across her throat. "that kind and loving husband still lives near salt lake city ( ), and preaches occasionally with great zeal."* * "rocky mountain saints," p. . john d. lee, who says that this doctrine was "justified by all the people," gives full particulars of another instance. among the danish converts in utah was rosmos anderson, whose wife had been a widow with a grown daughter. anderson desired to marry his step-daughter also, and she was quite willing; but a member of the bishop's council wanted the girl for his wife, and he was influential enough to prevent anderson from getting the necessary consent from the head of the church. knowing the professed horror of the church toward the crime of adultery, anderson and the young woman, at one of the meetings during the "reformation," confessed their guilt of that crime, thinking that in this way they would secure permission to marry. but, while they were admitted to rebaptism on their confession, the coveted permit was not issued and they were notified that to offend would be to incur death. such a charge was very soon laid against anderson (not against the girl), and the same council, without hearing him, decided that he must die. anderson was so firm in the mormon faith that he made no remonstrance, simply asking half a day for preparation. his wife provided clean clothes for the sacrifice, and his executioners dug his grave. at midnight they called for him, and, taking him to the place, allowed him to kneel by the grave and pray. then they cut his throat, "and held him so that his blood ran into the grave." his wife, obeying instructions, announced that he had gone to california.* * "mormonism unveiled," p. . as an illustration of the opportunity which these times gave a polygamous priesthood to indulge their tastes, may be told the story of "the affair at san pete." bishop warren snow of manti, san pete county, although the husband of several wives, desired to add to his list a good-looking young woman in that town when he proposed to her, she declined the honor, informing him that she was engaged to a younger man. the bishop argued with her on the ground of her duty, offering to have her lover sent on a mission, but in vain. when even the girl's parents failed to gain her consent, snow directed the local church authorities to command the young man to give her up. finding him equally obstinate, he was one evening summoned to attend a meeting where only trusted members were present. suddenly the lights were put out, he was beaten and tied to a bench, and bishop snow himself castrated him with a bowie knife. in this condition he was left to crawl to some haystacks, where he lay until discovered "the young man regained his health," says lee, "but has been an idiot or quiet lunatic ever since, and is well known by hundreds of mormons or gentiles in utah."* and the bishop married the girl. lee gives young credit for being very "mad" when he learned of this incident, but the bishop was not even deposed.** * ibid., p. . ** stenhouse quotes the following as showing that the san pete outrage was scarcely concealed by the mormon authorities: "i was at a sunday meeting, in the spring of , in provo, when the news of the san pete incident was referred to by the presiding bishop, blackburn. some men in provo had rebelled against authority in some trivial matter, and blackburn shouted in his sunday meeting--a mixed congregation of all ages and both sexes: 'i want the people of provo to understand that the boys in provo can use the knife as well as the boys in san pete. boys, get your knives ready.'" "rocky mountain saints," p. . chapter x. -- the territorial government--judge brocchus's experience in march, , the two houses of the legislature of deseret, sitting together, adopted resolutions "cheerfully and cordially" accepting the law providing a territorial government for utah, and tendering union square in salt lake city as a site for the government buildings. the first territorial election was held on august , and the legislative assembly then elected held its first meeting on september . an act was at once passed continuing in force the laws passed by the legislature of deseret (an unauthorized body) not in conflict with the territorial law, and locating the capital in the pauvan valley, where the town was afterward named fillmore* and the county millard, in honor of the president. * only one session of the legislature was held at fillmore (december, ). the lawmakers afterward met there, but only to adjourn to salt lake city. the federal law, establishing the territory, provided that the governor, secretary, chief justice and two associate justices of the supreme court, the attorney general, or state's attorney, and marshal should be appointed by the president of the united states. president fillmore on september , , filled these places as follows: governor, brigham young; secretary, b. d. harris of vermont; chief justice, joseph buffington of pennsylvania; associate justices, perry e. brocchus and zerubbabel snow; attorney general, seth m. blair of utah; marshal, j. l. heywood of utah, young, snow, blair, and heywood being mormons. l. g. brandebury was later appointed chief justice, mr. buffington declining that office. the selection of brigham young as governor made him, in addition to his church offices, ex-officio commander-in-chief of the militia and superintendent of indian affairs, the latter giving him a salary of $ a year in addition to his salary of $ as governor. had the character of the mormon church government been understood by president fillmore, it does not seem possible that he would, by young's appointment, have so completely united the civil and religious authority of the territory in one man; or, if he had had any comprehension of young's personal characteristics, it is fair to conclude that the appointment would not have been made. the voice which the president listened to in the matter was that of that adroit mormon agent, colonel thomas l. kane. kane's part in the business came out after these appointments were announced, and after the buffalo (new york) courier had printed a communication attacking young's character on the ground of his record both in illinois and utah. president fillmore sent these charges to kane (on july , ) with a letter in which he said, "you will recollect that i relied much upon you for the moral character of mr. young," and asking him to "truly state whether these charges against the moral character of governor young are true." kane sent two letters in reply, dated july . in a short open one he said: "i reiterate without reserve the statement of his excellent capacity, energy, and integrity, which i made you prior to the appointment. i am willing to say that i volunteered to communicate to you the facts by which i was convinced of his patriotism and devotion to the union. i made no qualification when i assured you of his irreproachable moral character, because i was able to speak of this from my own intimate personal knowledge." the second letter, marked "personal," went into these matters much more in detail. it declared that the tax levied by young on non-mormons who sold goods in salt lake city was a liquor tax, creditable to mormon temperance principles. had the president consulted the report of the debate on babbitt's admission as a delegate, he would have discovered that this was falsehood number one. the charges against young while in illinois, including counterfeiting, kane swept aside as "a mere rehash of old libels," and he cited the battalion as an illustration of mormon patriotism. the extent to which he could go in falsifying in young's behalf is illustrated, however, most pointedly in what he had to say regarding the charge of polygamy: "the remaining charge connects itself with that unmixed outrage, the spiritual wife story; which was fastened on the mormons by a poor ribald scamp whom, though the sole surviving brother and representative of their jo. smith, they were literally forced to excommunicate for licentiousness, and who therefore revenged himself by editing confessions and disclosures of savor to please the public that peruses novels in yellow paper covers."* in regard to william smith, the fact was that he opposed polygamy both before and after his expulsion from the church. kane's stay among the mormons on the missouri must have acquainted him with the practically open practice of polygamy at that time. his entire correspondence with fillmore stamps him as a man whose word could be accepted on no subject. it would have been well if president buchanan had availed himself of the existence of these letters. fillmore stated in later years that at that time neither he nor the senate knew that polygamy was an accepted mormon doctrine. * for correspondence in full, see millennial star, vol. xiii, pp. - . young took the oath of office as governor in february, . the non-mormon federal officers arrived in june and july following, and with them came babbitt, bringing $ , which had been appropriated by congress for a state-house, and j. m. bernhisel, the first territorial delegate to congress, with a library purchased by him in the east for which congress had provided. the arrival of the gentile officers gave a speedy opportunity to test the temper of the church in regard to any interference with, or even discussion of, their "peculiar" institutions or young's authority. their first welcome was cordial, with balls and dinners at the bath house at the hot springs at which, for their special benefit, says a local historian, was served "champagne wine from the grocery," with home-brewed porter and ale for the rest. when judge brocchus reached salt lake city, his two non-mormon associates had been there long enough to form an opinion of the mormon population and of the aims of the leading church officers. they soon concluded that "no man else could govern them against brigham young's influence, without a military force,"* and they heard many expressions, public and private, indicating the contempt in which the federal government was held. the anniversary of the arrival of the pioneers, july , was always celebrated with much ceremony, and that year the principal addresses were made by "general" d. h. wells and brigham young. some of the new officers occupied seats on the platform. wells attacked the government for "requiring" the battalion to enlist. young paid especial attention to president taylor, who had recently died, and whose course toward the mormons did not please them, closing this part of his remarks with the declaration, "but zachary taylor is dead and in hell, and i am glad of it," adding, "and i prophesy in the name of jesus christ, by the power of the priesthood that's upon me, that any president of the united states who lifts his finger against this people, shall die an untimely death, and go to hell." * report of the three officers to president fillmore, ex. doc. no. , st session, d congress. judge brocchus had been commissioned by the washington monument association to ask the people of the territory for a block of stone for that structure, and, on signifying a desire to make known his commission, he was invited to do so at the general conference to be held on september and . the judge thought that, with the life of washington as a text, he could read these people a lesson on their duty toward the government, and could correct some of the impressions under which they rested. the idea itself only showed how little he understood anything pertaining to mormonism. there was no newspaper in salt lake city in that time, and for a report of the judge's address and of brigham young's reply, we must rely on the report of the three federal officers to president fillmore, on a letter from judge brocchus printed in the east, and on three letters on the subject addressed to the new york herald (one of which that journal printed, and all of which the author published in a pamphlet entitled "the truth for the mormons",) by j. m. grant, first mayor of salt lake city, major general of the legion, and speaker of the house in the deseret legislature. judge brocchus spoke for two hours. he began with expressions of sympathy for the sufferings of the mormons in missouri and illinois, and then referred to the unfriendliness of the people toward the federal government, pointing out what he considered its injustice, and alluding pointedly to brigham young's remarks about president taylor. he defended the president's memory, and told his audience that, "if they could not offer a block of marble for the washington monument in a feeling of full fellowship with the people of the united states, as brethren and fellow citizens, they had better not offer it at all, but leave it unquarried in the bosom of its native mountain." the officers' report to president fillmore says that the address "was entirely free from any allusions, even the most remote, to the peculiar religion of the community, or to any of their domestic or social customs." even if the mormons had so construed it, the rebuke of their lack of patriotism would have aroused their resentment, and bernhisel, in a letter to president fillmore, characterized it as "a wanton insult." but the judge did make, according to other reports, what was construed as an uncomplimentary reference to polygamy, and this stirred the church into a tumult of anger and indignation. according to mormon accounts,* the judge, addressing the ladies, said: "i have a commission from the washington monument association, to ask of you a block of marble, as a test of your citizenship and loyalty to the government of the united states. but in order to do it acceptably you must become virtuous, and teach your daughters to become virtuous, or your offering had better remain in the bosom of your native mountains." * the report of what follows, including young's address, is taken from grant's pamphlet... mild as this language may seem, no mormon audience, since the marrying of more wives than one had been sanctioned by the church, had ever listened to anything like it. to permit even this interference with their "religious belief" was entirely foreign to young's purpose, and he took the floor in a towering rage to reply. "are you a judge," he asked, "and can't even talk like a lawyer or a politician?" george washington was first in war, but he was first in peace, too, and young could handle a sword as well as washington. "but you [addressing the judge] standing there, white and shaking now at the howls which you have stirred up yourself--you are a coward.... old general taylor, what was he?* a mere soldier with regular army buttons on; no better to go at the head of brave troops than a dozen i could pick out between here and laramie." he concluded thus:-- * in a discourse on june , , young said that he never heard of his alleged expression about general taylor until judge brocchus made use of it, but he added: "when he made the statement there, i surely bore testimony to the truth of it. but until then i do not know that it ever came into my mind whether taylor was in hell or not, any more than it did that any other wicked man was there," etc.--journal of discourses, vol. , p. . "what you have been afraid to intimate about our morals i will not stoop to notice, except to make my particular personal request to every brother and husband present not to give you back what such impudence deserves. you talk of things you have on hearsay since your coming among us. i'll talk of hearsay then--the hearsay that you are discontented, and will go home, because we cannot make it worth your while to stay. what it would satisfy you to get out of us i think it would be hard to tell; but i am sure that it is more than you'll get. if you or any one else is such a baby-calf, we must sugar your soap to coax you to wash yourself of saturday nights. go home to your mammy straight away, and the sooner the better." this was the language addressed by the governor of the territory and the head of the church, to one of the supreme court judges appointed by the president of the united states! young alluded to his reference to the judge's personal safety in a discourse on june , , in which, speaking of the judge's remarks, he said: "they [the mormons] bore the insult like saints of god. it is true, as it was said in the report of these affairs, if i had crooked my little finger, he would have been used up, but i did not bend it. if i had, the sisters alone felt indignant enough to have chopped him in pieces." a little later, in the same discourse, he added: "every man that comes to impose on this people, no matter by whom they are sent, or who they are that are sent, lay the axe at the root of the tree to kill themselves. i will do as i said i would last conference. apostates, or men who never made any profession of religion, had better be careful how they come here, lest i should bend my little finger."* * journal of discourses, vol. i, p. . if the records of the mormon church had included acts as well as words, how many times would we find that young's little finger was bent to a purpose? bold as he was, young seems to have felt that he had gone too far in his abuse of judge brocchus, and on september he addressed a note to him, inviting him to attend a public meeting in the bowery the next sunday morning, "to explain, satisfy, or apologize to the satisfaction of the ladies who heard your address on the th," a postscript assuring the judge that "no gentleman will be permitted to make any reply." the judge in polite terms declined this offer, saying that he had been, at the proper time, denied a chance to explain, "at the peril of having my hair pulled or my throat cut." he added that his speech was deliberately prepared, that his sole design was "to vindicate the government of the united states from those feelings of prejudice and that spirit of defection which seemed to pervade the public sentiment," and that he had had no intention to offer insult or disrespect to his audience. this called out, the next day, a very long reply from young, of which the following is a paragraph: "with a war of words on party politics, factions, religious schisms, current controversy of creeds, policy of clans or state clipper cliques, i have nothing to do; but when the eternal principles of truth are falsified, and light is turned into darkness by mystification of language or a false delineation of facts, so that the just indignation of the true, virtuous, upright citizens of the commonwealth is aroused into vigilance for the dear-bought liberties of themselves and fathers, and that spirit of intolerance and persecution which has driven this people time and time again from their peaceful homes, manifests itself in the flippancy of rhetoric for female insult and desecration, it is time that i forbear to hold my peace, lest the thundering anathemas of nations, born and unborn, should rest upon my head, when the marrow of my bones shall be ill prepared to sustain the threatened blow."* * for correspondence in full, see tullidge's "history of salt lake city," pp. -- . judge brocchus wrote to a friend in the east, on september : "how it will end, i do not know. i have just learned that i have been denounced, together with the government and officers, in the bowery again to-day by governor young. i hope i shall get off safely. god only knows. i am in the power of a desperate and murderous sect." the non-mormon federal officers now announced their determination to abandon their places and return to the east. young foresaw that so radical a course would give his conduct a wide advertisement, and attract to him an unpleasant notoriety. he, therefore, called on the offended judges personally, and urged them to remain.* being assured that they would not reconsider their determination, and that secretary harris would take with him the $ , appropriated for the pay and mileage of the territorial legislature, young, on september , issued a proclamation declaring the result of the election of august , which he had neglected to do, and convening the legislature in session on september . "so solicitous was the governor that the secretary and other non-mormon officers should be kept in ignorance of this step," says the report of the latter to president fillmore, "that on the th, two days after the date of a personal notice sent to members, he most positively and emphatically denied, as communicated to the secretary, that any such notice had been issued." * young to the president, house doc. no. , st session, d congress. as soon as the legislature met, it passed resolutions directing the united states marshal to take possession of all papers and property (including money) in the hands of secretary harris, and to arrest him and lock him up if he offered any resistance. on receipt of a copy of this resolution, secretary harris sent a reply, giving several reasons for refusing to hand over the money appropriated for the legislature, among them the failure of the governor to have a census taken before the election, as provided by the territorial act, the defective character of the governor's proclamation ordering the election, allowing aliens to vote, and the governor's failure to declare the result of the election, his delayed proclamation being pronounced "worthless for all legal purposes." on september the three non-mormon officers took their departure, carrying with them to washington the disputed money, which was turned over to the proper officer.* * tullidge, in his "history of salt lake city," says: "under the censure of the great statesman, daniel webster, and with ex-vice president dallas and colonel kane using their potent influence against them, and also stephen a. douglas, brandebury, brocchus, and harris were forced to retire." as these officers left the territory of their own accord, and contrary to brigham young's urgent protest, this statement only furnishes another instance of the mormon plan to attack the reputation of any one whom they could not control. the three officers were criticized by some eastern newspapers for leaving their post through fear of bodily injury, but congress voted to pay their salaries. all the correspondence concerning the failure of this first attempt to establish non-mormon federal officers in utah was given to congress in a message from president fillmore, dated january , . the returned officers made a report which set forth the autocratic attitude of the mormon church, the open practice of polygamy,* and the non-enforcement of the laws, not even murderers being punished. of one of the allegations of murder set forth,--that a man from ithaca, new york, named james munroe, was murdered on his way to salt lake city by a member of the church, his body brought to the city and buried without an inquest, the murderer walking the streets undisturbed, h. h. bancroft says, "there is no proof of this statement."** on the contrary, mayor grant in his "truth for the mormons" acknowledges it, and gives the details of the murder, justifying it on the ground of provocation, alleging that while egan, the murderer, was absent in california, munroe, "from his youth up a member of the church, egan's friend too, therefore a traitor," seduced egan's wife. * j. d. grant, following the example of colonel kane, had the effrontery to say of the charge of polygamy, in one of his letters to the new york herald: "i pronounce it false.... suppose i should admit it at once? whose business is it? does the constitution forbid it?" ** "history of utah," p. , note. young, in a statement to the president, defended his acts and the acts of the territorial legislature, and attacked the character and motives of the federal officers. the legislature soon after petitioned president fillmore to fill the vacancies by appointing men "who are, indeed, residents amongst us." chapter xi. -- mormon treatment of federal officers the next federal officers for utah appointed by the president (in august, ) were lazarus h. reid of new york to be chief justice, leonidas shaver, associate justice, and b. g. ferris, secretary. neither of these officers incurred the mormon wrath. both of the judges died while in office, and the next chief justice was john f. kinney, who had occupied a seat on the iowa supreme bench, with w. w. drummond of illinois, and george p. stiles, one of joseph smith's counsel at the time of the prophet's death, as associates. a. w. babbitt received the appointment of secretary of the territory.* * some years later babbitt was killed. mrs. waite, in "the mormon prophet" (p. ) says: "in the summer of brigham was referring to this affair in a tea-table conversation at which judge waite and the writer of this were present. after making some remarks to impress upon the minds of those present the necessity of maintaining friendly relations between the federal officers and the authorities of the church, he used language substantially as follows: 'there is no need of any difficulty, and there need be none if the officers do their duty and mind their affairs. if they do not, if they undertake to interfere with affairs that do not concern them, i will not be far off. there was almon w. babbitt. he undertook to quarrel with me, but soon afterward was killed by indians." the territorial legislature had continued to meet from time to time, young having a seat of honor in front of the speaker at each opening joint session, and presenting his message. the most important measure passed was an election law which practically gave the church authorities control of the ballot. it provided that each voter must hand his ballot, folded, to the judge of election, who must deposit it after numbering it, and after the clerk had recorded the name and number. this, of course, gave the church officers knowledge concerning the candidate for whom each man voted. its purpose needs no explanation. in august, , a force of some three hundred soldiers, under command of lieutenant colonel e. j. steptoe of the united states army, on their way to the pacific coast, arrived in salt lake city and passed the succeeding winter there. young's term as governor was about to expire, and the appointment of his successor rested with president pierce. public opinion in the east had become more outspoken against the mormons since the resignation of the first federal officers sent to the territory, the "revelation" concerning polygamy having been publicly avowed meanwhile, and there was an expressed feeling that a non-mormon should be governor. accordingly, president pierce, in december, , offered the governorship to lieutenant colonel steptoe. brigham young, just before and after this period, openly declared that he would not surrender the actual government of the territory to any man. in a discourse in the tabernacle, on june , , in which he reviewed the events of , he said, "we have got a territorial government, and i am and will be governor, and no power can hinder it, until the lord almighty says, 'brigham, you need not be governor any longer.'"* in a defiant discourse in the tabernacle, on february , , young again stated his position on this subject: "for a man to come here [as governor] and infringe upon my individual rights and privileges, and upon those of my brethren, will never meet my sanction, and i will scourge such a one until he leaves. i am after him." defining his position further, and the independence of his people, he said: "come on with your knives, your swords, and your faggots of fire, and destroy the whole of us rather than we will forsake our religion. whether the doctrine of plurality of wives is true or false is none of your business. we have as good a right to adopt tenets in our religion as the church of england, or the methodists, or the baptists, or any other denomination have to theirs."** * journal of discourses, vol. , p. . ** ibid., vol. ii, pp. - . having thus defied the federal appointing power, the nomination of colonel steptoe as young's successor might have been expected to cause an outbreak; but the mormon leaders were always diplomatic--at least, when young did not lose his temper. the outcome of this appointment was its declination by steptoe, a petition to president pierce for young's reappointment signed by steptoe himself and all the federal officers in the territory, and the granting of the request of these petitioners. mrs. c. b. waite, wife of associate justice c. b. waite, one of lincoln's appointees, gives a circumstantial account of the manner in which colonel steptoe was influenced to decline the nomination and sign the petition in favor of young.* two women, whose beauty then attracted the attention of salt lake city society, were a relative by marriage of brigham young and an actress in the church theatre. the federal army officers were favored with a good deal of their society. when steptoe's appointment as governor was announced, young called these women to his assistance. in conformity with the plan then suggested, young one evening suddenly demanded admission to colonel steptoe's office, which was granted after considerable delay. passing into the back room, he found the two women there, dressed in men's clothes and with their faces concealed by their hats. he sent the women home with a rebuke, and then described to steptoe the danger he was in if the women's friends learned of the incident, and the disgrace which would follow its exposure. steptoe's declination of the nomination and his recommendation of young soon followed. president pierce's selection of judicial officers for utah was not made with proper care, nor with due regard to the dignity of the places to be filled. chief justice kinney took with him to utah a large stock of goods which he sold at retail after his arrival there, and he also kept a boarding-house in salt lake city. with his "trade" dependent on mormon customers, he had every object in cultivating their popularity. known as a "jack-mormon" in iowa, mrs. waite declared that his uniform course, to the time about which she wrote, had been "to aid and abet brigham young in his ambitious schemes," and that he was then "an open apologist and advocate of polygamy." judge drummond's course in utah was in many respects scandalous. a former member of the bench in illinois writes to me: "i remember that when drummond's appointment was announced there was considerable comment as to his lack of fitness for the place, and, after the troubles between him and the mormon leaders got aired through the press, members of the bar from his part of the state said they did not blame the mormons--that it was an imposition upon them to have sent him out there as a judge. i never heard his moral character discussed." if the mormon leaders had shown any respect for the government at washington, or for the reputable men appointed to territorial offices, more attention might be paid to their hostility manifested to certain individuals. * "the mormon prophet," p. , confirmed by beadle's "life in utah," p. . a few of the leading questions at issue under the new territorial officers will illustrate the nature of the government with which they had to deal. the territorial legislature had passed acts defining the powers and duties of the territorial courts. these acts provided that the district courts should have original jurisdiction, both civil and criminal, wherever not otherwise provided by law. chapter (approved january , ) provided as follows: "all questions of law, the meaning of writings other than law, and the admissibility of testimony shall be decided by the court; and no laws or parts of laws shall be read, argued, cited, or adopted in any courts, during any trial, except those enacted by the governor and legislative assembly of this territory, and those passed by the congress of the united states, when applicable; and no report, decision, or doings of any court shall be read, argued, cited, or adopted as precedent in any other trial." this obliterated at a stroke the whole body of the english common law. another act provided that, by consent of the court and the parties, any person could be selected to act as judge in a particular case. as the district court judges were federal appointees, a judge of probate was provided for each county, to be elected by joint ballot of the legislature. these probate courts, besides the authority legitimately belonging to such tribunals, were given "power to exercise original jurisdiction, both civil and criminal, as well in chancery as at common law." thus there were in the territory two kinds of courts, to one of which alone a non-mormon could look for justice, and to the other of which every mormon would appeal when he was not prevented. the act of congress organizing the territory provided for the appointment of a marshal, approved by the president; the territorial legislature on march , , provided for another marshal to be elected by joint ballot, and for an attorney general. a non-mormon had succeeded the original mormon who was appointed as federal marshal, and he took the ground that he should have charge of all business pertaining to the marshal's office in the united states courts. judge stiles having issued writs to the federal marshal, the latter was not able to serve them, and the demand was openly made that only territorial law should be enforced in utah. when the question of jurisdiction came before the judge, three mormon lawyers appeared in behalf of the mormon claim, and one of them, james ferguson, openly told the judge that, if he decided against him, they "would take him from the bench d--d quick." judge stiles adjourned his court, and applied to governor young for assistance; but got only the reply that "the boys had got their spunk up, and he would not interfere," and that, if judge stiles could not enforce the united states laws, the sooner he adjourned court the better.* all the records and papers of the united states court were kept in judge stiles's office. in his absence, ferguson led a crowd to the office, seized and deposited in a safe belonging to young the court papers, and, piling up the personal books and papers of the judge in an outhouse, set fire to them. the judge, supposing that the court papers were included in the bonfire, innocently made that statement in an affidavit submitted on his return to washington in . * this account is given in mrs. waite's "the mormon prophet." tullidge omits the incident in his "history of salt lake city." judge drummond, reversing the policy of chief justice kinney and judge shaver, announced, before the opening of the first session of his court, that he should ignore all proceedings of the territorial probate courts except such as pertained to legitimate probate business. this position was at once recognized as a challenge of the entire mormon judicial system,* and steps were promptly taken to overthrow it. there are somewhat conflicting accounts of the method adopted. mrs. waite, in her "mormon prophet," hickman, in his confessions, and remy, in his "journey," have all described it with variations. all agree that a quarrel was brought about between the judge and a jew, which led to the arrest of both of them. "during the prosecution of the case," says mrs. waite, "the judge gave some sort of a stipulation that he would not interfere any further with the probate courts." * a member of the legislature wrote to his brother in england, of drummond: he has brass to declare in open court that the utah laws are founded in ignorance, and has attempted to set some of the most important ones aside,... and he will be able to appreciate the merits of a returned compliment some day." * tullidge, "history of salt lake city," p. . judge stiles left the territory in the spring of , and gave the government an account of his treatment in the form of an affidavit when he reached washington. judge drummond held court a short time for judge stiles in carson county (now nevada)* in the spring of , and then returned to the east by way of california, not concealing his opinion of mormon rule on the way, and giving the government a statement of the case in a letter resigning his judgeship. * the settlement of what is now nevada was begun by both mormons and non-mormons in , and, the latter being in the majority, the utah legislature organized the entire western part of the territory as one county, called carson, and governor young appointed orson hyde its probate judge. many persons coming in after the settlement of california, as miners, farmers, or stock-raisers, the mormons saw their majority in danger, and ordered the non-mormons to leave. both sides took up arms, and they camped in sight of each other for two weeks. the mormons, learning that their opponents were to receive reenforcements from california, agreed on equal rights for all in that part of the territory; but when the legislature learned of this, it repealed the county act, recalled the judge, and left the district without any legal protection whatever. thus matters remained until late in , when a probate judge was quietly appointed for carson valley. after this an election was held, but although the non-mormons won at the polls, the officers elected refused to qualify and enforce mormon statutes.--letter of delegate-elect j. m. crane of nevada, "the mormon prophet," pp. l- . after the departure of the non-mormon federal judges from utah, the only non-mormon officers left there were those belonging to the office of the surveyor general, and two indian agents. toward these officers the mormons were as hostile as they had been toward the judges, and the latest information that the government received about the disposition and intentions of the mormons came from them. the mormon view of their title to the land in salt lake valley appeared in young's declaration on his first sunday there, that it was theirs and would be divided by the officers of the church.* tullidge, explaining this view in his history published in , says that this was simply following out the social plan of a zion which smith attempted in ohio, missouri, and illinois, under "revelation." he explains: "according to the primal law of colonization, recognized in all ages, it was their land if they could hold and possess it. they could have done this so far as the mexican government was concerned, which government probably never would even have made the first step to overthrow the superstructure of these mormon society builders. at that date, before this territory was ceded to the united states, brigham young, as the master builder of the colonies which were soon to spread throughout these valleys, could with absolute propriety give the above utterances on the land question."** * "they will not, however, without protest, buy the land, and hope that grants will be made to actual settlers or the state, sufficient to cover their improvements. if not, the state will be obliged to buy, and then confirm the titles already given."--gunnison. "the mormons," , p. . ** captain gunnison, who as lieutenant accompanied stansbury's surveying party and printed a book giving his personal observations, was murdered in while surveying a railroad route at a camp on sevier river. his party were surprised by a band of pah utes while at breakfast, and nine of them were killed. the charge was often made that this massacre was inspired by mormons, but it has not been supported by direct evidence. when the act organizing the territory was passed, very little of the indian title to the land had been extinguished, and the indians made bitter complaints of the seizure of their homes and hunting-grounds, and the establishment of private rights to canyons and ferries, by the people who professed so great a regard for the "lamanites." congress, in february, , created the office of surveyor general of utah and defined his duties. the presence of this officer was resented at once, and as soon as surveyor general david h. burr arrived in salt lake city the church directed all its members to convey their lands to young as trustee in trust for the church, "in consideration of the good will which ---- have to the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints." explaining this order in a discourse in the tabernacle on march , , h. c. kimball said: "i do not compel you to do it; the trustee in trust does not; god does not. but he says that if you will do this and the other things which he has counselled for our good, do so and prove him.... if you trifle with me when i tell you the truth, you will trifle with brother brigham, and if you trifle with him you will also trifle with angels and with god, and thus you will trifle yourselves down to hell."* * journal of discourses, vol. iv, pp. , . the mormon policy toward the surveyors soon took practical shape. on august , , burr reported a nearly fatal assault on one of his deputies by three danites. deputy surveyor craig reported efforts of the mormons to stir up the indians against the surveyors, and quoted a suggestion of the deseret news that the surveyors be prosecuted in the territorial court for trespass. in february, , burr reported a visit he had had from the clerk of the supreme court, the acting district attorney, and the territorial marshal, who told him plainly that the country was theirs. they showed him a copy of a report that he had made to washington, charging young with extensive depredations, warned him that he could not write to washington without their knowledge, and ordered that such letter writing should stop. "the fact is," burr added, "these people repudiate the authority of the united states in this country, and are in open rebellion against the general government.... so strong have been my apprehensions of danger to the surveyors that i scarcely deemed it prudent to send any out.... we are by no means sure that we will be permitted to leave, for it is boldly asserted we would not get away alive."* he did escape early in the spring. * for text of reports, see house ex. doc. no. , st session, th congress. the reports of the indian agents to the commissioner at washington at this time were of the same character. mormon trespasses on indian land had caused more than one conflict with the savages, but, when there was a prospect of hostilities with the government, the mormons took steps to secure indian aid. in may, , indian agent hurt called the attention of the commissioner at washington to the fact that the mormons at their recent conference had appointed a large number of missionaries to preach among the "lamanites"; that these missionaries were "a class of lawless young men," and, as their influence was likely to be in favor of hostilities with the whites, he suggested that all indian officers receive warning on the subject. hurt was added to the list of fugitive federal officers from utah, deeming it necessary to flee when news came of the approach of the troops in the fall of . his escape was quite dramatic, some of his indian friends assisting him. they reached general johnston's camp about the middle of october, after suffering greatly from hunger and cold. the mormon leaders could scarcely fail to realize that a point must be reached when the federal government would assert its authority in utah territory, but they deemed a conflict with the government of less serious moment than a surrender which would curtail their own civil and criminal jurisdiction, and bring their doctrine of polygamy within reach of the law. a specimen of the unbridled utterances of these leaders in those days will be found in a discourse by mayor grant in the tabernacle, on march , :-- "who is afraid to die? none but the wicked. if they want to send troops here, let them come to those who have imported filth and whores, though we can attend to that class without so much expense to the government. they will threaten us with united states troops! why, your impudence and ignorance would bring a blush to the cheek of the veriest camp-follower among them. we ask no odds of you, you rotten carcasses, and i am not going to bow one hair's breadth to your influence. i would rather be cut into inch pieces than succumb one particle to such filthiness .... if we were to establish a whorehouse on every corner of our streets, as in nearly all other cities outside of utah, either by law or otherwise, we should doubtless then be considered good fellows."* * journal of discourses, vol. iii, pp. - two weeks later brigham young, in a sermon in the same place, said, "i said then, and i shall always say, that i shall be governor as long as the lord almighty wishes me to govern this people."* * ibid., p. . in january, , orson pratt, as mormon representative, began the publication in washington, d.c., of a monthly periodical called the seer, in which he defended polygamy, explained the mormon creed, and set forth the attitude of the mormons toward the united states government. the latter subject occupied a large part of the issue of january, , in the shape of questions and answers. the following will give an illustration of their tone:-- "q.--in what manner have the people of the united states treated the divine message contained in the book of mormon? "a.--they have closed their eyes, their ears, their hearts and their doors against it. they have scorned, rejected and hated the servants of god who were sent to bear testimony of it. "q.--in what manner has the united states treated the saints who have believed in this divine message? "a.--they have proceeded to the most savage and outrageous persecutions;... dragged little children from their hiding-places, and, placing the muzzles of their guns to their heads, have blown out their brains, with the most horrid oaths and imprecations. they have taken the fair daughters of american citizens, bound them on benches used for public worship, and there, in great numbers, ravished them until death came to their relief." further answers were in the shape of an argument that the federal government was responsible for the losses of the saints in missouri and illinois. chapter xii. -- the mormon "war" the government at washington and the people of the eastern states knew a good deal more about mormonism in than they did when fillmore gave the appointment of governor to young in . the return of one federal officer after another from utah with a report that his office was untenable, even if his life was not in danger, the practical nullification of federal law, and the light that was beginning to be shed on mormon social life by correspondents of eastern newspapers had aroused enough public interest in the matter to lead the politicians to deem it worthy of their attention. accordingly, the republican national convention, in june, , inserted in its platform a plank declaring that the constitution gave congress sovereign power over the territories, and that "it is both the right and the duty of congress to prohibit in the territories those twin relics of barbarism--polygamy and slavery." a still more striking proof of the growing political importance of the mormon question was afforded by the attention paid to it by stephen a. douglas in a speech in springfield, illinois, on june , , when he was hoping to secure the democratic nomination for president. this former friend of the mormons, their spokesman in the senate, now declared that reports from the territory seemed to justify the belief that nine-tenths of its inhabitants were aliens; that all were bound by horrid oaths and penalties to recognize and maintain the authority of brigham young; and that the mormon government was forming alliances with the indians, and organizing danite bands to rob and murder american citizens. "under this view of the subject," said he, "i think it is the duty of the president, as i have no doubt it is his fixed purpose, to remove brigham young and all his followers from office, and to fill their places with bold, able, and true men; and to cause a thorough and searching investigation into all the crimes and enormities which are alleged to be perpetrated daily in that territory under the direction of brigham young and his confederates; and to use all the military force necessary to protect the officers in discharge of their duties and to enforce the laws of the land. when the authentic evidence shall arrive, if it shall establish the facts which are believed to exist, it will become the duty of congress to apply the knife, and cut out this loathsome, disgusting ulcer."* * text of the speech in new york times of june , . this, of course, caused the mormons to pour out on judge douglas the vials of their wrath, and, when he failed to secure the presidential nomination, they found in his defeat the verification of one of smith's prophecies. the mormons, on their part, had never ceased their demands for statehood, and another of their efforts had been made in the preceding spring, when a new constitution of the state of deseret was adopted by a convention over which the notorious jedediah m. grant presided, and sent to washington with a memorial pleading for admission to the union, "that another star, shedding mild radiance from the tops of the mountains, midway between the borders of the eastern and western civilization, may add its effulgence to that bright light now so broadly illumining the governmental pathway of nations"; and declaring that "the loyalty of utah has been variously and most thoroughly tested." congress treated this application with practical contempt, the senate laying the memorial on the table, and the chairman of the house committee on territories, galusha a. grow, refusing to present the constitution to the house. alarmed at the manifestations of public feeling in the east, and the demand that president buchanan should do something to vindicate at least the dignity of the government, the mormon leaders and press renewed their attacks on the character of all the federal officers who had criticized them, and the deseret news urged the president to send to utah "one or more civilians on a short visit to look about them and see what they can see, and return and report." the value of observations by such "short visitors" on such occasions need not be discussed. president buchanan, instead of following any mormon advice, soon after his inauguration directed the organization of a body of troops to march to utah to uphold the federal authorities, and in july, after several persons had declined the office, appointed as governor of utah alfred cumming of georgia. the appointee was a brother of colonel william cumming, who won renown as a soldier in the war of , who was a union party leader in the nullification contest in jackson's time, and who was a participant in a duel with g. mcduffie that occupied a good deal of attention. alfred cumming had filled no more important positions than those of mayor of augusta, georgia, sutler in the mexican war, and superintendent of indian affairs on the upper missouri. a much more commendable appointment made at the same time was that of d. r. eckles, a kentuckian by birth, but then a resident of indiana, to be chief justice of the territory. john cradlebaugh and c. e. sinclair were appointed associate justices, with john hartnett as secretary, and peter k. dotson as marshal. the new governor gave the first illustration of his conception of his duties by remaining in the east, while the troops were moving, asking for an increase of his salary, a secret service fund, and for transportation to utah. only the last of these requests was complied with. president buchanan's position as regards utah at this time was thus stated in his first annual message to congress (december , ):-- "the people of utah almost exclusively belong to this [mormon] church, and, believing with a fanatical spirit that he [young] is governor of the territory by divine appointment, they obey his commands as if these were direct revelations from heaven. if, therefore, he chooses that his government shall come into collision with the government of the united states, the members of the mormon church will yield implicit obedience to his will. unfortunately, existing facts leave but little doubt that such is his determination. without entering upon a minute history of occurrences, it is sufficient to say that all the officers of the united states, judicial and executive, with the single exception of two indian agents, have found it necessary for their own safety to withdraw from the territory, and there no longer remained any government in utah but the despotism of brigham young. this being the condition of affairs in the territory, i could not mistake the path of duty. as chief executive magistrate, i was bound to restore the supremacy of the constitution and laws within its limits. in order to effect this purpose, i appointed a new governor and other federal officers for utah, and sent with them a military force for their protection, and to aid as a posse comitatus in case of need in the execution of the laws. "with the religious opinions of the mormons, as long as they remained mere opinions, however deplorable in themselves and revolting to the moral and religious sentiments of all christendom, i have no right to interfere. actions alone, when in violation of the constitution and laws of the united states, become the legitimate subjects for the jurisdiction of the civil magistrate. my instructions to governor cumming have, therefore, been framed in strict accordance with these principles." this statement of the situation of affairs in utah, and of the duty of the president in the circumstances, did not admit of criticism. but the country at that time was in a state of intense excitement over the slavery question, with the situation in kansas the centre of attention; and it was charged that buchanan put forward the mormon issue as a part of his scheme to "gag the north" and force some question besides slavery to the front; and that secretary of war floyd eagerly seized the opportunity to remove "the flower of the american army" and a vast amount of munition and supplies to a distant place, remote from eastern connections. the principal newspapers in this country were intensely partisan in those days, and party organs like the new york tribune could be counted on to criticise any important step taken by the democratic president. such mormon agents as colonel kane and dr. bernhisel, the utah delegate to congress, were doing active work in new york and washington, and some of it with effect. horace greeley, in his "overland journey," describing his call on brigham young a few years later, says that he was introduced by "my friend dr. bernhisel." the "tribune almanac" for , in an article on the utah troubles, quoted as "too true" young's declaration that "for the last twenty-five years we have trusted officials of the government, from constables and justices to judges, governors, and presidents, only to be scorned, held in derision, insulted and betrayed."* ulterior motives aside, no president ever had a clearer duty than had buchanan to maintain the federal authority in utah, and to secure to all residents in and travellers through that territory the rights of life and property. the just ground for criticising him is, not that he attempted to do this, but that he faltered by the way.** * greeley's leaning to the mormon side was quite persistent, leading him to support governor cumming a little later against the federal judges. the mormons never forgot this. a washington letter of april , , to the new york times said: "when mr. greeley was nominated for president the mormons heartily hoped for his election. the church organs and the papers taken in the territory were all hostile to the administration, and their clamor deceived for a time people far more enlightened than the followers of the modern mohammed. it is said that, while the canvass was pending, certain representatives of the liberal-democratic alliance bargained with brigham young, and that he contributed a very large sum of money to the treasury of the greeley fund, and that, in consideration of this contribution, he received assurances that, if he should send a polygamist to congress, no opposition would be made by the supporters of the administration that was to be, to his admission to the house. brigham therefore sent cannon instead of returning hooper." ** it is curious to notice that the utah troubles are entirely ignored in the "life of james buchanan" ( ) by george ticknor curtis, who was the counsel for the mormons in the argument concerning polygamy before the united states supreme court in . early in arrangements were entered into with h. c. kimball for a contract to carry the mail between independence, missouri, and salt lake city. young saw in this the nucleus of a big company that would maintain a daily express and mail service to and from the mormon centre, and he at once organized the brigham young express carrying company, and had it commended to the people from the pulpit. but recent disclosures of mormon methods and purposes had naturally caused the government to question the propriety of confiding the utah and transcontinental mails to mormon hands, and on june , , kimball was notified that the government would not execute the contract with him, "the unsettled state of things at salt lake city rendering the mails unsafe under present circumstances." mormon writers make much of the failure to execute this mail contract as an exciting cause of the "war." tullidge attributes the action of the administration to three documents--a letter from mail contractor w. m. f. magraw to the president, describing the situation in utah, judge drummond's letter of resignation, and a letter from indian agent t. s. twiss, dated july , , informing the government that a large mormon colony had taken possession of deer creek valley, only one hundred miles west of fort laramie, driving out a settlement of sioux whom the agent had induced to plant corn there, and charging that the mormon occupation was made with a view to the occupancy of the country, and "under cover of a contract of the mormon church to carry the mails."* tullidge's statement could be made with hope of its acceptance only to persons who either lacked the opportunity or inclination to ascertain the actual situation in utah and the president's sources of information. * all these may be found in house ex. doc. no. , st session, th congress. as to the mails, no autocratic government like that of brigham young would neglect to make what use it pleased of them in its struggle with the authorities at washington. as early as november, , indian agent holman wrote to the indian commissioner at washington from salt lake city: "the gentiles, as we are called who do not belong to the mormon church, have no confidence in the management of the post-office here. it is believed by many that there is an examination of all letters coming and going, in order that they may ascertain what is said of them and by whom it is said. this opinion is so strong that all communications touching their character or conduct are either sent to bridger or laramie, there to be mailed. i send this communication through a friend to laramie, to be there mailed for the states." testimony on this point four years later, from an independent source, is found in a salt lake city letter, of november , , to the new york herald. the writer said: "from september , to the th instant the people of this territory had not received any news from the states except such as was contained in a few broken files of california papers.... letters and papers come up missing, and in the same mail come papers of very ancient dates; but letters once missing may be considered as irrevocably lost. of all the numerous numbers of harper's, gleason's, and other illustrated periodicals subscribed for by the inhabitants of this territory, not one, i have been informed, has ever reached here." the forces selected for the expedition to utah consisted of the second dragoons, then stationed at fort leavenworth in view of possible trouble in kansas; the fifth infantry, stationed at that time in florida; the tenth infantry, then in the forts in minnesota; and phelps's battery of the fourth artillery, that had distinguished itself at buena vista--a total of about fifteen hundred men. reno's battery was added later. general scott's order provided for two thousand head of cattle to be driven with the troops, six months' supply of bacon, desiccated vegetables, sibley tents, and stoves enough to supply at least the sick. general scott himself had advised a postponement of the expedition until the next year, on account of the late date at which it would start, but he was overruled. the commander originally selected for this force was general w. s. harney; but the continued troubles in kansas caused his retention there (as well as that of the second dragoons), and, when the government found that the mormons proposed serious resistance, the chief command was given to colonel albert sidney johnston, a west point graduate, who had made a record in the black hawk war; in the service of the state of texas, first in under general rusk, and eventually as commander-in-chief in the field, and later as secretary of war; and in the mexican war as colonel of the first texas rifles. he was killed at the battle of shiloh during the war of the rebellion. general harney's letter of instruction, dated june , giving the views of general scott and the war department, stated that the civil government in utah was in a state of rebellion; he was to attack no body of citizens, however, except at the call of the governor, the judges, or the marshals, the troops to be considered as a posse comitatus; he was made responsible for "a jealous, harmonious, and thorough cooperation" with the governor, accepting his views when not in conflict with military judgment and prudence. while the general impression, both at washington and among the troops, was that no actual resistance to this force would be made by young's followers, the general was told that "prudence requires that you should anticipate resistance, general, organized, and formidable, at the threshold." great activity was shown in forwarding the necessary supplies to fort leavenworth, and in the last two weeks of july most of the assigned troops were under way. colonel johnston arrived at fort leavenworth on september , assigned six companies of the second dragoons, under lieutenant colonel p. st. george cooke, as an escort to governor cumming, and followed immediately after them. major (afterward general) fitz john porter, who accompanied colonel johnston as assistant adjutant general, describing the situation in later years, said:-- "so late in the season had the troops started on this march that fears were entertained that, if they succeeded in reaching their destination, it would be only by abandoning the greater part of their supplies, and endangering the lives of many men amid the snows of the rocky mountains. so much was a terrible disaster feared by those acquainted with the rigors of a winter life in the rocky mountains, that general harney was said to have predicted it, and to have induced walker [of kansas] to ask his retention." meanwhile, the mormons had received word of what was coming. when a. o. smoot reached a point one hundred miles west of independence, with the mail for salt lake city, he met heavy freight teams which excited his suspicion, and at kansas city obtained sufficient particulars of the federal expedition. returning to fort laramie, he and o. p. rockwell started on july , in a light wagon drawn by two fast horses, to carry the news to brigham young. they made the miles in five days and three hours, arriving on the evening of july . undoubtedly they gave young this important information immediately. but young kept it to himself that night. on the following day occurred the annual celebration of the arrival of the pioneers in the valley. to the big gathering of saints at big cottonwood lake, twenty-four miles from the city, young dramatically announced the news of the coming "invasion." his position was characteristically defiant. he declared that "he would ask no odds of uncle sam or the devil," and predicted that he would be president of the united states in twelve years, or would dictate the successful candidate. recalling his declaration ten years earlier that, after ten years of peace, they would ask no odds of the united states, he declared that that time had passed, and that thenceforth they would be a free and independent state--the state of deseret. the followers of young eagerly joined in his defiance of the government, and in the succeeding weeks the discourses and the editorials of the deseret news breathed forth dire threats against the advancing foe. thus, the news of august told the washington authorities, "if you intend to continue the appointment of certain officers,"--that is, if you do not intend to surrender to the church federal jurisdiction in utah--"we respectfully suggest that you appoint actually intelligent and honorable men, who will wisely attend to their own duties, and send them unaccompanied by troops"--that is, judges who would acknowledge the supremacy of the mormon courts, or who, if not, would have no force to sustain them. this was followed by a threat that if any other kind of men were sent "they will really need a far larger bodyguard than twenty-five hundred soldiers."* the government was, in another editorial, called on to "entirely clear the track, and accord us the privilege of carrying our own mails at our own expense," and was accused of "high handedly taking away our rights and privileges, one by one, under pretext that the most devilish should blush at." * an englishman, in a letter to the new york observer, dated london, may , , said, "the english mormons make no secret of their expectation that a collision will take place with the american authorities," and he quoted from a mormon preacher's words as follows: "as to a collision with the american government, there cannot be two opinions on the matter. we shall have judges, governors, senators and dragoons invading us, imprisoning and murdering us; but we are prepared, and are preparing judges, governors, senators and dragoons who will know how to dispose of their friends. the little stone will come into collision with the iron and clay and grind them to powder. it will be in utah as it was in nauvoo, with this difference, we are prepared now for offensive or defensive war; we were not then." young in the pulpit was in his element. one example of his declarations must suffice:-- "i am not going to permit troops here for the protection of the priests and the rabble in their efforts to drive us from the land we possess.... you might as well tell me that you can make hell into a powder house as to tell me that they intend to keep an army here and have peace.... i have told you that if there is any man or woman who is not willing to destroy everything of their property that would be of use to an enemy if left, i would advise them to leave the territory, and i again say so to-day; for when the time comes to burn and lay waste our improvements, if any man undertakes to shield his, he will be treated as a traitor; for judgment will be laid to the line and righteousness to the plummet."* * tullidge's "history of salt lake city," p. . the official papers of governor young are perhaps the best illustrations of the spirit with which the federal authorities had to deal. words, however, were not the only weapons which the mormons employed against the government at the start. daniel h. wells, "lieutenant general" and commander of the nauvoo legion, which organization had been kept up in utah, issued, on august , a despatch to each of twelve commanding officers of the legion in the different settlements in the territory, declaring that "when anarchy takes the place of orderly government, and mobocratic tyranny usurps the powers of the rulers, they [the people of the territory] have left the inalienable right to defend themselves against all aggression upon their constitutional privileges"; and directing them to hold their commands ready to march to any part of the territory, with ammunition, wagons, and clothing for a winter campaign. in the legion were enrolled all the able-bodied males between eighteen and forty-five years, under command of a lieutenant general, four generals, eleven colonels, and six majors. the first mobilization of this force took place on august , when a company was sent eastward over the usual route to aid incoming immigrants and learn the strength of the federal force. by the employment of similar scouts the mormons were thus kept informed of every step of the army's advance. a scouting party camped within half a mile of the foremost company near devil's gate on september , and did not lose sight of it again until it went into camp at harris's fort, where supplies had been forwarded in advance. captain stewart van vliet, of general harney's staff, was sent ahead of the troops, leaving fort leavenworth on july , to visit salt lake city, ascertain the disposition of the church authorities and the people toward the government, and obtain any other information that would be of use. arriving in salt lake city in thirty three and a half days, he was received with affability by young, and there was a frank interchange of views between them. young recited the past trials of the mormons farther east, and said that "therefore he and the people of utah had determined to resist all persecution at the commencement, and that the troops now on the march for utah should not enter the great salt lake valley. as he uttered these words, all those present concurred most heartily."* young said they had an abundance of everything required by the federal troops, but that nothing would be sold to the government. when told that, even if they did succeed in preventing the present military force from entering the valley the coming winter, they would have to yield to a larger force the following year, the reply was that that larger force would find utah a desert; they would burn every house, cut down every tree, lay waste every field. "we have three years' provisions on hand," young added, "which we will cache, and then take to the mountains and bid defiance to all the powers of the government." * the quotations are from captain van vliet's official report in house ex. doc. no. , previously referred to. tullidge's "history of salt lake city" (p. l) gives extracts from apostle woodruff's private journal of notes on the interview between young and captain van vliet, on september and , in which young is reported as saying: "we do not want to fight the united states, but if they drive us to it we shall do the best we can. god will overthrow them. we are the supporters of the constitution of the united states. if they dare to force the issue, i shall not hold the indians by the wrist any longer for white men to shoot at them; they shall go ahead and do as they please." when young called for a vote on that proposition by an audience of four thousand persons in the tabernacle, every hand was raised to vote yes. captain van vliet summed up his view of the situation thus: that it would not be difficult for the mormons to prevent the entrance of the approaching force that season; that they would not resort to actual hostilities until the last moment, but would burn the grass, stampede the animals, and cause delay in every manner. the day after captain van vliet left salt lake city, governor young gave official expression to his defiance of the federal government by issuing the following proclamation:-- "citizens of utah: we are invaded by a hostile force, who are evidently assailing us to accomplish our overthrow and destruction. "for the last twenty-five years we have trusted officials of the government, from constables and justices to judges, governors, and presidents, only to be scorned, held in derision, insulted, and betrayed. our houses have been plundered and then burned, our fields laid waste, our principal men butchered, while under the pledged faith of the government for their safety, and our families driven from their homes to find that shelter in the barren wilderness and that protection among hostile savages, which were denied them in the boasted abodes of christianity and civilization. "the constitution of our common country guarantees unto us all that we do now or have ever claimed. if the constitutional rights which pertain unto us as american citizens were extended to utah, according to the spirit and meaning thereof, and fairly and impartially administered, it is all that we can ask, all that we have ever asked. "our opponents have availed themselves of prejudice existing against us, because of our religious faith, to send out a formidable host to accomplish our destruction. we have had no privilege or opportunity of defending ourselves from the false, foul, and unjust aspersions against us before the nation. the government has not condescended to cause an investigating committee, or other persons, to be sent to inquire into and ascertain the truth, as is customary in such cases. we know those aspersions to be false; but that avails us nothing. we are condemned unheard, and forced to an issue with an armed mercenary mob, which has been sent against us at the instigation of anonymous letter writers, ashamed to father the base, slanderous falsehoods which they have given to the public; of corrupt officials, who have brought false accusations against us to screen themselves in their own infamy; and of hireling priests and howling editors, who prostitute the truth for filthy lucre's sake. "the issue which has thus been forced upon us compels us to resort to the great first law of self-preservation, and stand in our own defence, a right guaranteed to us by the genius of the institutions of our country, and upon which the government is based. our duty to ourselves, to our families, requires us not to tamely submit to be driven and slain, without an attempt to preserve ourselves; our duty to our country, our holy religion, our god, to freedom and liberty, requires that we should not quietly stand still and see those fetters forging around us which were calculated to enslave and bring us in subjection to an unlawful, military despotism, such as can only emanate, in a country of constitutional law, from usurpation, tyranny, and oppression. "therefore, i, brigham young, governor and superintendent of indian affairs for the territory of utah, in the name of the people of the united states in the territory of utah, forbid: "first. all armed forces of every description from coming into this territory, under any pretence whatever. "second. that all forces in said territory hold themselves in readiness to march at a moment's notice to repel any and all such invasion. "third. martial law is hereby declared to exist in this territory from and after the publication of this proclamation, and no person shall be allowed to pass or repass into or through or from this territory without a permit from the proper officer. "given under my hand and seal, at great salt lake city, territory of utah, this th day of september, a.d. , and of the independence of the united states of america the eighty-second. "brigham young." the advancing troops received from captain van vliet as he passed eastward their first information concerning the attitude of the mormons toward them, and colonel alexander, in command of the foremost companies, accepted his opinion that the mormons would not attack them if the army did not advance beyond fort bridger or fort supply, this idea being strengthened by the fact that one hundred wagon loads of stores, undefended, had remained unmolested on ham's fork for three weeks. the first division of the federal troops marched across greene river on september , and hurried on thirty five miles to what was named camp winfield, on ham's fork, a confluent of black fork, which emptied into greene river. phelps's and reno's batteries and the fifth infantry reached there about the same time, but there was no cavalry, the kind of force most needed, because of the detention of the dragoons in kansas. on september general wells forwarded to colonel alexander, from fort bridger, brigham young's proclamation of september , a copy of the laws of utah, and the following letter addressed to "the officer commanding the forces now invading utah territory": "governor's office, utah territory, "great salt lake city, september , . "sir: by reference to the act of congress passed september , , organizing the territory of utah, published in a copy of the laws of utah, herewith forwarded, pp. - , you will find the following:-- "sec. . and be it further enacted, that the executive power and authority in and over said territory of utah shall be vested in a governor, who shall hold his office for four years, and until his successor shall be appointed and qualified, unless sooner removed by the president of the united states. the governor shall reside within said territory, shall be commander-in-chief of the militia thereof', etc., etc. "i am still the governor and superintendent of indian affairs for this territory, no successor having been appointed and qualified, as provided by law; nor have i been removed by the president of the united states. "by virtue of the authority thus vested in me, i have issued, and forwarded you a copy of, my proclamation forbidding the entrance of armed forces into this territory. this you have disregarded. i now further direct that you retire forthwith from the territory, by the same route you entered. should you deem this impracticable, and prefer to remain until spring in the vicinity of your present encampment, black's fork or greene river, you can do so in peace and unmolested, on condition that you deposit your arms and ammunition with lewis robinson, quartermaster general of the territory, and leave in the spring, as soon as the condition of the roads will permit you to march; and, should you fall short of provisions, they can be furnished you, upon making the proper applications therefor. general d. h. wells will forward this, and receive any communications you may have to make. "very respectfully, "brigham young, "governor and superintendent of indian affairs, utah territory." general wells's communication added to this impudent announcement the declaration, "it may be proper to add that i am here to aid in carrying out the instructions of governor young." on october colonel alexander, in a note to governor young, acknowledged the receipt of his enclosures, said that he would submit young's letter to the general commanding as soon as he arrived, and added, "in the meantime i have only to say that these troops are here by the orders of the president of the united states, and their future movements and operations will depend entirely upon orders issued by competent military authority." two mormon officers, general robinson and major lot smith, had been sent to deliver young's letter and proclamation to the federal officer in command, but they did not deem it prudent to perform this office in person, sending a mexican with them into colonel alexander's camp.* in the same way they received colonel alexander's reply. * tullidge's "history of salt lake city," p. . the mormon plan of campaign was already mapped out, and it was thus stated in an order of their commanding general, d. h. wells, a copy of which was found on a mormon major, joseph taylor, to whom it was addressed:-- "you will proceed, with all possible despatch, without injuring your animals, to the oregon road, near the bend of bear river, north by east of this place. take close and correct observations of the country on your route. when you approach the road, send scouts ahead to ascertain if the invading troops have passed that way. should they have passed, take a concealed route and get ahead of them, express to colonel benton, who is now on that road and in the vicinity of the troops, and effect a junction with him, so as to operate in concert. on ascertaining the locality or route of the troops, proceed at once to annoy them in every possible way. use every exertion to stampede their animals and set fire to their trains. burn the whole country before them and on their flanks. keep them from sleeping by night surprises; blockade the road by felling trees or destroying river fords, where you can. watch for opportunities to set fire to the grass on their windward, so as if possible to envelop their trains. leave no grass before them that can be burned. keep your men concealed as much as possible, and guard against surprise. keep scouts out at all times, and communications open with colonel benton, major mcallster and o. p. rockwell, who are operating in the same way. keep me advised daily of your movements, and every step the troops take, and in which direction. "god bless you and give you success. your brother in christ." the first man selected to carry out this order was major lot smith. setting out at p.m., on october , with forty-four men, after an all night's ride, he came up with a federal supply train drawn by oxen. the captain of this train was ordered to "go the other way till he reached the states." as he persistently retraced his steps as often as the mormons moved away, the latter relieved his wagons of their load and left him. sending one of his captains with twenty men to capture or stampede the mules of the tenth regiment, smith, with the remainder of his force, started for sandy fork to intercept army trains. scouts sent ahead to investigate a distant cloud of dust reported that it was made by a freight train of twenty-six wagons. smith allowed this train to proceed until dark, and then approached it undiscovered. finding the drivers drunk, as he afterward explained, and fearing that they would be belligerent and thus compel him to disobey his instruction "not to hurt any one except in self-defence," he lay concealed until after midnight. his scouts meanwhile had reported to him that the train was drawn up for the night in two lines. allowing the usual number of men to each wagon, smith decided that his force of twenty-four was sufficient to capture the outfit, and, mounting his command, he ordered an advance on the camp. but a surprise was in store for him. his scouts had failed to discover that a second train had joined the first, and that twice the force anticipated confronted them. when this discovery was made, the mormons were too close to escape observation. members of smith's party expected that their leader would now make some casual inquiry and then ride on, as if his destination were elsewhere. smith, however, decided differently. as his force approached the camp-fire that was burning close to the wagons, he noticed that the rear of his column was not distinguishable in the darkness, and that thus the smallness of their number could not be immediately discovered. he, therefore, asked at once for the captain of the train, and one dawson stepped forward. smith directed him to have his men collect their private property at once, as he intended to "put a little fire" into the wagons. "for god's sake, don't burn the trains," was the reply. dawson was curtly told where his men were to stack their arms, and where they were themselves to stand under guard. then, making a torch, smith ordered one of the government drivers to apply it, in order that "the gentiles might spoil the gentiles," as he afterward expressed it. the destruction of the supplies was complete. smith allowed an indian to take two wagon covers for a lodge, and some flour and soap, and compelled dawson to get out some provisions for his own men. nothing else was spared. the official list of rations thus destroyed included pounds of ham, , of bacon, , of flour, of coffee, of sugar, of soap, of sperm candles, of tea, of hard bread, and , rations of desiccated vegetables. another train was destroyed by the same party the next day on the big sandy, besides a few sutlers' wagons that were straggling behind. on october colonel alexander assumed command of all the troops in the camp. he found his position a trying one. in a report dated october , he said that his forage would last only fourteen days, that no information of the position or intentions of the commanding officer had reached him, and that, strange as it may appear, he was "in utter ignorance of the objects of the government in sending troops here, or the instructions given for their conduct after reaching here." in these circumstances, he called a council of his officers and decided to advance without waiting for colonel johnston and the other companies, as he believed that delay would endanger the entire force. he selected as his route to a wintering place, not the most direct one to salt lake city, inasmuch as the canyons could be easily defended, but one twice as long (three hundred miles), by way of soda springs, and thence either down bear river valley or northeast toward the wind river mountains, according to the resistance he might encounter. the march, in accordance with this decision, began on october , and a weary and profitless one it proved to be. snow was falling as the column moved, and the ground was covered with it during their advance. there was no trail, and a road had to be cut through the greasewood and sage brush. the progress was so slow--often only three miles a day--and the supply train so long, that camp would sometimes be pitched for the night before the rear wagons would be under way. wells's men continued to carry out his orders, and, in the absence of federal cavalry, with little opposition. one day eight hundred oxen were "cut out" and driven toward salt lake city. conditions like these destroyed the morale of both officers and men, and there were divided counsels among the former, and complaints among the latter. finally, after having made only thirty-five miles in nine days, colonel alexander himself became discouraged, called another council, and, in obedience to its decision, on october directed his force to retrace their steps. they moved back in three columns, and on november all of them had reached a camp on black's fork, two miles above fort bridger. colonel johnston had arrived at fort laramie on october , and, after a talk with captain van vliet, had retained two additional companies of infantry that were on the way to fort leavenworth. as he proceeded, rumors of the burning of trains, exaggerated as is usual in such times, reached him. having only about three hundred men to guard a wagon train six miles in length, some of the drivers showed signs of panic, and the colonel deemed the situation so serious that he accepted an offer of fifty or sixty volunteers from the force of the superintendent of the south pass wagon road. he was fortunate in having as his guide the well known james bridger, to whose knowledge of rocky mountain weather signs they owed escapes from much discomfort, by making camps in time to avoid coming storms. but even in camp a winter snowstorm is serious to a moving column, especially when it deprives the animals of their forage, as it did now. the forage supply was almost exhausted when south pass was reached, and the draught and beef cattle were in a sad plight. then came another big snowstorm and a temperature of l deg., during which eleven mules and a number of oxen were frozen to death. in this condition of affairs, colonel johnston decided that a winter advance into salt lake valley was impracticable. learning of colonel alexander's move, which he did not approve, he sent word for him to join forces with his own command on black's fork, and there the commanding officer arrived on november . lieutenant colonel cooke, of the second dragoons, with whom governor cumming was making the trip, had a harrowing experience. there was much confusion in organizing his regiment of six companies at fort leavenworth, and he did not begin his march until september , with a miserable lot of mules and insufficient supplies. he found little grass for the animals, and after crossing the south platte on october , they began to die or to drop out. from that point snow and sleet storms were encountered, and, when fort laramie was reached, so many of the animals had been left behind or were unable to travel, that some of his men were dismounted, the baggage supply was reduced, and even the ambulances were used to carry grain. after passing devil's gate, they encountered a snowstorm on november . the best shelter their guide could find was a lofty natural wall at a point known as three crossings. describing their night there he says: "only a part of the regiment could huddle behind the rock in the deep snow; whilst, the long night through, the storm continued, and in fearful eddies from above, before, behind, drove the falling and drifting snow. thus exposed, for the hope of grass the poor animals were driven, with great devotion, by the men once more across the stream and three-quarters of a mile beyond, to the base of a granite ridge, which almost faced the storm. there the famished mules, crying piteously, did not seek to eat, but desperately gathered in a mass, and some horses, escaping guard, went back to the ford, where the lofty precipice first gave us so pleasant relief and shelter." the march westward was continued through deep snow and against a cold wind. on november twenty-three mules had given out, and five wagons had to be abandoned. on the night of the th, when the mules were tied to the wagons, "they gnawed and destroyed four wagon tongues, a number of wagon covers, ate their ropes, and getting loose, ate the sage fuel collected at the tents." on november nine horses were left dying on the road, and the thermometer was estimated to have marked twenty-five degrees below zero. their thermometers were all broken, but the freezing of a bottle of sherry in a trunk gave them a basis of calculation. the command reached a camp three miles below fort bridger on november . of one hundred and forty-four horses with which they started, only ten reached that camp. chapter xiii. -- the mormon purpose when colonel johnston arrived at the black's fork camp the information he received from colonel alexander, and certain correspondence with the mormon authorities, gave him a comprehensive view of the situation; and on november he forwarded a report to army headquarters in the east, declaring that it was the matured design of the mormons "to hold and occupy this territory independent of and irrespective of the authority of the united states," entertaining "the insane design of establishing a form of government thoroughly despotic, and utterly repugnant to our institutions." the correspondence referred to began with a letter from brigham young to colonel alexander, dated october . opening with a declaration of young's patriotism, and the brazen assertion that the people of utah "had never resisted even the wish of the president of the united states, nor treated with indignity a single individual coming to the territory under his authority," he went on to say:-- "but when the president of the united states so far degrades his high position, and prostitutes the highest gift of the people, as to make use of the military power (only intended for the protection of the people's rights) to crush the people's liberties, and compel them to receive officials so lost to self-respect as to accept appointments against the known and expressed wish of the people, and so craven and degraded as to need an army to protect them in their position, we feel that we should be recreant to every principle of self-respect, honor, integrity, and patriotism to bow tamely to such high-handed tyranny, a parallel for which is only found in the attempts of the british government, in its most corrupt stages, against the rights, liberties, and lives of our forefathers." he then appealed to colonel alexander, as probably "the unwilling agent" of the administration, to return east with his force, saying, "i have yet to learn that united states officers are implicitly bound to obey the dictum of a despotic president, in violating the most sacred constitutional rights of american citizens." on october colonel alexander, acknowledging the receipt of young's letter, said in his reply that no one connected with his force had any wish to interfere in any way with the religion of the people of utah, adding: "i repeat my earnest desire to avoid violence and bloodshed, and it will require positive resistance to force me to it. but my troops have the same right of self-defence that you claim, and it rests entirely with you whether they are driven to the exercise of it." finding that he could not cajole the federal officer, young threw off all disguise, and in reply to an earlier letter of colonel alexander, he gave free play to his vituperative powers. after going over the old mormon complaints, and declaring that "both we and the kingdom of god will be free from all hellish oppressors, the lord being our helper," he wrote at great length in the following tone:-- "if you persist in your attempt to permanently locate an army in this territory, contrary to the wishes and constitutional rights of the people therein, and with a view to aid the administration in their unhallowed efforts to palm their corrupt officials upon us, and to protect them and blacklegs, black-hearted scoundrels, whoremasters, and murderers, as was the sole intention in sending you and your troops here, you will have to meet a mode of warfare against which your tactics furnish you no information.... "if george washington was now living, and at the helm of our government, he would hang the administration as high as he did andre, and that, too, with a far better grace and to a much greater subserving the best interests of our country.... "by virtue of my office as governor of the territory of utah, i command you to marshal your troops and leave this territory, for it can be of no possible benefit to you to wickedly waste treasures and blood in prosecuting your course upon the side of a rebellion against the general government by its administrators.... were you and your fellow officers as well acquainted with your soldiers as i am with mine, and did they understand the work they were now engaged in as well as you may understand it, you must know that many of them would immediately revolt from all connection with so ungodly, illegal, unconstitutional and hellish a crusade against an innocent people, and if their blood is shed it shall rest upon the heads of their commanders. with us it is the kingdom of god or nothing." to this colonel alexander replied, on the th, that no citizen of utah would be harmed through the instrumentality of the army in the performance of its duties without molestation, and that, as young's order to leave the territory was illegal and beyond his authority, it would not be obeyed. john taylor, on october , added to this correspondence a letter to captain marcy, in which he ascribed to party necessity the necessity of something with which to meet the declaration of the republicans against polygamy--the order of the president that troops should accompany the new governor to utah; declared that the religion of the mormons was "a right guaranteed to us by the constitution"; and reiterated their purpose, if driven to it, "to burn every house, tree, shrub, rail, every patch of grass and stack of straw and hay, and flee to the mountains." "how a large army would fare without resources," he added, "you can picture to yourself."* * text of this letter in house ex. doc. no. , st session, th congress, and tullidge's "history of salt lake city." the mormon authorities meant just what they said from the start. young was as determined to be the head of the civil government of the territory as he was to be the head of the church. he had founded a practical dictatorship, with power over life and property, and had discovered that such a dictatorship was necessary to the regulation of the flock that he had gathered around him and to the schemes that he had in mind. to permit a federal governor to take charge of the territory, backed up by troops who would sustain him in his authority, meant an end to young's absolute rule. rather than submit to this, he stood ready to make the experiment of fighting the government force, separated as that force was from its eastern base of supplies; to lay waste the mormon settlements, if it became necessary to use this method of causing a federal retreat by starvation; and, if this failed, to withdraw his flock to some new zion farther south. in accordance with this view, as soon as news of the approach of the troops reached salt lake valley, all the church industries stopped; war supplies weapons and clothing were manufactured and accumulated; all the elders in europe were ordered home, and the outlying colonies in carson valley and in southern california were directed to hasten to salt lake city. a correspondent of the san francisco bulletin at san bernardino, california, reported that in the last six months the mormons there had sent four or five tons of gunpowder and many weapons to utah, and that, when the order to "gather" at the mormon metropolis came, they sacrificed everything to obey it, selling real estate at a reduction of from to per cent, and furniture for any price that it would bring. the same sacrifices were made in carson valley, where wagons were required to accommodate the movers. in salt lake city the people were kept wrought up to the highest pitch by the teachings of their leaders. thus, amasa w. lyman told them, on october , that they would not be driven away, because "the time has come when the kingdom of god should be built up."* young told them the same day, "if we will stand up as men and women of god, the yoke shall never be placed upon our necks again, and all hell cannot overthrow us, even with the united states troops to help them."** kimball told the people in the tabernacle, on october : "they [the united states] will have to make peace with us, and we never again shall make peace with them. if they come here, they have got to give up their arms." describing his plan of campaign, at the same service, after the reading of the correspondence between young and colonel alexander, young said: "do you want to know what is going to be done with the enemies now on our border? as soon as they start to come into our settlements, let sleep depart from their eyes and slumber from their eyelids until they sleep in death. men shall be secreted here and there, and shall waste away our enemies in the name of israel's god."*** * journal of discourses, vol. v, p. . ** ibid., vol. v, p. *** ibid., vol. v, p. . young was equally explicit in telling members of his own flock what they might expect if they tried to depart at that time. in a discourse in the tabernacle, on october , he said:-- "if any man or woman in utah wants to leave this community, come to me and i will treat you kindly, as i always have, and will assist you to leave; but after you have left our settlements you must not then depend upon me any longer, nor upon the god i serve. you must meet the doom you have labored for.... after this season, when this ignorant army has passed off, i shall never again say to a man, 'stay your rifle ball,' when our enemies assail us, but shall say, 'slay them where you find them."'* * ibid, vol. v, p. . kimball, on november , spoke with equal plainness on this subject:-- "when it is necessary that blood should be shed, we should be as ready to do that as to eat an apple. that is my religion, and i feel that our platter is pretty near clean of some things, and we calculate to keep it clean from this time henceforth and forever .... and if men and women will not live their religion, but take a course to pervert the hearts of the righteous, we will 'lay judgment to the line and righteousness to the plummet,' and we will let you know that the earth can swallow you up as did koran with his hosts; and, as brother taylor says, you may dig your graves, and we will slay you and you may crawl into them."* * journal of discourses, vol. vi, p. . the mormon songs of the day breathed the same spirit of defiance to the united states authorities. a popular one at the tabernacle services began:-- "old uncle sam has sent, i understand, du dah, a missouri ass to rule our land, du dah! du dah day. but if he comes we'll have some fun, du dah, to see him and his juries run, du dah! du dah day. chorus: then let us be on hand, by brigham young to stand, and if our enemies do appear, we'll sweep them from the land." another still more popular song, called "zion," contained these words:-- "here our voices we'll raise, and will sing to thy praise, sacred home of the prophets of god; thy deliverance is nigh, thy oppressors shall die, and the gentiles shall bow 'neath thy rod." when the mormons found that the federal forces had gone into winter quarters, the nauvoo legion was massed in a camp called camp weber, at the mouth of echo canyon. this canyon they fortified with ditches and breastworks, and some dams intended to flood the roadway; but they succeeded in erecting no defences which could not have been easily overcome by a disciplined force. a watch was set day and night, so that no movement of "the invaders" could escape them, and the officer in charge was particularly forbidden to allow any civil officer appointed by the president to pass. this careful arrangement was kept up all winter, but tullidge says that no spies were necessary, as deserting soldiers and teamsters from the federal camp kept coming into the valley with information. the territorial legislature met in december, and approved governor young's course, every member signing a pledge to maintain "the rights and liberties" of the territory. the legislators sent a memorial to congress, dated january , , demanding to be informed why "a hostile course is pursued toward an unoffending people," calling the officers who had fled from the territory liars, declaring that "we shall not again hold still while fetters are being forged to bind us," etc. this offensive document reached washington in march, and was referred in each house to the committee on territories, where it remained. when the federal forces reached fort bridger, they found that the mormons had burned the buildings, and it was decided to locate the winter camp--named camp scott--on black's fork, two miles above the fort. the governor and other civil officers spent the winter in another camp near by, named "ecklesville," occupying dugouts, which they covered with an upper story of plastered logs. there was a careful apportionment of rations, but no suffering for lack of food. an incident of the winter was the expedition of captain randolph b. marcy across the uinta mountains to new mexico, with two guides and thirty-five volunteer companions, to secure needed animals. the story of his march is one of the most remarkable on record, the company pressing on, even after indian guides refused to accompany them to what they said was certain death, living for days only on the meat supplied by half-starved mules, and beating a path through deep snow. this march continued from november to january , when, with the loss of only one man, they reached the valley of the rio del norte, where supplies were obtained from fort massachusetts. captain marcy started back on march , selecting a course which took him past long's and pike's peaks. he reached camp scott on june , with about fifteen hundred horses and mules, escorted by five companies of infantry and mounted riflemen. during the winter governor cumming sent to brigham young a proclamation notifying him of the arrival of the new territorial officers, and assuring the people that he would resort to the military posse only in case of necessity. judge eckles held a session of the united states district court at camp scott on december , and the grand jury of that court found indictments for treason, resting on young's proclamation and wells's instructions, against young, kimball, wells, taylor, grant, locksmith, rockwell, hickman, and many others, but of course no arrests were made. meanwhile, at washington, preparations were making to sustain the federal authority in utah as soon as spring opened.* congress made an appropriation, and authorized the enlistment of two regiments of volunteers; three thousand regular troops and two batteries were ordered to the territory, and general scott was directed to sail for the pacific coast with large powers. but general scott did not sail, the army contracts created a scandal,** and out of all this preparation for active hostilities came peace without the firing of a shot; out of all this open defiance and vilification of the federal administration by the mormon church came abject surrender by the administration itself. * for the correspondence concerning the camp during the winter of , see sen. doc., d session, th congress, vol. ii. ** colonel albert g. brown, jr., in his account of the utah expedition in the atlantic monthly for april, , said: "to the shame of the administration these gigantic contracts, involving an amount of more than $ , , , were distributed with a view to influence votes in the house of representatives upon the lecompton bill. some of the lesser ones, such as those for furnishing mules, dragoon horses, and forage, were granted arbitrarily to relatives or friends of members who were wavering upon that question." the principal contract, that for the transportation of all the supplies, involving for the year the amount of $ , , , was granted, without advertisement or subdivision, to a firm in western missouri, whose members had distinguished themselves in the effort to make kansas a slave state, and now contributed liberally to defray the election expenses of the democratic party." chapter xiv. -- colonel kane's mission when major van vliet returned from utah to washington with young's defiant ultimatum, he was accompanied by j. m. bernhisel, the territorial delegate to congress, who was allowed to retain his seat during the entire "war," a motion for his expulsion, introduced soon after congress met, being referred to a committee which never reported on it, the debate that arose only giving further proof of the ignorance of the lawmakers about mormon history, mormon government, and mormon ambition. in washington bernhisel was soon in conference with colonel t. l. kane, that efficient ally of the mormons, who had succeeded so well in deceiving president fillmore. in his characteristically wily manner, kane proposed himself to the president as a mediator between the federal authorities and the mormon leaders.* at that early date buchanan was not so ready for a compromise as he soon became, and the cabinet did not entertain kane's proposition with any enthusiasm. but kane secured from the president two letters, dated december .** the first stated, in regard to kane, "you furnish the strongest evidence of your desire to serve the mormons by undertaking so laborious a trip," and that "nothing but pure philanthropy, and a strong desire to serve the mormon people, could have dictated a course so much at war with your private interests." if kane presented this credential to young on his arrival in salt lake city, what a glorious laugh the two conspirators must have had over it! the president went on to reiterate the views set forth in his last annual message, and to say: "i would not at the present moment, in view of the hostile attitude they have assumed against the united states, send any agent to visit them on behalf of the government." the second letter stated that kane visited utah from his own sense of duty, and commended him to all officers of the united states whom he might meet. * h. h. bancroft ("history of utah," p. ) accepts the ridiculous mormon assertion that buchanan was compelled to change his policy toward the mormons by unfavorable comments "throughout the united states and throughout europe." stenhouse says ("rocky mountain saints," p. ): "that the initiatory steps for the settlement of the utah difficulties were made by the government, as is so constantly repeated by the saints, is not true. the author, at the time of colonel kane's departure from new york for utah, was on the staff of the new york herald, and was conversant with the facts, and confidentially communicated them to frederick hudson, esq., the distinguished manager of that great journal." ** sen. doc., d session. th congress, vol. ii, pp. - . kane's method of procedure was, throughout, characteristic of the secret agent of such an organization as the mormon church. he sailed from new york for san francisco the first week in january, , under the name of dr. osborn. as soon as he landed, he hurried to southern california, and, joining the mormons who had been called in from san bernardino, he made the trip to utah with them, arriving in salt lake city in february. on the evening of the day of his arrival he met the presidency and the twelve, and began an address to them as follows: "i come as ambassador from the chief executive of our nation, and am prepared and duly authorized to lay before you, most fully and definitely, the feelings and views of the citizens of our common country and of the executive toward you, relative to the present position of this territory, and relative to the army of the united states now upon your borders." this is the report of kane's words made by tullidge in his "life of brigham young." how the statement agrees with kane's letters from the president is apparent on its face. the only explanation in kane's favor is that he had secret instructions which contradicted those that were written and published. kane told the church officers that he wished to "enlist their sympathies for the poor soldiers who are now suffering in the cold and snow of the mountains!" an interview of half an hour with young followed--too private in its character to be participated in even by the other heads of the church. an informal discussion ensued, the following extracts from which, on mormon authority, illustrate kane's sympathies and purpose:-- "did dr. bernhisel take his seat?" kane--"yes. he was opposed by the arkansas member and a few others, but they were treated as fools by more sagacious members; for, if the delegate had been refused his seat, it would have been tantamount to a declaration of war." "i suppose they [the cabinet] are united in putting down utah?" kane--"i think not."* * tullidge's "history of salt lake city," p. . kane was placed as a guest, still incognito, in the house of an elder, and, after a few days' rest, he set out for camp scott. his course on arriving there, on march , was again characteristic of the crafty emissary. not even recognizing the presence of the military so far as to reply to a sentry's challenge, the latter fired on him, and he in turn broke his own weapon over the sentry's head. when seized, he asked to be taken to governor cumming, not to general johnston.* "the compromise," explains tullidge, "which buchanan had to effect with the utmost delicacy, could only be through the new governor, and that, too, by his heading off the army sent to occupy utah." a fancied insult from general johnston due to an orderly's mistake led kane to challenge the general to a duel; but a meeting was prevented by an order from judge eckles to the marshal to arrest all concerned if his command to the contrary was not obeyed. "governor cumming," continued tullidge, "could do nothing less than espouse the cause of the `ambassador' who was there in the execution of a mission intrusted to him by the president of the united states."** * colonel johnston was made a brigadier general that winter. ** kane brought an impudent letter from young, saying that he had learned that the united states troops were very destitute of provisions, and offering to send them beef cattle and flour. general johnston replied to kane that he had an abundance of provisions, and that, no matter what might be the needs of his army, he "would neither ask nor receive from president young and his confederates any supplies while they continued to be enemies of the government" kane replied to this the next day, expressing a fear that "it must greatly prejudice the public interest to refuse mr. young's proposal in such a manner," and begging the general to reconsider the matter. no farther notice seems to have been taken of the offer. kane did not make any mistake in his selection of the person to approach in camp. judged by the results, and by his admissions in after years, the most charitable explanation of cumming's course is that he was hoodwinked from the beginning by such masters in the art of deception as kane and young. a woman in salt lake city, writing to her sons in the east at the time, described the governor as in "appearance a very social, good-natured looking gentleman, a good specimen of an old country aristocrat, at ease in himself and at peace with all the world."* such a man, whom the acts and proclamations and letters of young did not incite to indignation, was in a very suitable frame of mind to be cajoled into adopting a policy which would give him the credit of bringing about peace, and at the same time place him at the head of the territorial affairs. * new york herald, july , . for personal recollections of cumming, see perry's "reminiscences of public men," p. . what is said by governor perry of cumming's utah career is valueless. in looking into the causes of what was, from this time, a backing down by both parties to this controversy, we find at washington that lack of an aggressive defence of the national interests confided to him by his office which became so much more evident in president buchanan a few years later. defied and reviled personally by young in the latter's official communications, there was added reason to those expressed in the president's first message why this first rebellion, as he called it, "should be put down in such a manner that it shall be the last." but a wider question was looming up in kansas, one in which the whole nation recognized a vital interest; a bigger struggle attracted the attention of the leading members of the cabinet. the lecompton constitution was a matter of vastly more interest to every politician than the government of the sandy valley which the mormons occupied in distant utah. on the mormon side, defiant as young was, and sincere as was his declaration that he would leave the valley a desert before the advance of a hostile force, his way was not wholly clear. his legion could not successfully oppose disciplined troops, and he knew it. the conviction of himself and his associates on the indictments for treason could be prevented before an unbiased non-mormon jury only by flight. abjectly as his people obeyed him,--so abjectly that they gave up all their gold and silver to him that winter in exchange for bank notes issued by a company of which he was president,--the necessity of a reiteration of the determination to rule by the plummet showed that rebellion was at least a possibility? that young realized his personal peril was shown by some "instructions and remarks" made by him in the tabernacle just after kane set out for fort bridger, and privately printed for the use of his fellow-leaders. he expressed the opinion that if joseph smith had "followed the revelations in him" (meaning the warnings of danger), he would have been among them still. "i do not know precisely," said young, "in what manner the lord will lead me, but were i thrown into the situation joseph was, i would leave the people and go into the wilderness, and let them do the best they could.... we are in duty bound to preserve life--to preserve ourselves on earth--consequently we must use policy, and follow in the counsel given us." he pointed out the sure destruction that awaited them if they opened fire on the soldiers, and declared that he was going to a desert region in the territory which he had tried to have explored "a desert region that no man knows anything about," with "places here and there in it where a few families could live," and the entire extent of which would provide homes for five hundred thousand people, if scattered about. in these circumstances "a way out" that would free the federal administration from an unpleasant complication, and leave young still in practical control in utah, was not an unpleasant prospect for either side. a long utah letter to the near york herald (which had been generally pro-mormon in tone) dated camp scott, may , , contained the following: "some of the deceived followers of the latest false prophet arrived at this post in a most deplorable condition. one mater familiar had crossed the mountains during very severe weather in almost a state of nudity. her dress consisted of a part of a single skirt, part of a man's shirt, and a portion of a jacket. thus habited, without a shoe or a thread more, she had walked miles in snow, the greater part of the way up to her knees, and carried in her arms a sucking babe less than six weeks old. the soldiers pulled off their clothes and gave them to the unfortunate woman. the absconding saints who arrive here tell a great many stories about the condition and feeling of their brethren who still remain in the land of promise.... thousands and thousands of persons, both men and women, are represented to be exceedingly desirous of not going south with the church, but are compelled to by fear of death or otherwise." governor cumming, in his report to secretary cass on the situation as he found it when he entered salt lake city, said that, learning that a number of persons desirous of leaving the territory "considered themselves to be unlawfully restrained of their liberty," he decided, even at the risk of offending the mormons, to give public notice of his readiness to assist such persons. in consequence, men, women, and children sought his protection in order to proceed to the states. "the large majority of these people;" he explained, "are of english birth, and state that they leave the congregation from a desire to improve their circumstances and realize elsewhere more money for their labor." kane having won governor cumming to his view of the situation, and having created ill feeling between the governor and the chief military commander, the way was open for the next step. the plan was to have governor cumming enter salt lake valley without any federal troops, and proceed to salt lake city under a mormon escort of honor, which was to meet him when he came within a certain distance of that city. this he consented to do. kane stayed in "camp eckles" until april, making one visit to the outskirts to hold a secret conference with the mormons, and, doubtless, to arrange the details of the trip. on april governor cumming informed general johnston of his decision, and he set out two days later. general johnston's view of the policy to be pursued toward the mormons was expressed in a report to army headquarters, dated january :-- "knowing how repugnant it would be to the policy or interest of the government to do any act that would force these people into unpleasant relations with the federal government, i have, in conformity with the views also of the commanding general, on all proper occasions manifested in my intercourse with them a spirit of conciliation. but i do not believe that such consideration of them would be properly appreciated now, or rather would be wrongly interpreted; and, in view of the treasonable temper and feeling now pervading the leaders and a greater portion of the mormons, i think that neither the honor nor the dignity of the government will allow of the slightest concession being made to them." judge eckles did not conceal his determination not to enter salt lake city until the flag of his country was waving there, holding it a shame that men should be detained there in subjection to such a despot as brigham young. leaving camp accompanied only by colonel kane and two servants, governor cumming found his mormon guard awaiting him a few miles distant. his own account of the trip and of his acts during the next three weeks of his stay in mormondom may be found in a letter to general johnston and a report to secretary of state cass.* as echo canyon was supposed to be thoroughly fortified, and there was not positive assurance that a conflict might not yet take place, the governor was conducted through it by night. he says that he was "agreeably surprised" by the illuminations in his honor. very probably he so accepted them, but the fires lighted along the sides and top of the canyon were really intended to appear to him as the camp-fires of a big mormon army. this deception was further kept up by the appearance of challenging parties at every turn, who demanded the password of the escort, and who, while the governor was detained, would hasten forward to a new station and go through the form of challenging again: once he was made the object of an apparent attack, from which he was rescued by the timely arrival of officers of authority.** * for text, see tullidge's "history of salt lake city," pp. - . ** "in course of time cumming discovered how the mormon leaders had imposed upon him and amused themselves with his credulity, and to the last hour that he was in the territory he felt annoyed at having been so absurdly deceived, and held brigham responsible for the mortifying joke."--"rocky mountain saints," p. . the trip to salt lake city occupied a week, and on the th the governor entered the mormon metropolis, escorted by the city officers and other persons of distinction in the community, and was assigned as a guest to w. c. staines, an influential mormon elder. there young immediately called on him, and was received with friendly consideration. asked by his host, when the head of the church took his leave, if young appeared to be a tyrant, governor cumming replied: "no, sir. no tyrant ever had a head on his shoulders like mr. young. he is naturally a good man. i doubt whether many of your people sufficiently appreciate him as a leader."* this was the judgment of a federal officer after a few moments' conversation with the reviler of the government and a month's coaching by colonel kane. three days later, governor cumming officially notified general johnston of his arrival, and stated that he was everywhere recognized as governor, and "universally greeted with such respectful attentions" as were due to his office. there was no mention of any advance of the troops, nor any censure of mormon offenders, but the general was instructed to use his forces to recover stock alleged to have been stolen from the mormons by indians, and to punish the latter, and he was informed that indian agent hurt (who had so recently escaped from mormon clutches) was charged by w. h. hooper, the mormon who had acted as secretary of state during recent months, with having incited indians to hostility, and should be investigated! verily, colonel kane's work was thoroughly performed. general johnston replied, expressing gratification at the governor's reception, requesting to be informed when the mormon force would be withdrawn from the route to salt lake city, and saying that he had inquired into dr. hurt's case, and had satisfied himself "that he has faithfully discharged his duty as agent, and that he has given none but good advice to the indians." * tullidge's "history of salt lake city," p. . on the sunday after his arrival young introduced governor cumming to the people in the tabernacle, and then a remarkable scene ensued. stenhouse says that the proceedings were all arranged in advance. cumming was acting the part of the vigilant defender of the laws, and at the same time as conciliator, doing what his authority would permit to keep the mormon leaders free from the presence of troops and from the jurisdiction of federal judges. but he was not all-powerful in this respect. general johnston had orders that would allow him to dispose of his forces without obedience to the governor, and the governor could not quash the indictments found by judge eckles's grand jury. young's knowledge of this made him cautious in his reliance on governor gumming. then, too, young had his own people to deal with, and he would lose caste with them if he made a surrender which left mormondom practically in federal control. when governor cumming was introduced to the congregation of nearly four thousand people he made a very conciliatory address, in which, however, according to his report to secretary cass,* he let them know that he had come to vindicate the national sovereignty, "and to exact an unconditional submission on their part to the dictates of the law"; but informed them that they were entitled to trial by their peers,--intending to mean mormon peers,--that he had no intention of stationing the army near their settlements, or of using a military posse until other means of arrest had failed. after this practical surrender of authority, the governor called for expressions of opinion from the audience, and he got them. that audience had been nurtured for years on the oratory of young and kimball and grant, and had seen judge brocchus vilified by the head of the church in the same building; and the responses to governor cumming's invitation were of a kind to make an eastern gentile quail, especially one like the innocent cumming, who thought them "a people who habitually exercised great self-control." one speaker went into a review of mormon wrongs since the tarring of the prophet in ohio, holding the federal government responsible, and naming as the crowning outrage the sending of a missourian to govern them. this was too much for cumming, and he called out, "i am a georgian, sir, a georgian." the congregation gave the governor the lie to his face, telling him that they would not believe that he was their friend until he sent the soldiers back. "it was a perfect bedlam," says an eyewitness, "and gross personal remarks were made. one man said, 'you're nothing but an office seeker.' the governor replied that he obtained his appointment honorably and had not solicited it."** if all this was a piece of acting arranged by young to show his flock that he was making no abject surrender, it was well done.*** * ex. doc. no. , st session, th congress. ** coverdale's statement in camp scott letter, june , , to new york herald. *** "brigham was seated beside the governor on the platform, and tried to control the unruly spirits. governor cumming may for the moment have been deceived by this apparent division among the mormons, but three years later he told the author that it was all of a piece with the incidents of his passage through echo canyon. in his characteristic brusque way he said: 'it was all humbug, sir, all humbug; but never mind; it is all over now. if it did them good, it did not hurt me.'"--"rocky mountain saints," p. . young's remarks on march had been having their effect while cumming was negotiating, and an exodus from the northern settlements was under way which only needed to be augmented by a movement from the valley to make good young's declaration that they would leave their part of the territory a desert. no official order for this movement had been published, but whatever direction was given was sufficient. peace commissioners powell and mccullough, in a report to the secretary of war dated july , , said on this subject: "we were informed by various (discontented) mormons, who lived in the settlements north of provo, that they had been forced to leave their homes and go to the southern part of the territory.... we were also informed that at least one-third of the persons who had removed from their homes were compelled to do so. we were told that many were dissatisfied with the mormon church, and would leave it whenever they could with safety to themselves. we are of opinion that the leaders of the mormon church congregated the people in order to exercise more immediate control over them." not only were houses deserted, but growing crops were left and heavier household articles abandoned, and the roads leading to the south and through salt lake city were crowded day by day with loaded wagons, their owners--even the women, often shoeless trudging along and driving their animals before them. these refugees were, a little later, joined by young and most of his associates, and by a large part of the inhabitants of salt lake city itself. it was estimated by the army officers at the time that , of a total population of , in the territory, took part in this movement. when they abandoned their houses they left them tinder boxes which only needed the word of command, when the troops advanced, to begin a general conflagration. by june the refugees were collected on the western shore of utah lake, fifty miles south of salt lake city. what a picture of discomfort and positive suffering this settlement presented can be partly imagined. the town of provo near by could accommodate but a few of the new-comers, and for dwellings the rest had recourse to covered wagons, dugouts, cabins of logs, and shanties of boards--anything that offered any protection. there was a lack of food, and it was the old life of the plains again, without the daily variety presented when the trains were moving. in his report to secretary cass, dated may , governor cumming, after describing this exodus as a matter of great concern, said:-- "i shall follow these people and try to rally them. our military force could overwhelm most of these poor people, involving men, women, and children in a common fate; but there are among the mormons many brave men accustomed to arms and horses, men who could fight desperately as guerillas; and, if the settlements are destroyed, will subject the country to an expensive and protracted war, without any compensating results. they will, i am sure, submit to 'trial by their peers,' but they will not brook the idea of trial by 'juries' composed of 'teamsters and followers of the camp,' nor any army encamped in their cities or dense settlements." what kind of justice their idea of "trial by their peers" meant was disclosed in the judicial history of the next few years. this report, which also recited the insults the governor had received in the tabernacle, was sent to congress on june by president buchanan, with a special message, setting forth that he had reason to believe that "our difficulties with the territory have terminated, and the reign of the constitution and laws been restored," and saying that there was no longer any use of calling out the authorized regiments of volunteers. chapter xv. -- the peace commission governor cumming's report of may did not reach washington until june , but the president's volte-face had begun before that date, and when the situation in utah was precisely as it was when he had assured colonel kane that he would send no agent to the mormons while they continued their defiant attitude. under date of april he issued a proclamation, in which he recited the outrages on the federal officers in utah, the warlike attitude and acts of the mormon force, which, he pointed out, constituted rebellion and treason; declared that it was a grave mistake to suppose that the government would fail to bring them into submission; stated that the land occupied by the mormons belonged to the united states; and disavowed any intention to interfere with their religion; and then, to save bloodshed and avoid indiscriminate punishment where all were not equally guilty, he offered "a free and full pardon to all who will submit themselves to the just authority of the federal government." this proclamation was intrusted to two peace commissioners, l. w. powell of kentucky and major ben. mccullough of texas. powell had been governor of his state, and was then united states senator-elect. mccullough had seen service in texas before the war with mexico, and been a daring scout under scott in the latter war. he was killed at the battle of pea ridge, arkansas, in , in command of a confederate corps. these commissioners were instructed by the secretary of war to give the president's proclamation extensive circulation in utah. without entering into any treaty or engagements with the mormons, they were to "bring those misguided people to their senses" by convincing them of the uselessness of resistance, and how much submission was to their interest. they might, in so doing, place themselves in communication with the mormon leaders, and assure them that the movement of the army had no reference to their religious tenets. the determination was expressed to see that the federal officers appointed for the territory were received and installed, and that the laws were obeyed, and colonel kane was commended to them as likely to be of essential service. the commissioners set out from fort leavenworth on april , travelling in ambulances, their party consisting of themselves, five soldiers, five armed teamsters, and a wagon master. they arrived at camp scott on may , the reenforcements for the troops following them. the publication of the president's proclamation was a great surprise to the military. "there was none of the bloodthirsty excitement in the camp which was reported in the states to have prevailed there," says colonel brown, "but there was a feeling of infinite chagrin, a consciousness that the expedition was only a pawn on mr. buchanan's political chessboard; and reproaches against his folly were as frequent as they were vehement."* * atlantic monthly, april, . the commissioners were not long in discovering the untrustworthy character of any advices they might receive from governor cumming. in their report of june to the secretary of war, they mentioned his opinion that almost all the military organizations of the territory had been disbanded, adding, "we fear that the leaders of the mormon people have not given the governor correct information of affairs in the valley." they also declared it to be of the first importance that the army should advance into the valley before the mormons could burn the grass or crops, and they gave general johnston the warmest praise. the commissioners set out for salt lake city on june , governor cumming who had returned to camp scott with colonel kane following them. on reaching the city they found that young and the other leaders were with the refugees at provo. a committee of three mormons expressed to the commissioners the wish of the people that they would have a conference with young, and on the th young, kimball, wells, and several of the twelve arrived, and a meeting was arranged for the following day. there are two accounts of the ensuing conferences, the official reports of the commissioners,* which are largely statements of results, and a mormon report in the journal kept by wilford woodruff.** at the first conference, the commissioners made a statement in line with the president's proclamation and with their instructions, offering pardon on submission, and declaring the purpose of the government to enforce submission by the employment of the whole military force of the nation, if necessary. woodruff's "reflection" on this proposition was that the president found that congress would not sustain him, and so was seeking a way of retreat. while the conference was in session, o.p. rockwell entered and whispered to young. the latter, addressing governor cumming, asked, "are you aware that those troops are on the move toward the city?" the compliant governor replied, "it cannot be."*** what followed woodruff thus relates:-- * sen. doc., d session, th congress, vol. ii, p. . ** quoted in tullidge's "history of salt lake city," p. . *** governor cumming on june despatched a letter to general johnston saying that he had denied the report of the advance of the army, and that the general was pledged not to advance until he had received communications from the peace commissioners and the governor. the general replied on the th that he did say he would not advance until he heard from the governor, but that this was not a pledge; that his orders from the president were to occupy the territory; that his supplies had arrived earlier than anticipated, and that circumstances required an advance at once. "'is brother dunbar present?' enquired brigham. "'yes, sir,' responded someone. what was coming now? "'brother dunbar, sing zion.' the scotch songster came forward and sang the soul-stirring lines by c. w. penrose."* * see p. , ante. interpreted, this meant, "stop that army or our peace conference is ended." woodruff adds:-- "after the meeting, mccullough and gov. cumming took a stroll together. 'what will you do with such a people?' asked the governor, with a mixture of admiration and concern. 'd--n them, i would fight them if i had my way,' answered mccullough. 'fight them, would you? you might fight them, but you would never whip them. they would never know when they were whipped.'" at the second day's conference brigham young uttered his final defiance and then surrendered. declaring that he had done nothing for which he desired the president's forgiveness, he satisfied the pride of his followers with such declarations as these:-- "i can take a few of the boys here, and, with the help of the lord, can whip the whole of the united states. boys, how do you feel? are you afraid of the united states? (great demonstration among the brethren.) no. no. we are not afraid of man, nor of what he can do." "the united states are going to destruction as fast as they can go. if you do not believe it, gentlemen, you will soon see it to your sorrow." but here was the really important part of his remarks: "now, let me say to you peace commissioners, we are willing those troops should come into our country, but not to stay in our city. they may pass through it, if needs be, but must not quarter less than forty miles from us." impudent as was this declaration to the representatives of the government, it marked the end of the "war". the commissioners at once notified general johnston that the mormon leaders had agreed not to resist the execution of the laws in the territory, and to consent that the military and civil officers should discharge their duties. they suggested that the general issue a proclamation, assuring the people that the army would not trespass on the rights or property of peaceable citizens, and this the general did at once. the mormon leaders, being relieved of the danger of a trial for treason, now stood in dread of two things, the quartering of the army among them, and a vigorous assault on the practice of polygamy. judge eckles's district court had begun its spring term at fort bridger on april , and the judge had charged the grand jury very plainly in regard to plural marriages. on this subject he said:-- "it cannot be concealed, gentlemen, that certain domestic arrangements exist in this territory destructive of the peace, good order, and morals of society--arrangements at variance with those of all enlightened and christian communities in the world; and, sapping as they do the very foundation of all virtue, honesty, and morality, it is an imperative duty falling upon you as grand jurors diligently to inquire into this evil and make every effort to check its growth. "there is no law in this territory punishing polygamy, but there is one, however, for the punishment of adultery; and all illegal intercourse between the sexes, if either party have a husband or wife living at the time, is adulterous and punishable by indictment. the law was made to punish the lawless and disobedient, and society is entitled to the salutary effects of its execution." no indictments were found that spring for this offence, but the mormons stood in great dread of continued efforts by the judge to enforce the law as he interpreted it. of the nature of the real terms made with the mormons, colonel brown says:-- "no assurances were given by the commissioners upon either of these subjects. they limited their action to tendering the president's pardon, and exhorting the mormons to accept it. outside the conferences, however, without the knowledge of the commissioners, assurances were given on both these subjects by the governor and superintendent of indian affairs, which proved satisfactory to brigham young. the exact nature of their pledges will, perhaps, never be disclosed; but from subsequent confessions volunteered by the superintendent, who appears to have acted as the tool of the governor through the whole affair, it seems probable that they promised explicitly to exert their influence to quarter the army in cache valley, nearly one hundred miles north of salt lake city, and also to procure the removal of judge eckles."* * atlantic monthly, april, . young told the mormons at provo on june , : "we have reason to believe that colonel kane, on his arrival at the frontier, telegraphed to washington, and that orders were immediately sent to stop the march of the army for ten days."--journal of discourses, vol. vii, p. . captain marcy had reached camp scott on june , with his herd of horses and mules, and colonel hoffman with the first division of the supply train which left fort laramie on march ; on the th captain hendrickspn arrived with the remainder of the trains; and on the th the long-expected movement from camp scott to the mormon city began. to the soldiers who had spent the winter inactive, except as regards their efforts to keep themselves from freezing, the order to advance was a welcome one. late as was the date, there had been a snowfall at fort bridger only three days before, and the streams were full of water. the column was prepared therefore for bridge-making when necessary. when the little army was well under way the scene in the valley through which ran black's fork was an interesting one. the white walls of bridger's fort formed a background, with the remnants of the camp in the shape of sod chimneys, tent poles, and so forth next in front, and, slowly leaving all this, the moving soldiers, the long wagon trains, the artillery carriages and caissons, and on either flank mounted indians riding here and there, satisfying their curiosity with this first sight of a white man's army. the news that the mormons had abandoned their idea of resistance reached the troops the second day after they had started, and they had nothing more exciting to interest them on the way than the scenery and the mormon fortifications. salt lake city was reached on the th, and the march through it took place that day. to the soldiers, nothing was visible to indicate any abandonment of the hostile attitude of the mormons, much less any welcome. their leaders had returned to the camp at provo, and the only civilians in the city were a few hundred who had, for special reasons, been granted permission to return. the only woman in the whole city was mrs. cumming. the mormons had been ordered indoors early that morning by the guard; every flag on a public building had been taken down; every window was closed. the regimental bands and the creaking wagons alone disturbed the utter silence. the peace commissioners rode with general johnston, and the whole force encamped on the river jordan, just within the city limits. two days later, owing to a lack of wood and pasturage there, they were moved about fifteen miles westward, near the foot of the mountains. disregarding young's expressed wishes, and any understanding he might have had with governor cumming, general johnston selected cedar valley on lake utah for one of the three posts he was ordered to establish in the territory, and there his camp was pitched on july . governor cumming prepared a proclamation to the inhabitants of the territory, announcing that all persons were pardoned who submitted to the law, and that peace was restored, and inviting the refugees to return to their homes. the governor and the peace commissioners made a trip to the mormon camps, and addressed gatherings at provo and lehi. the governor bustled about everywhere, assuring every one that all the federal officers would "hold sacred the amnesty and pardon by the president of the united states, by g-d, sir, yes," and receiving from young the sneering reply, "we know all about it, governor." on july ., no northward movement of the people having begun, cumming told young that he intended to publish his proclamation. "do as you please," was the contemptuous reply; "to-morrow i shall get upon the tongue of my wagon, and tell the people that i am going home, and they can do as they please."* * tullidge's "history of salt lake city," p. . young did so, and that day the backward march of the people began. the real governor was the head of the church. chapter xvi. -- the mountain meadows massacre we may here interrupt the narrative of events subsequent to the restoration of peace in the territory, with the story of the most horrible massacre of white people by religious fanatics of their own race that has been recorded since that famous st. bartholemew's night in paris--the story of the mountain meadows massacre. committed on friday, september , ,--four days before the date of young's proclamation forbidding the united states troops to enter the territory--it was a considerable time before more than vague rumors of the crime reached the eastern states. no inquest or other investigation was held by mormon authority, no person participating in the slaughter was arrested by a mormon officer; and, when officers of the federal government first visited the scene, in the spring of , all that remained to tell the tale were human skulls and other bones lying where the wolves and coyotes had left them, with scraps of clothing caught here and there upon the vines and bushes. dr. charles brewer, the assistant army surgeon who was sent with a detail to bury the remains in may, , says in his gruesome report:-- "i reached a ravine fifty yards from the road, in which i found portions of the skeletons of many bodies,--skulls, bones, and matted hair,--most of which, on examination, i concluded to be those of men. three hundred and fifty yards further on another assembly of human remains was found, which, by all appearance, had been left to decay upon the surface; skulls and bones, most of which i believed to be those of women, some also of children, probably ranging from six to twelve years of age. here, too, were found masses of women's hair, children's bonnets, such as are generally used upon the plains, and pieces of lace, muslin, calicoes, and other materials. many of the skulls bore marks of violence, being pierced with bullet holes, or shattered by heavy blows, or cleft with some sharp-edged instrument."* * sen. doc. no. , st session, th congress. more than seventeen years passed before officers of the united states succeeded in securing the needed evidence against any of the persons responsible for these wholesale murders, and a jury which would bring in a verdict of guilty. then a single mormon paid the penalty of his crime. he died asserting that he was the one victim surrendered by the mormon church to appease the public demand for justice. the closest students of the mountain meadows massacre and of brigham young's rule will always give the most credence to this statement of john d. lee. indeed, to acquit young of responsibility for this crime, it would be necessary to prove that the sermons and addresses in the journal of discourses are forgeries. in the summer of a party was made up in arkansas to cross the plains to southern california by way of utah, under direction of a captain fancher.* this party differed from most emigrant parties of the day both in character and equipment. it numbered some thirty families,--about individuals,--men, women, and children. they were people of means, several of them travelling in private carriages, and their equipment included thirty horses and mules, and about six hundred head of cattle, when they arrived in utah. most of them seem to have been methodists, and they had a preacher of that denomination with them. prayers were held in camp every night and morning, and they never travelled on sundays. they did not hurry on, as the gold seekers were wont to do in those days, but made their trip one of pleasure, sparing themselves and their animals, and enjoying the beauties and novelties of the route.** * stenhouse says that travelling the same route, and encamping near the arkansans, was a company from missouri who called themselves "missouri wildcats," and who were so boisterous that the arkansans were warned not to travel with them to utah. whitney says that the two parties travelled several days apart after leaving salt lake city. no mention of a separate company of missourians appears in the official and court reports of the massacre. ** jacob forney, in his official report, says that he made the most careful inquiry regarding the conduct of the emigrants after they entered the territory, and could testify that the company conducted themselves "with propriety." in the years immediately following the massacre, when the mormons were trying to attribute the crime to indians, much was said about the party having poisoned a spring and caused the death of indians and their cattle. forney found that one ox did die near their camp, but that its death was caused by a poisonous weed. whitney, the church historian, who of course acquits the church of any responsibility for the massacre, draws a very black picture of the emigrants, saying, for instance, that at cedar creek "their customary proceeding of burning fences, whipping the heads off chickens, or shooting them in the streets or private dooryards, to the extreme danger of the inhabitants, was continued. one of them, a blustering fellow riding a gray horse, flourished his pistol in the face of the wife of one of the citizens, all the time making insulting proposals and uttering profane threats."--"history of utah," vol. i, p. . every emigrant train for california then expected to restock in utah. the mormons had profited by this traffic, and such a thing as non-intercourse with travellers in the way of trade was as yet unheard of. but young was now defying the government, and his proclamation of september had declared that "no person shall be allowed to pass or repass into or through or from this territory without a permit from the proper officer." to a constituency made up so largely of dishonest members, high and low, as young himself conceded the mormon body politic to be, the outfit of these travellers was very attractive. there was a motive, too, in inflicting punishment on them, merely because they were arkansans, and the motive was this:-- parley p. pratt was sent to explore a southern route from utah to california in . he reached san francisco from los angeles in the summer of , remaining there until june, . he was a fanatical defender of polygamy after its open proclamation, challenging debate on the subject in san francisco, and issuing circulars calling on the people to repent as "the kingdom of god has come nigh unto you." while in san francisco, pratt induced the wife of hector h. mclean, a custom-house official, the mother of three children, to accept the mormon faith and to elope with him to utah as his ninth wife. the children were sent to her parents in louisiana by their father, and there she sometime later obtained them, after pretending that she had abandoned the mormon belief. when mclean learned of this he went east, and traced his wife and pratt to houston, texas, and thence to fort gibson, near van buren, arkansas. there he had pratt arrested, but there seemed to be no law under which he could be held. as soon as pratt was released, he left the place on horseback. mclean, who had found letters from pratt to his wife at fort gibson which increased his feeling against the man,* followed him on horseback for eight miles, and then, overtaking him, shot him so that he died in two hours.** it was in accordance with mormon policy to hold every arkansan accountable for pratt's death, just as every missourian was hated because of the expulsion of the church from that state. * van buren intelligencer, may , . ** see the story in the new york times of may , , copied from the st. louis democrat and st. louis republican. when the company pitched camp on the river jordan their food supplies were nearly exhausted, and their draught animals needed rest and a chance to recuperate. they knew nothing of the disturbed relations between the mormons and the government when they set out, and they were astonished now to be told that they must break camp and move on southward. but they obeyed. at american fork, the next settlement, they offered some of their worn-out animals in exchange for fresh ones, and visited the town to buy provisions. there was but one answer--nothing to sell. southward they continued, through provo, springville, payson, salt creek, and fillmore, at all settlements making the same effort to purchase the food of which they stood in need, and at all receiving the same reply. so much were their supplies now reduced that they hastened on until corn creek was reached; there they did obtain a little relief, some indians selling them about thirty bushels of corn. but at beaver, a larger place, nonintercourse was again proclaimed, and at parowan, through which led the road built by the general government, they were forbidden to pass over this directly through the town, and the local mill would not even grind their own corn. at cedar creek, one of the largest southern settlements, they were allowed to buy fifty bushels of wheat, and to have it and their corn ground at john d. lee's mill. after a day's delay they started on, but so worn out were their animals that it took them three days to reach iron creek, twenty miles beyond, and two more days to reach mountain meadows, fifteen miles farther south. these "meadows" are a valley, miles south of salt lake city, about five miles long by one wide. they are surrounded by mountains, and narrow at the lower end to a width of yards, where a gap leads out to the desert. a large spring near this gap made that spot a natural resting-place, and there the emigrants pitched their camp. had they been in any way suspicious of indian treachery they would not have stopped there, because, from the elevations on either side, they were subject to rifle fire. their anxiety, however, was not about the indians, whom they had found friendly, but about the problem of making the trip of seventy days to san bernardino, across a desert country, with their wornout animals and their scant supplies. had mormon cruelty taken only the form of withholding provisions and forage from this company, its effect would have satisfied their most evil wishers. on the morning of monday, september , still unsuspicious of any form of danger, their camp was suddenly fired upon by indians, (and probably by some white men disguised as indians). seven of the emigrants were killed in this attack and sixteen were wounded. unexpected as was this manifestation of hostility, the company was too well organized to be thrown into a panic. the fire was returned, and one indian was killed, and two chiefs fatally wounded. the wagons were corralled at once as a sort of fortification, and the wheels were chained together. in the centre of this corral a rifle pit was dug, large enough to hold all their people, and in this way they were protected from shots fired at them from either side of the valley. in this little fort they successfully defended themselves during that and the ensuing three days. not doubting that indians were their only assailants, two of their number succeeded in escaping from the camp on a mission to cedar city to ask for assistance. these messengers were met by three mormons, who shot one of them dead, and wounded the other; the latter seems to have made his way back to the camp. the arkansans soon suffered for water, as the spring was a hundred yards distant. two of them during one day made a dash, carrying buckets, and got back with them safely, under a heavy fire. * lee denies positively a story that the mormons shot two little girls who were dressed in white and sent out for water. he says that when the arkansans saw a white man in the valley (lee himself) they ran up a white flag and sent two little boys to talk with him; that he refused to see them, as he was then awaiting orders, and that he kept the indians from shooting them. "mormonism unveiled," p. . with some reenforcements from the south, the indians now numbered about four hundred. they shot down some seventy head of the emigrants' cattle, and on wednesday evening made another attack in force on the camp, but were repulsed. still another attack the next morning had the same result. this determined resistance upset the plans of the mormons who had instigated the indian attacks. they had expected that the travellers would be overcome in the first surprise, and that their butchery would easily be accounted for as the result of an indian raid on their camp. but they were not to be balked of their object. to save themselves from the loss of life that would be entailed by a charge on the arkansans' defences, they resorted to a scheme of the most deliberate treachery. on friday, the th, a mormon named william bateman was sent forward with a flag of truce. the other undisguised mormons remained in concealment, and the indians had been instructed to keep entirely out of sight. the beleaguered company were delighted to see a white man, and at once sent one of their number to meet him. their ammunition was almost exhausted, their dead were unburied in their midst, and their situation was desperate. bateman, following out his instructions, told the representative of the emigrants that the mormons had come to their assistance, and that, if they would place themselves in the white men's hands and follow directions, they would be conducted in safety to cedar city, there to await a proper opportunity for proceeding on their journey.* this plan was agreed to without any delay, and john d. lee was directed by john m. higbee, major of the iron militia, and chief in command of the mormon party, to go to the camp to see that the plot agreed upon was carried out, samuel mcmurdy and samuel knight following him with two wagons which were a part of the necessary equipment. * this account follows lee's confession, "mormonism unveiled," p. . never had a man been called upon to perform a more dastardly part than that which was assigned to lee. entering the camp of the beleaguered people as their friend, he was to induce them to abandon their defences, give up all their weapons, separate the adults from the children and wounded, who were to be placed in the wagons, and then, at a given signal, every one of the party was to be killed by the white men who walked by their sides as their protectors. lee draws a picture of his feelings on entering the camp which ought to be correct, even if circumstances lead one to attribute it to the pen of a man who naturally wished to find some extenuation for himself: "i doubt the power of man being equal to even imagine how wretched i felt. no language can describe my feelings. my position was painful, trying, and awful; my brain seemed to be on fire; my nerves were for a moment unstrung; humanity was overpowering as i thought of the cruel, unmanly part that i was acting. tears of bitter anguish fell in streams from my eyes; my tongue refused its office; my faculties were dormant, stupefied and deadened by grief. i wished that the earth would open and swallow me where i stood." when lee entered the camp all the people, men, women, and children, gathered around him, some delighted over the hope of deliverance, while others showed distrust of his intentions. their position was so strong that they felt some hesitation in abandoning it, and lee says that, if their ammunition had not been so nearly exhausted, they would never have surrendered. but their hesitation was soon overcome, and the carrying out of the plot proceeded. all their arms, the wounded, and the smallest children were placed in the two wagons. as soon as these were loaded, a messenger from higbee, named mcfarland, rode up with a message that everything should be hastened, as he feared he could not hold back the indians. the wagons were then started at once toward cedar city, lee and the two drivers accompanying them, and the others of the party set out on foot for the place where the mormon troops were awaiting them, some two hundred yards distant. first went mcfarland on horseback, then the women and larger children, and then the men. when, in this order, they came to the place where the mormons were stationed, the men of the party cheered the latter as their deliverers. as the wagons passed out of sight over an elevation, the march of the rest of the party was resumed. the women and larger children walked ahead, then came the men in single file, an armed mormon walking by the side of each arkansan. this gave the appearance of the best possible protection. when they had advanced far enough to bring the women and children into the midst of a company of indians concealed in a growth of cedars, the agreed signal the words, "do your duty"--was given. as these words were spoken, each mormon turned and shot the arkansan who was walking by his side, and indians and other mormons attacked the women and children who were walking ahead, while lee and his two companions killed the wounded and the older of the children who were in the wagons. the work of killing the men was performed so effectually that only two or three of them escaped, and these were overtaken and killed soon after.* indeed, only the nervousness natural to men who were assigned to perform so horrible a task could prevent the murderers from shooting dead the unarmed men walking by their sides. with the women and children it was different. instead of being shot down without warning, they first heard the shots that killed their only protectors, and then beheld the indians rushing on them with their usual whoops, brandishing tomahawks, knives, and guns. there were cries for mercy, mothers' pleas for children's lives, and maidens' appeals to manly honor; but all in vain. it was not necessary to use firearms; indeed, they would have endangered the assailants themselves. the tomahawk and the knife sufficed, and in the space of a few moments every woman and older child was a corpse. * this is judge cradlebaugh's and lee's statement. lee said he could have given the details of their pursuit and capture if he had had time. an affidavit by james lynch, who accompanied superintendent forney to the meadows on his first trip there in march (printed in sen. doc. no. ), says that one of the three, who was not killed on the spot, "was followed by five mormons who through promises of safety, etc., prevailed upon him to return to mountain meadows, where they inhumanly butchered him, laughing at and disregarding his loud and repeated cries for mercy, as witnessed and described by ira hatch, one of the five. the object of killing this man was to leave no witness competent to give testimony in a court of justice but god." when lee and the men in charge of the two wagons heard the firing, they halted at once, as this was the signal agreed on for them to perform their part. mcmurdy's wagon, containing the sick and wounded and the little children, was in advance, knight's, with a few passengers and the weapons, following. we have three accounts of what happened when the signal was given, lee's own, and the testimony of the other two at lee's trial. lee says that mcmurdy at once went up to knight's wagon, and, raising his rifle and saying, "o lord my god, receive their spirits; it is for thy kingdom i do this," fired, killing two men with the first shot. lee admits that he intended to do his part of the killing, but says that in his excitement his pistol went off prematurely and narrowly escaped wounding mcmurdy; that knight then shot one man, and with the butt of his gun brained a little boy who had run up to him, and that the indians then came up and finished killing all the sick and wounded. mcmurdy testified that lee killed the first person in his wagon--a woman--and also shot two or three others. when asked if he himself killed any one that day, mcmurdy replied, "i believe i am not upon trial. i don't wish to answer." knight testified that he saw lee strike down a woman with his gun or a club, denying that he himself took any part in the slaughter: nephi johnson, another witness at lee's second trial, testified that he saw lee and an indian pull a man out of one of the wagons, and he thought lee cut the man's throat. the only persons spared in this whole company were seventeen children, varying in age from two months to seven years. they were given to mormon families in southern utah--"sold out," says forney in his report, "to different persons in cedar city, harmony, and painter creek. bills are now in my possession from different individuals asking payment from the government. i cannot condescend to become the medium of even transmitting such claims to the department." the government directed forney in to collect these children, and he did so. congress in appropriated $ , to defray the expense of returning them to their friends in arkansas, and on june of that year fifteen of them (two boys being retained as government witnesses) set out for the east from salt lake city in charge of a company of united states dragoons and five women attendants. judge cradlebaugh quotes one of these children, a boy less than nine years old, as saying in his presence, when they were brought to salt lake city, "oh, i wish i was a man. i know what i would do. i would shoot john d. lee. i saw him shoot my mother." the total number in the arkansas party is not exactly known. the victims numbered more than . jacob hamblin testified at the lee trial that, the following spring, he and his man buried " odd" skulls, counting them as they gathered them up. a few young women, in the confusion of the indian attack, concealed themselves, but they were soon found. hamblin testified at lee's second trial that lee, in a long conversation with him, soon after the massacre, told him that, when he rejoined the mormon troops, an indian chief brought to him two girls from thirteen to fifteen years old, whom he had found hiding in a thicket, and asked what should be done with them, as they were pretty and he wanted to save them. lee replied that "according to the orders he had, they were too old and too big to let go." then by lee's direction the chief shot one of them, and lee threw the other down and cut her throat. hamblin said that an indian boy conducted him to the place where the girls' bodies lay, a long way from the rest, up a ravine, unburied and with their throats cut. one of the little children saved from the massacre was taken home by hamblin, and she said the murdered girls were her sisters. richard f. burton, who visited utah in , mentions, as one of the current stories in connection with the massacre, that, when a girl of sixteen knelt before one of the mormons and prayed for mercy, he led her into the thicket, violated her, and then cut her throat.* * "city of the saints," p. . as soon as the slaughter was completed the plundering began. beside their wagons, horses, and cattle,* they had a great deal of other valuable property, the whole being estimated by judge cradlebaugh at from $ , to $ , . when lee got back to the main party, the searching of the bodies of the men for valuables began. "i did hold the hat awhile," he confesses, "but i got so sick that i had to give it to some other person." he says there were more than five hundred head of cattle, a large number of which the indians killed or drove away, while klingensmith, haight, and higbee, leaders in the enterprise, drove others to salt lake city and sold them. the horses and mules were divided in the same way. the indians (and probably their white comrades) had made quick work with the effects of the women. their bodies, young and old, were stripped naked, and left, objects of the ribald jests of their murderers. lee says that in one place he counted the bodies of ten children less than sixteen years old. * superintendent forney, in his report of march, , said: "facts in my possession warrant me in estimating that there was distributed a few days after the massacre, among the leading church dignitaries, $ , worth of property. it is presumable they also had some money." when the mormons had finished rifling the dead, all were called together and admonished by their chiefs to keep the massacre a secret from the whole world, not even letting their wives know of it, and all took the most solemn oath to stand by one another and declare that the killing was the work of indians. most of the party camped that night on the meadows, but lee and higbee passed the night at jacob hamblin's ranch. in the morning the mormons went back to bury the dead. all these lay naked, "making the scene," says lee, "one of the most loathsome and ghastly that can be imagined." the bodies were piled up in heaps in little depressions, and a pretence was made of covering them with dirt; but the ground was hard and their murderers had few tools, and as a consequence the wild beasts soon unearthed them, and the next spring the bones were scattered over the surface. this work finished, the party, who had been joined during the night by colonel dame, judge lewis, isaac c. haight, and others of influence, held another council, at which god was thanked for delivering their enemies into their hands; another oath of secrecy was taken, and all voted that any person who divulged the story of the massacre should suffer death, but that brigham young should be informed of it. it was also voted, according to lee, that bishop klingensmith should take charge of the plunder for the benefit of the church. the story of this slaughter, to this point, except in minor particulars noted, is undisputed. no mormon now denies that the emigrants were killed, or that mormons participated largely in the slaughter. what the church authorities have sought to establish has been their own ignorance of it in advance, and their condemnation of it later. in examining this question we have, to assist us, the knowledge of the kind of government that young had established over his people--his practical power of life and death; the fact that the arkansans were passing south from salt lake city, and that their movements had been known to young from the start and their treatment been subject to his direction; the failure of young to make any effort to have the murderers punished, when a "crook of his finger" would have given them up to justice; the coincidence of the massacre with young's threat to captain van vliet, uttered on september , "if the issue continues, you may tell the government to stop all emigration across the continent, for the indians will kill all who attempt it"; young's failure to mention this "indian outrage" in his report as superintendent of indian affairs, and the silence of the mormon press on the subject.* if we accept lee's plausible theory that, at his second trial, the church gave him up as a sop to justice, and loosened the tongues of witnesses against him, this makes that part of the testimony in confirmation of lee's statement, elicited from them, all the stronger. * h. h. bancroft, in his "utah," as usual, defends the mormon church against the charge of responsibility for the massacre, and calls judge cradlebaugh's charge to the grand jury a slur that the evidence did not excuse. let us recall that lee himself had been an active member of the church for nearly forty years, following it from missouri to utah, travelling penniless as a missionary at the bidding of his superiors, becoming a polygamist before he left nauvoo, accepting in utah the view that "brigham spoke by direction of the god of heaven," and saying, as he stood by his coffin looking into the rifles of his executioners, "i believe in the gospel that was taught in its purity by joseph smith in former days." how much young trusted him is seen in the fact that, by young's direction, he located the southern towns of provo, fillmore, parowan, etc., was appointed captain of militia at cedar city, was president of civil affairs at harmony, probate judge of the county (before and after the massacre), a delegate to the convention which framed the constitution of the state of deseret, a member of the territorial legislature (after the massacre), and "indian farmer" of the district including the meadows when the massacre occurred. lee's account of the steps leading up to the massacre and of what followed is, in brief, that, about ten days before it occurred, general george a. smith, one of the twelve, called on him at washington city, and, in the course of their conversation, asked, "suppose an emigrant train should come along through this southern country, making threats against our people and bragging of the part they took in helping kill our prophet, what do you think the brethren would do with them?" lee replied: "you know the brethren are now under the influence of the 'reformation,' and are still red-hot for the gospel. the brethren believe the government wishes to destroy them. i really believe that any train of emigrants that may come through here will be attacked and probably all destroyed. unless emigrants have a pass from brigham young or some one in authority, they will certainly never get safely through this country." smith said that major haight had given him the same assurance. it was lee's belief that smith had been sent south in advance of the emigrants to prepare for what followed. two days before the first attack on the camp, lee was summoned to cedar city by isaac haight, president of that stake, second only to colonel dame in church authority in southern utah, and a lieutenant colonel in the militia under dame. to make their conference perfectly secret, they took some blankets and passed the night in an old iron works. there haight told lee a long story about captain fancher's party, charging them with abusing the mormons, burning fences, poisoning water, threatening to kill brigham young and all the apostles, etc. he said that unless preventive measures were taken, the whole mormon population were likely to be butchered by troops which these people would bring back from california. lee says that he believed all this. he was also told that, at a council held that day, it had been decided to arm the indians and "have them give the emigrants a brush, and, if they killed part or all, so much the better." when asked who authorized this, haight replied, "it is the will of all in authority," and lee was told that he was to carry out the order. the intention then was to have the indians do the killing without any white assistance. on his way home lee met a large body of indians who said they were ordered by haight, higbee, and bishop klingensmith, to kill and rob the emigrants, and wanted lee to lead them. he told them to camp near the emigrants and wait for him; but they made the attack, as described, early monday morning, without capturing the camp, and drove the whites into an intrenchment from which they could not dislodge them. hence the change of plan. during the early part of the operations, lee says, a messenger had been sent to brigham young for orders. on thursday evening two or three wagon loads of mormons, all armed, arrived at lee's camp in the meadows, the party including major higbee of the iron militia, bishop klingensmith, and many members of the high council. when all were assembled, major higbee reported that haight's orders were that "all the emigrants must be put out of the way"; that they had no pass (young could have given them one); that they were really a part of johnston's army, and, if allowed to proceed to california, they would bring destruction on all the settlements in utah. all knelt in prayer, after which higbee gave lee a paper ordering the destruction of all who could talk. after further prayers, higbee said to lee, "brother lee, i am ordered by president haight to inform you that you shall receive a crown of celestial glory for your faithfulness, and your eternal joy shall be complete." lee says that he was "much shaken" by this offer, because of his complete faith in the power of the priesthood to fulfil such promises. the outcome of the conference was the adoption of the plan of treachery that was so successfully carried out on friday morning. the council had lasted so long that the party merely had time for breakfast before bateman set out for the camp with his white flag.* * bishop klingensmith, one of the indicted, in whose case the district attorney entered a nolle prosequi in order that he might be a witness at lee's first trial, said in his testimony: "coming home the day following their [emigrants'] departure from cedar city, met ira allen four miles beyond the place where they had spoken to lee. allen said, 'the die is cast, the doom of the emigrants is sealed.'" (this was in reference to a meeting in parowan, when the destruction of the emigrants had been decided on.) he said john d. lee had received orders from headquarters at parowan to take men and go, and joel white would be wanted to go to pinto creek and revoke the order to suffer the emigrants to pass. the third day after, haight came to mcfarland's house and told witness and others that orders had come in from camp last night. things hadn't gone along as had been expected, and reenforcements were wanted. haight then went to parowan to get instructions, and received orders from dame to "decoy the emigrants out and spare nothing but the small children who could not tell the tale." in an affidavit made by this bishop in april, , he said: "i do not know whether said 'headquarters' meant the spiritual headquarters at parowan, or the headquarters of the commander-in-chief at salt lake city." (affidavit in full in "rocky mountain saints," p. .) several days after the massacre, haight told lee that the messenger sent to young for instructions had returned with orders to let the emigrants pass in safety, and that he (haight) had countermanded the order for the massacre, but his messenger "did not go to the meadows at all." all parties were evidently beginning to realize the seriousness of their crime. lee was then directed by the council to go to young with a verbal report, haight again promising him a celestial reward if he would implicate more of the brethren than necessary in his talk with young.* on reaching salt lake city, lee gave young the full particulars of the massacre, step by step. young remarked, "isaac [haight] has sent me word that, if they had killed every man, woman, and child in the outfit, there would not have been a drop of innocent blood shed by the brethren; for they were a set of murderers, robbers, and thieves." * "at that time i believed everything he said, and i fully expected to receive the celestial reward that he promised me. but now [after his conviction] i say, 'damn all such celestial rewards as i am to get for what i did on that fatal day'." "mormonism unveiled," p. . when the tale was finished, young said: "this is the most unfortunate affair that ever befell the church. i am afraid of treachery among the brethren who were there. if any one tells this thing so that it will become public, it will work us great injury. i want you to understand now that you are never to tell this again, not even to heber c. kimball. it must be kept a secret among ourselves. when you get home, i want you to sit down and write a long letter, and give me an account of the affair, charging it to the indians. you sign the letter as farmer to the indians, and direct it to me as indian agent. i can then make use of such a letter to keep off all damaging and troublesome inquirers." lee did so, and his letter was put in evidence at his trial. lee says that young then dismissed him for the day, directing him to call again the next morning, and that young then said to him: "i have made that matter a subject of prayer. i went right to god with it, and asked him to take the horrid vision from my sight if it was a righteous thing that my people had done in killing those people at the mountain meadows. god answered me, and at once the vision was removed. i have evidence from god that he has overruled it all for good, and the action was a righteous one and well intended."* * for lee's account of his interview with young, see "mormonism unveiled," pp. - . when lee was in salt lake city as a member of the constitutional convention, the next winter, young treated him, at his house and elsewhere, with all the friendliness of old. no one conversant with the extent of young's authority will doubt the correctness of lee's statement that "if brigham young had wanted one man or fifty men or five hundred men arrested, all he would have had to do would be to say so, and they would have been arrested instantly. there was no escape for them if he ordered their arrest. every man who knows anything of affairs in utah at that time knows this is so." at the second trial of lee a deposition by brigham young was read, young pleading ill health as an excuse for not taking the stand. he admitted that "counsel and advice were given to the citizens not to sell grain to the emigrants for their stock," but asserted that this did not include food for the parties themselves. he also admitted that lee called on him and began telling the story of the massacre, but asserted that he directed him to stop, as he did not want his feelings harrowed up with a recital of these details. he gave as an excuse for not bringing the guilty to justice, or at least making an investigation, the fact that a new governor was on his way, and he did not know how soon he would arrive. as young himself was keeping this governor out by armed force, and declaring that he alone should fill that place, the value of his excuse can be easily estimated. hamblin, at lee's trial, testified that he told brigham young and george a. smith "everything i could" about the massacre, and that young said to him, "as soon as we can get a court of justice we will ferret this thing out, but till then don't say anything about it." both knight and mcmurphy testified that they took their teams to mountain meadows under compulsion. nephi johnson, another participant, when asked whether he acted under compulsion, replied, "i didn't consider it safe for me to object," and when compelled to answer the question whether any person had ever been injured for not obeying such orders, he replied, "yes, sir, they had." some letters published in the corinne (utah) reporter, in the early seventies, signed "argus," directly accused young of responsibility for this massacre. stenhouse discovered that the author had been for thirty years a mormon, a high priest in the church, a holder of responsible civil positions in the territory, and he assured stenhouse that "before a federal court of justice, where he could be protected, he was prepared to give the evidence of all that he asserted." "argus" declared that when the arkansans set out southward from the jordan, a courier preceded them carrying young's orders for non-intercourse; that they were directed to go around parowan because it was feared that the military preparations at that place, colonel dame's headquarters, might arouse their suspicion; and he points out that the troops who killed the emigrants were called out and prepared for field operations, just as the territorial law directed, and were subject to the orders of young, their commander-in-chief. not until the so-called poland bill of became a law was any one connected with the mountain meadows massacre even indicted. then the grand jury, under direction of judge boreman, of the second judicial district of utah, found indictments against lee, dame, haight, higbee, klingensmith, and others. lee, who had remained hidden for some years in the canyon of the colorado,* was reported to be in south utah at the time, and deputy united states marshal stokes, to whom the warrant for his arrest was given, set out to find him. stokes was told that lee had gone back to his hiding-place, but one of his assistants located the accused in the town of panguitch, and there they found him concealed in a log pen near a house. his trial began at beaver, on july , . the first jury to try his case disagreed, after being out three days, eight mormons and the gentile foreman voting for acquittal, and three gentiles for conviction. the second trial, which took place at beaver, in september, , resulted in a verdict of "guilty of murder in the first degree." beadle says of the interest which the church then took in his conviction: "daniel h. wells went to beaver, furnished some new evidence, coached the witnesses, attended to the spiritual wants of the jury, and lee was convicted. he could not raise the money ($ ) necessary to appeal to the supreme court of the united states, although he solicited it by subscription from wealthy leading mormons for several days under guard."** * inman's "great salt lake trail," p. ** "polygamy," p. . criminals in utah convicted of a capital crime were shot, and this was lee's fate. it was decided that the execution should take place at the scene of the massacre, and there the sentence of the court was carried out on march , . the coffin was made of rough pine boards after the arrival of the prisoner, and while he sat looking at the workmen a short distance away. when all the arrangements were completed, the marshal read the order of the court and gave lee an opportunity to speak. a photographer being ready to take a picture of the scene, lee asked that a copy of the photograph be given to each of three of his wives, naming them. he then stood up, having been seated on his coffin, and spoke quietly for some time. he said that he was sacrificed to satisfy the feelings of others; that he died "a true believer in the gospel of jesus christ," but did not believe everything then taught by brigham young. he asserted that he "did nothing designedly wrong in this unfortunate affair," but did everything in his power to save the emigrants. five executioners then stepped forward, and, when their rifles exploded, lee fell dead on his coffin. major (afterward general) carlton, returning from california in , where he had escorted a paymaster, passed through mountain meadows, and, finding many bones of the victims still scattered around, gathered them, and erected over them a cairn of stones, on one of which he had engraved the words: "here lie the bones of men, women, and children from arkansas, murdered on the th day of september, ." in the centre of the cairn was placed a beam, some fifteen feet high, with a cross-tree, on which was painted: "vengeance is mine, saith the lord, and i will repay it." it was said that this was removed by order of brigham young.* * "humiliating as it is to confess, in the d congress there were gentlemen to be found in the committees of the house and in the senate who were bold enough to declare their opposition to all investigation. one who had a national reputation during the war, from bunker hill to new orleans, was not ashamed to say to those who sought the legislation that was necessary to make investigation possible, that it was 'too late.'" "rocky mountain saints," p. . chapter xvii. -- after the "war" with the return of the people to their homes, the peaceful avocations of life in utah were resumed. the federal judges received assignments to their districts, and the other federal officers took possession of their offices. chief justice eckles selected as his place of residence camp floyd, as general johnston's camp was named; judge sinclair's district included salt lake city, and judge cradlebaugh's the southern part of the state. judge cradlebaugh, who conceived it to be a judge's duty to see that crime was punished, took steps at once to secure indictments in connection with the notorious murders committed during the "reformation," and we have seen in a former chapter with what poor results. he also personally visited the mountain meadows, talked with whites and indians cognizant with the massacre, and, on affidavits sworn to before him, issued warrants for the arrest of haight, higbee, lee, and thirty-four others as participants therein. in order to hold court with any prospect of a practical result, a posse of soldiers was absolutely necessary, even for the protection of witnesses; but governor cumming, true to the reputation he had secured as a mormon ally, declared that he saw no necessity for such use of federal troops, and requested their removal from provo, where the court was in session; and when the judge refused to grant his request, he issued a proclamation in which he stated that the presence of the military had a tendency "to disturb the peace and subvert the ends of justice." before this dispute had proceeded farther, general johnston received an order from secretary floyd, approved by attorney general black, directing that in future he should instruct his troops to act as a posse comitatus only on the written application of governor cumming. thus did the church win one of its first victories after the reestablishment of "peace." an incident in salt lake city at this time might have brought about a renewal of the conflict between federal and mormon forces. the engraver of a plate with which to print counterfeit government drafts, when arrested, turned state's evidence and pointed out that the printing of the counterfeits had been done over the "deseret store" in salt lake city, which was on young's premises. united states marshal dotson secured the plate, and with it others, belonging to young, on which deseret currency had been printed. this seemed to bring the matter so close to young that officers from camp floyd called on governor cumming to secure his cooperation in arresting young should that step be decided on. the governor refused with indignation to be a party to what he called "creeping through walls," that is, what he considered a roundabout way to secure young's arrest; and, when it became rumored in the city that general johnston would use his troops without the governor's cooperation cumming directed wells, the commander of the nauvoo legion, who had so recently been in rebellion against the government, to hold his militia in readiness for orders. wells is quoted by bancroft as saying that he told cumming, "we would not let them [the soldiers] come; that if they did come, they would never get out alive if we could help it."* the decision of the washington authorities in favor of governor cumming as against the federal judges once more restored "peace." the only sufferer from this incident was marshal dotson, against whom young, in his probate court, obtained a judgment of $ for injury to the deseret currency plates, and a house belonging to dotson, renting for $ year, was sold to satisfy this judgment, and bought in by an agent of young. * "history of utah," p. , note. to complete the story of this forgery, it may be added that brewer, the engraver who turned state's evidence, was shot down in main street, salt lake city, one evening, in company with j. johnson, a gambler who had threatened to shoot a mormon editor. a man who was a boy at the time gave j. h. beadle the particulars of this double murder as he received it from the person who lighted a brazier to give the assassin a sure aim.* the coroner's jury the next day found that the men shot one another! * "polygamy," p. . soon all public attention throughout the country was centred in the coming conflict in the southern states. in may, , the troops at camp floyd departed for new mexico and arizona, only a small guard being left under command of colonel cooke. in may, , governor cumming left salt lake city for the east so quietly that most of the people there did not hear of his departure until they read it in the local newspapers. he soon after appeared in washington, and after some delay obtained a pass which permitted his passage through the confederate lines. when the southern rebellion became a certainty, colonel cooke and his force were ordered to march to the east in the autumn, after selling vast quantities of stores in camp floyd, and destroying the supplies and ammunition which they could not take away. such a slaughter of prices as then occurred was, perhaps, without precedent. it was estimated that goods costing $ , , brought only $ , . young had preached non-intercourse with the gentile merchants who followed the army, but he could not lose so great an opportunity as this, when, for instance, flour costing $ . per sack sold for cents, and he invested $ , . "for years after," says stenhouse, "the 'regulation blue pants' were more familiar to the eye, in the mormon settlements, than the valley tan quaker gray." when governor cumming left the territory, the secretary, francis h. wooton, became acting governor. he made himself very offensive to the administration at washington, and president lincoln appointed frank fuller, of new hampshire, secretary of the territory in his place, and mr. fuller proceeded at once to salt lake city, where he became acting governor. later in the year the other federal offices in utah were filled by the appointment of john w. dawson, of indiana, as governor, john f. kinney as chief justice, and r. p. flenniken and j. r. crosby as associate justices. the selection of dawson as governor was something more than a political mistake. he was the editor and publisher of a party newspaper at fort wayne, indiana, a man of bad morals, and a meddler in politics, who gave the republican managers in his state a great deal of trouble. the undoubted fact seems to be that he was sent out to utah on the recommendation of indiana politicians of high rank, who wanted to get rid of him, and who gave no attention whatever to the requirements of his office. arriving at his post early in december, , the new governor incurred the ill will of the mormons almost immediately by vetoing a bill for a state convention passed by the territorial legislature, and a memorial to congress in favor of the admission of the territory as a state (which acting governor fuller approved). they were very glad, therefore, to take advantage of any mistake he might make; and he almost at once gave them their opportunity, by making improper advances to a woman whom he had employed to do some work. she, as dawson expressed it to one of his colleagues, "was fool enough to tell of it," and dawson, learning immediately that the mormons meditated a severe vengeance, at once made preparations for his departure. the deseret news of january , , in an editorial on the departure of the governor, said that for eight or ten days he had been confined to his room and reported insane; that, when he left, he took with him his physician and four guards, "to each of whom, as reported last evening, $ is promised in the event that they guard him faithfully, and prevent his being killed or becoming qualified for the office of chamberlain in the king's palace, till he shall have arrived at and passed the eastern boundary of the territory." after indicating that he had committed an offence against a lady which, under the common law, if enforced, "would have caused him to have bitten the dust," the news added: "why he selected the individuals named for his bodyguard no one with whom we have conversed has been able to determine. that they will do him justice, and see him safely out of the territory, there can be no doubt." the hints thus plainly given were carried out. beadle's account says, "he was waylaid in weber canyon, and received shocking and almost emasculating injuries from three mormon lads."* stenhouse says: "he was dreadfully maltreated by some mormon rowdies who assumed, 'for the fun of the thing,' to be the avengers of an alleged insult. governor dawson had been betrayed into an offence, and his punishment was heavy."** mrs. waite says that the mormons laid a trap for the governor, as they had done for steptoe; but the evidence indicates that, in dawson's case, the victim was himself to blame for the opportunity he gave. * "polygamy," p. . ** "rocky mountain saints," p. . stenhouse says that the mormon authorities were very angry because of the aggravated character of the punishment dealt out to the governor, as they simply wanted him sent away disgraced, and that they had all his assailants shot. this is practically confirmed by the mormon historian whitney, who says that one of the assailants was a relative of the woman insulted, and the others "merely drunken desperadoes and robbers who," he explains, "were soon afterward arrested for their cowardly and brutal assault upon the fleeing official. one of them, lot huntington, was shot by deputy sheriff o. p. rockwell [so often young's instrument in such cases] on january , in rush valley, while attempting to escape from the officers, and two others, john p. smith and moroni clawson, were killed during a similar attempt next day by the police of salt lake city. their confederates were tried and duly punished."* * "history of utah," vol. ii, p. . the departure of governor dawson left the executive office again in charge of secretary fuller. early in the indians threatened the overland mail route, and fuller, having received instruction from montgomery blair to keep the route open at all hazards, called for thirty men to serve for thirty days. these were supplied by the mormons. in the following april, the indian troubles continuing, governor fuller, chief justice kinney, and officers of the overland mail and pacific telegraph companies united in a letter to secretary stanton asking that superintendent of indian affairs doty be authorized to raise a regiment of mounted rangers in the territory, with officers appointed by him, to keep open communication. these petitioners, observes tullidge, "had overrated the federal power in utah, as embodied in themselves, for such a service, when they overlooked ex-governor young" and others.* young had no intention of permitting any kind of a federal force to supplant his legion. he at once telegraphed to the utah delegate in washington that the utah militia (alias nauvoo legion) were competent to furnish the necessary protection. as a result of this presentation of the matter, adjutant general l. l. thomas, on april , addressed a reply to the petition for protection, not to any of the federal officers in utah, but to "mr. brigham young," saying, "by express direction of the president of the united states you are hereby authorized to raise, arm, and equip one company of cavalry for ninety days' service."* the order for carrying out these instructions was placed by the head of the nauvoo legion, "general" wells--who ordered the burning of the government trains in --in the hands of major lot smith, who carried out that order! * tullidge's "history of salt lake city," p. . ** vol. ii, series , p. , war of the rebellion, official records. judges flenniken and crosby took their departure from the territory a month later than dawson, and thomas j. drake of michigan and charles b. waite of illinois* were named as their successors, and on march stephen s. harding of milan, indiana, a lawyer, was appointed governor. the new officers arrived in july. * after leaving utah judge waite was appointed district attorney for idaho, was elected to congress, and published "a history of the christian religion," and other books. his wife, author of "the mormon prophet," was a graduate of oberlin college and of the union college of law in chicago, a member of the illinois bar, founder of the chicago law times, and manager of the publishing firm of c. w. waite & co. at this time the mormons were again seeking admission for the state of deseret. they had had a constitution prepared for submission to congress, had nominated young for governor and kimball for lieutenant governor, and the legislature, in advance, had chosen w. h. hooper and george q. cannon the united states senators. but utah was not then admitted, while, on the other hand, an anti-polygamy bill (to be described later) was passed, and signed by president lincoln on july . during the month preceding the arrival of governor harding, another tragedy had been enacted in the territory. among the church members was a welshman named joseph morris, who became possessed of the belief (which, as we have seen, had afflicted brethren from time to time) that he was the recipient of "revelations." one of these "revelations" having directed him to warn young that he was wandering from the right course, he did this in person, and received a rebuke so emphatic that it quite overcame him. he betook himself, therefore, to a place called kington fort, on the weber river, thirty-five miles north of salt lake city, and there he found believers in his prophetic gifts in the local bishop, and quite a settlement of men and women, almost all foreigners. young's refusal to satisfy the demand for published "revelations" gave some standing to a fanatic like morris, who professed to supply that long-felt want, and he was so prolific in his gift that three clerks were required to write down what was revealed to him. among his announcements were the date of the coming of christ and the necessity of "consecrating" their property in a common fund. having made a mistake in the date selected for christ's appearance, the usual apostates sprang up, and, when they took their departure, they claimed the right to carry with them their share of the common effects. in the dispute that ensued, the apostates seized some morrisite grain on the way to mill, and the morrisites captured some apostates, and took them prisoners to kington fort. out of these troubles came the issue of a writ by judge kinney for the release of the prisoners, the defiance of this writ by the morrisites, and a successful appeal to the governor for the use of the militia to enable the marshal to enforce the writ. on the morning of june the morrisites discovered an armed force, in command of general r. t. burton, the marshal's chief deputy, on the mountain that overlooked their settlement, and received from burton an order to surrender in thirty minutes. morris announced a "revelation," declaring that the lord would not allow his people to be destroyed. when the thirty minutes had expired, without further warning the mormon force fired on the morrisites with a cannon, killing two women outright, and sending the others to cover. but the devotees were not weak-hearted. for three days they kept up a defence, and it was not until their ammunition was exhausted that they raised a white flag. when burton rode into their settlement and demanded morris's surrender, that fanatic replied, "never." burton at once shot him dead, and then badly wounded john banks, an english convert and a preacher of eloquence, who had joined morris after rebelling against young's despotism. banks died "suddenly" that evening. burton finished his work by shooting two women, one of whom dared to condemn his shooting of morris and banks, and the other for coming up to him crying.* * for accounts of this slaughter, see "rocky mountain saints," pp. - , and beadle's "life in utah," pp. - . the bodies of morris and banks were carried to salt lake city and exhibited there. no one--president of the church or federal officer--took any steps at that time to bring their murderers to justice. sixteen years later district attorney van zile tried burton for this massacre, but the verdict was acquittal, as it has been in all these famous cases except that of john d. lee. ninety-three morrisites, few of whom could speak english, were arraigned before judge kinney and placed under bonds. in the following march seven of the morrisites were convicted of killing members of the posse, and sentenced by judge kinney to imprisonment for from five to fifteen years each, while sixty-six others were fined $ each for resisting the posse. governor harding immediately pardoned all the accused, in response to a numerously signed petition. beadle says that bishop wooley advised the governor to be careful about granting these pardons, as "our people feel it would be an outrage, and if it is done, they might proceed to violence"; but that bill hickman, the danite captain, rode thirty miles to sign the petition, saying that he was "one mormon who was not afraid to sign." the grand jury that had indicted the morrisites made a presentment to judge kinney, in which they said, "we present his excellency stephen s. harding, governor of utah, as we would an unsafe bridge over a dangerous stream, jeopardizing the lives of all those who pass over it; or as we would a pestiferous cesspool in our district, breathing disease and death." and the chief justice assured this jury that they addressed him "in no spirit of malice," and asked them to accept his thanks "for your cooperation in the support of my efforts to maintain and enforce the law." it is to the credit of the powers at washington that this judge was soon afterward removed.* * even the mormon historian has only this to say on this subject: "of the relative merit or demerit of the action of the united states and territorial authorities concerned in the morrisite affair the historian does not presume to touch, further than to present the record itself and its significance."--tullidge, "history of salt lake city," p. . chapter xviii. -- attitude of the mormons during the southern rebellion the attitude of the mormons toward the government at the outbreak of hostilities with the southern states was distinctly disloyal. the deseret news of january , , said, "the indications are that the breach which has been effected between the north and south will continue to widen, and that two or more nations will be formed out of the fragmentary portions of the once glorious republic." the mormons in england had before that been told in the millennial star (january , ) that "the union is now virtually destroyed." the sermons in salt lake city were of the same character. "general" wells told the people on april , , that the general government was responsible for their expulsion from missouri and illinois, adding: "so far as we are concerned, we should have been better without a government than such a one. i do not think there is a more corrupt government upon the face of the earth."* brigham young on the same day said: "our present president, what is his strength? it is like a rope of sand, or like a rope made of water. he is as weak as water.... i feel disgraced in having been born under a government that has so little power, disposition and influence for truth and right. shame, shame on the rulers of this nation. i feel myself disgraced to hail such men as my countrymen."** * journal of discourses, vol. viii, pp. - . ** ibid., vol. ix, p. . elder g. a. smith, on the same occasion, railing against the non-mormon clergy, said, "mr. lincoln now is put into power by that priestly influence; and the presumption is, should he not find his hands full by the secession of the southern states, the spirit of priestly craft would force him, in spite of his good wishes and intentions, to put to death, if it was in his power, every man that believes in the divine mission of joseph smith."* on august , , young quoted smith's prediction of a rebellion beginning in south carolina, and declared that "the nation that has slain the prophet of god will be broken in pieces like a potter's vessel," boasting that the mormon government in utah was "the best earthly government that was ever framed by man." * journal of discourses, vol. ix, p. . tullidge, discussing in the attitude of the mormon church toward the south, said:-- "with the exception of the slavery question and the policy of secession, the south stood upon the same ground that utah had stood upon just previously.... and here we reach the heart of the mormon policy and aims. secession is not in it. their issues are all inside the union. the mormon prophecy is that that people are destined to save the union and preserve the constitution.... the north, which had just risen to power through the triumph of the republican party, occupied the exact position toward the south that buchanan's administration had held toward utah. and the salient points of resemblance between the two cases were so striking that utah and the south became radically associated in the chicago platform that brought the republican party into office. slavery and polygamy--these 'twin relics of barbarism'--were made the two chief planks of the party platform. yet neither of these were the real ground of the contest. it continues still, and some of the soundest men of the times believe that it will be ultimately referred in a revolution so general that nearly every man in america will become involved in the action.... the mormon view of the great national controversy, then, is that the southern states should have done precisely what utah did, and placed themselves on the defensive ground of their rights and institutions as old as the union. had they placed themselves under the political leadership of brigham young, they would have triumphed, for their cause was fundamentally right; their secession alone was the national crime."** ** tullidge's "life of brigham young," chap. . knowledge of the spirit which animated the saints induced the secretary of war to place them under military supervision, and in may, , the third california infantry and a part of the second california cavalry were ordered to utah. the commander of this force was colonel p. e. connor, who had a fine record in the mexican war, and who was among the first, at the outbreak of the rebellion, to tender his services to the government in california, where he was then engaged in business. on assuming command of the military district of utah, which included utah and nevada, colonel connor issued an order directing commanders of posts, camps, and detachments to arrest and imprison, until they took the oath of allegiance, "all persons who from this date shall be guilty of uttering treasonable sentiments against the government," adding, "traitors shall not utter treasonable sentiments in this district with impunity, but must seek some more genial soil, or receive the punishment they so richly deserve." when connor's force arrived at fort crittenden (the camp floyd of general johnston), the mormons supposed that it would make its camp there. persons having a pecuniary interest in the reoccupation of the old site, where they wanted to sell to the government the buildings they had bought for a song, tried hard to induce colonel connor to accept their view, even warning him of armed mormon opposition to his passage through salt lake city. but he was not a man to be thus deterred. among the rumors that reached him was one that bill hickman, the danite chief, was offering to bet $ in salt lake city that the colonel could not cross the river jordan. colonel connor is said to have sent back the reply that he "would cross the river jordan if hell yawned below him." on saturday, october , connor marched twenty miles toward the mormon capital, and the next day crossed the jordan at p.m., without finding a person in sight on the eastern shore. the command, knowing that the nauvoo legion outnumbered them vastly, and ignorant of the real intention of the mormon leaders, advanced with every preparation to meet resistance. they were, as an accompanying correspondent expressed it, "six hundred miles of sand from reinforcements." the conciliatory policy of so many federal officers in utah would have induced colonel connor to march quietly around the city, and select some place for his camp where it would not offend mormon eyes. what he did do was to halt his command when the city was two miles distant, form his column with an advance guard of cavalry and a light battery, the infantry and commissary wagons coming next, and in this order, to the bewilderment of the mormon authorities, march into the principal street, with his two bands playing, to emigrants' square, and so to governor harding's residence. the only united states flag displayed on any building that day was the governor's. the sidewalks were packed with men, women, and children, but not a cheer was heard. in front of the governor's residence the battalion was formed in two lines, and the governor, standing in the buggy in which he had ridden out to meet them, addressed them, saying that their mission was one of peace and security, and urging them to maintain the strictest discipline. the troops, colonel connor leading, gave three cheers for the country and the flag, and three for governor harding, and then took up their march to the slope at the base of wahsatch mountain, where the camp douglas of to-day is situated. this camp was in sight of the mormon city, and young's residence was in range of its guns. thus did brigham's will bend before the quiet determination of a government officer who respected his government's dignity. but the mormon spirit was to be still further tested. on december governor harding read his first message to the territorial legislature. it began with a tribute to the industry and enterprise of the people; spoke of the progress of the war, and of the application of the territory for statehood, and in this connection said, "i am sorry to say that since my sojourn amongst you i have heard no sentiments, either publicly or privately expressed, that would lead me to believe that much sympathy is felt by any considerable number of your people in favor of the government of the united states, now struggling for its very existence." he declared that the demand for statehood should not be entertained unless it was "clearly shown that there is a sufficient population" and "that the people are loyal to the federal government and the laws." he recommended the taking of a correct census to settle the question of population. all these utterances were gall and wormwood to a body of mormon lawmakers, but worse was to come. congress having passed an act "to prevent and punish the practice of polygamy in the territories," the governor naturally considered it his duty to call attention to the matter. prevising that he desired to do so "in no offensive manner or unkind spirit," he pointed out that the practice was founded on no territorial law, resting merely on custom; and laid, down the principle that "no community can happily exist with an institution so important as that of marriage wanting in all those qualities that make it homogeneal with institutions and laws of neighboring civilized countries having the same spirit." he spoke of the marriage of a mother and her daughter to the same man as "no less a marvel in morals than in matters of taste," and warned them against following the recommendation of high church authorities that the federal law be disregarded. this message, according to the mormon historian, was "an insult offered to their representatives."* * tullidge's "history of salt lake city," p. . these representatives resented the "insult" by making no reference in the journal to the reading of the message, and by failing to have it printed. when this was made known in washington, the senate, on january , , called for a report by the committee on territories concerning the suppression of the message, and they got one from its chairman, benjamin wade, pointing out that utah territory was in the control of "a sort of jewish theocracy," affording "the first exhibition, within the limits of the united states, of a church ruling the state," and declaring that the governor's message contained "nothing that should give offence to any legislature willing to be governed by the laws of morality," closing with a recommendation that the message be printed by congress. the territorial legislature adjourned on january without sending to governor harding for his approval a single appropriation bill, and the next day the so-called legislature of the state of deseret met and received a message from the state governor, brigham young. next the new federal judges came under mormon displeasure. we have seen the conflict of jurisdiction existing between the federal and the so-called probate courts and their officers. judge waite perceived the difficulties thus caused as soon as he entered upon his duties, and he sent to washington an act giving the united states marshal authority to select juries for the federal courts, taking from the probate courts jurisdiction in civil actions, and leaving them a limited criminal jurisdiction subject to appeal to the federal court, and providing for a reorganization of the militia under the federal governor. bernhisel and hooper sent home immediate notice of the arrival of this bill in washington. now, indeed, it was time for brigham to "bend his finger." if a governor could openly criticise polygamy, and a judge seek to undermine young's legal and military authority, without a protest, his days of power were certainly drawing to a close. accordingly, a big mass-meeting was held in salt lake city on march , , "for the purpose of investigating certain acts of several of the united states officials in the territory." speeches were made by john taylor and young, in which the governor and judges were denounced.* a committee was appointed to ask the governor and two judges to resign and leave the territory, and a petition was signed requesting president lincoln to remove them, the first reason stated being that "they are strenuously endeavoring to create mischief, and stir up strife between the people of the territory and the troops in camp douglas." the meeting then adjourned, the band playing the "marseillaise." * reported in mrs. waite's "mormon prophet," pp. - . the committee, consisting of john taylor, j. clinton, and orson pratt, called on the governor and the judges the next morning, and met with a flat refusal to pay any attention to the mandate of the meeting. "you may go back and tell your constituents," said governor harding, "that i will not resign my office, and will not leave this territory, until it shall please the president to recall me. i will not be driven away. i may be in danger in staying, but my purpose is fixed." judge drake told the committee that he had a right to ask congress to pass or amend any law, and that it was a special insult for him, a citizen, to be asked by taylor, a foreigner, to leave any part of the republic. "go back to brigham young, your master," said he, "that embodiment of sin, shame, and disgust, and tell him that i neither fear him, nor love him, nor hate him--that i utterly despise him. tell him, whose tools and tricksters you are, that i did not come here by his permission, and that i will not go away at his desire nor by his direction.... a horse thief or a murderer has, when arrested, a right to speak in court; and, unless in such capacity or under such circumstances, don't you even dare to speak to me again." judge waite simply declined to resign because to do so would imply "either that i was sensible of having done something wrong, or that i was afraid to remain at my post and perform my duty."** * text of replies in mrs. waite's "mormon prophet," pp. - . as soon as the action of the mormon mass-meeting became known at camp douglas, all the commissioned officers there signed a counter petition to president lincoln, "as an act of duty we owe our government," declaring that the charge of inciting trouble between the people and the troops was "a base and unqualified falsehood," that the accused officers had been "true and faithful to the government," and that there was no good reason for their removal. excitement in salt lake city now ran high. young, in a violent harangue in the tabernacle on march , after declaring his loyalty to the government, said, "is there anything that could be asked that we would not do? yes. let the present administration ask us for a thousand men, or even five hundred, and i'd see them d--d first, and then they could not have them. what do you think of that?' (loud cries of 'good, good,' and great applause.)"* * correspondence of the chicago tribune. young expected arrest, and had a signal arranged by which the citizens would rush to his support if this was attempted. a false alarm of this kind was given on march , and in an hour two thousand armed men were assembled around his house.* steptoe, who in an earlier year had declined the governorship of the territory and petitioned for young's reappointment, took credit for what followed in an article in the overland monthly for december, . being at salt lake city at the time, he suggested to wells and other leaders that they charge young with the crime of polygamy before one of the magistrates, and have him arraigned and admitted to bail, in order to place him beyond the reach of the military officers. the affidavit was sworn to before the compliant chief justice kinney by young's private secretary, was served by the territorial marshal, and young was released in $ bail. colonel connor was informed of this arrest before he arrived in the city, and retraced his steps; the citizens dispersed to their homes; the grand jury found no indictment against young, and in due time he was discharged from his recognizance. * "on the inside of the high walls surrounding brigham's premises scaffolding was hastily erected in order to enable the militia to fire down upon the passing volunteers. the houses on the route which occupied a commanding position where an attack could be made upon the troops were taken possession of, and the small cannon brought out."--"rocky mountain saints," p. . "in the meantime," says a mormon chronicler, "our 'outside' friends in this city telegraphed to those interested in the mail* and telegraph lines that they must work for the removal of the troops, governor harding, and judges waite and drake, otherwise there would be 'difficulty,' and the mail and telegraph lines would be destroyed. their moneyed interest has given them great energy in our behalf."** this "work" told governor harding was removed, leaving the territory on june and, as proof that this was due to "work" and not to his own incapacity, he was made chief justice of colorado territory.*** with him were displaced chief justice kinney and secretary fuller.**** judges waite and drake wrote to the president that it would take the support of five thousand men to make the federal courts in utah effective. waite resigned in the summer of . drake remained, but his court did practically no business. * the first pony express left sacramento and st. joseph, missouri, on april , . major general m. b. hazen in an official letter dated february, (house misc. doc. no. , d session, th congress), said: "ben holiday i believe to be the only outsider acceptable to those people, and to benefit himself i believe he would throw the whole weight of his influence in favor of mormonism. by the terms of his contract to carry the mails from the missouri to utah, all papers and pamphlets for the newsdealers, not directed to subscribers, are thrown out. it looks very much like a scheme to keep light out of that country, nowhere so much needed." ** d. o. calder's letter to george q. cannon, march , , in millennial star. *** "every attempt was made to seduce him from the path of duty, not omitting the same appliances which had been brought to bear upon steptoe and dawson, but all in vain."--"the mormon prophet," p. . **** whitney, the mormon historian, says that while the president was convinced that harding was not the right man for the place, "he doubtless believed that there was more or less truth in the charges of 'subserviency' to young made by local anti-mormons against chief justice kinney and secretary fuller. he therefore removed them as well."--"history of utah," vol. ii, p. . lincoln's policy, as he expressed it then, was, "i will let the mormons alone if they will let me alone."* he had war enough on his hands without seeking any diversion in utah. j. d. doty, the superintendent of indian affairs, succeeded harding as governor, amos reed of wisconsin became secretary, and john titus of philadelphia chief justice. * young's letter to cannon, "history of salt lake city," p. . affairs in utah now became more quiet. general connor (he was made a brigadier general for his service in the bear river indian campaign in - ) yielded nothing to mormon threats or demands. a periodical called the union vidette, published by his force, appeared in november, , and in it was printed a circular over his name, expressing belief in the existence of rich veins of gold, silver, copper, and other metals in the territory, and promising the fullest protection to miners and prospectors; and the beginning of the mining interests there dated from the picking up of a piece of ore by a lady member of the camp while attending a picnic party. although the mormons had discouraged mining as calculated to cause a rush of non-mormon residents, they did not show any special resentment to the general's policy in this respect. with the increasing evidence that the union cause would triumph, the church turned its face toward the federal government. we find, accordingly, a union of mormons and camp douglas soldiers in the celebration of union victories on march , , with a procession and speeches, and, when general connor left to assume command of the department of the platte, a ball in his honor was given in salt lake city; and at the time of lincoln's assassination church and government officers joined in services in the tabernacle, and the city was draped in mourning. chapter xix. -- eastern visitors to salt lake city--unpunished murderers in june, , a distinguished party from the east visited salt lake city, and their visit was not without public significance. it included schuyler colfax, speaker of the house of representatives, lieutenant governor bross of illinois, samuel bowles, editor of the springfield (massachusetts) republican, and a. d. richardson of the staff of the new york tribune. crossing the continent was still effected by stage-coach at that time, and the mormon capital had never been visited by civilians so well known and so influential. mr. colfax had stated publicly that president lincoln, a short time before his death, had asked him to make a thorough investigation of territorial matters, and his visit was regarded as semiofficial. the city council formally tendered to the visitors the hospitality of the city, and mr. bowles wrote that the speaker's reception "was excessive if not oppressive." in an interview between colfax and young, during which the subject of polygamy was brought up by the latter, he asked what the government intended to do with it, now that the slavery question was out of the way. mr. colfax replied with the expression of a hope that the prophets of the church would have a new "revelation" which would end the practice, pointing out an example in the course of missouri and maryland in abolishing slavery, without waiting for action by the federal government. "mr. young," says bowles, "responded quietly and frankly that he should readily welcome such a revelation; that polygamy was not in the original book of the mormons; that it was not an essential practice in the church, but only a privilege and a duty, under special command of god."* * "across the continent," p. . it is worth while to note mr. bowles's summing up of his observations of mormondom during this visit. "the result," he wrote, "of the whole experience has been to increase my appreciation of the value of their material progress and development to the nation; to evoke congratulations to them and to the country for the wealth they have created, and the order, frugality, morality (sic), and industry they have organized in this remote spot in our continent; to excite wonder at the perfection of their church system, the extent of its ramifications, the sweep of its influence, and to enlarge my respect for the personal sincerity and character of many of the leaders in the organization."* these were the expressions of a leading journalist, thought worthy to be printed later in book form, on a church system and church officers about which he had gathered his information during a few hours' visit, and concerning which he was so fundamentally ignorant that he called their bible--whose title is, "book of mormon"--"book of the mormons!" it is reasonably certain that he had never read smith's "revelations," doubtful if he was acquainted with even the framework of the mormon bible, and probable that he was wholly ignorant of the history of their recent "reformation." many a profound opinion of mormonism has been founded on as little opportunity for accurate knowledge.** * "across the continent," p. . ** as another illustration of the value of observations by such transient students may be cited the following, from sir charles wentworth dilke's "greater britain," vol. i, p. : "brigham's deeds have been those of a sincere man. his bitterest opponents cannot dispute the fact that, in , when nauvoo was about to be deserted owing to attacks by a ruffianly mob, brigham young rushed to the front and took command. to be a mormon leader was then to be the leader of an outcast people, with a price set on his head, in a missouri country in which almost every man who was not a mormon was by profession an assassin." the eastern visitors soon learned, however, how little intention the mormon leaders had to be cajoled out of polygamy. before mr. bowles's book was published, he had to add a supplement, in which he explained that "since our visit to utah in june, the leaders among the mormons have repudiated their professions of loyalty to the government, and denied any disposition to yield the issue of polygamy." tullidge sneers at colfax "for entertaining for a while the pretty plan" of having the mormons give up polygamy as the missourians did slavery. the deseret news, soon after the colfax party left the territory, expressed the real mormon view on this subject, saying: "as a people we view every revelation from the lord as sacred. polygamy was none of our seeking. it came to us from heaven, and we recognized it, and still do, the voice of him whose right it is not only to teach us, but to dictate and teach all men.... they [gentiles] talk of revelations given, and of receiving counter revelations to forbid what has been commanded, as if man was the sole author, originator, and designer of them.... do they wish to brand a whole people with the foul stigma of hypocrisy, who, from their leaders to the last converts that have made the dreary journey to these mountain wilds for their faith, have proved their honesty of purpose and deep sincerity of faith by the most sublime sacrifices? either that is the issue of their reasoning, or they imagine that we serve and worship the most accommodating deity ever dreamed of in the wildest vagaries of the most savage polytheist." this was a perfectly consistent statement of the mormon position, a simple elaboration of young's declaration that, to give up belief in smith as a prophet, and in his "revelations," would be to give up their faith. just as truly, any later "revelation," repealing the one concerning polygamy, must be either a pretence or a temporary expedient, in orthodox mormon eyes. the mormons date the active crusade of the government against polygamy from the return of the colfax party to the east, holding that this question did not enter into the early differences between them and the government.* * tullidge's "history of salt lake city," p. . in the year following colfax's visit, there occurred in utah two murders which attracted wide notice, and which called attention once more to the insecurity of the life of any man against whom the finger of the church was crooked. the first victim was o. n. brassfield, a non-mormon, who had the temerity to marry, on march , , the second polygamous wife of a mormon while the husband was in europe on a mission. as he was entering his house in salt lake city, on the third day of the following month, he was shot dead. an order that had been given to disband the volunteer troops still remaining in the territory was countermanded from washington, and general sherman, then commander of that department, telegraphed to young that he hoped to hear of no more murders of gentiles in utah, intimating that, if he did, it would be easy to reenlist some of the recently discharged volunteers and march them through the territory. the second victim was dr. j. king robinson, a young man who had come to utah as assistant surgeon of the california volunteers, married the daughter of a mormon whose widow and daughters had left the church, and taken possession of the land on which were some well-known warm springs, with the intention of establishing there a sanitarium. the city authorities at once set up a claim to the warm springs property, a building dr. robinson had erected there was burned, and, as he became aggressive in asserting his legal rights, he was called out one night, ostensibly to set a broken leg, knocked down, and shot dead. the audacity of this crime startled even the mormons, and the opinion has been expressed that nothing more serious than a beating had been intended. there was an inquest before a city alderman, at which some non-mormon lawyers and judges titus and mccurdy were asked to assist. the chief feature of this hearing was the summing up by ex-governor j. b. weller, of california, in which he denounced such murders, asked if there was not an organized influence which prevented the punishment of their perpetrators, and confessed that the prosecution had not been permitted "to lift the veil, and show the perpetrators of this horrible murder." * * text in "rocky mountain saints," appendix i. general w. b. hazen, in his report of february, , said of these victims: "there is no doubt of their murder from mormon church influences, although i do not believe by direct command. principles are taught in their churches which would lead to such murders. i have earnestly to recommend that a list be made of the mormon leaders, according to their importance, excepting brigham young, and that the president of the united states require the commanding officer at camp douglas to arrest and send to the state's prison at jefferson city, mo., beginning at the head of the list, man for man hereafter killed as these men were, to be held until the real perpetrators of the deed, with evidence for their conviction, be given up. i believe young for the present necessary for us there"* * mis. house doc. no. , d session, th congress. had this policy been adopted, mormon prisoners would soon have started east, for very soon afterward three other murders of the same character occurred, although the victims were not so prominent.* chief justice titus incurred the hatred of the mormons by determined, if futile, efforts to bring offenders in such cases to justice, and to show their feeling they sent him a nightgown ten feet long, at the hands of a negro. * see note , p. , bancroft's "history of utah." when, in july, , a delegation from illinois, that included senator trumbull, governor oglesby, editor medill of the chicago tribune, and many members of the chicago board of trade, visited salt lake city, they were welcomed by and affiliated with the gentile element;* and when, in the following october, vice president colfax paid a second visit to the city, he declined the courtesies tendered to him by the city officers.** he made an address from the portico of the townsend house, of which polygamy was the principle feature, and was soon afterward drawn into a newspaper discussion of the subject with john taylor. * in an interview between young and senator trumbull during this visit (reported in the alta california), the following conversation took place:--"young--we can take care of ourselves. cumming was good enough in his way, for you know he was simply governor of the territory, while i was and am governor of the people." "senator trumbull--mr. young, may i say to the president that you intend to observe the laws under the constitution?" "young-well-yes--we intend to." "senator trumbull--but may i say to him that you will do so?" "young--yes, yes; so far as the laws are just, certainly." ** "mr. colfax politely refused to accept the proffered courtesies of the city. brigham was reported to have uttered abusive language in the tabernacle towards the government and congress, and to have charged the president and vice president with being drunkards. one of the aldermen who waited upon mr. colfax to tender to him the hospitality of the city could only say that he did not hear brigham say so."--"rocky mountain saints," p. . chapter xx. -- gentile irruption and mormon schism the end of the complete seclusion of the mormon settlement in utah from the rest of the country--complete except so far as it was interrupted by the passage through the territory of the california emigration--dates from the establishment of camp floyd, and the breaking up of that camp and the disposal of its accumulation of supplies, which gave the first big impetus to mercantile traffic in utah.* young was ever jealous of the mercantile power, so openly jealous that, as tullidge puts it, "to become a merchant was to antagonize the church and her policies, so that it was almost illegitimate for mormon men of enterprising character to enter into mercantile pursuits." this policy naturally increased the business of non-mormons who established themselves in the city, and their prosperity directed the attention of the church authorities to them, and the pulpit orators hurled anathemas at those who traded with them. thus young, in a discourse, on march , , urging the people to use home-made material, said: "let the calicoes lie on the shelves and rot. i would rather build buildings every day and burn them down at night, than have traders here communing with our enemies outside, and keeping up a hell all the time, and raising devils to keep it going. they brought their hell with them. we can have enough of our own without their help."** a system of espionage, by means of the city police, was kept on the stores of non-mormons, until it required courage for a mormon to make a purchase in one of these establishments. to trade with an apostate mormon was, of course, a still greater offence. * "the community had become utterly destitute of almost everything necessary to their social comfort. the people were poorly clad, and rarely ever saw anything on their tables but what was prepared from flour, corn, beet-molasses, and the vegetables and fruits of their gardens.... it was at camp floyd, indeed, where the principal utah merchants and business men of the second decade of our history may be said to have laid the foundation of their fortunes, among whom were the walker brothers."--tullidge, "history of salt lake city," pp. - . ** journal of discourses, vol. vii, p. . among the mercantile houses that became strong after the establishment of camp floyd was that of walker brothers. there were four of them, englishmen, who had come over with their mother, and shared in the privations of the early utah settlement. possessed of practical business talent and independence of thought, they rebelled against young's dictatorial rule and the varied trammels by which their business was restricted. without openly apostatizing, they insisted on a measure of independence. one manifestation of this was a refusal to contribute one-tenth of their income as a tithe for the expenditure of which no account was rendered. one year, when asked for their tithe, they gave the bishop of their ward a check for $ as "a contribution to the poor." when this form of contribution was reported to young, he refused to accept it, and sent the brothers word that he would cut them off from the church unless they paid their tithe in the regular way. their reply was to tear up the check and defy young. the natural result followed. brigham and his lieutenants waged an open war on these merchants, denouncing them in the tabernacle, and keeping policemen before their doors. the walkers, on their part, kept on offering good wares at reasonable prices, and thus retained the custom of as many mormons as dared trade with them openly, or could slip in undiscovered. even the expedient of placing a sign bearing an "all-seeing eye" and the words "holiness to the lord" over every mormon trader's door did not steer away from other doors the mormon customers who delighted in bargains. but the church power was too great for any one firm to fight. not only was a business man's capital in danger in those times, when the church was opposed to him, but his life was not safe. stenhouse draws this picture of the condition of affairs in :--"after the assassination of dr. robinson, fears of violence were not unnatural, and many men who had never before carried arms buckled on their revolvers. highly respectable men in salt lake city forsook the sidewalks after dusk, and, as they repaired to their residences, traversed the middle of the public street, carrying their revolvers in their hands." with such a feeling of uneasiness, nearly all the non-mormon merchants joined in a letter to brigham young, offering, if the church would purchase their goods and estates at twenty-five per cent less than their valuation, they would leave the territory. brigham answered them cavalierly that he had not asked them to come into the territory, did not ask them to leave it, and that they might stay as long as they pleased. "it was clear that brigham felt himself master of the situation, and the merchants had to bide their time, and await the coming change that was anticipated from the completion of the pacific railroad. as the great iron way approached the mountains, and every day gave greater evidence of its being finished at a much earlier period than was at first anticipated, the hope of what it would accomplish nerved the discontented to struggle with the passing day." * * "rocky mountain saints," p. . the mormon historian incorporates these two last paragraphs in his book, and says: "here is at once described the gentile and apostate view of the situation in those times, and, confined as it is to the salient point, no lengthy special argument in favor of president young's policies could more clearly justify his mercantile cooperative movement. it was the moment of life or death to the temporal power of the church.... the organization of z. c. m. i. at that crisis saved the temporal supremacy of the mormon commonwealth."* it was to meet outside competition with a force which would be invincible that young conceived the idea of zion's cooperative mercantile institution, which was incorporated in , with young as president. in carrying out this idea no opposing interest, whether inside the church or out of it, received the slightest consideration. "the universal dominance of the head of the church is admitted," says tullidge, "and in , before the opening of the utah mines and the existence of a mixed population, there was no commercial escape from the necessities of a combination."** * tullidge's "history of salt lake city," p. . ** "cooperation is as much a cardinal and essential doctrine of the mormon church as baptism for the remission of sin."--tullidge, "history of salt lake city." young is said to have received the idea of the big cooperative enterprise from a small trader who asked permission to establish a mercantile system on the cooperative plan, of moderate dimensions, throughout the territory. he gave it definite shape at a meeting of merchants in october, , which was followed by a circular explaining the scheme to the people. a preamble asserted "the impolicy of leaving the trade and commerce of this territory to be conducted by strangers." the constitution of the concern provided for a capital of $ , , in $ shares. young's original idea was to have all the merchants pool their stocks, those who found no places in the new establishment to go into some other business,--farming for instance,--renting their stores as they could. of course this meant financial ruin to the unprovided for, and the opposition was strong. but young was not to be turned from the object he had in view. one man told stenhouse that when he reported to young that a certain merchant would be ruined by the scheme, and would not only be unable to pay his debts, but would lose his homestead, young's reply was that the man had no business to get into debt, and that "if he loses his property it serves him right." tullidge, in an article in harpers magazine for september, (written when he was at odds with young), said, "the mormon merchants were publicly told that all who refused to join the cooperation should be left out in the cold; and against the two most popular of them the lion of the lord roared, 'if henry lawrence don't mind what's he's about i'll send him on a mission, and w. s. godbe i'll cut off from the church."' after the organization of the concern in some of the leading mormon merchants in salt lake city sold their goods to it on favorable terms, knowing that the prices of their stock would go down when the opening of the railroad lowered freight rates. the z. c. m. i. was started as a wholesale and retail concern, and young recommended that ward stores be opened throughout the city which should buy their goods of the institution. local cooperative stores were also organized throughout the territory, each of which was under pressure to make its purchases of the central concern. branches were afterward established at ogden, at logan, and at soda springs, idaho, and a large business was built up and is still continued.* the effect of this new competition on the non-mormon establishments was, of course, very serious. walker brothers' sales, for instance, dropped $ or $ a month, and only the opportunity to divert their capital profitably to mining saved them and others from immediate ruin. bancroft says that in the total sales of the institution exceeded $ , , , and a half yearly dividend of five per cent was paid in october of that year, and there was a reserve fund of about $ , ; he placed the sales of the ogden branch, in , at about $ , , and of the logan branch at about $ , . the thirty-second annual statement of the institution, dated april , , contains the following figures: capital stock, $ , , . ; reserve, $ , . ; undivided profits, $ , . ; cash receipts, february to december , , $ , , . , sales for the same period, $ , . . . the branch houses named is this report are at ogden city and provo, utah, and at idaho falls, idaho. but at this time an influence was preparing to make itself felt in utah which was a more powerful opponent of brigham young's authority than any he had yet encountered. this influence took shape in what was known as the "new movement," and also as "the reformation." its original leaders were w. s. godbe and e. l. t. harrison. godbe was an englishman, who saw a good deal of the world as a sailor, embraced the mormon faith in his own country when seventeen years of age, and walked most of the way from new york to salt lake city in . he became prominent in the mormon capital as a merchant, making the trip over the plains twenty-four times between and . harrison was an architect by profession, a classical scholar, and a writer of no mean ability. with these men were soon associated eli b. kelsey, a leading elder in the mormon church, a president of seventies, and a prominent worker in the english missions; h. w. lawrence, a wealthy merchant who was a bishop's counsellor; amasa m. lyman, who had been one of the twelve apostles and was acknowledged to be one of the most eloquent preachers in the church; w. h. sherman, a prominent elder and a man of literary ability, who many years later went back to the church; t. b. h. stenhouse, a scotchman by birth, who was converted to mormonism in , and took a prominent part in missionary work in europe, for three years holding the position of president of the swiss and italian missions; he emigrated to this country with his wife and children in , practically penniless, and supported himself for a time in new york city as a newspaper writer; in salt lake city he married a second wife by young's direction, and one of his daughters by his first wife married brigham's eldest son. stenhouse did not win the confidence of either mormons or non-mormons in the course of his career, but his book, "the rocky mountain saints," contains much valuable information. active with these men in the "new movement" was edward w. tullidge, an elder and one of the seventy, and a man of great literary ability. in later years tullidge, while not openly associating himself with the mormon church, wrote the "history of salt lake city" which the church accepts, a "life of brigham young," which could not have been more fulsome if written by the most devout mormon, and a "life of joseph the prophet," which is a valueless expurgated edition of joseph's autobiography which ran through the millennial star. the "new movement" was assisted by the advent of non-mormons to the territory, by young's arbitrary methods in starting his cooperative scheme, by the approaching completion of the pacific railroad, and, in a measure, by the organization of the reorganized church under the leadership of the prophet joseph smith's eldest son. two elders of that church, who went to salt lake city in , were refused permission to preach in the tabernacle, but did effective work by house-to-house visitations, and there were said to be more than three hundred of the "josephites," as they were called, in salt lake city in .* * "persecution followed, as they claimed; and in early summer about one-half of the josephites in salt lake city started eastward, so great being the excitement that general connor ordered a strong escort to accompany them as far as greene river. to those who remained, protection was also afforded by the authorities."--bancroft, "history of utah," p. . harrison and tullidge had begun the publication of a magazine called the peep o' day at camp douglas, but it was a financial failure. then godbe and harrison started the utah magazine, of which harrison was editor. this, too, was only a drain on their purses. accordingly, some time in the year , giving it over to the care of tullidge, they set out on a trip to new york by stage. both were in doubt on many points regarding their church; both were of that mental make-up which is susceptible to "revelations" and "callings"; by the time they reached new york they realized that they were "on the road to apostasy." long discussions of the situation took place between them, and the outcome was characteristic of men who had been influenced by such teachings as those of the mormons. kneeling down in their room, they prayed earnestly, and as they did so "a voice spoke to them." for three weeks, while godbe transacted his mercantile business, his friend prepared questions on religion and philosophy, "and in the evening, by appointment, 'a band of spirits' came to them and held converse with them, as friends would speak with friends. one by one the questions prepared by mr. harrison were read, and mr. godbe and mr. harrison, with pencil and paper, took down the answers as they heard them given by the spirits."* the instruction which they thus received was delphic in its clearness--that which was true in mormonism should be preserved and the rest should be rejected. * "rocky mountain saints," p. . when they returned to utah they took elder eli b. kelsey, elder h. w. lawrence, a man of wealth, and stenhouse into their confidence, and it was decided to wage open warfare on young's despotism, using the utah magazine as their mouthpiece. without attacking young personally, or the fundamental mormon beliefs, the magazine disputed young's doctrine that the world was degenerating to ruin, held up the really "great characters" the world has known, that young might be contrasted with them, and discussed the probabilities of honest errors in religious beliefs. when the mormon leaders read in the magazine such doctrine as that, "there is one false error which possesses the minds of some in this, that god almighty intended the priesthood to do our thinking," they realized that they had a contest on their hands. young got into trouble with the laboring men at this time. he had contracts for building a part of the pacific railroad, which were sublet at a profit. an attempt by him to bring about a reduction of wages gave the magazine an opportunity to plead the laborers' cause which it gladly embraced.* * harpers magazine, vol. xliii, p. . in the summer of alexander and david hyrum smith, sons of the prophet, visited salt lake city in the interest of the reorganized church. many of young's followers still looked on the sons of the prophet as their father's rightful successor to the leadership of the church, as young at nauvoo had promised that joseph iii should be. but these sons now found that, even to be acknowledged as members of brigham's fold, they must accept baptism at the hands of one of his elders, and acknowledge the "revelation" concerning polygamy as coming from god. they had not come with that intent. but they called on young and discussed with him the injection of polygamy into the church doctrines. young finally told them that they possessed, not the spirit of their father, but of their mother emma, whom young characterized as "a liar, yes, the damnedest liar that lived," declaring that she tried to poison the prophet * he refused to them the use of the tabernacle, but they spoke in private houses and, through the influence of the walker brothers, secured independence hall. the brighamites, using a son of hyrum smith as their mouthpiece,** took pains that a goodly number of polygamists should attend the independence hall meetings, and interruptions of the speakers turned the gatherings into something like personal wrangles. * for alexander smith's report, see true latter-day saints' herald, vol. xvi, pp. - . ** hyrum's widow went to salt lake city, and died there in september, , at the house of h. c. kimball, who had taken care of her. the presence of the prophet's sons gave the leaders of "the reformation" an opportunity to aim a thrust at what was then generally understood to be one of brigham young's ambitions, namely, the handing down of the presidency of the church to his oldest son; and an article in their magazine presented the matter in this light: "if we know the true feeling of our brethren, it is that they never intend joseph smith's nor any other man's son to preside over them, simply because of their sonship. the principle of heirship has cursed the world for ages, and with our brethren we expect to fight it till, with every other relic of tyranny, it is trodden under foot." young accepted this challenge, and at once ordered harrison and two other elders in affiliation with him to depart on missions. they disobeyed the order. godbe and harrison told their friends in utah that they had learned from the spirits who visited them in new york that the release of the people of the territory from the despotism of the church could come only through the development of the mines. so determined was the opposition of young's priesthood to this development that its open advocacy in the magazine was the cause of more serious discussion than that given to any of the other subjects treated. as "the reformation" did not then embrace more than a dozen members, the courage necessary to defy the church on such a question was not to be belittled. just at that time came the visit of the illinois party and of vice president colfax, and the latter was made acquainted with their plans and gave them encouragement. ten days later the magazine, in an article on "the true development of the territory," openly advised paying more attention to mining. young immediately called together the "school of the prophets." this was an organization instituted in utah, with the professed object of discussing doctrinal questions, having the "revelations" of the prophet elucidated by his colleagues, etc. it was not open to all church members, the "scholars" attending by invitation, and it soon became an organization under young's direction which took cognizance of the secular doings of the people, exercising an espionage over them. the school is no longer maintained. before this school young denounced the "reformers" in his most scathing terms, going so far as to intimate that his rule was itself in danger. consequently the leaders of the "new movement" were notified to appear before the high council for a hearing. when this hearing occurred, young managed that godbe and harrison should be the only persons on trial. both of them defied him to his face, denying his "right to dictate to them in all things spiritual and temporal,"--this was the question put to them,--and protesting against his rule. they also read a set of resolutions giving an outline of their intended movements. they were at once excommunicated, and the only elder, eli b. kelsey, who voted against this action was immediately punished in the same way. kelsey was not granted even the perfunctory hearing that was customarily allowed in such cases, and he was "turned over to the devil," instead of being consigned by the usual formula "to the buffetings of satan." but this did not silence the "reformers." their lives were considered in danger by their acquaintances, and the assassination of the most prominent of them was anticipated;* but they went straight ahead on the lines they had proclaimed. their first public meetings were held on sunday, december , . the knowledge of the fact that they claimed to act by direct and recent revelation gave them no small advantage with a people whose belief rested on such manifestations of the divine will, and they had crowded audiences. the services were continued every sunday, and on the evening of one week day; the magazine went on with its work, and they were the founders of the salt lake tribune which later, as a secular journal, has led the gentile press in utah. * "in august my husband sent a respectful and kindly letter to the bishop of our ward, stating that he had no faith in brigham's claim to an infallible priesthood; and that he considered that he ought to be cut off from the church. i added a postscript stating that i wished to share my husband's fate. a little after ten o'clock, on the saturday night succeeding our withdrawal from the church, we were returning home together.. . when we suddenly saw four men come out from under some trees at a little distance from us.... as soon as they approached, they seized hold of my husband's arms, one on each side, and held him firmly, thus rendering him almost powerless. they were all masked.... in an instant i saw them raise their arms, as if taking aim, and for one brief second i thought that our end had surely come, and that we, like so many obnoxious persons before us, were about to be murdered for the great sin of apostasy. this i firmly believe would have been my husband's fate if i had not chanced to be with him or had i run away.... the wretches, although otherwise well armed, were not holding revolvers in their hands as i at first supposed. they were furnished with huge garden syringes, charged with the most disgusting filth. my hair, bonnet, face, clothes, person--every inch of my body, every shred i wore--were in an instant saturated, and my husband and myself stood there reeking from head to foot. the villains, when they had perpetrated this disgusting and brutal outrage, turned and fled."--mrs. stenhouse, "tell it all," pp. - . but the attempt to establish a reformed mormonism did not succeed, and the organization gradually disappeared. one of the surviving leaders said to me (in october, ): "my parents had believed in mormonism, and i believed in the mormon prophet and the doctrines set forth in his revelations. we hoped to purify the mormon church, eradicating evils that had annexed themselves to it in later years. but our study of the question showed us that the mormon faith rested on no substantial basis, and we became believers in transcendentalism." mr. godbe and mr. lawrence still reside in utah. the former has made and lost more than one fortune in the mines. the mormon historian whitney says of the leaders in this attempted reform: "these men were all reputable and respected members of the community. naught against their morality or general uprightness of character was known or advanced."* stenhouse, writing three years before young's death, said:-- * whitney's "history of utah," vol. ii, p. . "but for the boldness of the reformers, utah to-day would not have been what it is. inspired by their example, the people who have listened to them disregarded the teachings of the priesthood against trading with or purchasing of the gentiles. the spell was broken, and, as in all such like experience, the other extreme was for a time threatened. walker brothers regained their lost trade.... reference could be made to elders, some of whom had to steal away from utah, for fear of violent hands being laid upon them had their intended departure been made known, who are to-day wealthy and respected gentlemen in the highest walks of life, both in the united states and in europe." ** for accounts of "the reformation" by leaders in it, see chap. of stenhouse's "rocky mountain saints," and tullidge's article, harper's magazine, vol. xliii, p. . chapter xxi. -- the last years of brigham young governor doty died in june, , without coming in open conflict with young, and was succeeded by charles durkee, a native of vermont, but appointed from wisconsin, which state he had represented in the united states senate. he resigned in , and was succeeded by j. wilson shaffer of illinois, appointed by president grant at the request of secretary of war rawlins, who, in a visit to the territory in , concluded that its welfare required a governor who would assert his authority. secretary s. a. mann, as acting governor, had, just before shaffer's arrival, signed a female suffrage bill passed by the territorial legislature. this gave offence to the new governor, and mann was at once succeeded by professor v. h. vaughn of the university of alabama, and chief justice c. c. wilson (who had succeeded titus) by james b. mckean. the latter was a native of rensselaer county, new york; had been county judge of saratoga county from to , a member of the th and th congresses, and colonel of the nd new york volunteers. governor shaffer's first important act was to issue a proclamation forbidding all drills and gatherings of the militia of the territory (which meant the nauvoo legion), except by the order of himself or the united states marshal. wells, signing himself "lieutenant general," sent the governor a written request for the suspension of this order. the governor, in reply, reminded wells that the only "lieutenant general" recognized by law was then philip h. sheridan, and declined to assist him in a course which "would aid you and your turbulent associates to further convince your followers that you and your associates are more powerful than the federal government." thus practically disappeared this famous mormon military organization. governor shaffer was ill when he reached utah, and he died a few days after his reply to wells was written, secretary vaughn succeeding him until the arrival of g. a. black, the new secretary, who then became acting governor pending the arrival of george l. woods, an ex-governor of oregon, who was next appointed to the executive office. as soon as the new federal judges, who were men of high personal character, took their seats, they decided that the united states marshal, and not the territorial marshal, was the proper person to impanel the juries in the federal courts, and that the attorney general appointed by the president under the territorial act, and not the one elected under that act, should prosecute indictments found in the federal courts. the chief justice also filled a vacancy in the office of federal attorney. the territorial legislature of , accordingly, made no appropriation for the expenses of the courts; and the chief justice, in dismissing the grand and petit juries on this account, explained to them that he had heard one of the high priesthood question the right of congress even to pass the territorial act. in september, , the united states marshal summoned a grand jury from nine counties (twenty-three jurors and seventeen talesmen) of whom only seven were mormons. all the latter, examined on their voir dire, declared that they believed that polygamy was a revelation to the church, and that they would obey the revelation rather than the law, and all were successfully challenged. this grand jury, early in october, found indictments against brigham young, "general" wells, g. q. cannon, and others under a territorial statute directed against lewdness and improper cohabitation. this action caused intense excitement in the mormon capital. prosecutor baskin was quoted as saying that the troops at camp douglas would be used to enforce the warrant for young's arrest if necessary, and the possible outcome has been thus portrayed by the mormon historian:--"it was well known that he [young] had often declared that he never would give himself up to be murdered as his predecessor, the prophet joseph, and his brother hyrum had been, while in the hands of the law, and under the sacred pledge of the state for their safety; and, ere this could have been repeated, ten thousand mormon elders would have gone into the jaws of death with brigham young. in a few hours the suspended nauvoo legion would have been in arms."* * tullidge's "history of salt lake city," p. . the warrant was served on young at his house by the united states marshal, and, as young was ill, a deputy was left in charge of him. on october young appeared in court with the leading men of the church, and a motion to quash the indictment was made before the chief justice and denied. the same grand jury on october found indictments for murder against d. h. wells, w. h. kimball, and hosea stout for alleged responsibility for the killing of richard yates during the "war" of . the fact that the man was killed was not disputed; his brains were knocked out with an axe as he was sleeping by the side of two mormon guards.* the defence was that he died the death of a spy. wells was admitted to bail in $ , , and the other two men were placed under guard at camp douglas. indictments were also found against brigham young, w. a. hickman, o. p. rockwell, g. d. grant, and simon dutton for the murder of one of the aikin party at warm springs. they were all admitted to bail. * hickman tells the story in his "brigham's destroying angel," p. . when the case against young, on the charge of improper cohabitation, was called on november , his counsel announced that he had gone south for his health, as was his custom in winter, and the prosecution thereupon claimed that his bail was forfeited. two adjournments were granted at the request of his counsel. on january young appeared in court, and his counsel urged that he be admitted to bail, pleading his age and ill health. the judge refused this request, but said that the marshal could, if he desired, detain the prisoner in one of young's own houses. this course was taken, and he remained under detention until released by the decision of the united states supreme court. in april, , that court decided that the territorial jury law of utah, in force since , had received the implied approval of congress; that the duties of the attorney and marshal appointed by the president under the territorial act "have exclusive relation to cases arising under the laws and constitution of the united states," and "the making up of the jury list and all matters connected with the designation of jurors are subject to the regulation of territorial law."* this was a great victory for the mormons. * chilton vs. englebrech, wallace, p. . in october, , the united states supreme court rendered its decision in the case of "snow vs. the united states" on the appeal from chief justice mckean's ruling about the authority of the prosecuting officers. it overruled the chief justice, confining the duties of the attorney appointed by the president to cases in which the federal government was concerned, concluding that "in any event, no great inconvenience can arise, because the entire matter is subject to the control and regulation of congress." * * wallace's "reports," vol. xviii, p. . the following comments, from three different sources, will show the reader how many influences were then shaping the control of authority in utah:--"at about this time [december, ] a change came in the action of the department of justice in these utah prosecutions, and fair-minded men of the nation demanded of the united states government that it should stop the disgraceful and illegal proceedings of judge mckean's court. the influence of senator morton was probably the first and most potent brought to bear in this matter, and immediately thereafter senator lyman trumbull threw the weight of his name and statesmanship in the same direction, which resulted in baskin and maxwell being superseded,... and finally resulted in the setting aside of two years of mckean's doings as illegal by the august decision of the supreme court."--tullidge, "history of salt lake city," p. . "the attorney for the mormons labored assiduously at washington, and, contrary to the usual custom in the supreme court, the forthcoming decision had been whispered to some grateful ears. the mormon anniversary conference beginning on the sixth of april was continued over without adjournment awaiting that decision."--"rocky mountain saints," p. . "thus stood affairs during the winter of - . the gentiles had the courts, the mormons had the money. in the spring nevada came over to run utah. hon. thomas fitch of that state had been defeated in his second race for congress; so he came to utah as attorney for the mormons. senator stewart and other nevada politicians made heavy investments in utah mines; litigation multiplied as to mining titles, and judge mckean did not rule to suit utah.... the great emma mine, worth two or three millions, became a power in our judicial embroglio. the chief justice, in various rulings, favored the present occupants. nevada called upon senator stewart, who agreed to go straight to long branch and see that mckean was removed. but ulysses the silent... promptly made reply that if judge mckean had committed no greater fault than to revise a little nevada law, he was not altogether unpardonable."--beadle, "polygamy," p. . the supreme court decisions left the federal courts in utah practically powerless, and president grant understood this. on february , , he sent a special message to congress, saying that he considered it necessary, in order to maintain the supremacy of the laws of the united states, "to provide that the selection of grand and petit jurors for the district courts [of utah], if not put under the control of federal officers, shall be placed in the hands of persons entirely independent of those who are determined not to enforce any act of congress obnoxious to them, and also to pass some act which shall deprive the probate courts, or any court created by the territorial legislature, of any power to interfere with or impede the action of the courts held by the united states judges." in line with this recommendation senator frelinghuysen had introduced a bill in the senate early in february, which the senate speedily passed, the democrats and schurz, carpenter, and trumbull voting against it. mormon influence fought it with desperation in the house, and in the closing hours of the session had it laid aside. the diary of delegate hooper says on this subject, "maxwell [the united states marshal for utah] said he would take out british papers and be an american citizen no longer. claggett [delegate from montana] asserted that we had spent $ , on the judiciary committee, and merritt [delegate from idaho] swore that there had been treachery and we had bribed congress."* * the mormons do not always conceal the influences they employ to control legislation in which they are interested. thus tullidge, referring to the men of whom their cooperative institution buys goods, says: "but z. c. m. i. has not only a commercial significance in the history of our city, but also a political one. it has long been the temporal bulwark around the mormon community. results which have been seen in utah affairs, preservative of the mormon power and people, unaccountable to 'the outsider' except on the now stale supposition that 'the mormon church has purchased congress,' may be better traced to the silent but potent influence of z. c. m. i. among the ruling business men of america, just as john sharp's position as one of the directors of u. p. r---r,--a compeer among such men as charles francis adams, jay gould and sidney dillon--gives him a voice in utah affairs among the railroad rulers of america."--"history of salt lake city;" p. . in the election of the mormons dropped hooper, who had long served them as delegate at washington, and sent in his place george q. cannon, an englishman by birth and a polygamist. but mormon influence in washington was now to receive a severe check. on june , , the president approved an act introduced by mr. poland of vermont, and known as the poland bill,* which had important results. it took from the probate courts in utah all civil, chancery, and criminal jurisdiction; made the common law in force; provided that the united states attorney should prosecute all criminal cases arising in the united states courts in the territory; that the united states marshal should serve and execute all processes and writs of the supreme and district courts, and that the clerk of the district court in each district and the judge of probate of the county should prepare the jury lists, each containing two hundred names, from which the united states marshal should draw the grand and petit juries for the term. it further provided that, when a woman filed a bill to declare void a marriage because of a previous marriage, the court could grant alimony; and that, in any prosecution for adultery, bigamy, or polygamy, a juror could be challenged if he practised polygamy or believed in its righteousness. * chap. , st session, d congress. the suit for divorce brought by young's wife "no. ,"--ann eliza young--in january, , attracted attention all over the country. her bill charged neglect, cruel treatment, and desertion, set forth that young had property worth $ , , and an income of not less than $ , a year, and asked for an allowance of $ a month while the suit was pending, $ for preliminary counsel fees, and $ , more when the final decree was made, and that she be awarded $ , for her support. young in his reply surprised even his mormon friends. after setting forth his legal marriage in ohio, stating that he and the plaintiff were members of a church which held the doctrine that "members thereto might rightfully enter into plural marriages," and admitting such a marriage in this case, he continued: "but defendant denies that he and the said plaintiff intermarried in any other or different sense or manner than that above mentioned or set forth. defendant further alleges that the said complainant was then informed by the defendant, and then and there well knew that, by reason of said marriage, in the manner aforesaid, she could not have and need not expect the society or personal attention of this defendant as in the ordinary relation between husband and wife." he further declared that his property did not exceed $ , in value, and his income $ a month. judge mckean, on february , , ordered young to pay ann eliza $ for counsel fees and $ a month alimony pendente lite, and, when he failed to obey, sentenced him to pay a fine of $ and to one day's imprisonment. young was driven to his own residence by the deputy marshal for dinner, and, after taking what clothing he required, was conducted to the penitentiary, where he was locked up in a cell for a short time, and then placed in a room in the warden's office for the night. judge mckean was accused of inconsistency in granting alimony, because, in so doing, he had to give legal sanction to ann eliza's marriage to brigham while the latter's legal wife was living. judge mckean's successor, judge d. p. loew, refused to imprison young, taking the ground that there had been no valid marriage. loew's successor, judge boreman, ordered young imprisoned until the amount due was paid, but he was left at his house in custody of the marshal. boreman's successor, judge white, freed young on the ground that boreman's order was void. white's successor, judge schaeffer, in reduced the alimony to $ per month, and, in default of payment, certain of young's property was sold at auction and rents were ordered seized to make up the deficiency. the divorce case came to trial in april, , when judge schaeffer decreed that the polygamous marriage was void, annulled all orders for alimony, and assessed the costs against the defendant. nothing further of great importance affecting the relations of the church with the federal government occurred during the rest of young's life. governor woods incurred the animosity of the mormons by asserting his authority from time to time ("he intermeddled," bancroft says). in he was succeeded by s. b. axtell of california, who showed such open sympathy with the mormon view of his office as to incur the severest censure of the non-mormon press. axtell was displaced in the following year by g. b. emery of tennessee, who held office until the early part of , when he was succeeded by eli h. murray.* * governor murray showed no disposition to yield to mormon authority. in his message in be referred pointedly, among other matters, to the tithing, declaring that "the poor man who earns a dollar by the sweat of his brow is entitled to that dollar," and that "any exaction or undue influence to dispossess him of any part of it, in any other manner than in payment of a legal obligation, is oppression," and he granted a certificate of election as delegate to congress to allan g. campbell, who received only votes to , for george q. cannon, holding that the latter was not a citizen. governor murray's resignation was accepted in march, , and he was succeeded in the following may by caleb w. west, who, in turn, was supplanted in may, , by a. l. thomas, who was territorial governor when utah was admitted as a state. chapter xxii. -- brigham young's death--his character brigham young died in salt lake city at p.m. on wednesday, august , . he was attacked with acute cholera morbus on the evening of the rd, after delivering an address in the council house, and it was followed by inflammation of the bowels. the body lay in state in the tabernacle from saturday, september , until sunday noon, when the funeral services were held. he was buried in a little plot on one of the main streets of salt lake city, not far from his place of residence. the steps by which young reached the position of head of the mormon church, the character of his rule, and the means by which he maintained it have been set forth in the previous chapters of this work. in the ruler we have seen a man without education, but possessed of an iron will, courage to take advantage of unusual opportunities, and a thorough knowledge of his flock gained by association with them in all their wanderings. in his people we have seen a nucleus of fanatics, including some of joseph smith's fellow-plotters, constantly added to by new recruits, mostly poor and ignorant foreigners, who had been made to believe in smith's bible and "revelations," and been further lured to a change of residence by false pictures of the country they were going to, and the business opportunities that awaited them there. having made a prominent tenet of the church the practice of polygamy, which young certainly knew the federal government would not approve, he had an additional bond with which to unite the interests of his flock with his own, and thus to make them believe his approval as necessary to their personal safety as they believed it to be necessary to their salvation. the command which young exercised in these circumstances is not an illustration of any form of leadership which can be held up to admiration. it is rather an exemplification of that tyranny in church and state which the world condemns whenever an example of it is afforded. young was the centre of responsibility for all the rebellion, nullification, and crime carried on under the authority of the church while he was its head. he never concealed his own power. he gloried in it, and declared it openly in and out of the tabernacle. authority of this kind cannot be divided. whatever credit is due to young for securing it, is legitimately his. but those who point to its acquisition as a sign of greatness, must accept for him, with it, responsibility for the crimes that were carried on under it. the laudators of young have found evidence of great executive ability in his management of the migration from nauvoo to utah. but, in the first place, this migration was compulsory; the mormons were obliged to move. in the second place its accomplishment was no more successful than the contemporary migrations to oregon, and the loss of life in the camps on the missouri river was greater than that incurred in the great rush across the plains to california; while the horrors of the hand-cart movement--a scheme of young's own device--have never been equalled in western travel. in utah, circumstances greatly favored young's success. had not gold been discovered when it was in california, the mormon settlement would long have been like a dot in a desert, and its ability to support the stream of immigrants attracted from europe would have been problematic, since, in more than one summer, those already there had narrowly escaped starvation while depending on the agricultural resources of the valley. j. hyde, writing in , said that young "by the native force and vigor of a strong mind" had taken from beneath the mormon church system "the monstrous stilts of a miserable superstition, and consolidated it into a compact scheme of the sternest fanaticism."* in other words, he might have explained, instead of relying on such "revelations" as served smith, he refused to use artificial commands of god, and substituted the commands of young, teaching, and having his associates teach, that obedience to the head of the church was obedience to the supreme power. both hyde and stenhouse, writing before young's death, and as witnesses of the strength of his autocratic government, overestimated him. this is seen in the view they took of the effect of his death. hyde declared that under any of the other contemporary leaders: taylor, kimball, orson hyde, or pratt: "mormonism will decline. brigham is its tun; this is its daytime." stenhouse asserted that, "theocracy will die out with brigham's flickering flame of life; and, when he is laid in the tomb, many who are silent now will curse his memory for the cruel suffering that his ambition caused them to endure." but all such prophecies remain unfulfilled. young's death caused no more revolution or change in the mormon church than does the death of a pope in the church of rome. "regret it who may," wrote a salt lake city correspondent less than three months after his burial, "the fact is visible to every intelligent person here that mormonism has taken a new lease of life, and, instead of disintegration, there never was such unity among its people; and in the place of a rapidly dying consumptive, whose days were numbered, the body of the church is the picture of pristine health and vigor, with all the ambition and enthusiasm of a first love."** the new leadership has, grudgingly, traded polygamy for statehood; but the church power is as strong and despotic and unified to-day on the lines on which it is working as it was under young, only exercising that power on the more civilized basis rendered necessary by closer connection with an outside civilization. * "mormonism," p. . ** new york times, november , . young was a successful accumulator of property for his own use. a poor man when he set out from nauvoo, his estate at his death was valued at between $ , , and $ , , . this was a great accumulation for a pioneer who had settled in a wilderness, been burdened with a polygamous family of over twenty wives and fifty children, and the cares of a church denomination, without salary as a church officer. "i am the only person in the church," young said to greeley in , "who has not a regular calling apart from the church service"; and he added, "we think a man who cannot make his living aside from the ministry of the church unsuited to that office. i am called rich, and consider myself worth $ , ; but no dollar of it ever was paid me by the church, nor for any service as a minister of the everlasting gospel." * two years after his death a writer in the salt lake tribune** asserted that young had secured in utah from the tithing $ , , , squandered about $ , on his family, and left the rest to be fought for by his heirs and assigns.*** notwithstanding the vast sums taken by him in tithing for the alleged benefit of the poor, there was not in salt lake city, at the time of his death, a single hospital or "home" creditable to that settlement. * "overland journey," p. . ** june , . *** "having control of the tithing, and possessing unlimited credit, he has added 'house to house and field to field,' while every one knew that he had no personal enterprises sufficient to enable him to meet anything like the current expenses of his numerous wives and children. as trustee in trust he renders no account of the funds that come into his hands, but tells the faithful that they are at perfect liberty to examine the books at any moment."--"rocky mountain saints," p. . the mere acquisition of his wealth no more entitled young to be held up as a marvellous man of business than did tweed's accumulations give him this distinction in new york. beadle declares that "brigham never made a success of any business he undertook except managing the mormons," and cites among his business failures the non-success of every distant colony he planted, the cottonwood canal (whose mouth was ten feet higher than its source), his beet-sugar manufactory, and his colorado transportation company (to bring goods for southern utah up the colorado river).* * "polygamy," p. . the reports of young's discourses in the temple show that he was as determined in carrying out his own financial schemes as he was in enforcing orders pertaining to the church. here is an almost humorous illustration of this. in urging the people one day to be more regular in paying their tithing, he said they need not fear that he would make a bad use of their money, as he had plenty of his own, adding:--"i believe i will tell you how i get some of it. a great many of these elders in israel, soon after courting these young ladies, and old ladies, and middle-aged ladies, and having them sealed to them, want to have a bill of divorce. i have told them from the beginning that sealing men and women for time and all eternity is one of the ordinances of the house of god, and that i never wanted a farthing for sealing them, nor for officiating in any of the ordinances of god's house. but when you ask for a bill of divorce, i intend that you shall pay for it. that keeps me in spending money, besides enabling me to give hundreds of dollars to the poor, and buy butter, eggs, and little notions for women and children, and otherwise use it where it does good. you may think this a singular feature of the gospel, but i cannot exactly say that this is in the gospel."* * deseret news, march , . for such an openly jolly old hypocrite one can scarcely resist the feeling that he would like to pass around the hat. we have seen how young gave himself control of a valuable canyon. that was only the beginning of such acquisitions. the territorial legislature of utah was continually making special grants to him. among them may be mentioned the control of city creek canyon (said to have been worth $ , a year) on payment of $ ; of the waters of mill creek; exclusive right to kansas prairie as a herd-ground; the whole of cache valley for a herd-ground; rush valley for a herd-ground; rights to establish ferries; an appropriation of $ for an academy in salt lake city (which was not built), etc.* * here is the text of one of these acts: "be it ordained by the general assembly of the state of deseret that brigham young has the sole control of city creek and canyon; and that he pay into the public treasury the sum of $ therefore. dec. , ." young's holdings of real estate were large, not only in salt lake city, but in almost every county in the territory.* besides city lots and farm lands, he owned grist and saw mills, and he took care that his farms were well cultivated and that his mills made fine flour.** * "for several years past the agent of the church, a. m. musser, has been engaged in securing legal deeds for all the property the prophet claims, and by this he will be able to secure in his lifetime to his different families such property as will render them independent at his death. the building of the pacific railroad is said to have yielded him about a quarter of a million."--"rocky mountain saints," p. . ** "his position secured him also many valuable presents. from a barrel of brandy down to an umbrella, brigham receives courteously and remembers the donors with increased kindness. i saw one man make him a present of ten fine milch cows."--hyde, "mormonism," p. . as trustee in trust for the church young had control of all the church property and income, practically without responsibility or oversight. mrs. waite (writing in ) said that attempts for many years by the general conference to procure a balance sheet of receipts and expenditures had failed, and that the accounts in the tithing office, such as they were, were kept by clerks who were the leading actors in the salt lake theatre, owned by young.* it was openly charged that, in , young "balanced his account" with the church by having the clerk credit him with the amount due by him, "for services rendered," and that, in , he balanced his account again by crediting himself with $ , . a committee appointed to investigate the accounts of young after his death reported to the conference of october, , that "for the sole purpose of preserving it from the spoliation of the enemy," he "had transferred certain property from the possession of the church to his own individual possession," but that it had been transferred back again. * "the mormon prophet," pp. - , young's will divided his wives and children into nineteen "classes," and directed his executors to pay to each such a sum as might be necessary for their comfortable support; the word "marriage" in the will to mean "either by ceremony before a lawful magistrate, or according to the order of the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints, or by their cohabitation in conformity to our custom." on june , , emmeline a. young, on behalf of herself and the heirs at law, began a suit against the executors of young's estate, charging that they had improperly appropriated $ , ; had improperly allowed nearly $ , , to john taylor as trustee in trust to the church, less a credit of $ , for young's services as trustee; and that they claimed the power, as members of the apostles' quorum, to dispose of all the testator's property and to disinherit any heir who refused to submit. this suit was compromised in the following september, the seven persons joining in it executing a release on payment of $ , . a suit which the church had begun against the heirs and executors was also discontinued. the salt lake herald (mormon) of october , , said, "the adjustment is far preferable to a continuance of the suit, which was proving not only expensive, but had become excessively annoying to many people, was a large disturbing element in the community, and was rapidly descending into paths that nobody here cares to see trodden." just how many wives brigham young had, in the course of his life, would depend on his own and others' definition of that term. he told horace greeley, in : "i have fifteen; i know no one who has more. but some of those sealed to me are old ladies, whom i regard rather as mothers than wives, but whom i have taken home to cherish and support."* in , he informed the boston board of trade, when that body visited salt lake city, that he had sixteen wives living, and had lost four, and that forty-nine of his children were living then. "he was," says beadle, "sealed on the spiritual wife system to more women than any one can count; all over mormondom are pious old widows, or wives of gentiles and apostates, who hope to rise at the last day and claim a celestial share in brigham." j. hyde said that he knew of about twenty-five wives with whom brigham lived. the following list is made up from "pictures and biographies of brigham young and his wives," published by j. h. crockwell of salt lake city, by authority of young's eldest son and of seven of his wives, but is not complete:-- * "overland journey," p. . [illustration: list of wives] name************* date of marriage *** number of children*** mary ann angell * february, . ohio louisa beman ** april, . nauvoo mrs. lucy decker seely june, . nauvoo h. e. c. campbell november, .nauvoo augusta adams november, . nauvoo clara decker may, . nauvoo clara c. ross september, . nauvoo emily dow partridge** september, . nauvoo susan snively november, . nauvoo olive grey frost** february, . nauvoo emmeline free april, . nauvoo margaret pierce april, . nauvoo n. k. t. carter january, . nauvoo ellen rockwood january, . nauvoo maria lawrence** january, . nauvoo martha bowker january, . nauvoo margaret m. alley january, . nauvoo lucy bigelow march, . (?) z. d. huntington ** march, (?). nauvoo eliza k. snow** june, . s. l. c. eliza burgess october, . s. l. c. harriet barney october, . s. l. c. harriet a. folsom january, . s. l. c. mary van cott january, . s. l. c. ann eliza webb april, . s. l. c. * his first wife died . ** joseph smith's widows. young's principal houses in salt lake city stood at the southeastern corner of the block adjoining the temple block, and designated on the map as block . the largest building, occupying the corner, was called the beehive house; connected with this was a smaller building in which were young's private offices, the tithing office, etc; and next to this was a building partly of stone, called the lion house, taking its name from the figure of a lion sculptured on its front, representing young's title "the lion of the lord." when j. hyde wrote, seventeen or eighteen of young's wives dwelt in the lion house, and the beehive house became his official residence.* individual wives were provided for elsewhere. his legal wife lived in what was called the white house, a few hundred yards from his official home. his well-beloved amelia lived in another house half a block distant; another favorite, just across the street; emmeline, on the same block; and not far away the latest acquisition to his harem. * the beehive house is still the official residence of the head of the church, and in it president snow was living at the time of his death. the office building is still devoted to office uses, and the lion house now furnishes temporary quarters to the latter-day saints' college. young's life in his later years was a very orderly one, although he was not methodical in arranging his office hours and attending to his many duties. rising before eight a.m., he was usually in his office at nine, transacting business with his secretary, and was ready to receive callers at ten. so many were the people who had occasion to see him, and so varied were the matters that could be brought to his attention, that many hours would be devoted to these callers if other engagements did not interfere. once a year he made a sort of visit of state to all the principal settlements in the territory, accompanied by counsellors, apostles, and bishops, and sometimes by a favorite wife. shorter excursions of the same kind were made at other times. each settlement was expected to give him a formal greeting, and this sometimes took the form of a procession with banners, such as might have been prepared for a conquering hero. chapter xxiii. -- social aspects of polygamy there was something compulsory about all phases of life in utah during brigham young's regime--the form of employment for the men, the domestic regulations of the women, the church duties each should perform, and even the location in the territory which they should call their home. not only did large numbers of the foreign immigrants find themselves in debt to the church on their arrival, and become compelled in this way to labor on the "public works" as they might be ordered, but the skilled mechanics who brought their tools with them in most cases found on their arrival that existence in utah meant a contest with the soil for food. even when a mechanic obtained employment at his trade it was in the ruder branches. mormon authorities have always tried to show that americans have predominated in their community. tullidge classes the population in this order: americans, english, scandinavian (these claim one-fifth of the mormon population of utah), scotch, welsh, germans, and a few irish, french, italians, and swiss. the combination of new-comers and the emigrants from nauvoo made a rude society of fanatics,* before whom there was held out enough prospect of gain in land values (scarcely one of the immigrants had ever been a landowner) to overcome a good deal of the discontent natural to their mode of life, and who, in religious matters, were held in control by a priesthood, against whom they could not rebel without endangering that hope of heaven which had induced them to journey across the ocean. there are roughness and lawlessness in all frontier settlements, but this mormon community differed from all other gatherings of new population in the american west. it did not migrate of its own accord, attracted by a fertile soil or precious ores; it was induced to migrate, not without misrepresentation concerning material prospects, it is true, but mainly because of the hope that by doing so it would share in the blessings and protection of a zion. the gambling hell and the dance hall, which form principal features of frontier mining settlements, were wanting in salt lake city, and the absence of the brothel was pointed to as evidence of the moral effect of polygamy. * "i have discovered thus early ( ) that little deference is paid to women. repeatedly, in my long walk to our boarding house, i was obliged to retreat back from the [street] crossing places and stand on one side for men to cross over. there are said to be a great many of the lower order of english here, and this rudeness, so unusual with our countrymen, may proceed from them."--mrs. ferris. "life among the mormons." the system of plural marriages left its impress all over the home life of the territory. many of the mormon leaders, as we have seen, had more wives than one when they made their first trip across the plains, and the practice of polygamy, while denied on occasion, was not concealed from the time the settlement was made in the valley to the date of its public proclamation. in the early days, a man with more than one wife provided for them according to his means. young began with quarters better than the average, but modest in their way, and finally occupied the big buildings which cost him many thousands of dollars. if a man with several wives had the means to do so, he would build a long, low dwelling, with an outside door for each wife, and thus house all under the same roof in a sort of separate barracks. when gunnison wrote, in , there were many instances in which more than one wife shared the same house when it contained only one apartment, but he said: "it is usual to board out the extra ones, who most frequently pay their own way by sewing, and other female employments." mrs. ferris wrote: "the mass of the dwellings are small, low, and hutlike. some of them literally swarmed with women and children, and had an aspect of extreme want of neatness.... one family, in which there were two wives, was living in a small hut--three children very sick [with scarlet fever]--two beds and a cook-stove in the same room, creating the air of a pest-house."* * "life among the mormons," pp. , . hyde, describing the city in , thus enumerated the home accommodations of some of the leaders:--"a very pretty house on the east side was occupied by the late j. m. grant and his five wives. a large barrack-like house on the corner is tenanted by ezra t. benson and his four ladies. a large but mean-looking house to the west was inhabited by the late parley p. pratt and his nine wives. in that long, dirty row of single rooms, half hidden by a very beautiful orchard and garden, lived dr. richard and his eleven wives. wilford woodruff and five wives reside in another large house still further west. o. pratt and some four or five wives occupy an adjacent building. looking toward the north, we espy a whole block covered with houses, barns, gardens, and orchards. in these dwell h. c. kimball and his eighteen or twenty wives, their families and dependents."* * "mormonism," p. . the number of wives of the church leaders decreased in later years. beadle, giving the number of wives "supposed to appertain to each" in , credits president taylor with four (three having died), and the apostles with an average of three each, erastus snow having five, and four others only two each. horace greeley, prejudiced as he was in favor of the mormons when he visited salt lake city in , was forced to observe:--"the degradation (or, if you please, the restriction) of woman to the single office of childbearing and its accessories is an inevitable consequence of the system here paramount. i have not observed a sign in the streets, an advertisement in the journals, of this mormon metropolis, whereby a woman proposes to do anything whatever. no mormon has ever cited to me his wife's or any woman's opinion on any subject; no mormon woman has been introduced or spoken to me; and, though i have been asked to visit mormons in their houses, no one has spoken of his wife (or wives) desiring to see me, or his desiring me to make her (or their) acquaintance, or voluntarily indicated the existence of such a being or beings."* * "overland journey," p. . woman's natural jealousy, and the suffering that a loving wife would endure when called upon to share her husband's affection and her home with other women, would seem to form a sort of natural check to polygamous marriages. but in utah this check was overcome both by the absolute power of the priesthood over their flock, and by the adroit device of making polygamy not merely permissive, but essential to eternal salvation. that the many wives of even so exalted a prophet as brigham young could become rebellious is shown by the language employed by him in his discourse of september , , of which the following will suffice as a specimen:--"men will say, 'my wife, though a most excellent woman, has not seen a happy day since i took my second wife; no, not a happy day for a year.'... i wish my women to understand that what i am going to say is for them, as well as all others, and i want those who are here to tell their sisters, yes, all the women in this community, and then write it back to the states, and do as you please with it. i am going to give you from this time till the th day of october next for reflection, that you may determine whether you wish to stay with your husbands or not, and then i am going to set every woman at liberty, and say to them, 'now go your way, my women with the rest; go your way.' and my wives have got to do one of two things; either round up their shoulders to endure the afflictions of this world, and live their religion, or they may leave, for i will not have them about me. i will go into heaven alone, rather than have scratching and fighting all around me. i will set all at liberty. what, first wife too?' yes, i will liberate you all. i know what my women will say; they will say, 'you can have as many women as you please, brigham.' but i want to go somewhere and do something to get rid of the whiners... . sisters, i am not joking."* * journal of discourses, vol. iv, p. . grant, on the same day, in connection with his presentation of the doctrine of blood atonement, declared that there was "scarcely a mother in israel" who would not, if they could, "break asunder the cable of the church in christ; and they talk it to their husbands, to their daughters, and to their neighbors, and say that they have not seen a week's happiness since they became acquainted with that law, or since their husbands took a second wife."* the coarse and plain-spoken h. c. kimball, in a discourse in the tabernacle, november , , thus defined the duty of polygamous wives, "it is the duty of a woman to be obedient to her husband, and, unless she is, i would not give a damn for all her queenly right or authority, nor for her either, if she will quarrel and lie about the work of god and the principles of plurality."** * ibid, p. . ** deseret news, vol. vi, p. . gentile observers were amazed, in the earlier days of utah, to see to what lengths the fanatical teachings of the church officers would be accepted by women. thus mrs. ferris found that the explanation of the willingness of many young women in utah to be married to venerable church officers, who already had harems, was their belief that they could only be "saved" if married or sealed to a faithful saint, and that an older man was less likely to apostatize, and so carry his wives to perdition with him, than a young one; therefore "it became an object with these silly fools to get into the harems of the priests and elders." if this advantage of the church officers in the selection of new wives did not avail, other means were employed,*as in the notorious san pete case. the officers remaining at home did not hesitate to insist on a fair division of the spoils (that is, the marriageable immigrants), as is shown by the following remarks of heber c. kimball to some missionaries about starting out: "let truth and righteousness be your motto, and don't go into the world for anything but to preach the gospel, build up the kingdom of god, and gather the sheep into the fold. you are sent out as shepherds to gather the sheep together; and remember that they are not your sheep; they belong to him that sends you. then don't make a choice of any of those sheep; don't make selections before they are brought home and put into the fold. you understand that. amen." mr. ferris thus described the use of his priestly power made by wilford woodruff, who, as head of the church in later years, gave out the advice about abandoning polygamy: "woodruff has a regular system of changing his harem. he takes in one or more young girls, and so manages, after he tires of them, that they are glad to ask for a divorce, after which he beats the bush for recruits. he took a fresh one, about fourteen years old, in march, , and will probably get rid of her in the course of the ensuing summer." ** * conan doyle's story, "a study in scarlet," is founded on the use of this power. ** "utah and the mormons," p. . mrs. waite thus relates a conversation she had with a mormon wife about her husband going into polygamy:--"'oh, it is hard,' she said, 'very hard; but no matter, we must bear it. it is a correct principle, and there is no salvation without it. we had one [wife] but it was so hard, both for my husband and myself, that we could not endure it, and she left us at the end of seven months. she had been with us as a servant several months, and was a good girl; but as soon as she was made a wife she became insolent, and told me she had as good a right to the house and things as i had, and you know that didn't suit me well. but,' continued she, 'i wish we had kept her, and i had borne everything, for we have got to have one, and don't you think it would be pleasanter to have one you had known than a stranger?'"* * "the mormon prophet," p. . many accounts of the feeling of first wives regarding polygamy may be found in this book and in mrs. stenhouse's "tell it all." the voice which the first wife had in the matter was defined in the seer (vol. i, p. ). if she objected, she could state her objection to president young, who, if he found the reason sufficient, could forbid the marriage; but if he considered that her reason was not good, then the marriage could take place, and "he [the husband] will be justified, and she will be condemned, because she did not give them unto him as sarah gave hagar to abraham, and as rachel and leah gave bilhah and zilpah to their husband, jacob." young's dictatorship in the choice of wives was equally absolute. "no man in utah," said the seer (vol. i, p. ), "who already has a wife, and who may desire to obtain another, has any right to make any proposition of marriage to a lady until he has consulted the president of the whole church, and through him obtained a revelation from god as to whether it would be pleasing in his sight." the authority of the priesthood was always exerted to compel at least every prominent member of the church to take more wives than one. "for a man to be confined to one woman is a small business," said kimball in the tabernacle, on april , . this influence coerced stenhouse to take as his second wife a fourteen-year-old daughter of parley p. pratt, although he loved his legal wife, and she had told him that she would not live with him if he married again, and although his intimate friend, superintendent cooke, of the overland stage company, to save him, threatened to prosecute him under the law against bigamy if he yielded.* another illustration, given by mrs. waite, may be cited. kimball, calling on a prussian immigrant named taussig one day, asked him how he was doing and how many wives he had, and on being told that he had two, replied, "that is not enough. you must take a couple more. i'll send them to you." the narrative continues:-- * when mr. and mrs. stenhouse left the church at the time of the "new movement" their daughter, who was a polygamous wife of brigham young's son, decided with the church and refused even to speak with her parents. "on the following evening, when the brother returned home, he found two women sitting there. his first wife said, 'brother taussig' (all the women call their husbands brother), 'these are the sisters pratt.' they were two widows of parley p. pratt. one of the ladies, sarah, then said, 'brother taussig, brother kimball told us to call on you, and you know what for.' 'yes, ladies,' replied brother taussig, 'but it is a very hard task for me to marry two' the other remarked, 'brother kimball told us you were doing a very good business and could support more women.' sarah then took up the conversation, 'well, brother taussig, i want to get married anyhow.' the good brother replied, 'well, ladies, i will see what i can do and let you know."* * "the mormon prophet," p. . brother taussig compromised the matter with the bishop of his ward by marrying sarah, but she did not like her new home, and he was allowed to divorce her on payment of $ to brigham young! each polygamous family was, of course, governed in accordance with the character of its head: a kind man would treat all his wives kindly, however decided a preference he might show for one; and under a brute all would be unhappy. young, in his earlier days at salt lake city, used to assemble all his family for prayers, and have a kind word for each of the women, and all ate at a common table after his permanent residences were built. "brigham's wives," says hyde, "although poorly clothed and hard worked, are still very infatuated with their system, very devout in their religion, very devoted to their children. they content themselves with his kindness as they cannot obtain his love."* he kept no servants, the wives performing all the household work, and one of them acting as teacher to her own and the others' children. as the excuse for marriage with the mormons is childbearing, the older wives were practically discarded, taking the place of examples of piety and of spiritual advisers. * "mormonism," p. . ** how far this doctrine was not observed may be noted in the following remarks of h. c. kimball in the tabernacle, on february , : "they [his wives] have got to live their religion, serve their god, and do right as well as myself. suppose that i lose the whole of them before i go into the spiritual world, but that i have been a good, faithful man all the days of my life, and lived my religion, and had favor with god, and was kind to them, do you think i will be destitute there? no. the lord says there are more there than there are here. they have been increasing there; they increase there a great deal faster than they do here, because there is no obstruction. they do not call upon the doctors to kill their offspring. in this world very many of the doctors are studying to diminish the human race. in the spiritual world... we will go to brother joseph... and he will say to us, 'come along, my boys, we will give you a good suit of clothes. where are your wives?' 'they are back yonder; they would not follow us.' 'never mind,' says joseph, 'here are thousands; have all you want.'"--journal of discourses, vol. iv, p. . a summing up of the many-sided evils of polygamy was thus presented by president cleveland in his first annual message:--"the strength, the perpetuity, and the destiny of the nation rests upon our homes, established by the law of god, guarded by parental care, regulated by parental authority, and sanctified by parental love. these are not the homes of polygamy. "the mothers of our land, who rule the nation as they mould the characters and guide the actions of their sons, live according to god's holy ordinances, and each, secure and happy in the exclusive love of the father of her children, sheds the warm light of true womanhood, unperverted and unpolluted, upon all within her pure and wholesome family circle. these are not the cheerless, crushed, and unwomanly mothers of polygamy. "the fathers of our families are the best citizens of the republic. wife and children are the sources of patriotism, and conjugal and parental affection beget devotion to the country. the man who, undefiled with plural marriage, is surrounded in his single home with his wife and children, has a status in the country which inspires him with respect for its laws and courage for its defence. these are not the fathers of polygamous families." chapter xxiv. -- the fight against polygamy--statehood the first measure "to punish and prevent the practice of polygamy in the territories of the united states" was introduced in the house of representatives by mr. morrill of vermont (bill no. ) at the first session of the th congress, on february , . it contained clauses annulling some of the acts of the territorial legislature of utah, including the one incorporating the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints. this bill was reported by the judiciary committee on march , the committee declaring that "no argument was deemed necessary to prove that an act could be regarded as criminal which is so treated by the universal concurrence of the christian and civilized world," and characterizing the church incorporation act as granting "such monstrous powers and arrogant assumptions as are at war with the genius of our government." the bill passed the house on april , by a vote of to , was favorably reported to the senate by mr. bayard from the judiciary committee on june , but did not pass that house. mr. morrill introduced his bill by unanimous consent in the next congress (on april , ), and it was passed by the house on april . mr. bayard, from the judiciary committee, reported it back to the senate on june with amendments. he explained that the house bill punished not only polygamous marriages, but cohabitation without marriage. the committee recommended limiting the punishment to bigamy--a fine not to exceed $ and imprisonment for not more than five years. another amendment limited the amount of real estate which a church corporation could hold in the territories to $ , . the bill passed the senate with the negative votes of only the two california senators, and the house accepted the amendments. lincoln signed it. nothing practical was accomplished by this legislation, in george a. smith and john taylor, the presiding officers of the utah legislature, petitioned congress to repeal this act, setting forth as one reason that "the judiciary of this territory has not, up to the present time, tried any case under said law, though repeatedly urged to do so by those who have been anxious to test its constitutionality." the house judiciary committee reported that this was a practical request for the sanctioning of polygamy, and said: "your committee has not been able to ascertain the reason why this law has not been enforced. the humiliating fact is, however, apparent that the law is at present practically a dead letter in the territory of utah, and that the gravest necessity exists for its enforcement; and, in the opinion of the committee, if it be through the fault or neglect of the judiciary of that territory that the laws are not enforced, the judges should be removed without delay; and that, if the failure to execute the law arises from other causes, it becomes the duty of the president of the united states to see that the law is faithfully executed."* * house report no. , nd session, th congress. in june, , senator benjamin wade of ohio obtained unanimous consent to introduce a bill enacting radical legislation concerning such marriages as were performed and sanctioned by the mormon church, but it did not pass. senator cragin of new hampshire soon introduced a similar bill, but it, too failed to become a law. in , in the first congress that met under president grant, mr. cullom of illinois introduced in the house the bill aimed at polygamy that was designated by his name. this bill was the practical starting-point of the anti-polygamous legislation subsequently enacted, as over it was aroused the feeling--in its behalf in the east and against it in utah--that resulted in practical legislation. delegate hooper made the leading speech against it, summing up his objections as follows:-- "( ) that under our constitution we are entitled to be protected in the full and free enjoyment of our religious faith. "( ) that our views of the marriage relation are an essential portion of our religious faith. "( ) that, in conceding the cognizance of the marriage relation as within the province of church regulations, we are practically in accord with all other christian denominations. "( ) that in our view of the marriage relation as a part of our religious belief we are entitled to immunity from persecution under the constitution, if such views are sincerely held; that, if such views are erroneous, their eradication must be by argument and not by force." the bill, greatly amended, passed the house on march , , by a vote of to . the news of this action caused perhaps the greatest excitement ever known in utah. there was no intention on the part of the mormons to make any compromise on the question, and they set out to defeat the bill outright in the senate. meetings of mormon women were gotten up in all parts of the territory, in which they asserted their devotion to the doctrine. the "reformers," including stenhouse, harrison, tullidge, and others, and merchants like walker brothers, colonel kahn, and t. marshall, joined in a call for a mass-meeting at which all expressed disapproval of some of its provisions, like the one requiring men already having polygamous wives to break up their families. mr. godbe went to washington while the bill was before the house, and worked hard for its modification. the bill did not pass the senate, a leading argument against it being the assumed impossibility of convicting polygamists under it with any juries drawn in utah. the arrest of brigham young and others under the act to punish adulterers, and the proceedings against them before judge mckean in , have been noted. at the same term of the court thomas hawkins, an english immigrant, was convicted of the same charge on the evidence of his wife, and sentenced to imprisonment for three years and to pay a fine of $ . in passing sentence, judge mckean told the prisoner that, if he let him off with a fine, the fine would be paid out of other funds than his own; that he would thus go free, and that "those men who mislead the people would make you and thousands of others believe that god had sent the money to pay the fine; that, by a miracle, you had been rescued from the authorities of the united states." after the passage of the poland law, in , george reynolds, brigham young's private secretary, was convicted of bigamy under the law of , but was set free by the supreme court of the territory on the ground of illegality in the drawing of the grand jury. in the following year he was again convicted, and was sentenced to imprisonment for two years and to pay a fine of $ . the case was appealed to the united states supreme court, which rendered its decision in october, , unanimously sustaining the conviction, except that justice field objected to the admission of one witness's testimony. in its decision the court stated the question raised to be "whether religious belief can be accepted as a justification for an overt act made criminal by the law of the land." next came a discussion of views of religious freedom, as bearing on the meaning of "religion" in the federal constitution, leading up to the conclusion that "congress was deprived of all legislative power over mere opinion, but was left free to reach actions which were in violation of social duties, or subversive of good order." the court then traced the view of polygamy in england and the united states from the time when it was made a capital offence in england (as it was in virginia in ), declaring that, "in the face of all this evidence, it is impossible to believe that the constitutional guaranty of religious freedom was intended to prohibit legislation in respect to this most important feature of social life." the opinion continued as follows:--"in our opinion, the statute immediately under consideration is within the legislative power of congress. it is constitutional and valid as prescribing a rule of action for all those residing in the territories, and in places over which the united states has exclusive control. this being so, the only question which remains is, whether those who make polygamy a part of their religion are excepted from the operation of the statute. if they are, then those who do not make polygamy a part of their religious belief may be found guilty and punished, while those who do, must be acquitted and go free. this would be introducing a new element into criminal law. laws are made for the government of actions, and, while they cannot interfere with mere religious belief and opinions, they may with practices. suppose one believed that human sacrifices were a necessary part of religious worship, would it be seriously contended that the civil government under which he lived could not interfere to prevent a sacrifice? or, if a wife religiously believed it was her duty to burn herself on the funeral pile of her dead husband, would it be beyond the power of the civil government to prevent her carrying her belief into practice? "so here, as a law of the organization of society under the exclusive dominion of the united states, it is provided that plural marriages shall not be allowed. can a man excuse his practices to the contrary because of his religious belief? to permit this would be to make the professed doctrines of religious belief superior to the law of the land, and in effect to permit every citizen to become a law unto himself. government could exist only in name under such circumstances. "a criminal intent is generally an element of crime, but every man is presumed to intend the necessary and legitimate consequences of what he knowingly does. here the accused knew he had been once married, and that his first wife was living. he also knew that his second marriage was forbidden by law. when, therefore, he married the second time, he is presumed to have intended to break the law, and the breaking of the law is the crime. every act necessary to constitute the crime was knowingly done, and the crime was therefore knowingly committed.* * united states reports, otto, vol. iii, p. . p. t. van zile of michigan, who became district attorney of the territory in , tried john miles, a polygamist, for bigamy, in , and he was convicted, the prosecutor taking advantage of the fact that the territorial legislature had practically adopted the california code, which allowed challenges of jurors for actual bias. the principal incident of this trial was the summoning of "general" wells, then a counsellor of the church, as a witness, and his refusal to describe the dress worn during the ceremonies in the endowment house, and the ceremonies themselves. he gave as his excuse, "because i am under moral and sacred obligations to not answer, and it is interwoven in my character never to betray a friend, a brother, my country, my god, or my religion." he was sentenced to pay a fine, of $ , and to two days' imprisonment. on his release, the city council met him at the prison door and escorted him home, accompanied by bands of music and a procession made up of the benevolent, fire, and other organizations, and delegations from every ward. governor emery, in his message to the territorial legislature of , spoke as plainly about polygamy as any of his predecessors, saying that it was a grave crime, even if the law against it was a dead letter, and characterizing it as an evil endangering the peace of society. there was a lull in the agitation against polygamy in congress for some years after the contest over the cullom bill. in a mass-meeting of women of salt lake city opposed to polygamy was held there, and an address "to mrs. rutherford b. hayes and the women of the united states," and a petition to congress, were adopted, and a committee was appointed to distribute the petition throughout the country for signatures. the address set forth that there had been more polygamous marriages in the last year than ever before in the history of the mormon church; that endowment houses, under the name of temples, and costing millions, were being erected in different parts of the territory, in which the members were "sealed and bound by oaths so strong that even apostates will not reveal them"; that the mormons had the balance of power in two territories, and were plotting to extend it; and asking congress "to arrest the further progress of this evil." president hayes, in his annual message in december, , spoke of the recent decision of the united states supreme court, and said that there was no reason for longer delay in the enforcement of the law, urging "more comprehensive and searching methods" of punishing and preventing polygamy if they were necessary. he returned to the subject in his message in , saying: "polygamy can only be suppressed by taking away the political power of the sect which encourages and sustains it.. .. i recommend that congress provide for the government of utah by a governor and judges, or commissioners, appointed by the president and confirmed by the senate, (or) that the right to vote, hold office, or sit on juries in the territory of utah be confined to those who neither practise nor uphold polygamy." president garfield took up the subject in his inaugural address on march , . "the mormon church," he said, "not only offends the moral sense of mankind by sanctioning polygamy, but prevents the administration of justice through ordinary instrumentalities of law." he expressed the opinion that congress should prohibit polygamy, and not allow "any ecclesiastical organization to usurp in the smallest degree the functions and power, of the national government." president arthur, in his message in december, , referred to the difficulty of securing convictions of persons accused of polygamy--"this odious crime, so revolting to the moral and religious sense of christendom"--and recommended legislation. in the spirit of these recommendations, senator edmunds introduced in the senate, on december , , a comprehensive measure amending the antipolygamy law of , which, amended during the course of the debate, was passed in the senate on february , , without a roll-call,*and in the house on march , by a vote of to , and was approved by the president on march . this is what is known as the edmunds law--the first really serious blow struck by congress against polygamy. * speeches against the bill were made in the senate by brown, call, lamar, morgan, pendleton, and vest. it provided, in brief, that, in the territories, any person who, having a husband or wife living, marries another, or marries more than one woman on the same day, shall be punished by a fine of not more than $ , and by imprisonment, for not more than five years; that a male person cohabiting with more than one woman shall be guilty of a misdemeanor, and be subject to a fine of not more than $ or to six months' imprisonment, or both; that in any prosecution for bigamy, polygamy, or unlawful cohabitation, a juror may be challenged if he is or has been living in the practice of either offence, or if he believes it right for a man to have more than one living and undivorced wife at a time, or to cohabit with more than one woman; that the president may have power to grant amnesty to offenders, as described, before the passage of this act; that the issue of so-called mormon marriages born before january , , be legitimated; that no polygamist shall be entitled to vote in any territory, or to hold office under the united states; that the president shall appoint in utah a board of five persons for the registry of voters, and the reception and counting of votes. to meet the determined opposition to the new law, an amendment (known as the edmunds-tucker law) was enacted in . this law, in any prosecution coming under the definition of plural marriages, waived the process of subpoena, on affadavit of sufficient cause, in favor of an attachment; allowed a lawful husband or wife to testify regarding each other; required every marriage certificate in utah to be signed by the parties and the person performing the ceremony, and filed in court; abolished female suffrage, and gave suffrage only to males of proper age who registered and took an oath, giving the names of their lawful wives, and promised to obey the laws of the united states, and especially the edmunds law; disqualified as a juror or officeholder any person who had not taken an oath to support the laws of the united states, or who had been convicted under the edmunds law; gave the president power to appoint the judges of the probate courts;* provided for escheating to the united states for the use of the common schools the property of corporations held in violation of the act in , except buildings held exclusively for the worship of god, the parsonages connected therewith, and burial places; dissolved the corporation called the perpetual emigration company, and forbade the legislature to pass any law to bring persons into the territory; dissolved the corporation known as the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints, and gave the supreme court of the territory power to wind up its affairs; and annulled all laws regarding the nauvoo legion, and all acts of the territorial legislature. * the first territorial legislature which met after the passage of this law passed an act practically nullifying such appointments of probate judges, but the governor vetoed it. in beaver county, as soon as the appointment of a probate judge by the president was announced, the mormon county court met and reduced his salary to $ a year. the first members of the utah commission appointed under the edmunds law were alexander ramsey of minnesota, a. b. carleton of indiana, a. s. paddock of nebraska, g. l. godfrey of iowa, and j. r. pettigrew of arkansas, their appointments being dated june , . the officers of the church and the mormons as a body met the new situation as aggressively as did brigham young the approach of united states troops. their preachers and their newspapers reiterated the divine nature of the "revelation" concerning polygamy and its obligatory character, urging the people to stand by their leaders in opposition to the new laws. the following extracts from "an epistle from the first presidency, to the officers and members of the church," dated october , , will sufficiently illustrate the attitude of the church organization:--"the war is openly and undisguisedly made upon our religion. to induce men to repudiate that, to violate its precepts, and break its solemn covenants, every encouragement is given. the man who agrees to discard his wife or wives, and to trample upon the most sacred obligations which human beings can enter into, escapes imprisonment, and is applauded: while the man who will not make this compact of dishonor, who will not admit that his past life has been a fraud and a lie, who will not say to the world, 'i intended to deceive my god, my brethren, and my wives by making covenants i did not expect to keep,' is, beside being punished to the full extent of the law, compelled to endure the reproaches, taunts, and insults of a brutal judge.... "we did not reveal celestial marriage. we cannot withdraw or renounce it, god revealed it, and he has promised to maintain it and to bless those who obey it. whatever fate, then, may threaten us, there is but one course for men of god to take; that is, to keep inviolate the holy covenants they have made in the presence of god and angels. for the remainder, whether it be life or death, freedom or imprisonment, prosperity or adversity, we must trust in god. we may say, however, if any man or woman expects to enter into the celestial kingdom of our god without making sacrifices and without being tested to the very uttermost, they have not understood the gospel.... "upward of forty years ago the lord revealed to his church the principle of celestial marriage. the idea of marrying more wives than one was as naturally abhorrent to the leading men and women of the church, at that day, as it could be to any people. they shrank with dread from the bare thought of entering into such relationship. but the command of god was before them in language which no faithful soul dare disobey, 'for, behold, i reveal unto you a new and everlasting covenant; and if ye abide not that covenant, then are ye damned; for no one can reject this covenant, and be permitted to enter into my glory.'... who would suppose that any man, in this land of religious liberty, would presume to say to his fellow-man that he had no right to take such steps as he thought necessary to escape damnation? or that congress would enact a law which would present the alternative to religious believers of being consigned to a penitentiary if they should attempt to obey a law of god which would deliver them from damnation?" there was a characteristic effort to evade the law as regards political rights. the people's party (mormon), to get around the provision concerning the test oath for voters, issued an address to them which said: "the questions that intending voters need therefore ask themselves are these: are we guilty of the crimes of said act; or have we the present intention of committing these crimes, or of aiding, abetting, causing or advising any other person to commit them. male citizens who can answer these questions in the negative can qualify under the laws as voters or office-holders." two events in were the cause of so much feeling that united states troops were held in readiness for transportation to utah. the first of these was the placing of the united states flag at half mast in salt lake city, on july , over the city hall, county court-house, theatre, cooperative store, deseret news office, tithing office, and president taylor's residence, to show the mormon opinion that the edmunds law had destroyed liberty. when a committee of non-mormon citizens called at the city hall for an explanation of this display, the city marshal said that it was "a whim of his," and the mayor ordered the flag raised to its proper place. in november of that year a mormon night watchman named mcmurrin was shot and severely wounded by a united states deputy marshal named collin. this caused great feeling, and there were rumors that the mormons threatened to lynch collin, that armed men had assembled to take him out of the officers' hands, and that the mormons of the territory were arming themselves, and were ready at a moment's notice to march into salt lake city. federal troops were held in readiness at eastern points, but they were not used. the salt lake city council, on december , made a report denying the truth of the disquieting rumors, and declaring that "at no time in the history of this city have the lives and property of its non-mormon inhabitants been more secure than now." the records of the courts in utah show that the mormons stood ready to obey the teachings of the church at any cost. prosecutions under the edmunds law began in , and the convictions for polygamy or unlawful cohabitation (mostly the latter) were as follows in the years named: in , in , in , in , and in , with in idaho during the same period. leading men in the church went into hiding--"under ground," as it was called--or fled from the territory. as to the actual continuance of polygamous marriages, the evidence was contradictory. a special report of the utah commission in expressed the opinion that there had been a decided decrease in their number in the cities, and very little decrease in the rural districts. their regular report for that year estimated the number of males and females who had entered into that relation at . the report for stated that the registration officers gave the names of females who, they had good reason to believe, had contracted polygamous marriages since the lists were closed in june, . as late as hans jespersen was arrested for unlawful cohabitation. as his plural marriage was understood to be a recent one, the case attracted wide attention, since it was expected to prove the insincerity of the church in making the protest against the edmunds law principally on the ground that it broke up existing families. jespersen pleaded guilty of adultery and polygamy, and was sentenced to imprisonment for eight years. in making his plea he said that he was married at the endowment house in salt lake city, that he and his wife were the only persons there, and that he did not know who married them. his wife testified that she "heard a voice pronounce them man and wife, but didn't see any one nor who spoke." * such were some of the methods adopted by the church to set at naught the law. * report of the utah commission for , p. . but along with this firm attitude, influences were at work looking to a change of policy. during the first year of the enforcement of the law it was on many sides declared a failure, the aggressive attitude of the church, and the willingness of its leaders to accept imprisonment, hiding, or exile, being regarded by many persons in the east as proof that the real remedy for the utah situation was yet to be discovered. the utah commission, in their earlier reports, combated this idea, and pointed out that the young men in the church would grow restive as they saw all the offices out of their reach unless they took the test oath, and that they "would present an anomaly in human nature if they should fail to be strongly influenced against going into a relation which thus subjects them to political ostracism, and fixes on them the stigma of moral turpitude." how wide this influence was is seen in the political statistics of the times. when the utah commission entered on their duties in august, , almost every office in the territory was held by a polygamist. by april, , about , voters, male and female, had been disfranchised by the act, and of the elective officers in the territory not one was a polygamist, and not one of the municipal officers of salt lake city then in office had ever been "in polygamy." the church leaders at first tried to meet this influence in two ways, by open rebuke of all saints who showed a disposition to obey the new laws, and by special honors to those who took their punishment. thus, the deseret news told the brethren that they could not promise to obey the anti-polygamy laws without violating obligations that bound them to time and eternity; and when john sharp, a leading member of the church in salt lake city, went before the court and announced his intention to obey these laws, he was instantly removed from the office of bishop of his ward. the restlessness of the flock showed itself in the breaking down of the business barriers set up by the church between mormons and gentiles. this subject received a good deal of attention in the minority report signed by two of the commissioners in . they noted the sale of real estate by mormons to gentiles against the remonstrances of the church, the organization of a chamber of commerce in salt lake city in which mormons and gentiles worked together, and the union of both elements in the last fourth of july celebration. in the spring of , at the general conference held in salt lake city, the office of "prophet, seer and revelator and president" of the church, that had remained vacant since the death of john taylor in , was filled by the election of wilford woodruff, a polygamist who had refused to take the test oath, while g. q. cannon and lorenzo snow, who were disfranchised for the same cause, were made respectively counsellor and president of the twelve.* woodruff was born in connecticut in , became a mormon in , was several times sent on missions to england, and had gained so much prominence while the church was at nauvoo that he was the chief dedicator of the temple there. while there, he signed a certificate stating that he knew of no other system of marriage in the church but the one-wife system then prescribed in the "book of doctrine and covenants." before the date of his promotion, woodruff had declared that plural marriages were no longer permitted, and, when he was confronted with evidence to the contrary brought out in court, he denied all knowledge of it, and afterward declared that, in consequence of the evidence presented, he had ordered the endowment house to be taken down. * lorenzo snow was elected president of the church on september , , eleven days after the death of president woodruff, and he held that position until his death which occurred on october , . governor thomas, in his report for , expressed the opinion that the church, under its system, could in only one way define its position regarding polygamy, and that was by a public declaration by the head of the church, or by action by a conference, and he added, "there is no reason to believe that any earthly power can extort from the church any such declaration." the governor was mistaken, not in measuring the purpose of the church, but in foreseeing all the influences that were now making themselves felt. the revised statutes of idaho at this time contained a provision (sec. ) disfranchising all polygamists and debarring from office all polygamists, and all persons who counselled or encouraged any one to commit polygamy. the constitutionality of this section was argued before the united states supreme court, which, on february , , decided that it was constitutional. the antipolygamists in utah saw in this decision a means of attacking the mormon belief even more aggressively than had been done by means of the edmunds bill. an act was drawn (governor thomas and ex-governor west taking it to washington) providing that no person living in plural or celestial marriage, or teaching the same, or being a member of, or a contributor to, any organization teaching it, or assisting in such a marriage, should be entitled to vote, to serve as a juror, or to hold office, a test oath forming a part of the act. senator cullom introduced this bill in the upper house and mr. struble of iowa in the house of representatives. the house committee on territories (the democrats in the negative) voted to report the bill, amended so as to make it applicable to all the territories. this proposed legislation caused great excitement in mormondom, and petitions against its passage were hurried to washington, some of these containing non-mormon signatures. as a further menace to the position of the church, the united states supreme court, on may , affirmed the decision of the lower court confiscating the property of the mormon church, and declaring that church organization to be an organized rebellion; and on june , the senate passed senator edmunds's bill disposing of the real estate of the church for the benefit of the school fund.* * after the admission of utah as a state, congress passed an act restoring the property to the church. the mormon authorities now realized that the public sentiment of the country, as expressed in the federal law, had them in its grasp. they must make some concession to this public sentiment, or surrender all their privileges as citizens and the wealth of their church organization. agents were hurried to washington to implore the aid of mr. blaine in checking the progress of the cullom bill, and at home the head of the church made the concession in regard to polygamy which secured the admission of the territory as a state. on september , , woodruff, as president of the church, issued a proclamation addressed "to whom it may concern," which struck out of the necessary beliefs and practices of the mormon church, the practice of polygamy. this important step was taken, not in the form of a "revelation," but simply as a proclamation or manifesto. it began with a solemn declaration that the allegation of the utah commission that plural marriages were still being solemnized was false, and the assertion that "we are not preaching polygamy nor permitting any person to enter into its practice." the closing and important part of the proclamation was as follows:-- "inasmuch as laws have been enacted by congress, which laws have been pronounced constitutional by the court of last resort, i hereby declare my intention to submit to these laws, and to use my influence with the members of the church over which i preside to have them do likewise. "there is nothing in my teachings to the church, or in those of my associates, during the time specified, which can be reasonably construed to inculcate or encourage polygamy, and when any elder of the church has used language which appeared to convey any such teachings he has been promptly reproved. "and now i publicly declare that my advice to the latter-day saints is to refrain from contracting any marriage forbidden by the law of the land." on october , the general conference of the church, on motion of lorenzo snow, unanimously adopted the following resolution:-- "i move that, recognizing wilford woodruff as president of the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints, and the only man on the earth at the present time who holds the keys of the sealing ordinances, we consider him fully authorized, by virtue of his position, to issue the manifesto that has been read in our hearing, and which is dated september , , and as a church in general conference assembled we accept his declaration concerning plural marriages as authoritative and binding." this action was reaffirmed by the general conference of october , . of course the church officers had to make some explanation to the brethren of their change of front. cannon fell back on the "revelation" of january , , which smith put forth to excuse the failure to establish a zion in missouri, namely, that, when their enemies prevent their performing a task assigned by the almighty, he would accept their effort to do so. he said that "it was on this basis" that president woodruff had felt justified in issuing the manifesto. woodruff explained: "it is not wisdom for us to make war upon , , people.... the prophet joseph smith organized the church; and all that he has promised in this code of revelations the "book of doctrine and covenants" has been fulfilled as fast as time would permit. that which is not fulfilled will be." cannon did explain that the manifesto was the result of prayer, and woodruff told the people that he had had a great many visits from the prophet joseph since his death, in dreams, and also from brigham young, but neither seems to have imparted any very valuable information, joseph explaining that he was in an immense hurry preparing himself "to go to the earth with the great bridegroom when he goes to meet the bride, the lamb's wife." two recent incidents have indicated the restlessness of the mormon church under the restriction placed upon polygamy. in , the candidate for representative in congress, nominated by the democratic convention of utah, was brigham h. roberts. it was commonly known in utah that roberts was a violator of the edmunds law. a mormon elder, writing from brigham, utah, in february, , while roberts's case was under consideration at washington, said, "many prominent mormons foresaw the storm that was now raging, and deprecated mr. roberts's nomination and election."* this statement proves both the notoriety of roberts's offence, and the connivance of the church in his nomination, because no mormon can be nominated to an office in utah when the church authorities order otherwise. when roberts presented himself to be sworn in, in december, , his case was referred to a special committee of nine members. the report of seven members of this committee found that roberts married his first wife about the year ; that about he married a plural wife, who had since born him six children, the last two twins, born on august , ; that some years later he married a second plural wife, and that he had been living with all three till the time of his election; "that these facts were generally known in utah, publicly charged against him during his campaign for election, and were not denied by him." roberts refused to take the stand before the committee, and demurred to its jurisdiction on the ground that the hearing was an attempt to try him for a crime without an indictment and jury trial, and to deprive him of vested rights in the emoluments of the office to which he was elected, and that, if the crime alleged was proved, it would not constitute a sufficient cause to deprive him of his seat, because polygamy is not enumerated in the constitution as a disqualification for the office of member of congress. the majority report recommended that his seat be declared vacant. two members of the committee reported that his offence afforded constitutional ground for expulsion, but not for exclusion from the house, and recommended that he be sworn in and immediately expelled. the resolution presented by the majority was adopted by the house by a vote of to .** * new york evening post, february , . ** roberts was tried in the district court in salt lake city, on april , , on the charge of unlawful cohabitation. the case was submitted to the jury of eight men, without testimony, on an agreed statement of facts, and the jury disagreed, standing six for conviction and two for acquittal. the second incident referred to was the passage by the utah legislature in march, , of a bill containing this provision: "no prosecution for adultery shall be commenced except on complaint of the husband or wife or relative of the accused with the first degree of consanguinity, or of the person with whom the unlawful act is alleged to have been committed, or of the father or mother of said person; and no prosecution for unlawful cohabitation shall be commenced except on complaint of the wife, or alleged plural wife of the accused; but this provision shall not apply to prosecutions under section of the revised statutes, , defining and punishing polygamous marriages." this bill passed the utah senate by a vote of to , and the house by a vote of to . the excuse offered for it by the senator who introduced it was that it would "take away from certain agitators the opportunity to arouse periodic furors against the mormons"; that more than half of the persons who had been polygamists had died or dissolved their polygamous relations, and that no good service could be subserved by prosecuting the remainder. this law aroused a protest throughout the country, and again the mormon church saw that it had made a mistake, and on the th of march governor h. m. wells vetoed the bill, on grounds that may be summarized as declaring that the law would do the mormons more harm than good. the most significant part of his message, as indicating what the mormon authorities most dread, is contained in the following sentence: "i have every reason to believe its enactment would be the signal for a general demand upon the national congress for a constitutional amendment directed solely against certain conditions here, a demand which, under the circumstances, would assuredly be complied with." the admission of utah as a state followed naturally the promulgation by the mormon church of a policy which was accepted by the non-mormons as putting a practical end to the practice of polygamy. for the seventh time, in , the mormons had adopted a state constitution, the one ratified in that year providing that "bigamy and polygamy, being considered incompatible with 'a republican form of government,' each of them is hereby forbidden and declared a misdemeanor." the non-mormons attacked the sincerity of this declaration, among other things pointing out the advice of the church organ, while the constitution was before the people, that they be "as wise as serpents and as harmless as doves." congress again refused admission. on january , , president harrison issued a proclamation granting amnesty and pardon to all persons liable to the penalty of the edmunds law "who have, since november , , abstained from such unlawful cohabitation," but on condition that they should in future obey the laws of the united states. until the time of woodruff's manifesto there had been in utah only two political parties, the people's, as the mormon organization had always been known, and the liberal (anti-mormon). on june , , the people's territorial central committee adopted resolutions reciting the organization of the republicans and democrats of the territory, declaring that the dissensions of the past should be left behind and that the people's party should dissolve. the republican territorial committee a few days later voted that a division of the people on national party lines would result only in statehood controlled by the mormon theocracy. the democratic committee eight days later took a directly contrary view. at the territorial election in the following august the democrats won, the vote standing: democratic, , ; liberal, ; republican, . it would have been contrary to all political precedent if the republicans had maintained their attitude after the democrats had expressed their willingness to receive mormon allies. accordingly, in september, , we find the republicans adopting a declaration that it would be wise and patriotic to accept the changes that had occurred, and denying that statehood was involved in a division of the people on national party lines. all parties in the territory now seemed to be manoeuvring for position. the morman newspaper organs expressed complete indifference about securing statehood. in congress mr. caine, the utah delegate, introduced what was known as the "home rule bill," taking the control of territorial affairs from the governor and commission. this was known as a democratic measure, and great pressure was brought to bear on republican leaders at washington to show them that utah as a state would in all probability add to the strength of the republican column. when, at the first session of the d congress, j. l. rawlins, a democrat who had succeeded caine as delegate, introduced an act to enable the people of utah to gain admission for the territory as a state, it met with no opposition at home, passed the house of representatives on december , , and the senate on july , (without a division in either house), and was signed by the president on july . the enabling act required the constitutional convention to provide "by ordinance irrevocable without the consent of the united states and the people of that state, that perfect toleration of religious sentiment shall be secured, and that no inhabitant of said state shall ever be molested in person or property on account of his or her mode of religious worship; provided, that polygamous or plural marriages are forever prohibited." the constitutional convention held under this act met in salt lake city on march , , and completed its work on may , following. in the election of delegates for this convention the democrats cast about , votes, the republicans about , and the populists about . of the delegates chosen, were democrats and republicans. the constitution adopted contained the following provisions:-- "art. . sec. . the rights of conscience shall never be infringed. the state shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; no religious test shall be required as a qualification for any office of public trust, or for any vote at any election; nor shall any person be incompetent as a witness or juror on account of religious belief or the absence thereof. there shall be no union of church and state, nor shall any church dominate the state or interfere with its functions. no public money or property shall be appropriated for or applied to any religious worship, exercise, or instruction, or for the support of any ecclesiastical establishment. "art. . the following ordinance shall be irrevocable without the consent of the united states and the people of this state: perfect toleration of religious sentiment is guaranteed. no inhabitant of this state shall ever be molested in person or property on account of his or her mode of religious worship; but polygamous or plural marriages are forever prohibited." this constitution was submitted to the people on november , , and was ratified by a vote of , to , the republicans at the same election electing their entire state ticket and a majority of the legislature. on january , , president cleveland issued a proclamation announcing the admission of utah as a state. the inauguration of the new state officers took place at salt lake city two days later. the first governor, heber m. wells,* in his inaugural address made this declaration: "let us learn to resent the absurd attacks that are made from time to time upon our sincerity by ignorant and prejudiced persons outside of utah, and let us learn to know and respect each other more, and thus cement and intensify the fraternal sentiments now so widespread in our community, to the end that, by a mighty unity of purpose and christian resolution, we may be able to insure that domestic tranquillity, promote that general welfare, and secure those blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity guaranteed by the constitution of the united states." * son of "general" wells of the nauvoo legion. the vote of utah since its admission as a state has been cast as follows:-- republican **** democrat . governor , , . president , , . governor , , . president , , chapter xxv. -- the mormonism of to-day an intelligent examination of the present status of the mormon church can be made only after acquaintance with its past history, and the policy of the men who have given it its present doctrinal and political position. the mormon power has ever in view objects rather than methods. it always keeps those objects in view, while at times adjusting methods to circumstances, as was the case in its latest treatment of the doctrine of polygamy. the casual visitor, making a tour of observation in utah, and the would-be student of mormon policies who satisfies himself with reading their books of doctrine instead of their early history, is certain to acquire little knowledge of the real mormon character and the practical mormon ambition, and if he writes on the subject he will contribute nothing more authentic than does schouler in his "history of the united states" wherein he calls joseph smith "a careful organizer," and says that "it was a part of his creed to manage well the material concerns of his people, as they fed their flocks and raised their produce." brigham young's constant cry was that all the mormons asked was to be left alone. nothing suits the purposes of the heads of the church today better than the decrease of public attention attracted to their organization since the woodruff manifesto concerning polygamy. in trying to arrive at a reasonable decision concerning their future place in american history, one must constantly bear in mind the arguments which they have to offer to religious enthusiasts, and the political and commercial power which they have already attained and which they are constantly strengthening. the growth of utah in population since its settlement by the mormons has been as follows, accepting the figures of the united states census:-- , , , , , , the census of (the religious statistics of the census of are not yet available) shows that, of a total church membership of , in utah, the latter-day saints numbered , . what may be called the mormon political policy embraces these objects: to maintain the dictatorial power of the priesthood over the present church membership; to extend that membership over the adjoining states so as to acquire in the latter, first a balance of power, and later complete political control; to continue the work of proselyting throughout the united states and in foreign lands with a view to increasing the strength of the church at home by the immigration to utah of the converts. that the power of the mormon priesthood over their flock has never been more autocratic than it is to-day is the testimony of the best witnesses who may be cited. a natural reason for this may be found in the strength which always comes to a religious sect with age, if it survives the period of its infancy. we have seen that in the early days of the church its members apostatized in scores, intimate acquaintance with smith and his associates soon disclosing to men of intelligence and property their real objects. but the church membership in and around utah to-day is made up of the children and the grandchildren of men and women who remained steadfast in their faith. these younger generations are therefore influenced in their belief, not only by such appeals as what is taught to them makes to their reason, but by the fact that these teachings are the teachings which have been accepted by their ancestors. it is, therefore, vastly more difficult to convince a younger mormon to-day that his belief rests on a system of fraud than it was to enforce a similar argument on the minds of men and women who joined the saints in ohio or illinois. we find, accordingly, that apostasies in utah are of comparatively rare occurrence; that men of all classes accept orders to go on missions to all parts of the world without question; and that the tithings are paid with greater regularity than they have been since the days of brigham young. the extension of the membership of the mormon church over the states and territories nearest to utah has been carried on with intelligent zeal. the census of gives the following comparison of members of latter-day saints churches and of "all bodies" in the states and territories named:-- ******* l.d. saints **** all bodies *** idaho******* , **** , arizona***** , **** , nevada****** **** , wyoming***** , **** , colorado**** , **** , new mexico** **** , the political influence of the mormon church in all the states and territories adjacent to utah is already great, amounting in some instances to practical dictation. it is not necessary that any body of voters should have the actual control of the politics of a state to insure to them the respect of political managers. the control of certain counties will insure to them the subserviency of the local politicians, who will speak a good word for them at the state capital, and the prospect that they will have greater influence in the future will be pressed upon the attention of the powers that be. we have seen how steadily the politicians of california at washington stood by the mormons in their earlier days, when they were seeking statehood and opposing any federal control of their affairs. the business reasons which influenced the californians are a thousand times more effective to-day. the cooperative institution has a hold on the eastern firms from which it buys goods, and every commercial traveller who visits utah to sell the goods of his employers to mormon merchants learns that a good word for his customers is always appreciated. the large corporations that are organized under the laws of utah (and this includes the union pacific railroad company) are always in some way beholden to the mormon legislative power. all this sufficiently indicates the measures quietly taken by the mormon church to guard itself against any further federal interference. the mission work of the mormon church has always been conducted with zeal and efficiency, and it is so continued to-day. the church authorities in utah no longer give out definite statistics showing the number of missionaries in the field, and the number of converts brought to utah from abroad. the number of missionaries at work in october, , was stated to me by church officers at from fourteen hundred to nineteen hundred, the smaller number being insisted upon as correct by those who gave it. as nearly as could be ascertained, about one-half this force is employed in the united states and the rest abroad. the home field most industriously cultivated has been the rural districts of the southern states, whose ignorant population, ever susceptible to "preaching" of any kind, and quite incapable of answering the mormon interpretation of the scriptures, is most easily lead to accept the mormon views. when such people are offered an opportunity to improve their worldly condition, as they are told they may do in utah, at the same time that they can save their souls, the bait is a tempting one. the number of missionaries now at work in these southern states is said to be much smaller than it was two years ago. meanwhile the work of proselyting in the eastern atlantic states has become more active. the mormons have their headquarters in brooklyn, new york, and their missionaries make visits in all parts of greater new york. they leave a great many tracts in private houses, explaining that they will make another call later, and doing so if they receive the least encouragement. they take great pains to reach servant girls with their literature and arguments, and the story has been published* of a mormon missionary who secured employment as a butler, and made himself so efficient that his employer confided to him the engagement of all the house servants; in time the frequent changes which he made aroused suspicion, and an investigation disclosed the fact that he was a mormon of good education, who used his position as head servant to perform effective proselyting work. by promise of a husband and a home of her own on her arrival in utah, this man was said to have induced sixty girls to migrate from new york city to that state since he began his labors. * new york sun, january , . the mormons estimate the membership of their church throughout the world at a little over , . the numbers of "souls" in the church abroad was thus reported for the year ending december , , as published in the millennial star:-- great britain , scandinavia , germany , switzerland , netherlands , these figures indicate a great falling off in the church constituency in europe as compared with the year , when the number of mormons in great britain and ireland was reported at more than thirty thousand. many influences have contributed to decrease the membership of the church abroad and the number of converts which the church machinery has been able to bring to utah. we have seen that the announcement of polygamy as a necessary belief of the church was a blow to the organization in europe. the misrepresentation made to converts abroad to induce them to migrate to utah, as illustrated in the earlier years of the church, has always been continued, and naturally many of the deceived immigrants have sent home accounts of their deception. a book could be filled with stories of the experiences of men and women who have gone to utah, accepting the promises held out to them by the missionaries,--such as productive farms, paying business enterprises; or remunerative employment,--only to find their expectations disappointed, and themselves stranded in a country where they must perform the hardest labor in order to support themselves, if they had not the means with which to return home. the effect of such revelations has made some parts of europe an unpleasant field for the visits of mormon missionaries. the government at washington, during the operation of the perpetual emigration fund organization, realized the evil of the introduction of so many mormon converts from abroad. on august , , secretary of state william m. evarts sent out a circular to the diplomatic officers of the united states throughout the world, calling their attention to the fact that the organized shipment of immigrants intended to add to the number of law-defying polygamists in utah was "a deliberate and systematic attempt to bring persons to the united states with the intent of violating their laws and committing crimes expressly punishable under the statute as penitentiary offences," and instructing them to call the attention of the governments to which they were accredited to this matter, in order that those governments might take such steps as were compatible with their laws and usages "to check the organization of these criminal enterprises by agents who are thus operating beyond the reach of the law of the united states, and to prevent the departure of those proposing to come hither as violators of the law by engaging in such criminal enterprises, by whomsoever instigated." president cleveland, in his first message, recommended the passage of a law to prevent the importation of mormons into the united states. the edmunds-tucker law contained a provision dissolving the perpetual emigration company, and forbidding the utah legislature to pass any law to bring persons into the territory. mormon authorities have informed me that there has been no systematic immigration work since the prosecutions under the edmunds law. but as it is conceded that the mormons make practically no proselytes among then gentile neighbors, they must still look largely to other fields for that increase of their number which they have in view. as a part of their system of colonizing the neighboring states and territories, they have made settlements in the dominion of canada and in mexico. their canadian settlement is situated in alberta. a report to the superintendent of immigration at ottawa, dated december , , stated that the mormon colony there comprised souls, all coming from utah; and that "they are a very progressive people, with good schools and churches." when they first made their settlement they gave a pledge to the dominion government that they would refrain from the practice of polygamy while in that country. in the department of the interior at ottawa was informed that the mormons were not observing this pledge, but investigation convinced the department that this accusation was not true. however, in , an amendment to the criminal law of the dominion was enacted (clause , victoria, chap. ), making any person guilty of a misdemeanor, and liable to imprisonment for five years and a fine of $ , who practises any form of polygamy or spiritual marriage, or celebrates or assists in any such marriage ceremony. the secretario de fomento of mexico, under date of may , , informed me that the number of mormon colonists in that country was then , located in seven places in chihuahua and sonora. he added: "the laws of this country do not permit polygamy. the government has never encouraged the immigration of mormons, only that of foreigners of good character, working people who may be useful to the republic. and in the contracts made for the establishment of those mormon colonies it was stipulated that they should be formed only of foreigners embodying all the aforesaid conditions." no student of the question of polygamy, as a doctrine and practice of the mormon church, can reach any other conclusion than that it is simply held in abeyance at the present time, with an expectation of a removal of the check now placed upon it. the impression, which undoubtedly prevails throughout other parts of the united states, that polygamy was finally abolished by the woodruff manifesto and the terms of statehood, is founded on an ignorance of the compulsory character of the doctrine of polygamy, of the narrowness of president woodruff's decree, and of the part which polygamous marriages have been given, by the church doctrinal teachings, in the plan of salvation. the sketch of the various steps leading up to the woodruff manifesto shows that even that slight concession to public opinion was made, not because of any change of view by the church itself concerning polygamy, but simply to protect the church members from the loss of every privilege of citizenship. that manifesto did not in any way condemn the polygamous doctrine; it simply advised the saints to submit to the united states law against polygamy, with the easily understood but unexpressed explanation that it was to their temporal advantage to do so. how strictly this advice has since been lived up to--to what extent polygamous practices have since been continued in utah--it is not necessary, in a work of this kind, to try to ascertain. the most intelligent non-mormon testimony obtainable in the territory must be discarded if we are to believe that polygamous relations have not been continued in many instances. this, too, would be only what might naturally be expected among a people who had so long been taught that plural marriages were a religious duty, and that the check to them was applied, not by their church authorities, but by an outside government, hostility to which had long been inculcated in them. it must be remembered that it is a part of the doctrine of polygamy that woman can enter heaven only as sealed to some devout member of the mormon church "for time and eternity," and that the space around the earth is filled with spirits seeking some "tabernacles of clay" by means of which they may attain salvation. through the teaching of this doctrine, which is accepted as explicitly by the membership of the mormon church at large as is any doctrine by a protestant denomination, the mormon women believe that the salvation of their sex depends on "sealed" marriages, and that the more children they can bring into the world the more spirits they assist on the road to salvation. in the earlier days of the church, as brigham young himself testified, the bringing in of new wives into a family produced discord and heartburnings, and many pictures have been drawn of the agony endured by a wife number one when her husband became a polygamist. all the testimony i can obtain in regard to the mormonism of today shows that the mormon women are now the most earnest advocates of polygamous marriages. said one competent observer in salt lake city to me, "as the women of the south, during the war, were the rankest rebels, so the women of mormondom are to-day the most zealous advocates of polygamy." by precisely what steps the church may remove the existing prohibition of polygamous marriages i shall not attempt to decide. it is easy, however, to state the one enactment which would prevent the success of any such effort. this would be the adoption by congress and ratification by the necessary number of states of a constitutional amendment making the practice of polygamy an offence under the federal law, and giving the federal courts jurisdiction to punish any violators of this law. the mormon church recognizes this fact, and whenever such an amendment comes before congress all its energies will be directed to prevent its ratification. governor wells's warning in his message vetoing the utah act of march, , concerning prosecutions for adultery, that its enactment would be the signal for a general demand for the passage of a constitutional amendment against polygamy, showed how far the executive thought it necessary to go to prevent even the possibility of such an amendment. one of the main reasons why the mormons are so constantly increasing their numbers in the neighboring states is that they may secure the vote of those states against an anti-polygamy amendment. whenever such an amendment is introduced at washington it will be found that every mormon influence--political, mercantile, and railroad--will be arrayed against it, and its passage is unlikely unless the church shall make some misstep which will again direct public attention to it in a hostile manner. the devout mormon has no more doubt that his church will dominate this nation eventually than he has in the divine character of his prophet's revelations. absurd as such a claim appears to all non-mormon citizens, in these days when mormonism has succeeded in turning public attention away from the sect, it is interesting to trace the church view of this matter, along with the impression which the mormon power has made on some of its close observers. the early leaders made no concealment of their claim that mormonism was to be a world religion. "what the world calls 'mormonism' will rule every nation," said orson hyde. "god has decreed it, and his own right arm will accomplish it."* brigham young, in a sermon in the tabernacle on february , , told his people that their expulsion from missouri was revealed to him in advance, as well as the course of their migrations, and he added: "mark my words. write them down. this people as a church and kingdom will go from the west to the east." * journal of discourses, vol. vii, pp. - . tullidge, whose works, it must be remembered, were submitted to church revision, in his "life of brigham young" thus defines the mormon view of the political mission of the head of the church: "he is simply an apostle of a republican nationality, manifold in its genius; or, in popular words, he is the chief apostle of state rights by divine appointment. he has the mission, he affirms, and has been endowed with inspiration to preach the gospel of a true democracy to the nation, as well as the gospel for the remission of sins, and he believes the united states will ultimately need his ministration in both respects.... they form not, therefore, a rival power as against the union, but an apostolic ministry to it, and their political gospel is state rights and self-government. this is political mormonism in a nutshell."* * p. . tullidge further says in his "history of salt lake city" (writing in ): "the mormons from the first have existed as a society, not as a sect. they have combined the two elements of organization--the social and the religious. they are now a new society power in the world, and an entirety in themselves. they are indeed the only religious community in christendom of modern birth."* * p. . some of the closest observers of the mormons in their earlier days took them very seriously. thus josiah quincy, after visiting joseph smith at nauvoo, wrote that it was "by no means impossible" that the answer to the question, "what historical american of the nineteenth century has exerted the most powerful influence upon the destiny of his countrymen," would not be, "joseph smith." governor ford of illinois, who had to do officially with the mormons during most of their stay in that state, afterward wrote concerning them: "the christian world, which has hitherto regarded mormonism with silent contempt, unhappily may yet have cause to fear its rapid increase. modern society is full of material for such a religion.... it is to be feared that, in the course of a century, some gifted man like paul, some splendid orator who will be able by his eloquence to attract crowds of the thousands who are ever ready to hear and be carried away by the sounding brass and tinkling cymbal of sparkling oratory, may command a hearing, may succeed in breathing a new life into this modern mohammedanism, and make the name of the martyred joseph ring as loud, and stir the souls of men as much, as the mighty name of christ itself."* * ford, "history of illinois," p. . the close observers of mormonism in utah, who recognize its aims, but think that its days of greatest power are over, found this opinion on the fact that the church makes practically no converts among the neighboring gentiles; and that the increasing mining and other business interests are gradually attracting a population of non-mormons which the church can no longer offset by converts brought in from the east and from foreign lands. special stress is laid on the future restriction on mormon immigration that will be found in the lack of further government land which may be offered to immigrants, and in the discouraging stories sent home by immigrants who have been induced to move to utah by the false representations of the missionaries. unquestionably, if the mormon church remains stationary as regards wealth and membership, it will be overshadowed by its surroundings. what it depends on to maintain its present status and to increase its power is the loyal devotion of the body of its adherents, and its skill in increasing their number in the states which now surround utah, and eventually in other states. the utah batteries: a history. the utah batteries: a history. a complete account of the muster-in, sea voyage, battles, skirmishes and barrack life of the utah batteries, together with biographies of officers and muster-out rolls. by charles r. mabey, late a sergeant of light battery a, utah volunteer artillery. illustrated. salt lake city, . copyright applied for. daily reporter co., printers, - s. west temple st. salt lake city, utah. to the utah batterymen who bravely fought for their country's flag on a foreign soil, this book is respectfully dedicated by the author. preface. sometime after the utah battalion left san francisco for the philippines the author conceived the idea of writing a history of that organization after its return from the war. with this purpose in view he kept a diary during the entire campaign and also collected what other material that could be utilized for such a work. immediately upon the arrival in salt lake city of the discharged volunteers he, with others, set to work to bring about a completion of this plan. this little volume represents the result of the labor expended at intervals between that date and the present time. the author claims no more for it than its title assumes--a brief history of the utah batteries. it is no more. there may be some works in the future which will command, to a greater extent, the attention of the reading public. this is not written with the idea that it will become a standard work, but that while those events which happened are yet green in the memories of the utah artillerymen, they may be recorded and not be consigned to oblivion. the author trusts he may not be asserting too much when he affirms that the book is written with a strict adherence to facts, as he has had access both to public and private data in the compiling of the work, and he has been scrupulously careful in guarding against errors of every description. at this opportunity he takes pleasure in thanking those officers and men who have helped him in bringing about an accomplishment of his plans, and furthermore, he wishes to extend his thanks to angus k. nicholson for his contributions and a like communication to those friends who have given him timely advice and aid in disposing of difficulties which have arisen from time to time. bountiful, january , . contents. page preface introduction chapter i.--the mustering chapter ii.--barrack life chapter iii.--the insurrection chapter iv.--the gunboats chapter v.--the home coming major richard w. young major frank a. grant captain e.a. wedgewood captain john f. critchlow lieutenant george w. gibbs lieutenant raymond c. naylor lieutenant orrin r. grow lieutenant william c. webb lieutenant george a. seaman lieutenant frank t. hines lieutenant john a. anderson sergeant harry a. young sergeant ford fisher roster--battery a battery b list of illustrations. page a familiar scene old guard fatigue at the cuartel lieutenant gibbs' section at ft. macarthur gun at pumping station firing on mariquina utah guns on manila & dagupan ry. en route to the front first platoon, battery a, ready to move to malolos utah guns in park at congressional hall, malolos preparing for an engagement major richard w. young major frank a. grant captain e.a. wedgewood captain john f. critchlow lieutenant george w. gibbs lieutenant raymond c. naylor lieutenant orrin r. grow lieutenant william c. webb lieutenant george a. seaman lieutenant frank t. hines lieutenant john a. anderson sergeant harry a. young sergeant ford fisher the utah batteries. introduction. the history of the utah batteries should be a plain tale, for deeds of valor cannot be garnished by the flower of rhetoric or the pomp of oratory. this is a simple story of brave deeds. the stern browed heracles standing unarmed in the midst of his countrymen was a frank, common figure, but when he dashed like ares upon the lerneaen hydra he became majestic, and no mere pen picture could augment his greatness. so we shall paint a picture of the achievements of the cannoneers and gunners of utah while withstanding the onslaughts of the dusky warriors of aguinaldo, and no greater compliment can be paid them than a clear true narrative of their exploits. utah was early distinguished in the furious fights of luzon. even before the soldiers of "uncle sam" had felt their way into the defenses of manila, her guns had awaked the long-sleeping sentries of the dons and torn holes into the bulwarks of spanish oppression and tyranny. her later accomplishments against the fierce tagalan braves have only served to increase the homage and admiration of the world, yet, in the dark days of the conflict, as veterans know, are performed many daring acts and feats of human strength, which are never recorded in the chronicles of fame, or proclaimed by the bugle's blare. there were those who knew what it was to feel the pangs of hunger and the ravages of disease, those who experienced the racking pains occasioned by fatiguing marches, and long, weary tramps through the unbroken wilderness of the tropics; and there were belated ones who hid in the swamps anxiously watching for the first beams of dawn to reveal the lurking foe. an account of the actions of the men of utah is not a recital of the performances of one man; neither is it a description of the doings of a particular section of men. it is the story of brave men fighting under competent chiefs. their history is exceptional. in every engagement against the insurrectionists, on land and river, the unceasing fire of the guns of utah was heard. while major young, major grant, captain critchlow and lieutenant seaman battered down the enemy's breastworks at caloocan and san lazerus cemetery, the cannon under captain wedgewood hurled fiery wrath into the terrified foe at sampaloe, and lieutenant webb's death-dealing monsters flung destruction into the ranks of the filipino hordes at santa mesa. while the land batteries, with the infantry, worked their way through the tropical forests in that campaign which drove the natives out of calumpit and san fernando and sent aguinaldo flying into the mountains beyond, major grant, lieutenant naylor and lieutenant webb, with their fire-spitting dragons, the river gunboats, bore down upon the insurgents at morong and santa cruz and disturbed the silence of the primitive woods at san luiz and candaba. the country was not slow in recognizing utah. almost as soon as hostilities commenced major young was elevated to a position on general macarthur's staff, and when the river gunboats were put into commission in anticipation of a tagalan outbreak lieutenant r.c. naylor was placed second in command. later when the river fleet was enlarged major grant took command and lieutenant william c. webb assumed control of the "covadonga," positions which both held till utah's fighting days were over. the utah cannoneers were not only exceptional as fighters, but they did things before unheard of in artillery annals. they pushed along in line with the infantry in many a hard-fought encounter in the vanguard; during the early days of the conflict, when the rival force first turned its weapons upon the walls of manila, they hauled their pieces after them in grim pursuit of the fleeing foe. they stood comparison with the well-drilled regulars, and in many instances surpassed them; the bark of their iron-tongued guns never failed to strike terror into the hearts of the dusky braves of luzon, while it ever sounded as a note of cheer to the infantrymen on the straggling skirmish line. there is santa mesa, malabon, quingua, bag bag, san fernando--words hollow sounding to the ordinary ear; but when named to the stalwart veteran they touch a chord which quickens the pulse and sets every nerve fiber vibrating with emotion. to him each tells a tale of noble achievements wrought beneath the broiling sun of the tropics; to him each whispers an assurance that his duty was bravely done in the blasting fires of the east. the warriors of utah have listened to their last reveille and their last retreat. when they withdrew from the orient they left the scenes of carnage behind and returned to loved ones and to peace. may that peace be lasting and happy. chapter i. the mustering. when the war trumpet's shrill notes disturbed the serenity of this tranquil land early in ' their echoes were not lost on the hills of utah, but reverberating from cliff to cliff and peak to peak they swelled into a martial hymn whose chorus was sung in every home in the commonwealth. the dark stormy days preceding the declaration of war in april had aroused the dormant energies of men, hitherto engaged in the peaceful pursuits of life, and filled them with an eager desire to perform the more exciting duties of the camp, so that when the call was issued by governor wells on april th a host of young men from every corner of the state applied for enlistment in the volunteer army. out of the men, utah's original quota, were designated for the light artillery service. there are reasons for this not altogether understood by those outside military circles. at the breaking out of hostilities with spain the national guard of the various states were deficient in this branch of the service. the guns consisted mostly of obsolete and useless muzzle-loading cannon, divided among the states at the close of the civil war. some were smooth bores, others rifled. there were napoleons and parrots, brass cannon and twenty-four pounders. very few of the states had modern guns, but utah was especially favored in this line. during the early organization of the guard she had been provided with eight . -inch b. & l. rifles, together with limbers, caisson, harnesses, etc. thus it was apparent to all who knew anything of the manner of procedure that the youngest state in the union would be called upon to furnish artillery, and so it proved, for, after having been informed by senator frank j. cannon that this state could man the guns, the war department made arrangements for utah to put two batteries in the field. the day following the governor's call recruiting officers were appointed to enlist men for the service, the names of those designated to enroll batterymen being richard w. young, frank a. grant, george w. gibbs, ray c. naylor and orrin r. grow. these were assigned to different portions of the state and the work began on the day following. ethan allen, afterwards first sergeant of battery a, was the first man to enroll. orders were received from washington naming fort douglas as the rendezvous for the recruits, the message reaching here the day enlistment began. briant h. wells, a lieutenant in the second united states infantry, who had been stationed here on duty with the national guard, was assigned as mustering officer. the recruiting continued with varied success until may st, when the quota was filled. applications for enrollment were so plentiful after the news of the call became generally known that recruiting officers were frequently compelled to have the men draw lots in order to determine the lucky ones, for that is the term then used. may rd, camps were pitched on the lower parade ground at fort douglas. it was named camp kent in honor of colonel (now major-general, retired) j. ford kent, who had commanded the twenty-fourth united states infantry stationed at the fort when hostilities were declared, and which had marched away but a short time before. as soon as the camp was established the men began coming in. it was a strange gathering of men which appeared at the surgeon's door for examination the following morning. farmers fresh from the plow, cowboys from the plain, miners from the mountains, blacksmiths from the forge, students, teachers, doctors, bookkeepers had assembled to be defenders in common of the nation's honor. on may th the officers were selected. the appointments of the governor were as follows: battery a--captain, r.w. young; first lieutenant, george w. gibbs; second lieutenants, ray c. naylor and thomas b. braby. lieutenant braby declined the honor and william c. webb was selected in his stead. battery b--captain, frank a. grant; first lieutenant, edgar a. wedgewood; second lieutenants, john f. critchlow and orrin r. grow. these selections were regarded as very happy ones. captain young is a graduate of west point and was at one time a lieutenant in the second united states artillery; lieutenant gibbs was the major commanding the battalion of light artillery in the national guard of utah; lieutenant naylor was one of the founders of the national guard and had worked his way up to a lieutenant-colonelcy, while lieutenant webb had been for some time the captain of company a, first infantry n.g.u. all the officers of battery b had been identified with the national guard. captain grant was colonel of the first regiment; lieutenant wedgewood was formerly captain of a company stationed at provo; lieutenant critchlow was a member of the medical staff, while lieutenant grow was major of the first battalion of the first infantry. no time was lost after the officers had been chosen, as the work of disciplining the raw force immediately began. camp kent was the scene of bustle and hurry. it was drill, drill, drill, from morning until night, and "action front," "action right," "action left," "change posts," "section left front into line" kept the men moving from reveille until retreat. all seemed anxious to become proficient in the use of the guns, and even guard duty--that task ever despised by the soldier--was performed with a surprising willingness. on may th lieutenant wells administered the oath which transformed the body of citizens into a battalion of soldiers. the work of preparing the roll was cheerfully done and was accelerated somewhat by the arrival of a message from the war department announcing that the utah batteries would be sent to the philippines. the declaration was received with satisfaction by some, but others were less enthusiastic as an opinion prevailed that there would be no fighting in the east, but that cuba would furnish the battles of the war. later developments proved this to be a mistake, for long after the spanish had felt the force of american war machinery at san juan and el caney their lost subjects in the antipodes were fleeing in terror before the mighty thunder of the utah guns at santa mesa and bag bag. the batteries left for san francisco on may th. it was an imposing sight to see the newly recruited soldiers, commanded by captain young, as they marched down the streets to the depot followed by thousands of citizens who gathered to bid them farewell. some partings between relations were exceedingly touching and sad. perhaps mothers and sisters, fathers and brothers read in the dim misty vista of the future the fate to which some of the men were doomed in the furious skirmishes of luzon. cheer after cheer rang out as the train pulled away and the volunteers responded with vigor, although there were some whose voices sounded husky as the final greetings were given. on their arrival at san francisco the batteries received a royal welcome, the red cross society taking especial pains to make their visit a pleasant one. several weeks were consumed in perfecting the organization and preparing it for foreign service. lieutenant wedgewood and sergeants brown and fehr returned to utah and recruited men to complete the organizations to their full strength, leaving salt lake city with them on june th. on june th the batteries sailed away to the land across the seas where work of a far more serious nature awaited them. the voyage across was not altogether unlike a voyage on any ordinary vessel, save for the fact that the men were crowded a little closer than on a first-class passenger boat, and the food was not so elaborate in character as one would expect to find in a first grade hotel or a railway dining car. the men kicked in the good natured american way and continued to eat what was given them and slept as best they could. a stop was made at honolulu, where occurred a reception to the utah men which marked a bright day in the life of the soldier. the transports arrived on the night of the rd, and at o'clock. the next morning they went ashore amid the cheers of the hawaiians, who gave them a greeting hearty and cordial. flowers were in profusion and pretty girls threw bouquets at the tired pilgrims until they felt that they had indeed found the "paradise of the pacific." judge kinney, a former resident of salt lake city, headed the reception committee, and there were elaborate preparations to make the stay one of gladness. the great sugar works and plantations at oahu were visited and the points of interest carefully shown. then under the shading palms, amid the fragrance of flowers, with hundreds of pretty girls to wait on them the men sat down to the banquet. in an atmosphere which breathes poetry and pleasure; where the soft tropical zephyr kisses the cheek as a mother does a sleeping infant the choicest fruits were served and substantial edibles tempted the appetite. soldiers made love to maidens with dusky cheeks; american blue eyes told short stories of love to kanaka brown, and the caucasian ladies were not forgotten, for it was a feast of love. everywhere was "aloha, aloha." but all things end. the next day saw the ships sail away. with the sweet fragrance of blossoms still lingering in their nostrils and the long-to-be-remembered clasp of friendship yet plainly felt they passed away from the dreamy isle into the oblivion of the pacific to resume the diet of beef a la can and coal a la "colon." once more was ship soup staple and tropical sea monotony plentiful. a few days later the fleet arrived at wake island, which general greene took possession of in the name of the united states. five days after this the ladrone islands were sighted and passed. about the middle of the month the philippines were sighted and on the th the fleet of transports entered the harbor of manila escorted by the cruiser "boston." the landing was an exceedingly difficult undertaking. the facilities for taking the guns from the transports were not perfect. the guns were put ashore in about five feet of water and had to be hauled out by hand, but the work was accomplished in the usual good natured american fashion, and when this task was finished men dried their clothes as though nothing had happened. in landing several amusing incidents occurred. many filipinos, anxious to earn a few "centavos," flocked around the ships, and not a few of the men hired a native as a sort of a pack horse to carry them ashore. one two-hundred-pound soldier was unfortunate in the selection of his human pack horse, for he sat astride the shoulders of a ninety-pound native until the little fellow broke down and buried himself and rider in the sad sobbing sea waves to the great amusement of his comrades and his own disgust. other occurrences were equally as ludicrous. the several days following the landing of the batteries were spent in giving the men the rest they had earned and needed. no work worthy of mention was done until the morning of the th, when came the first scent of trouble--of war. from the actions of the officers at early morning it was plain to be seen that something was going to happen. two guns of battery a were taken over to the trenches which had been built by the insurgents near the capuchin monastery. during the day the sharpshooters of the twenty-third united states infantry and the spanish had been doing some desultory firing with little result on either side, save that the men kept their heads closer to the breastworks, while a battalion of the colorado infantry, under colonel mccoy, advanced beyond the old trenches to a point near the monastery, where they threw up a new line of earthworks. the two guns of battery a moved to this point the following morning and took possession of the emplacements already constructed. on the following morning two guns under lieutenant grow of battery b were brought over from camp dewey and placed in position on the left. men from both lines were engaged in erecting gun pits all along the front. the guns were located about yards from fort san antonio de abad, which formed the extreme right of the spanish line. the enemy's left and center was protected by a line of intrenchments. outpost duty was being performed by a company of the eighteenth united states infantry. the firing, which had been kept up with more or less vigor, came from the right of the utah position, which was entirely unprotected owing to a failure on the part of the insurgents to maintain their lines between calle real and the pasig road. during the night of july th- st the excitement began. heavy small arm firing was indulged in by the enemy and from his lines came shells at irregular intervals, none of which did any damage. at this time lieutenant naylor was in the trenches with the two guns of battery a. at o'clock next morning lieutenant gibbs relieved him of the command with two-gun detachments of fresh men. all day everything was quiet. the enemy was planning a night attack, as he had no desire to mix with the american forces in a fair open fight in the broad light of day, but rather trusted to darkness to accomplish his designs. everything was quiet until : that evening, when the mausers began singing venomously from the spanish lines. then came the boom of his artillery and the men in the trenches knew that the time for action had come. the tenth pennsylvania troops replied with their springfields and the whiz of the " 's" mingled with the keen "twang" of the mausers, while the third artillerymen, equipped as regular infantry, took a part in the altercation. the instructions of the utah men were not to fire until it was evident the enemy was making an advance. the cannoneers stood by their guns awaiting the orders which should make them a part of the fight. finally it came. major cuthberton of the first california, the senior officer present, gave the word and then utah's voice was heard for the first time during the war. the gunners worked like trojans and with shrapnel punched at zero they sent shell after shell into the castilian lines. corporal charles varian, with no clothing on save a pair of trousers, sweating like a man who was working for his life, yet cool withal, managed his piece like a veteran. sergeant j.o. nystrom gave orders in a collected way that instilled fresh courage into the hearts of his men. w.w. riter wore a seraphic smile as he sighted his gun at the spits of flame on the other side, while billy kneass worked his cannon with the sang froid of a man in a blind waiting for ducks. it was a warm time and when morning dawned it was ascertained that several castilian voices had been added to choral society in that land beyond the river. utah's men were standing their baptism of fire and proved themselves soldiers. all the terrible passion of war had supplanted the first feelings of timidity, and they manipulated their guns with as much composure as they would have handled the pigskins on the gridiron. but the ammunition was running short. fifty-seven shrapnel had been discharged and the battle was still on. the pennsylvania men had fired away nearly all their ammunition, and affairs began to look serious, when a body of men from camp dewey hauling a limber chest after them dashed from out the gloom. once more across the intervening space the shells shrieked and broke the spanish lines, causing havoc and terror. the attempt of the "dons" had proved futile, and after having fought for two and a half hours they withdrew. although other commands had lost men the utah boys were fortunate in this that not one of their number was killed and only one slightly wounded in this engagement. for several days but little was done by the utah troops. the men constructed emplacements for the guns, cut down timber which might have interfered with good work and awaited orders. in the meantime the lieutenants of the batteries were relieving each other from day to day. the fire from the spanish lines was kept up in a desultory manner and was replied to by the infantry in the american lines. the final engagement on the th was short, but the guns of the utah men did wonderful execution. in conjunction with dewey's fleet they tore holes in the spanish fort at malate and helped in forcing the enemy out of his position on the extreme left. chapter ii. barrack life. like all the other organizations which had taken part in the capturing of manila, the utah batteries were without a home when they first entered the city. battery a found temporary quarters in a spacious nipa hut in the malate district, while battery b went into barracks in the odministracion de hacienda. several days later major young secured the cuartel de meisic, formerly occupied by a spanish engineer regiment, and battery a was stationed there august th. some days following battery b moved into the same building. the third artillery occupied the south half of the cuartel, and the batteries were domiciled in the east and west wings of the north half. the cuartel was a large and stalwart structure located in the most picturesque part of manila. south of it lay the business portion of manila, with its escolta, its plaza de cervantes, and its hotel de oriente; to the west was the marcadero teeming with rustic filipino maids and redolent with its oriental odors; stretching away to the north were the broad rice fields and forests of bamboo, with the mountains in the distance forming a background. it was a pleasant home and one which the men appreciated. during the first few weeks of barrack life the men settled down serene in the thought that they would soon be speeding homeward. their duty had been done and they felt that they were now entitled to the happier pleasures of utah. but days passed, and were lengthened into weeks, weeks passed and were lengthened into months, and still they remained in the tropics with less hope of returning home than they had at first entertained. the novelty of their surroundings began to wear off and everything which the philippines could afford became decidedly commonplace. unable, therefore, to find other entertainments when off duty, as a pastime the men exchanged reminiscent fairy tales about their late combat. wearying of these occupations they often sauntered out of the cuartel in bodies in quest of what little mirth they could get out of the passive and inexplicable natives. of course, there were drills and everybody liked them, as they produced such an excellent opportunity for one to give vent to his feelings after the drills were over with. those were happy hours which the men spent in sweltering under the genial warmth of the southern sun, and learning with a bitter vengeance the tactics of "dismounted drill." and "double time," too, was always a pleasant innovation as it generated a bodily heat to correspond with mental feelings and external influences. then there was always an appreciative audience of gaping nut-brown maids and matrons who took delight in watching the "soldado" go through his ever-changing evolutions. yes, those were days which the veteran will always look back upon with rapture. at first some trouble was occasioned over the inadequate food supply; but that difficulty was soon obliterated. the then acting commissary sergeant was removed and a.l. williams, familiarly known among his admirers in the battalion by the euphonious prefixes of "dad" and "judge," was elevated to this position. under the judicious management of the judge a revolution was made in the department and the men waxed fat from the overflowing cornucopia of the commissary. in those murky days of manila were other things which served to offset the oppressive blazonry of the tropic sun. in order to make the attire of the soldiers harmonize as much as possible with the requirements of the climate, light shirts and trousers were provided by the quartermaster's department. every week occurred a general inspection, to which the men were expected to appear housed in this startling white with polished shoes and flaming brass buckles. a very imposing appearance they made when lined up on these occasions. the advent of the soldier vastly accelerated the trade of the native fruit venders in the vicinity of the cuartel, and as time wore on this peculiar product of the orient increased his sales by the addition of the deadly "vino," sometimes with rather disastrous results to the imbiber. that wondrous monument of human ingenuity commonly known as "army hardtack" formed the standard medium of exchange between the industrious fruit dealer and his overworked customer. the barred windows of the cuartel became the market ground for all the products of luzon, and through them many a luscious mango was exchanged for an adamantine biscuit upon which the soldier had vainly expended all his dental energy. the natives had full access to the barracks at this time, and the native washerwoman made the blanco trousers shine iridescently for inspection by beating them against the sunny side of a boulder and afterwards pressing them with a fearfully and wonderfully made flatiron. hard by the cuartel were a number of "tiendas," widely known among the soldiers as "vino stands." the presiding spirit over one of these establishments was generally a pretty "mestiza," who, in addition to her natural charms, was blessed with a high-sounding castilian name. there were four shops run on the plan, which held pre-eminence both for the character of the "vino" which they supplied and the bewitching charms of their owners. the returned volunteer will remember with keen enjoyment "juanita," "juaquina," "victoriana," and above all "isabella," the saintly and virtuous, who was equally as skillful in obtaining the nimble sixpence as in raising a brood of mestiza children. there was also "madre," withered and antiquated, but a born dictator, and through her superior management she came to be known as the top-sergeant. finally there was ysabel, with a gentle smile upon her pleasant brunette face, and estepania, brown-eyed and plump, most beautiful among all the mestiza belles. isabella's casa was the place to which the eyes of the weary soldier turned after a long and fatiguing drill; afterwards it was the point to which his footsteps inevitably led when he was able to rush in for a few days from the firing line. the house was large and spacious, with polished ebony floors and wide windows through which the balmy zephyrs blew and kissed the heated brow of the tired fighter. beautiful creepers twisted their way up the wall and stole in at the extensive balcony to catch a taste of the pleasures within; the broadleafed banana palm surrounded the casa and broke the power of the blazing tropic sun. it was, indeed, the one spot in all the east which made the home-loving utahns feel at home. when away all his secret longings were centered upon that place and its attractions, and his mouth yearned for a renewed acquaintance with the delicate omelets fashioned by the dainty fingers of pania and the crab brought from the bay by the ubiquitous peek-a-boo. his mind reverted with gratitude to the anxious solicitations of "madre" when she learned that he was suffering from a headache and he acutely remembered the healing balm which she applied to his fevered brow. he knew, too, that should he be struck down in death by the bullet of the enemy, what tears of sympathy would be shed at the news of his misfortune. [illustration: a familiar scene.] the one source of worriment about the isabella mansion was the fact that the thirsty soldiers were frequently given an over supply of the deadly vino. such an occurrence was attended with dire results; but as the motherly "madre" was blessed with an abundant store of remedies, under her care the victim was soon restored to his mental equilibrium. all soldiers seem gifted with special powers to spend money and as a consequence few of them could command the attention of a penny bootblack twenty-four hours after being paid, but this weakness had no weight with the kindly old dame who carried a large credit roll and could refuse nothing to a utah soldado. so isabella's mansion forms a part of the war history of the utah batteries; and it must be remembered with other and more stirring scenes; for when the thoughts of the utah soldier stray to the domicile of the isabella family they are mingled with happy reminiscences and strange memories and tragic sights. * * * * * one hundred and four weary and footsore recruits arrived in the cuartel on the th of august and deposited their blankets and all other portable property on the greensward. they had been waiting out in the bay four days and had finally reached the cuartel after having made a complete circuit of the city. sergeant arthur w. brown piloted the new batch of volunteers to their home, and ever since the redoubtable sergeant has borne a reputation, as a file leader, which would make a mexican burro grow green-eyed with envy. here it might be stated that after watching the fleet of transports, which conveyed the utah batteries, sail out of the rugged golden gate into the broad pacific, lieutenant e.a. wedgewood and sergeants arthur w. brown and l.n. fehr turned toward utah bent on the mission of securing recruits, which would give each battery its full quota of . volunteers were numerous but the work of enlisting covered a period of nine days. recruits were obtained from all points in the state but the majority came from salt lake city. on the th of june the full number had been enrolled and the following day the small body of men left for san francisco, after being accorded a warm demonstration at the depot. at oakland they remained all night of the th and the following morning they marched to camp merritt, from which place they were removed to the presidio two days later. late in june lieutenant wedgewood was taken ill with typhoid fever but remained with the men until july th, when he was taken to the lane hospital and lieutenant diss of the california heavy artillery was placed temporarily in charge of the recruits. orders were for the utah contingent to sail on the transport "rio de janeiro," and as the south dakota infantry was the only organization on the vessel lieutenant foster of that regiment was given command of the men. the voyage was uneventful save that the soldiers were ill-treated by lieutenant foster, who succeeded in gaining for himself the eternal hatred of the men under his charge. as the recruits were then unacquainted with military practices, many expressions of disgust being made in an unguarded way, reached the ears of the worthy lieutenant, who heaped still greater indignities upon the men by way of retaliation. at honolulu w.a. kinney, the large plantation owner, entertained the utahns during their brief stay in that city. the "rio de janeiro" arrived in manila bay on the th of august, but it was four days later before the recruits set foot on the soil of luzon and made their phenomenal march up the streets of manila to plaza de felipe ii, where they greeted their comrades. lieutenant wedgewood, having recovered from his fever, arrived october th on the "scandia," which left san francisco on august th. during the long dreary days following the arrival of the recruits their life was not entirely joyous. from sunrise to sunset they were forced to listen to the blood-curdling tales which their companions told of the late conflict with the "dons." at first they hearkened to them with respectful attention. they never doubted the truth of these glowing fairy stories. they revered these self-lauding heroes as a species of immortal beings. in return for this tributary deference they were treated with contempt. the veteran called them "rookies," and whenever one of them attempted to soar he was promptly and sternly reminded of his inferiority and kindly invited to get off the pedestal upon which he had so unwittingly placed himself while one of his superiors proceeded to relate a harrowing tale of blood and thunder and rain down in the trenches. every bit of rainy weather or glorious sunset reminded the malate hero of something he had seen in the trenches and at once he began to dilate upon it with great attention to details and a lofty air of his own importance. so it went on. the recruits vainly sought for relief. he tried to stem the tide of persecution by relating stories of his own. but as soon as he made such an attempt he was immediately "bawled out" and his tormentors proceeded with a fresh tirade. finally one of the groaning victims hit upon a happy plan, and after it was carried out it effectually stopped the torture. when in the future the mendacious veteran essayed to array himself in a cloud of glory by narrating legends of personal prowess, he was unceremoniously suppressed by the rookies, who sang: it may be so; i do not know, but it sounds to me like a lie. instantly upon the starting of this little hymn it was taken up by every soldier in the barracks and the unlucky veteran, crestfallen and beaten, was only too glad to retire into seclusion. * * * * * during those five months in which the soldier was learning the peculiarities of oriental life and sweltering under the rays of the southern sun, he adopted any means of causing the speedy destruction of time. after the singularities of his new surroundings had ceased to be uncommon he began to look about himself in search of other amusement. naturally a person who adapts himself easily to his environments, he took up with the games of the filipinos, and, as a consequence, soon after the appearance of the american as a prominent figure on the streets of manila, it was no unusual occurrence to behold the huge, good-natured yankee engaged in friendly sport with the diminutive and fiery tagalan. as cock-fighting is the national game of the native the soldier seized upon this diversion with an enthusiasm that was truly remarkable. the slender and wiry game cock was in great demand. the feathered pugilist became the hero of the hour. the price of "pollos" jumped above par two or three times over. on the shady side of every street could be seen little knots of men eagerly awaiting the outcome of a battle in which these kings among all the fowl tribe were engaged. and the victory was not decided without great loss, for frequently the champion proclaimed himself conqueror by mounting the gory body of his late enemy and crowing with great vigor. men bet on their favorites with as much fervor as an ardent proselyte of mohammed utters praises to his maker from the housetop at sunrise. but even this pastime was too tame for the restless nature which constantly pined for the more exciting fun of america. so the chicken stock suddenly declined in value, and that of the swine took a corresponding rise, when there was talk of organizing a football association. this plan, however, lost its popularity after several practices on the "gridiron"--the climate of luzon had its drawbacks when it came to punting the pigskin. the requirements for a good football game are a temperature of degrees below zero, and a field covered with a four-inch layer of snow and a corresponding thickness of soft mud underneath. as the philippines are sadly deficient in the first two articles, it was decided to drop "rugby" in favor of baseball. throughout the eighth army corps this proposition was received with great warmth. every organization had its team. some influential men of manila offered inducements to the winning nine; the american commercial company agreed to present a silver cup to the team which could score the most points. arrangements were made for matches, and rival teams soon met on the diamond at the lunetta. utah was not to be outdone even in baseball; any man who had ever played ball or looked at a diamond was invited to join the team, and after this liberal request, it took no great time for the battalion to put a pretty good organization into the field. soon the husky farmers from utah were pitted against the powerful "pumpkin rollers" from nebraska, and the sturdy pennsylvanians fought for honors with the wyoming cowboys. those were pleasant hours when the sons of america met under the tropic sky on a foreign soil and exchanged friendly greeting in their national game. not a follower of the "stars and stripes" was there but felt happier and prouder after such a day. home seemed nearer by half than it ever had before. and the natives, too, came in for a share of the rejoicing; they liked to see the "grande americano" perform his antics with the ball; they, too, gathered in knots and talked and gesticulated and laughed and cheered. the irrepressible small boy was everywhere present, with his sarsaparilla, his peanuts and his slabs of cocoanut candy. there were those who made his trade profitable and those who preferred something of a more fiery nature. that also could be obtained for the asking. so the games went on by the side of the great swelling sea, and the roll of the surf mingled with the merry tones of the players. battles were fought and fields were won on the diamond and utah carried the trophy away to america. * * * * * while there were some things which excited the curiosity, others which aroused the attention, and still others which seemed to rivet men's minds for a short time on certain subjects, yet they all paled into insignificance before the magic of that one word "mail!" on a quiet sultry day, when all nature except the sun seemed to be taking a rest and when nothing but the bugle call for dinner could prove that a spark of life remained in the barracks, the announcement that mail had arrived would transform that peaceful quiet building into an eastern bazar, with all of its accessions. at the mention of that word the stolid sentry, pacing his beat with languid steps, instantly quickened into life; the motionless somnolent forms lying on the canvas cots sprang from their recumbent positions, strangely wide awake; the groups of men engaged in a social game of cards, instantly scattered for that new field of interest. the first sergeant's office became a scene of the greatest activity. an eager, excited crowd gathered around; cheeks and noses were pressed against the iron grating, while the ear listened intently for familiar names. happy was he who received a goodly supply. [illustration: "old guard fatigue" at the cuartel.] there were those who turned away crestfallen and disappointed, there were others who remained behind and hungrily eyed their more fortunate comrades, as they knew they had no loved ones to write to them. when the mail had been distributed the barracks again relapsed into silence, but it was a wide awake silence, not a sultry, oppressive one. then was reading of letters which told of love and friendship and hope; then were familiar scenes brought before the imagination to renew acquaintances which had begun to grow dim; then were sighs heard for dear home and mother. newspapers and magazines were not unpopular. the letters read, then the papers were devoured. long articles, short articles, advertisements and pictures were consumed with equal eagerness, and when every visible portion had been absorbed they were held up to the light to see if they contained anything on the inside. such was mail day in manila, and the story proceeds. in the early days of barrack life, men talked of returning home to celebrate thanksgiving, but after october had begun to decline it became evident that these fond hopes were not to be realized. then the inventive yankee proceeded to devise means to give thanks in the good old fashioned way in spite of climate and strange country. the luzon turkey in all respects does not compare favorably with his american cousin, yet he is "turkey," and that goes a great way when it comes to celebrating thanksgiving. it was upon this peculiar species of the feathered race that the batterymen fastened their attentions. turkeys were secured, and they served as a nucleus about which all preparations centered. several weeks prior to the gala day most elaborate arrangements were made. the soldiers gathered in knots and discussed the coming event. it had a particular interest with them as they anticipated something more palatable than the ordinary "hardtack and slum-gullion." nor were their expectations disappointed, for, when the day came in all its glory, the commissary had proved itself equal to the occasion. all the powers of the culinary art had been brought to bear upon the leathery tendons of this turkey of the east. it had been fried and flayed until the very air of the barracks became aromatic with its savor. even the hungry natives scented the perfumed air and gathered at the entrances to inspect the delicacies more closely. at length the tables were prepared and the ravenous warriors seated themselves. then were the victuals attacked with vigor; the enemy brought forth all his fighting force; he assaulted the front with deadly effect; simultaneously he attacked the flank and the rear; he cut, he hacked, he slashed, he dissected and tore, until there was nothing left of his victim but the skeleton, and even this he eyed ravenously. of course there were pies and cakes and cranberries and fruits and greens and vegetables, and they, too, suffered. of the squash family there were not a few, the favorite pumpkin was wanting, but then the lack of it had been long since supplied by the desiccated potato, and the consumer felt no secret pangs at its absence. thus thanksgiving passed on and christmas came with its bevy of holiday boxes, and its "peace on earth good will to men;" but while the american was still thinking of the light of peace, there came the low rumbling of impending gloom; his ears were startled by the distant thunder of the voice of war; he knew it to be the opening peal of the awakening insurrection and his attention turned to the more serious matter of the imminent conflict. a more powerful enemy than his late foe menaced him from all sides. chapter iii. the insurrection. the report of a rifle rang down the quiet santa mesa hill on the night of february th. as the flash of the gun died away in the gloom a dusky warrior fell in death and the spark of an insurrection kindled into flame. almost instantly the belligerent tagalans rushed down upon the american outposts; the united states forces from caloocan to malate swung into line, and the sturdy anglo-saxon and the fiery malay were matched in combat. the violent clash caused no look of surprise to flutter across the faces of the american soldiers; all knew that the outbreak was coming, all had waited with expectant excitement for the impending conflict. to the intoxicated native victory against the spanish seemed too certain to be wrested from him by the conquering american; he had long smarted under the goading reflection that "the wreath of the conquerer" had been snatched away at the moment when it seemed almost within his grasp. this bitter knowledge irritated and maddened him, until he only awaited an opportunity to spring at the throat of his imaginary foe and wrench from him what he considered his own. he remembered the long years of wretchedness under spanish tyranny and oppression. he suspected that his new masters would prove even more overbearing than his late persecutors. he had not forgotten the daring rush for liberty which his ancestors had made. their blood coursed through his veins and he determined that he would not relinquish the struggle without one last bold dash for the coveted goal. it was not alone a love for liberty which spurred onward the dark horde which followed the red banner of aguinaldo. since they had striven with their ancient enemy, with the hope that they might tear from him all his wealth. their leader had with subtle diplomacy urged on his wary braves with the thought that when they battered down the walls of manila all that it contained would be theirs to loot and ravage. they loved liberty, but they loved the gold which it would bring still more. so they looked with hungry eyes when they saw the americano enter the city of their dreams and close the gate against the black hosts who sought entrance to plunder and steal. during the few months preceding the outbreak the filipinos had become less friendly to their late allies. "la independencia," the official organ of the insurgents, frequently came out with loud denunciations against the americans and called the sullen natives to action against the hated usurpers. it was not an uncommon occurrence to see the walls of public buildings patched over with "proclamos," signed by aguinaldo, almost openly declaring war against the americans and asserting the rights of the tagalans to their independence. the fourteen blockhouses which had been the spanish line of defense had been allowed to fall into the hands of the filipinos, who converted them into a strong offensive and defensive work. when by chance an american strayed beyond these fortifications, the attitude of the native sentries was often violent and abusive. eventually no soldiers were permitted to go outside of the territory bounded by our outposts, and the malay line of muskets tightened around the city like the arm of a colossal dragon. repeatedly there were war alarms, and for several days the men not on duty were kept in barracks. at times the tagalans at the pumping station shut off the water supply merely as an insolent challenge and an indication of what they were able to do. on certain parts of the line the filipinos were seen building new intrenchments and reinforcing the old ones. for several weeks natives had been concentrating around the santa mesa, and lieutenant webb was sent out to the nebraska camp with the left platoon of battery a to strengthen the nebraska position. the santa mesa road was looked upon by the multitude of aguinaldo as the natural gateway to manila. it was at the san juan del monte bridge that they had sought in vain to pound their way into the spanish lines on many a desperate battle night. one of the utah guns occupied the very gun pit which had been used by the castilians as a defense from which their cannon barked back defiance to the onrushing fanatical hordes. often there were wrangles between colonel stotsenberg and the tagalan officers regarding the line of outposts which the native forces should occupy. several times the colonel averted hostilities by a judicious yielding to minor points. ultimately at the san juan bridge a stalwart american sentry and a diminutive tagalan paced in parallel lines. the filipinos seemed anxious to aggravate the americans into an act of hostility, and rigorous orders were issued to prevent such an occurrence. night after night the native warriors clustered about one end of the bridge and uttered curses at the silent nebraskan outpost. before the outbreak actually took place several times our sentries were forced back by a howling mob of drunken malays. one native officer was particularly violent. not a night passed but that he gathered a crowd of inebriated tagalans and tramped down to the bridge for the purpose of scoffing and hurling vile epithets at the taciturn american posted there. they were encouraged by the lenient and apparently submissive attitude of the americans whom they had begun to look upon as arrant cowards, who could be wheedled and whipped about as they chose. on the night when the signal shot sang out in the darkness and the battle came, the same haughty officer was coming down towards the american line to repeat his abusive conduct, when the sharp voice of the sentry rang out as a warning to halt. he persistently advanced and at the same time launched some vehement tagalan curses at the outpost. the next instant he lay dead with a bullet through his heart; the report startled the still night air and an insurrection was born. all that night the thunders of the united american forces in action were wafted to the cuartel. the natives were so close that some of the bullets pattered against the walls of the building and some even struck the hotel de oriente, nearer town. when the commissary wagons probed their way out to the belligerent front they were fired upon from the houses lining the streets. every nipa hut in which a private family lived became an arsenal. the trouble had been anticipated and every officer knew what portion he was expected to defend. ten minutes after the news arrived in the cuartel, the heavy guns of utah rumbled over the streets to different parts of the field. those under major grant rushed out into the night and were instantly under a vigorous fire near the woods of caloocan. captain wedgewood disappeared in the blackness and took up the appointed position on the balic balic road near sampaloe cemetery. the guns under lieutenant seaman dashed out of the barracks and a few moments later their deep bass was added to the satanic roar. on mcleod's hill surrounded by the nebraskans two guns under lieutenant webb menaced the plain below. at santa mesa the fight began. three minutes after the opening flash the nebraskan camp was deserted. as the outposts slowly returned the regiment swept onward to the fray, and soon the angry rattle of the "long toms" answered back the viperous "ping" of the mauser. the sound of the first shot had hardly ceased echoing upon the hill when the tagalans, jubilant, confident, flew for the bridge; their onrush was met with a volley from the nebraskans. then from caloocan and sampaloe the din of multitudinous musketry fired in unison, waved over the hill; then the awful thunder of the guns of the fleet pulverized the enemy's bulwarks at malate swelled over the plain. occasionally a lull came in the fight and then as if gathering strength by inaction the tumult broke forth with increased fury. in the darkness it was impossible for the utah guns to accomplish anything, as the location of the infantry could not be exactly distinguished. so all night the men tugged and toiled to get the pieces in position, that they might take part in the encounter at dawn. the fifth section gun held a commanding position on the right and the sixth section was stationed directly in front of mcleod's house, from which point it could sweep the enemy's line from blockhouse no. on the north to the catholic convent on the south. just as the first streaks of dawn dappled the east, the two big guns belched over the plain and the fight began. during the night the relative positions of the opposing forces had not been changed. the maddened filipinos made a renewed attempt to cross the bridge and penetrate the nebraska line, that they might gain their coveted goal--the city of their dreams. the aim of the two guns was concentrated upon this point. twice the tagalans with frenzied courage charged up the bridge, only to be torn to pieces by the shrieking shells and the deadly bullets. with desperate energy they hauled an artillery piece into position on the bridge, but this was demolished by a single shell from one of our guns. the position of the artillery became perilous; the insurgents centered a galling fire upon the big guns, with the hope of ridding themselves of this new terror. the leaden missiles rained from three points, blockhouse no. , the bridge and the convent. every time one of the cannon roared over the hill, she raised a vicious hail of bullets from the enemy. three minutes after the conflict began corporal john g. young received a fatal wound in the lungs. almost immediately after private wilhelm i. goodman fell dead with a bullet through his brain. instantly men rushed in to fill their places, but the position of the gun had become so dangerous that lieutenant webb ordered it removed to a more sheltered point, at the north of the house. in the face of a heavy fire the men lifted the piece out of the pit and rolled it to the station designated. this ended the casualty list of the artillery for that day. both guns now shelled the enemy at blockhouse no. and the san juan del monte church, until the two guns under lieutenant gibbs came up. the skilled aim of the two gunners and the superb courage of lieutenant webb and sergeants fisher and robinson were greatly commended. shortly before o'clock two nordenfelt guns under lieutenant gibbs arrived at the hill and under the orders of colonel smith of the tennesseeans advanced up the santa mesa road. the tagalans were still in strong force in the woods to the right of the road, and, as the two guns moved forward, they received a pelting fire from this locality. the guns dashed up the road and swung into action on the bridge. the forces then began an advance up the road, running twenty and thirty yards at a time, supported by the infantry from tennessee. after a half hour of sharp fighting the tagalans fled before the cannister and shrapnel of the big guns and the bullets of the tennesseeans, and thus the hills as far as the deposito were won. meanwhile, a battalion of tennesseeans had deployed out to the left and taken the deposito, and the two guns were moved to this point. the tennesseans left the nebraskans in charge of the deposito and disappeared off to the right. late that night lieutenant webb and the fatigued warriors of santa mesa joined lieutenant gibbs at the deposito, where they bivouacked with the prospect on the morrow of an advance upon the pumping station, four miles beyond. the movement upon the pumping station was not easily accomplished; there were several sharp skirmishes on the way. though the power of the insurgents seemed to have been broken on the previous day, there were some in whom the spirit of resistance was not entirely extinguished and they contested the march of the americans with vigor. when the move was made on the morning of the th the artillery was under the personal command of major young. a straggling line of infantry deployed on either side of the road and with the artillery in the rear the forward movement began. scarcely half a mile from the deposito the moving column encountered a small body of tagalans, who opened fire. once more the angry guns pealed forth in menacing thunder and the terror-stricken natives retreated for the kind shelter of the bamboo thickets beyond. two similar skirmishes happened farther up the road. about a mile and a half from the deposito the mutilated body of dr. harry a. young was found lying by the side of a ventilator. some distance back the body of his horse had been discovered. major young was the first to locate this gory evidence, which mutely told the tragic story of the end of dr. young. all the clothing had been rent from the body, a bullet hole was in his forehead, and a bolo wound from the elbow of the left arm to the waist told the tragic story of how he died. the supposition is that the doctor was surprised on his way to the deposito, where he had an appointment with major young, and took the wrong road, which led him to a grim death in the tagalan territory. a few minutes later, while the body was being conveyed to manila, the major calmly commanded his men in a rush with the enemy, in which eighty of them were killed. this exhibition of splendid courage was ever after an inspiration to the utahn when he felt like being disheartened. gradually the uncoiled infantry line pushed back the recalcitrant natives, and late in the morning the heights above the beautiful mariquina valley were reached. here the artillery was placed in position, and, with the mariquina church steeple as a target, the town was bombarded. now and then a shuddering shrapnel was sent shrieking after fugitive bands of tagalans, who made all haste for the protecting shelter of the mountain on the opposite side of the valley. from that place they were content to look with dismay upon the death-dealing monsters which frowned from the hill above the bulwarks. when the first platoon of battery a, under captain wedgewood, sped out into the gloom on the night of the th it took up a position in the balic balic road near the cemetario de sampaloe. all night long the two guns were under a straggling fire from the filipinos, who at this place held blockhouse no. , about yards to our front, and a diminutive stone church which was located off to the right of our position. the section two gun was placed inside the cemetario, but that of section one remained outside, where it was exposed to the enemy's fire. at a.m. from two points the malays centered a vicious fusilade upon the artillery, which remained inactive owing to the obscurity of the tagalan line of defense. no. gun was moved back about yards to a more sheltered station by the cemetery. just as the first streaks of dawn appeared in the east the two guns blazed toward the blockhouse and the small church, in which were a large number of natives. simultaneously the colorado infantry swung into position and with a withering fire slowly advanced upon the enemy. several well-directed shells sent the filipinos flying from the blockhouse and a few more accurately trained shots annihilated the little church. as the tagalans moved from their cover they fell many deep before the blasting volleys of the invincible coloradoans. as the natives fled from the church, the artillery turned its attention to blockhouse no. , yards distant, and while the south dakotans made a wonderful charge they demolished this wooden bulwark. next the big guns were ordered to shatter blockhouse no. , but before they could be brought into play against this point the insurgents had disappeared into the woods with the swift-moving colorado infantrymen hard on their track. on the th the platoon was moved to a position left of blockhouse no. . on this part of the line it remained until march rd, when it was ordered to caloocan to take part in the fierce engagement at that point when the whole line charged the enemy's works on march th. the damage inflicted on the natives of sampaloe was very considerable. over a hundred bodies were buried there and in many a battered form could be seen that ripping course of a shrapnel. general hale personally praised the work of sergeants emil johnson and w.e. kneass, who were in immediate charge of the two rifles. the guns of battery b took a position on the left of the line to the south of caloocan on the night of the war alarm. second lieutenant seaman went out on the caloocan road with one . gun. major grant left the cuartel with three . -inch guns, and after leaving one at bilibid prison took the remaining two up the rugged bulum bugan road as far as lazaro hospital. emplacements were made under a spattering fire from the enemy at this point, facing the chinese hospital and the binondo cemetery, in both of which places the tagalans were strongly lodged. only an occasional shot blazed towards the enemy during the night, but from a commanding position the artillery fire began at dawn with destructive and terrifying results. besides driving the sturdily-intrenched tagalans back, the utah attack entirely covered the simultaneous advance of the tenth pennsylvania and south dakota infantry. the advance of the slowly-moving regiment was irresistable and the natives fell back from their position after a stubborn fight. all that day the malay resisted the american advance with fanatical frenzy. the artillery moved forward at the same moment, but many times was delayed by burning huts. after an advance of about yards they again joined the infantry line, but they had arrived at a conspicuous and dangerous position on the road, where for thirty minutes they fought desperately in the open under a heavy fire from the filipino intrenchments. it was here that major bell of general mcarthur's staff rode up and requested major grant to move up beyond the chinese hospital, where the tagalans in a fierce engagement were inflicting heavy damage on the infantry. almost at the same moment colonel wallace sent word that a company of the tenth pennsylvanians had been cut off to the left, and lieutenant critchlow was sent with one gun up the leco road to its assistance. the remaining guns tore the woods in front of the advancing infantry and cleared the way for the pennsylvanians and south dakotans, so that the right wing advanced at this point almost without a casualty. still towards caloocan the artillery advanced with the musketeers, and beyond the cemetery church the big guns shelled the woods to the left of la loma in front of the advancing third united states artillery (infantry) and twentieth kansas. just when the tagalans were fleeing, bleak with terror, from the artillery shells; when colonel funston, like a young jove, was pounding his way irresistibly up from the left, and when everything looked auspicious for an easy dash into caloocan, word came from general macarthur that the firing should cease. the spires of caloocan were then almost in view, and there is an opinion that had general macarthur not feared that the line would grow too thin by a further advance funston would have taken caloocan that night, with many railway cars and many supplies, and with the saving of many lives which went out on the next advance when the filipinos had had time to bulwark themselves behind their wonderful intrenchments. on the same day the guns were moved to a position close to la loma church. later two nordenfelt guns arrived, one of battery a, and were stationed first at blockhouse no. and afterwards east of la loma church and in front of the left battalion of the south dakota infantry. these were commanded by lieutenant critchlow. meanwhile lieutenant seaman withstood a destructive fire on the caloocan road. early in the fight he was reinforced at the suggestion of the division commander by the addition of another gun. major young took personal command of the nordenfelt which arrived there late that night. frequently in the encounter the natives rushed up to within yards of our position, from which they went reeling back before the awful thunder of the big guns. at times the powder-begrimed utahns were in advance of the main line, carrying death into the very teeth of the foe. so fierce was the conflict that major young had the gun manipulated in short reliefs, and this shortened the casualty list of our organization. corporal wardlaw and private peter anderson sustained wounds while serving their pieces in this manner. the natives trained two big guns on our position and fired fifteen ineffective shots from them. next day the two guns supported the kansas troops in their advance upon the filipino intrenchments and blockhouse no. . as the swift-moving column charged the enemy's line the two rifles tore great gaps into this wooden structure and plowed furrows into the wonderfully-constructed earthworks. when the insurgents had fled before the deadly volleys of the kansans one gun was stationed at the blockhouse and the other at the binondo cemetery. here they remained until february th, when they took part in the demonstration against caloocan. the next three days major grant's three guns did nothing except to fire occasionally at some enthusiastic filipino sharpshooters. on the th a general advance was made by the montana and the kansas infantry and the third united states artillery. the artillery force consisted of two guns under lieutenant seaman on the hill to the left, two guns under lieutenant fleming of the sixth united states artillery on the railroad, lieutenant critchlow with two nordenfelts at blockhouse no. , and grant with three . -inch b. and l. rifles at la loma church. the prearranged signal for the attack was to be a bombardment by the navy accompanied by a similar action by major young's artillery force. the big guns pounded shell against the native defenses, and sent shrapnel singing into the woods surrounding the town, and under the somewhat ineffectual, but loudly-thundering labors of the fleet the infantry column hurried forward, and the tagalans gradually swayed back. as the enemy retreated the aim of the guns was directed higher and several of these iron messengers went crashing into the town. some remarkably good work was performed by our gunners on this day. it is said that a small body of filipinos could be seen reinforcing the intrenchments at the gate of the caloocan cemetery. a utah gunner saw this, and turned his piece on the gate and shortly after a shell shuddered through the air on its -yard journey. when the smoke cleared away, gate, filipinos and war weapons strewed the ground for many yards. major bell with a flanking column of montanas deployed through a ravine on the right. suddenly a long, rope-like column of natives whipped out of the fringe of the woods and quickly coiled around the company. major young saw the predicament in which the americans were placed, and soon the murderous shells fell in the midst of the column, which broke into fragments and disappeared the way it had come. the next day major bell was lavish in his praise of the batteries, and several british officers who were watching the progress of the fight complimented the gunners on their expert and effective gunnery. during the attack on caloocan lieutenant seaman followed with the infantry as far as the flames from the burning houses would permit and pulled the gun through caloocan to a position on the kansas line. on the th guns were moved to a position on a hillside near the residence of mr. higgins near caloocan at a place where he commanded the causeway between caloocan and malabon. at this point the two guns were joined by a platoon of the sixth artillery and a . mortar under corporal boshard of battery b. [illustration: lieut. gibbs' section at ft. macarthur.] at this time utah soldiers on different parts of the line manned thirty-two pieces of artillery, including . -inch b.l. rifles, hotchkiss revolving cannon, hotchkiss mountain guns, maxim nordenfelts captured from the spanish, mortars, colt's rapid-fire (browning's) gun, a navy field piece, navy six-pounder and gatling guns of various calibers. after caloocan was taken possession of by the troops scarcely any fighting was indulged in until march th, when an advance was made. except for occasional incursions into the enemy's territory for the purpose of driving back harassing sharpshooters there was a practical cessation of hostilities at the waterworks. at this time the line over which our guns were stationed extended from malabon to mariquina. at caloocan a severe engagement occurred on the rd of february. a large force of insurgents came rushing down from the hill towards our outposts and finally established themselves within yards of the american lines. it was during this period that some of them were able to penetrate the american position and steal their way into manila to take part in the burning of the tondo district. this band was under the leadership of a bold and gallant chief named zandico. while tondo was disappearing in flames and sharp hand-to-hand skirmishes were taking place between these filipino desperadoes and the american police a furious altercation was going on between the darkly-outlined bulwarks of the two armies. during this attack sixty men of the kansas and montana regiments alone were killed and wounded. the work of the sharpshooters showed the watchful alertness of the enemy. whenever one of these riflemen espied a piece of american anatomy there was a report and a still messenger of death went skimming through the air. frequently one of the large guns had to be employed to repress the zeal of one of these ubiquitous malays. while repairing a breach in the gun pit lieutenant seaman received a wound in the leg, corporal southers was shot in the hip and private hill sustained a serious wound in the back. about this time existed as remarkable a truce as was ever patched up between belligerent forces. some filipino statesmen came down from malabon to see aguinaldo, and as they carried a flag of truce firing from our side ceased. the natives signified their desire to talk and colonel funston and major young went half way to meet them. the tagalans then made known their proposition, which was that there should be no firing between the two forces at that point for a period of ten days. colonel funston assented. this was directly in front of the kansas line. the insurgents rigidly adhered to their promise, and while the springfields and mausers were angrily barking in the vicinity of the railroad track no messenger of war sped across the space in front of the kansans. * * * * * the four guns under lieutenant gibbs and webb lifted to a commanding position on the hill above the waterworks, menaced the valley below. frequently they boomed from the mountains as a warning to the curious natives down on the wide plain of the san mateo. the encounters which took place between the americans and the tagals at this place are illustrative of the peculiar mode of warfare carried on by the natives. not a few times our forces made invasions in the enemy's country at mariquina under the protection of the guns and drove his army into the foothills on the opposite side of the valley, only to find him back in his old position before nightfall with his camp fires piercing the gloom of the valley as darkness settled in. these successive defeats seemed to have no power in dampening the ardor of the ducky warriors of the plains. they continued to make invasions on the american territory, and frequently waylaid belated american troops. up to march th the infantry force was not sufficiently large to hold the country which had been taken. four times the town of mariquina was captured in this style. finally, by some peculiar decision of fate, a battalion of coloradoans descended into the valley and after dislodging the enemy set fire to the hideous nipa huts. thereafter fewer skirmishes occurred in this locality. the white and shining church steeple arose above the blackened ruins as a ghostly monument of the work of war. about four days after the occupancy of the waterworks by the american troops colonel stotsenberg with a small body of the infantry scoured the mariquina plain, but though he met with some heated skirmishes and drove the enemy back, there was no visible results from his excursion. the artillery was first used in an advance on february th, when the two nordenfelt guns were taken down the mariquina road by lieutenant gibbs. none of the utah men were hurt on this occasion, although the natives fought stubbornly at short range and several men and officers of the nebraska regiment were wounded. meanwhile general montenegro, known as one of the fiercest filipino chiefs, had congregated his forces in the woods southwest of the pumping station towards pasig lake and cainta. a plan was formed for surrounding the insurgents and the nebraska and washington infantry and the two maxim nordenfelts took part in the engagement. the artillery worked with the nebraskans and shelled the woods. then there was a simultaneous advance from two sides by the regiments. the washingtons did their work well and the shells from the guns were effective, but for once the nebraskans failed in their usual dash and came up too late to cut off the retreat of the enemy and prevent his escape. [illustration: gun at pumping station firing on mariquina.] again on the th the two nordenfelts under lieutenant webb moved down the mariquina road, and did excellent work in aiding the nebraskans to drive the natives back towards san mateo. the b. and l. rifles from the hill fired into bodies of natives to the left of mariquina church on this occasion, and the death roster of the insurgents for that day was very great. a revolving hotchkiss under corporal hesburg, located close to the deposito, also inflicted severe damage on the natives. still the enemy at this point was alert and aggressive. the next day major mulford went scouting with a small force to the right of mariquina. soon after he reached the valley he was completely surrounded by the insurgents. then the big guns on the hill sent bursting shells fast into the filipino ranks and soon they retired stubbornly into the woods. several of major mulford's men were killed or wounded, and he stated afterwards that the utah guns had saved himself and party. this skirmish proved that the natives were gathering there in a larger and more formidable force, and this circumstances led to the burning of mariquina. all night the flames from the bamboo huts and old spanish mansions illumined the valley, and when the troops descended the next morning they found that all the south and the greater part of the north end of the city were entirely destroyed. there was comparative quietude after that until march th, when the natives began to resume the annoying fire on the infantry, and an artillery demonstration became imperative. as the insurgent attack came about daylight, the guns under lieutenant gibbs bombarded the valley from the hill, driving the enemy northward. another large force of the tagalans swept down upon the nebraskan outposts on the left and a deadly affray commenced. reinforcements were rushed to the aid of the stricken sentries, who were gradually forced back by the superior numbers of the assaulting party. sergeant ford fisher with the fifth section gun dashed out of the camp to the front. for three-quarters of a mile the diminutive filipinos horses with which the guns had lately been equipped sped down the ridges under a galling fire. on the brow of the hill the gun whirled into action long enough to drive the enemy back a few hundred yards. again the piece limbered up and rattled over the hard lava road for a new position. the tagalans soon centered a murderous fire from three points upon the big gun as a desperate measure to annihilate this new terror. a horse ridden by private engler was shot down, but was able to recover himself sufficiently to gain the shelter of a small gulch a few yards farther on. from its shelter the big gun pounded over the road to another gulch which had been deserted just a few minutes previously by a company of nebraskans. the heavy limber chest was left at the foot of the hill and on their hands and knees the men pushed the piece forward until the bore of the gun gleamed down the slope. a heavy volley answered from the plain below. ford fisher said afterwards that he saw a filipino sharpshooter behind a rock fire six times point blank at the gunner as he was sighting the piece. suddenly the roar of a cannon tore down the hill. the tagalans answered it with a fiendish yell and came steadily onward. the men on the gun worked like trojans, but they could not force the malays back. just as it seemed as if the gun would have to retire the tall white figure of colonel stotsenberg could be seen with galloping steed coming up the hill. instantly the wavering infantry line tightened. the colonel's pistol flashed in the sunlight, and the whole column swung up the eminence to victory. the voice of the big gun bellowed back its notes of defiance and the haughty foe fled in terror. during the encounter corporal mcdonald with a revolving hotchkiss cannon performed some excellent service on the right in aiding the oregon infantry. most of the fighting had been done at from to yards range. the casualty list of the nebraskans was heavy, and an immense number of filipinos was killed. the infantry followed the retreating natives for three miles. on the th, in conjunction with the river fleet, the guns aided the nebraska, wyoming and washington infantry in forcing the enemy through the woods towards guadaloupe and pasig lake. the guns under captain wedgewood shelled the insurgents to the south of san juan del monte and aided the infantry very materially in its advance. the gunboats hammered the natives on the left bank of the river and sent them scurrying into the woods beyond guadaloupe. it was decided to take the town of mariquina on the th of march, and major young with the left platoon of battery a shelled the woods to the north and west of the town so effectively that when the infantry forces entered the place they found it deserted. this ended the fighting in that vicinity until the general advance of march th. [illustration: utah guns on manila & dagupan railway en route for the front.] on march th began that remarkable advance which never ended until the native forces were driven beyond calumpit and san fernando into the hills north of san isidro and tarlac. the american forces had long been inactive gathering strength for the difficulties before them, and now that this strength had been mustered they were eager for the fray. the plan was for the commands of generals h.g. otis and hale to swing around to the right and cut off the retreat of the enemy from that quarter, while general wheaton's brigade was to strike the foe in front and not move forward until the other forces had had sufficient time to straighten out the line. a large body of the insurgents had assembled at malabon. the entire preparation had been made for the capture of this force. otis's brigade on the left consisted in the order given of the kansas, the third artillery (infantry), and the montana regiment; in the center was the divisional artillery under major young and then troops of the fourth united states cavalry, and on the right was hale's command, containing the tenth pennsylvania, south dakota and nebraska regiments. the nebraskans were on the extreme right, while the kansans formed the pivotal regiment. the artillery designated to take part in the forward movement were two b. and l. rifles, under command of lieutenant critchlow; two b.l. rifles of the sixth united states artillery, under lieutenant fleming, and an automatic gun under command of ensign davis of the navy. on the evening of the th lieutenant fleming's guns were removed from the old intrenchment in front of fort macarthur, and were replaced by two b. and l. rifles under lieutenant gibbs of battery a, who had formerly been stationed in front of the colorado line at sampaloe. major grant at this period was no longer in immediate command of battery b, as he had been detailed as commander of the river gunboats on february th. during the period of waiting the government mules had arrived and the rifles under lieutenants critchlow and fleming were now equipped for the journey into the jungle. few artillery exploits can compare in dash and daring with that performed by lieutenant naylor out on the right of the line early in the morning of the th. many brave and reckless deeds with guns at close range were done by artillery forces on other occasions in the filipino campaign, but it is hardly probable that any field pieces have been rushed so far beyond infantry support as they were on this day before the enemy at san francisco del monte. lieutenant naylor's position lay in a sunken road at a point where the lines of the tenth pennsylvania and south dakota regiments joined. for a distance of about yards the road, which had been constructed by the spanish, extended toward the tagalan earthworks. at the point the road abruptly ends, and there is a plat of hard ground. fifty yards farther on a rude barricade had been erected as a shelter for the native outposts, and a hundred yards in advance of this the enemy's strong line of earthworks widened out across the top of a gently rising eminence. this position had been accurately located several days previously by a reconnoitering party. early in the morning the guns moved to the end of the sunken road and began the perilous journey up this narrow defile. with lieutenant naylor were captain crainbuhl and lieutenant perry of general hale's staff and a detachment of eight men of the tenth pennsylvania regiment under charge of a sergeant. every one knew the danger that accompanied an expedition of this character, and there was silence as perfect as that of a tomb, save when one of the wheels of the heavy guns rumbled in a rut. a few hundred yards from the camp they crossed a small stream and, as the road broadened at this place, there was ample room to unlimber the pieces. this was done so that there would be no delay when the time for action should come. the pieces were placed in front and the two limbers followed. at the end of the road the squad of infantry deployed as skirmishers to drive back the filipino sentries. then the guns were rushed up on the flat; two shells shrieked through the air towards the insurgent intrenchments, which loomed up darkly on the hill, and the bombardment began. at the first bark of the big guns the native outposts fled precipitately for the protection of the heavier works on the summit of the knoll. the roaring monsters now hurled a perfect stream of iron into the place, and after responding feebly for a few minutes the foe retired in haste across the san juan river towards san francisco del monte. the artillery advanced to the stream and sent shells flying after them until it became too hazardous to continue the bombardment, owing to the approach of our troops. down the causeway over which the tagalans fled in their mad desire to escape whole squads of filipinos lay. as the guns had made the advance almost entirely unaided by the infantry it was purely an artillery charge, and to the artillery belonged the victory. general hale rode up a few minutes later and personally complimented lieutenant naylor upon the ability with which he had handled his men in this successful maneuver. as the guns were unprovided with mules they were unable to proceed and retired to their former position. the engagement opened up by lieutenant naylor's men on the right found an echoing response from the guns of lieutenants critchlow and fleming. as they were to continue the advance their general course lay along the railroad track, which stretches entirely across luzon island from manila to dagupan. just after dawn on the th the infantry moved forward about yards ahead of the artillery, which followed the novaliches road. a strong force of the enemy was encountered heavily intrenched in a position commanding the novaliches and malinta roads. the infantry swung into line and attempted to force back the tagalans, who stubbornly resisted the attack of our column. two large guns were soon brought into play and the natives gradually retired. an examination later showed that the defenses of the insurgents were remarkably constructed; in some cases the main breastworks were twenty feet thick. the first day's fighting had taught them a lesson by which they had profited. general macarthur gave orders for the artillery to remain with him during the advance, as it was impossible to move over the ridges. a troop of the fourth cavalry, under major rucker, also remained with the general. in the afternoon the artillery had turned down a small valley toward the bed of the pulilan river. the infantry had entirely disappeared from the division commander's view, owing to a mountain which lay between our forces and the artillery position. the general whereabouts of our troops could be ascertained by the battle-sound, but occasionally this died away as the moving column advanced. the general sent forward one of his aids with a view of re-establishing our lines; but he was fired upon and compelled to retire. the troops of cavalry then dismounted and deploying as skirmishers soon dislodged the enemy. soon heavy firing was heard and an orderly rushed back asking for reinforcements. the general sent word back that he had no reinforcements to give. just then major bell rode up and said he wished one of the utah guns and the general authorized major young to take one of the big rifles and a browning gun under ensign davis. majors bell and young went forward to locate a position for the pieces. they discovered that where the road crosses the river the banks of the pulilan rise to an almost perpendicular height of nearly fifteen feet. a road a little distance above, so small that it could only be utilized for carometas, crosses the river a short distance beyond the dismantled bridge. on the right abutment of the bridge the filipinos had constructed a very formidable breastwork of earth and stone, and the heavy steel beam of the bridge was arranged above this so as to leave a long slot for the rifles the whole length of the work. this menaced the surrounding approaches. a short distance below this was a boiler and engine-house and on the other side of the river and lower down was a remarkable field work. it extended along the river a distance of two hundred feet, and was constructed with the same wonderful skill as the smaller one at the bridge abutment. it had the same long slot flaring outward about eighteen inches and the upper part of the work was substantially held by bamboo flooring. the two majors left the artillery piece and went forward to discover a good site for the big gun. major young selected a place just under the brow of the hill. the enemy was only yards beyond, but our exact location was screened from his view by a thick undergrowth of bamboo. a heavy stone wall was used as a shelter for the men. meanwhile the cavalry stood a terrific fire. out of less than forty men who took part in the encounter nine were killed and wounded, a casualty list of almost one-fourth of their number. the guns rushed into action. major young directed that the colt's automatic be turned on the slots to protect the big gun. at the first boom of the rifle all the attention of the insurgents was turned upon the crews working the piece, but the bamboo screen kept them from taking accurate aim. of the three shells fired by corporal don johnson, two struck immediately in the slot holes and burst in the interior, doing considerable damage to the bamboo shed and above all terrifying the dusky warriors, who turned and fled. the spitting colts and breaking shrapnel followed them with deadly effect. the artillery then lumbered up and dashed to a position on the hill, from which the boiler-house could be bombarded with annihilating effect. the cavalry had stood a heavy fire during all this time at a range of seventy-five yards, and when the beam had been examined after the enemy had been driven out it showed the marks of eighty-nine cavalry bullets. that night the weary troops rested on the banks of the river. the next morning, march th, an early advance was made upon the insurgents' position at malinta and polo. it was here the moving column met the advancing lines of general wheaton, and then it was learned that he had marched forward simultaneously with hale's flying command, and that the wily native had had ample time to flee out of malabon and his old position at caloocan. so the projected coup had failed. lieutenant gibbs with the right platoon of battery a and one gun of battery b and a mortar bombarded malabon and the surrounding country. when the shelling ceased the oregon regiment charged over the open and assaulted the enemy's works, which were taken after a stubborn fight. the routed tagalans fled along the railroad track towards malinta. one gun under lieutenant seaman accompanied wheaton on this march as far as the foot of the hill leading to malinta, and was unloaded from the car under a shower of mauser bullets. private parker j. hall of battery b was wounded at this point while standing on the track. a few shells were fired into distant intrenched position on the hill, but when wheaton resumed his advance early in the morning the b. and l. rifle was returned to its position at fort macarthur. it was during the advance up the hill a few moments later that the gallant, white-haired general egbert, veteran of many battles, was fatally shot through the stomach. in the meantime the artillery with general macarthur's division continued the march up the road close by the railway line. while the artillery was sending shell fast into the filipino position at malinta and meycayauan, and occupying their attention, general hale executed a rather brilliant flank movement and forced the enemy to retreat with considerable loss. when the march was resumed on the th, the artillery was moved up to a position just behind the first battalion of the kansas regiment, while all the rest of otis's brigade remained in the rear. [illustration: first platoon. battery a, ready to move to malolos.] when general macarthur's division moved forward on march th, general hall, with the colorado and minnesota regiments, moved down the mariquina valley towards the san francisco del monte, where the bullets of the south dakotas and lieutenant naylor's shells were battering against the walls. general hall's advance was so warmly contested that it became necessary for the guns on the hill to bombard the city and surrounding woods to the north and west. the infantry was then able to press forward and drive the natives back from the valley toward san mateo. on the st of march general hall essayed a more extended advance, and on this occasion his forces consisted of the fourth and twenty-third regular infantry, the minnesota and colorado regiments and two utah b. and l. rifles, commanded by captain wedgewood. the movement began at dawn. the regulars came from the south and the minnesotas and coloradoans around the north of mariquina. the town was entered before the enemy had begun to fire. the attack was sudden and effective, and as the natives began to retreat a gun under sergeant nystrom and another close by the mariquina church commanded by captain wedgewood played vigorously on their ranks. the infantry followed the natives six miles, and from the hills overlooking the city san mateo was bombarded by the two guns. the natives were again in retreat when a telegram arrived from otis, which showed that he feared the natives might be preparing to make another entrance into manila. it read: "wheaton has engaged enemy at malolos and taken that place. a very small force of the enemy was there. withdraw all your forces which are moving towards san mateo and bring them back to la loma church." it was a wearisome march to la loma after the fatigue of the day's campaign, and when the men arrived there with the guns they were forced to sleep among the graves of the churchyard without blankets and in a pelting rain. the next day the guns were ordered back to their old position above mariquina, where they remained until relieved by the sixth united states infantry, when they joined the rest of the command at san fernando. on april th our forces met the filipinos on the banks of the marilao river, on which occasion the noses of the big guns were pushed to within fifty yards of the native earthworks. the guns employed were two under lieutenant critchlow, a platoon of dyer's light battery and colt's automatic under ensign davis. the kansans under major metcalf had deployed on the left and approached the river, but they were forced back by the heavy fire of the insurgents, who had cut away the intervening trees to give a clear sweep for their rifles. the whole north side of the river had been cleverly and completely intrenched so that it formed an almost impregnable fortification when attacked from the front. the causeway up which the artillery had to advance was commanded by the insurgent infantry. across the river where the infantry first engaged the enemy, the natives were about yards distant. major young went forward with ensign davis to locate a good position for the guns. while there general funston came up and stated he had seen quite a number of cascos further down the river, and that if major young would protect his men with an artillery fire he would be able to cross the river and flank the enemy. this was agreed to, and a company of kansans accompanied the guns as a support. lieutenant critchlow's guns were quickly turned upon the earthworks. as the big rifles roared across the stream the small arms and the colt's automatic centered a withering fire on the intrenchments to keep the enemy's fire inaccurate. this vigorous demonstration terrified the tagalans and soon several white flags appeared fluttering above the trenches. the firing ceased and the filipinos were ordered to stand up. some few of them reluctantly showed themselves, but the greater number ran through the get-away ditch and vanished in the dark fringe of the bamboo forest. lieutenant coulter of the tenth pennsylvania regiment with an enlisted man stripped and swam the river and walked directly into the enemy's trenches. the two naked men took as many rifles as they could hold from the defeated malays. by this time colonel funston, who had crossed the river, came up and took some thirty natives prisoners. as the bridge crossing a branch of the marilao river at this point had been destroyed by the insurgents, the artillery moved to a new position by the railroad track until a new bridge could be constructed by the engineers. just as night came on the natives were seen to emerge in a large force from the woods and move towards our lines. soon the entire american host was sturdily engaged in repelling the attack. in the dark it was impossible to exactly locate our infantry, but major young, at a venture, directed several shots over our column at a range of from to yards. the filipinos soon retreated. it was afterwards learned that these shells had fallen in the midst of the attacking force. this spirited encounter was the subject of a special report of the chief of artillery to the division commander in which lieutenant critchlow and the cannoneers received special mention for their gallantry. that night a pontoon bridge was built across the river and on the morning of the th the artillery moved across and encamped during the succeeding day and night in the suburbs of malolos. an advance of only a short distance had been made the next morning when a body of the enemy was encountered at bocaue. here it was necessary to cross the santa mone river. this was attempted with some difficulty, as only the guns could be taken over on the bridge and the mules had to be swum across. the pieces and accoutrements across, the artillery immediately went into action against the long lines of filipinos. a railroad train in the hands of the insurgents could be seen in the distance and some natives were busily engaged in applying torches to the engine-house. a few shells were sent screaming in that direction and the engineer needed no further orders to speed with all dispatch toward the north country. again the guns were limbered up and the force advanced to the bagoa river, where it was again necessary to drag the guns across the shaky bridge and force the reluctant mules to swim. by this time the infantry had pushed some distance ahead, and suddenly there was heavy firing near another dismantled bridge close to the guiguinta. both the town and the bridge had been burned by the insurgents, and as soon as the infantry force crossed the railway track it was greeted with such a heavy fire that there were thirty casualties within a few minutes. the artillery came forward, as it had done before in many desperate fights, at the critical moment. the mules were unhitched and the cannoneers dashed with two of the guns across the shattered bridge and began firing from the top of the track. the insurgent fire came directly down the railroad grade. private pender was shot through the hip while working at the gun. in a few moments the shrapnel had torn the filipino earthworks and in the semi-darkness the dusky figures of the filipinos could be seen in retreat. the river which barred the way was crossed the next day. when evening fell on the th, the towers of malolos, the insurgent capital, where a few months before don emilio aguinaldo had been crowned president of the filipino republic, were almost within view. a long line of filipino intrenchments defended the approaches to the city. all eyes had been turned from the beginning of the insurrection toward malolos, and here it was expected that on the morrow aguinaldo, with a host of his black warriors around him, would make a desperate effort to resist the aggression of the american troops. the four big rifles and the colt's automatic were moved into a position at dusk close to a deserted line of intrenchments south of malolos. majors bell and young, later in the evening, went forward to locate a position for constructing emplacements for the guns. suddenly there was a long flash from a low line of filipino intrenchments yards to the front. they saw the flash in time to guard themselves by the shelter of a rice stack from the pattering bullets. their mission by this time was accomplished, for they had discovered a strong position for the rifles just within a circle of bamboo trees from which there was an easy view of the enemy's works. late that night, in the tropic darkness of the overhanging trees, a line of men, carrying picks and spades, trudged out slowly from the encampment. they were guided by first sergeant john anderson of battery b. soon the rice stack where the emplacements were to be made could be seen through the gloom. the work was begun quietly, for the filipinos in the distance were known to be on the alert. an axe struck sharply against a bamboo and a pick dinned resoundingly in the hard earth. every one looked searchingly into the distance, where a response was looked for from a hundred guns. major young stated that he had posted a lookout near by so that when he called "flash" the men could take care of themselves as they saw fit before the winged bullets arrived. so the work went on. when the earth had been reared about one foot, the lookout suddenly called "flash" and twenty men dropped to the ground. but there was no report and no bullets came. the lookout had seen some restless filipino lighting a cigarette. the intrenchments were ready shortly after midnight, and before dawn on the morning of the st the guns were moved into position. the insurgents formed a belligerent half-circle around the city, and were prepared to advance from three sides when the roar of one of the big guns gave the signal to move. when the light came it brought into bright relief the heavy earthworks of the enemy, and a body of soldiers was observed standing idly on the railroad track about ten hundred yards away. suddenly the yawning big guns roared over the plain and a shell burst over the filipino intrenchments. there was a brief response. the vigorous click-click of the automatic joined in with the roar of the big guns. within an hour the infantrymen were advancing upon the outer works of the city from three sides, and the filipinos could be seen fleeing down the railroad grade. they were followed by bullets from rapid-fire guns and several shells were sent into the insurgents city at a range of four kilometers. afterwards it was learned that the natives had been driven from their two lines of intrenchments, which were yards apart, a fact which clearly indicated the accuracy of the firing. as soon as the enemy was dispersed the pieces were limbered and while one section took the winding course of the malolos road into the city the other went by way of the railroad. for several thousands yards in front of malolos the track had been torn up by the insurgents and the gun which went up the track had great difficulty in passing. at one place where the bridge had been destroyed it was necessary to replace a large number of ties which had been hurriedly thrown into a body of water near by. all morning a long curling line of smoke could be seen from the distance arising from the heart of the city. when the artillery swept into the city side by side with the rigid column of infantry they found half the place in ruins; the great church which had been used as a congressional hall was fading in the flame. the american had found the city a burning moscow and the people, like the patriotic russians, had applied the torch to the capital upon which they had centered their fondest dreams. the soldiers trooped into city, mud-bespattered and weary, and commented in loud tones of surprise on their peaceful entry into a city where they had looked for the bloodiest strife of the insurrection. the artillery made a striking appearance as the big mules galloped over the evacuated town. the guns were parked in the plaza before the hall of congress of the insurgent capital, and major macarthur accorded to major young the honor of raising the first american flag over the walls of the rebel capital. it may be added here that several weeks later the utah band played patriotic airs in the hall where but a short time ago aguinaldo was declared president of the philippines. [illustration: utah guns in park, at congressional hall, malolos.] the troops remained for several days inactive at malolos to recuperate after the rigors of the long march. during this time the two guns commanded by lieutenant gibbs at caloocan were brought to malolos by rail, and captain wedgewood took charge of them, while lieutenant gibbs returned to the two platoons stationed at the waterworks. on april th a reconnoitering expedition went out to investigate the enemy's position to the east of quingua in the vicinity of bag bag. major bell commanded the party, which consisted of a troop of the fourth cavalry, a hotchkiss revolving cannon and one hotchkiss mountain gun, in charge of john a. anderson. they found a place where the river could be forded and discovered that the insurgents were strongly intrenched on the banks of the bag bag river. the country at this time was heavily timbered and the party was able to return unnoticed by the enemy. a severe battle occurred on april rd as the forces closed in on quingua. a reconnoitering party of cavalry encountered a large body of insurgents and the fire was so withering that major bell was forced to retire. reinforcements of infantry were promptly called for and soon the nebraskans moved forward to the fray. the fight lasted several hours, and the infantry and cavalry were forced to endure a heavy fire out in the open from a long line of filipinos intrenchments hidden in a line of underbrush and trees. it was during this engagement that the gallant stotsenberg was killed while rallying his men for the charge over the open. the artillery did not arrive until o'clock, when two rifles, one from each battery under captain wedgewood and lieutenant critchlow came to the front and as usual soon ended the argument. private d.j. davis of battery a was shot through the fleshy part of the leg, and while standing twenty yards behind the piece captain wedgewood was wounded in the hand and stomach by a flying piece of copper from the defective gun breech. the artillery occupied a position at one hundred yards range during this stubbornly fought engagement. the guns were partially sheltered by the foliage of a clump of trees to the left of the pulilan road and the nebraska infantry. firing from the artillery was plainly effective, and after forty-five minutes of continual bombardment the insurgents retired over the pulilan road toward bag bag. during this engagement lieutenant fleming of the sixth united states artillery arrived from malolos with one of his own and a battery b gun, manned by a utah detachment, and did valuable service at a one-thousand-yard range. as the natives retreated in columns they afforded a conspicuous target and bursting shrapnel tore large holes in the retiring lines. private abplanalp of battery b, one of the drivers, was shot through the hand and arm while in the rear of the firing line. this was considered to be as fierce a fight as that in which the rough riders won their way to glory at las guasimas. at that point three regiments were engaged and there were seventy casualties. at quingua there were only five hundred americans against a large body of insurgents and sixty of these were killed or wounded. general gregoria del pilar, the dashing young filipino leader, who had previously visited general otis for the purpose of arranging terms of peace, commanded the dusky warriors at this place. though he was forced to retreat he took upon himself the credit of killing colonel stotsenberg, and afterwards boasted that he had slain one thousand americans in the engagement. the next morning lieutenant fleming with two big rifles and a hotchkiss revolving cannon, in charge of gunner corporal m.c. jensen, forded the quingua river, a tributary of the rio chico, which in turn draws its waters from the rio grande de pampanga, at calumpit. the remainder of the artillery, consisting of a platoon of battery a, under lieutenant naylor, and one gun under lieutenant critchlow, went on down the pulilan road toward bag bag. there was a sharp encounter on this road, during which a body of the enemy about a thousand yards to the right attempted a flank movement, but a few shots from the big guns and the hotchkiss forced them to change their course. the guns directly under major young on the other side of the river became involved about three hundred yards south of the enemy's long low line of earthworks at bag rag. their intrenchments occupied the strip of land at the junction of the rio chico and the bag bag rivers. when a reconnoitering party visited this place on april th the plain surrounding the bag bag was covered with bamboo and underbrush, but now all the plain was as clean and level as if it had been swept by a cyclone. thus the intrenched malays had cleared a spot which commanded the plains for miles around. infantry and artillery advanced from both sides of the quingua--hale with fleming on the other side and wheaton with utah to the south. soon the artillery was engaged on the pulilan road, yards from the enemy. at this time the infantry force was fifty yards in the rear, where it was masked from the enemy but could render no important assistance. the fire from the tagalan intrenchments was murderous. while the artillery fire was as rapid as possible at least two responsive volleys came from the intrenchments after each shot. private max madison fell, killed instantly, early in the action; private frederick bumiller received a fatal wound through the hips. two other cannoneers were hit in their attire by glance balls and all three of the big guns were cut with mausers. in lieutenant critchlow's single detachment of eight men five were struck--two killed and one seriously wounded. wheaton's line meanwhile bore in from the left and the artillery swung forward with the line until they were almost on the opposite bank from the enemy. the armored train, equipped with gatlings revolving cannon, pulled up at this point and turned loose its armament upon the enemy at a -yard range. the insurgents stubbornly fell back under the terrific fire. on the opposite bank corporal jensen and his crew, sixty yards from the enemy's position, were ripping the low intrenchments with the revolving cannon. his position was perilous and his gallant fight soon ended. he was pierced through the stomach with a bullet and on the next day died from the wound. lieutenant fleming, in his report to the chief of artillery, says of him: "i desire especially to mention corporal m.c. jensen for gallantry in this action. his fearlessness undoubtedly cost him his life." he also recommends in this report that corporal jensen be awarded a certificate of merit. calumpit is a city which the insurgents looked upon as invulnerable. its huts and stone bridges are on both sides of the rio grande de pampanga--the broadest and longest river in luzon. it was here a few months before that the insurgents captured many thousand spanish prisoners with all their arms, and they were prepared to vigorously contest the advance of the american troops. the guns of utah and the two big rifles of lieutenant fleming were on the south side of the bag bag, and it is only a mile from here to the filipino stronghold. the advance began early on the morning of the th. a platoon under lieutenant naylor, who had been in charge of battery a pieces since the wounding of captain wedgewood, one gun under lieutenant critchlow, fleming's two guns and a hotchkiss in charge of corporal bjarnson were pushed by hand over a bridge hastily constructed over the waters of the bag bag. the clattering din of the infantry could soon be heard in altercation with the insurgents at the front. the insurgents, behind intrenchments, were sending volleys fast into the americans from the north bank of the pampanga. it was observed that the long bridge had been partially destroyed and the rails torn from the track for several hundred yards. the heavy iron beams of the bridge were placed above the two lines of intrenchments. iron rails supported the ponderous beams, and between them was formed a long slot for filipino rifles. the three big utah guns were rushed to a position on the right of the station, about yards from the enemy, and where there was partial protection from a nipa hut. earthworks were quickly thrown up and to divert the enemy's attention while this was going on, a squad of montana men kept up a constant fire from a position immediately in front of the artillery. bullets came in sheets from the filipino position. a montana sharpshooter, shot through the head, fell dead at the foot of the half-made emplacement. fleming's guns pointed through an aperture broken through the solid brick walls of the station facing the half-demolished bridge. further off to the left corporal bjarnson with the revolving hotchkiss was with the line of kansas infantry under colonel funston. out on the left colonel funston was performing the famed and intrepid feat by which he was able to cross the river. protected by the swift fire of the revolving hotchkiss, a kansas man with a rope swam the swift moving waters of the pampanga and fastened one end to the base of a bamboo tree. then funston with about forty of his men crossed the river on hastily constructed rafts, guided by the long ropes. suddenly this small body of warriors charged and attacked the insurgents on the left flank. the insurgents who had valiantly and stubbornly held their position, were terrorized by the unexpected onslaught, and the whole line in the east side of the bridge sprang from the intrenchment and fled northward along the railroad embankment. natives were strewn thick upon the banks of the river as they ran. a mounted filipino officer was shot through the heart as he stood with flashing sword vainly trying to rally his confused and fleeing troops. the tagalans to the right were touched with consternation and fled from their bulwarks. and so during this one hour colonel funston performed the most dashing deed of the war and the malay hosts were driven from their strongest defense. fifteen hundred american soldiers in this battle contested with , intrenched warriors of luzon, and won by their prowess and the strategy of a gallant leader. the two brigades were allowed to rest for several days on the sunny banks of the pampanga. on may th the troops began the march toward san fernando, which lies green and low at the base of mt. arayat, which can be seen for many miles around. the artillery, with the mules, crossed the river on rafts. wheaton advanced up the railroad track while hale's brigade strung out over the apalit road. a revolving hotchkiss cannon and one gatling gun, manned by battery b detachments, were mounted on trucks. this moving battery was commanded by lieutenant naylor. as the troops approached santo tomas the insurgents were discovered, intrenched on both sides of the railroad. as the infantry engaged them on the right, lieutenant naylor's machine guns played on the thin line of smoke curling above the filipino intrenchment. as the infantry pressed them on the right they retreated over the railroad towards a long line of intrenchments, and the bullets from the gatling fell among them here faster than autumn leaves. colonel funston, at the head of his troops, took the fire line of intrenchments on the left of the track and moved down on the tagalans, who had constructed a long line of intrenchments parallel with the railway. they were beaten back by the kansas men, but in this charge colonel funston fell, having sustained a slight wound in the arm. during this engagement general luna, most renowned of the filipino chiefs, was wounded in the arm, and as there was only a light infantry fire, the opinion prevailed that this was inflicted by lieutenant naylor's fast-clicking gatling gun. general wheaton personally praised lieutenant naylor for his work in the santo tomas battle, and afterwards in his report recommended him for meritorious service. over on the right up the apalit road captain wedgewood and lieutenant critchlow were encountering difficulties. the insurgents had constructed pitfalls in the road. they were thinly covered with a layer of leaves and earth and the wayward feet of mule and soldier were menaced beneath with sharp pointed wedges of bamboo. these were discovered early in the march and no accidents resulted from them. there was some brisk fighting on this end of the line and the big guns shelled the insurgents on the opposite side of the river. the whole of the next day was consumed in transporting the artillery and equipage across the river on a raft constructed by the engineers, and on may th they entered san fernando. this fair city was half destroyed by flames, and when the troops entered no lingering black warriors could be found. they had all retreated farther north, following in the general direction of the railway. major-general macarthur's headquarters were established near the center of that part of the city which was untouched by the flames, and close by the utah guns were parked. later one of the big guns was utilized for outpost duty, a rather remarkable use for artillery. every night after the filipinos had begun to gather again near the city one of the pieces with a gun crew would go down a sunken road and watch all night with the farthest outposts of the infantry. during this period major-general otis had issued an order offering thirty pesos to every filipino warrior who would return his rifle to the american authorities. on may rd major bell went on an expedition up the railway track for the purpose of posting up the order, and took with him two troops of the fourth cavalry and a revolving hotchkiss gun, manned by sergeant emil johnson and corporal hesburg of battery a and private martin of battery b. all the men were mounted and the cannon equipped with a small filipino horse, so that if necessary a hasty retreat could be made. they proceeded up the railway track, and notices were duly and conspicuously left at bacalor and quiuag. just as the forces reached the outskirts of santa rita they were fired on by a large body of insurgents, who were heavily intrenched around the city. the revolving cannon was used effectively and major bell and his men went into action five times, but the insurgent attack was too fierce for the small force and it was obliged to retreat. with a whoop of joy the filipinos rose from their trenches in pursuit, cheering loudly as they came. they followed for five miles through bacalor, and as far back as their old intrenchments surrounding san fernando. the rather meagre encouragement of having been able to chase a small troop of cavalry seemed to give the tagalans at this time an idea that they had the whole american force in retreat. during the night word was brought to general macarthur that the filipinos were preparing to make an attack early the next morning. at dawn the montana and kansas regiments and a platoon under lieutenant naylor went out to meet them. the filipinos were in force in their old position to the northwest. the kansas went through some cornfields on the left and the montanas through a sunken road to the right. the artillery remained in a concealed position in the center and waited until the two regiments had moved up on the startled natives from both flanks. as the insurgents retreated in confusion the big guns played on the scattered ranks. a large number of the natives were killed during this clever maneuver and thirty of their rifles were captured. the tagalans when on the warpath are persistent. the next day they occupied intrenchments farther to the north. they were again driven back and this time they took up a position towards mexico and in front of the iowa troops. during the next few days the malay hordes came toward san fernando from all sides. eventually their forces completely surrounded the city. general macarthur watched their plans, saw them tearing up the earth for intrenchments and waited. it was apparent that they were preparing to march with crushing force upon the american troops. the cloud burst on june th. just at that time, when the americans were not looking for them, the tagalans descended on the town. captain fred wheeler was out on a plain drilling a troop of the fourth united states cavalry. it was in the morning and there was a heavy mist. one of captain wheeler's men informed him that he could see the "niggers" coming. the captain could see nothing and sent for his glasses, but before they arrived the long skirmish line of the tagalans could be seen emerging like spectres from the mist. then there was a remarkable spectacle--the fourth cavalry and the tagalan warriors racing for the same intrenchments. the cavalrymen arrived first and there the battle began. the natives came in from four sides. the outposts waited in the old filipino intrenchments and on some parts of the line the attacked tagalans were allowed to approach within yards. most of the guns, when the fight began were located close to macarthur's headquarters, but they were soon on all parts of the line. when the attack by the filipinos began the gun under command of lieutenant naylor was on its way to the outposts. it had been the custom to take the gun there just before dawn and bring it back immediately after darkness came. the advancing filipinos began firing before the gun was in position. corporal hanson was in charge at the time, and the rifle was at once rushed to the emplacement. word came at the same hour to lieutenant naylor, who was officer of the outpost, and he went through a heavy fire down the road leading to the intrenchment. when he arrived there the filipinos were within three hundred and fifty yards and were advancing over the rice ridges at a rapid gait. the lieutenant had a shell sent into the approaching insurgents, who seemed astounded to find that the artillery occupied such an advanced position. when nine shells had been sent into their line, the filipinos gradually drew back and were not seen any more on this part of the line during the fight. [illustration: preparing for an engagement.] the seventeenth and twenty-second infantry were the support on this end of the line, which faced to the north. on the west, east and part of the north line were the kansas and montana infantry. it was to this point that the two guns of lieutenant gibbs were moved when the firing began, and here the guns inflicted severe damage on the islanders. another gun of battery b was also placed near this part of the line under lieutenant hines, but it was unnecessary from this position to use the artillery. this fight was the first time the american soldiers during the whole campaign had repulsed an attack from behind intrenchments, and they laid back and smiled as the black men approached and then passed out some volleys that made the whole advancing line reel. when the tagalans began to retreat under the awakened storm, the americans followed, and as the filipinos recoiled from one regiment they were broken against another. a company of the twentieth infantry located near santo tomas was almost cut off by the advancing column of the enemy, and a company of the montana men was sent to its assistance. the fight lasted nearly two hours and the filipino loss amounted to several hundred. the only casualty on the american side was a slight wound received by a montana man, which shows clearly what the americans could do in a contest with a black man under conditions more or less equal. colonel funston stated afterwards that a shell from one of lieutenant gibbs's guns had killed fifteen filipinos. the burying of dead filipinos the next day was a tragic sight. sixty-four were engulfed in one trench. they were brought up in caribou carts, and the american pulled them off with ropes and deposited them in the common grave. there was another fight on the nd, but the filipinos seemed to have lost their dash and courage of a few days before, and on this occasion the artillery was not called out. a few days later word came that the utah battalion was ordered home, and on the th day of june the utah men boarded the train for manila and were carried away from the smoke of war and the darkly fought battlefields of the east. * * * * * sergeant john a. anderson with one gun of battery b and a rifle of the sixth artillery was in the flying column of general lawton, who left a path of ashes around the pampanga province and finally drove the insurgents from san isidro with his detachment on the st of march and arrived on the same day at bocaue. the order to march came on the rd and the sergeant was given a position on the left of the thirteenth minnesotas. from the brow of the hill above norzagaray the guns began shelling at yards. the front line was silenced but at this point the natives made an effort to turn the right flank, and it was necessary to throw many shrapnel into the advancing insurgents column before it turned. the next day norzagaray was entered after the place had been shelled, and during this slight advance the artillery was in action five times. colonel sommers personally commended the detachment on the accuracy of its gunnery and its promptness. on the th ongaut was burned and on the th there was an engagement which lasted for some time below baliuag. san maguel was taken on the th, and on the th a few shells were thrown into san isidro, but the insurgents, after repeated defeats, showed small resistance here and soon retreated. on the th the artillery arrived with the infantry at candaba, and the detachment remained quartered here until the order arrived for the utah men to return to manila. the plan of lawton's campaign was for his troops to drive the insurgents towards candaba, where they could be met by the advancing forces under major kobbe and the river gunboats. but when general lawton came down to candaba there were none but american soldiers there as the insurgents forces had disappeared in the interior. shortly after the arrival in malolos the utah men were joined by corporal dusenbury and two other men of battery b. they with a revolving hotchkiss cannon were picked up by general wheaton early in his advance from caloocan, and were highly praised by the general for the skill and efficiency they had shown in many dangerous places. general wheaton showed his appreciation of the work of the guns by attaching several regular and oregon infantrymen to the pieces, in order that they could be carried over rough places with the greatest possible dispatch. chapter iv. the gunboats. no history of the utah batteries will be complete without a narrative of the exploits of the gunboats. while the land forces performed their duties with great honor and are to be commended in every way possible, it must be remembered that a portion of the men were fighting on the water and did work of such a character that they won especial mention from those in charge when the big guns were hurling death and the gatlings were barking fire at the opposing army. at first the proposition of building gunboats was not at all popular with the authorities. some opposed the scheme on the grounds that it could not be successfully accomplished with the limited means at hand and the rivers of luzon to contend with. however, later developments attested that those who were the originators of the plan showed greater wisdom than their opponents. sometime prior to the breaking out of hostilities between the american forces and the natives general otis conceived the idea of employing gunboats on the rivers and lakes for the purpose of opening up lines of communication between difficult portions of our own lines. the fact that the rivers were shallow was the one serious objection to the project, but this difficulty was eliminated by the adoption of light draught boats. the nature of the country in the vicinity of manila and the other towns where the heaviest fighting took place is such that it was apparent to those who were aware of these conditions that this craft might be engaged in protecting the advance of the infantry and artillery; could hold the hostile bands in check until favorable positions could be taken, and be of wonderful service in the campaign. the first vessel to engage in this kind of work was the "laguna de bay," which has made a reputation never to be forgotten so long as the history of the war in the philippines remains familiar to the american mind. this vessel is doubtless as well known as the "olympia," the flagship of gallant admiral dewey, and while there are those who fail to recall the fact that the "boston" or the "raleigh" took part in the attack on the spanish in the bay of manila, it is safe to assert that the operation of the "laguna de bay" and her sister craft will ever be fresh in the minds of those who have made even a casual study of the events which took place during the campaign carried on by the brave men from the youngest state in the republic. the "laguna de bay," the first converted gunboat, was placed in commission on january, . she was formerly used by the spanish as an excursion boat on the body of water from which she derived her name and prior to the fall of manila had been captured by the filipinos and turned over to the united states. she was by no means a small craft considering her environments--shallow rivers and muddy bayous. she was feet in length, -foot beam with a draught of four feet. when she was fitted out it was decided to give her some protection for the men, so her main deck, the upper deck, the pilot house and the gatling battery, were protected by a double sheeting of steel. the many bullet marks on this light armor demonstrated afterwards the wisdom of this policy. at this point it may not be out of order to interpolate the fact that her companion gunboats were similarly protected, which accounts for the small list of casualties. the armament of the gunboat consisted of two three-inch marine guns, two . hotchkiss revolving cannon and four gatlings. at first lieutenant r.c. naylor was in charge of the guns, while captain randolph of the third united states artillery commanded the vessel. in addition to the men from the utah batteries, several were detailed from the various regiments to act as sailors, riflemen and cannoneers. the boats which were added to the fleet were the "oeste," the "napindan" and the "cavadonga." the last went into commission on may th and was commanded by lieutenant william c. webb. the crews of the vessel were made up of members of the utah batteries and men from the twenty-third united states infantry, the first south dakota infantry and the third united states battery. on the morning of february th the "laguna de bay" steamed up the pasig to the town of santa ana while the nebraska, california and washington troops assaulted the enemy from the land. twenty minutes after the boat turned her guns upon the town the principal buildings were in flames and the stricken garrison made all haste toward san pedro macati and guadaloupe. next she turned her attention to those portions of the enemy stationed in bacoor and mandaloya. her forward guns tore great gaps in the enemy's earthworks and her gatlings raked the trenches with so galling a fire that the foe was sent flying towards the woods in the region of pasig with the nebraska infantry in speedy pursuit. the following morning the boat passed santa ana, where two three-inch krupp guns had been captured by the idaho troops, and reconnoitered the native position in the woods beyond. late that afternoon she returned to manila and replenished her coal bunkers, when she resumed her old position at the nebraska landing. march th the gunboat again passed santa ana and went up as far as guadaloupe, where the first california was quartered. general anderson came up the river in a launch and a consultation was held as to future operations. nothing of moment happened that day, but on the morrow general king arrived on his way to pasig for the purpose of demanding the surrender of the town. he desired the "laguna de bay" to await his return. a vigilant patrol was kept up that evening and during the night three shots were fired by sentries from the boat. the day following was uneventful, but on the th the "oeste," which was towing a casco, came alongside and stated that colonel stotsenberg had sent word that the insurgents were massing west of the camp of the nebraska regiment. it was on the th that word was received from colonel dubois of the idaho regiment to hurry up stream at all speed. this was done and an effort made to anchor off the mouth of the pateros, where the infantry fire was very brisk. here it was that lieutenant harting met his death. harting with four men got aboard and the line was dropped when the boat sank, being swept almost immediately under the gunwale of the "laguna de bay." the three men forward grasped the gunwale and were saved, but the officer and the fourth man went down stream. though the lieutenant was a good swimmer, no sign of him could be seen. he was heavily laden with revolver, belt and ammunition. lieutenant larson jumped overboard to rescue him, but was unable to get even a glimpse of him. his body was found two days later near general otis's headquarters. the fourth man escaped by swimming ashore. by order of the commanding general february th, major grant took command of the river force and captain randolph rejoined his regiment. the next day an assiduous fire was directed against san pedro macati with telling effect. the commanders now decided that in case the forces stationed at guadaloupe should be too strongly pressed by the enemy they should fall back to san pedro macati, setting fire to the convent and other principal buildings as they returned. in this instance the gunboat was to steam up above guadaloupe. on sunday, february th, this very thing was done though the insurgents as yet had made no advance. the soldiers left the convent after firing it. as the gunboat moved up the stream she met with a determined resistance. the opposing force repeatedly assailed her, but her gatlings finally compelled them to withdraw. an unsuccessful effort was made to explode a quantity of nitro-glycerine in the convent by the use of percussion shell. the boat then advanced nearer the town where it engaged the insurgents on both sides of the river. every gun now played upon the enemy's lines. in the course of twenty minutes twenty-five three-inch shells, gatling, krag-jorgenson and springfields were expended. this spirited defense caused the prudent native to withdraw to a country less subject to leaden bullets, and the boat dropped down stream. in the afternoon admiral dewey visited the "laguna de bay" in quest of information, and while he was securing what he came after a filipino sharpshooter began taking pot shots at the admiral, who, being unprotected, decided he was far enough inside the enemy's lines and turned back. at san felipe lieutenant naylor was sent ashore on the following day to cut down some trees and burn some huts so the view of the boats' gunners would not be obstructed, which duty was performed under a straggling fire. admiral dewey visited the gunboats on the st, stating he would send two rapid-fire guns for the "laguna de bay." that was the object of his visit, which was short. the same day general king and his staff came aboard and were taken up the stream. word was soon afterward received that the wyoming battalion was going to advance on the enemy near guadaloupe on the left of the river early the following morning but as the gunboat was not in a position to aid in the expedition she remained inactive when the firing began the next morning. on the day following lieutenant naylor again landed with a small force of men at san felipe, where he set fire to the buildings and cut down trees which would have obstructed the view. nothing occurred until the night of the th, when desultory firing was heard at san felipe, and following this matters were unusually quiet until the night of march st. that day the insurgents were encountered at san pedro macati and the gatlings, the three-inch and the . -inch guns were brought into action. during the firing sergeant shea received a slight wound in the hand. a three-inch gun was disabled in this engagement. two days later another conflict took place at the same point resulting in the complete defeat of the enemy, who was forced from his position after a severe bombardment. the morning of march th opened cloudy with "laguna de bay" at san pedro. a sharp skirmish soon began. the natives held their position for some time but were finally compelled to give way before the superior strength of the americans. under orders from general wheaton the gunboat followed them and directed a deadly fire into the woods on both sides of the river. during the fight, which lasted several hours, the boat was frequently struck by the bullets of the enemy. it was during this encounter that private john toiza of the third artillery laid down his life. he was shot in the left breast, the bullet passing downward through his heart, killing him instantly. a shell also lodged in the . -inch gun, disabling it for the time. on march th admiral dewey again came alongside and stated that general otis had declared he believed he would keep the gunboats down the stream if they did not cease fighting so much. then the admiral added with emphasis, "we ought to have three such boats." two days later when hale's brigade made an advance upon the insurgents on the left, and the natives were hurried with great speed toward mariquina and the san mateo river, the "laguna de bay" again performed excellent service in flanking them and turning their left wing against our right. very early on the morning of march th the battle of guadaloupe and pasig opened, the attention of the guns on the boat being centered on guadaloupe. meanwhile wheaton advanced his troops on the right to patteros and along the pasig. the advance to guadaloupe began along the river with the gunboat in the vanguard. two insurgents partially concealed in the bushes on the banks were taken prisoners and turned over to the twenty-third infantry. sunken cascos, loaded with rock, were frequently encountered, but the boat avoided them with only a little delay. generals anderson and wheaton moved up from the right and the gunboat started up the stream. near the mariquina river they met with a fierce fire from both sides of the stream but no one on the boat was injured. two filipino launches were noticed but they got away. a casco was found in which were the clothing of some filipino officer and men. the wearers had escaped. on the day following there was a brisk engagement at pasig in which the town was bombarded with good effect, some thirty of the enemy being killed, while the remainder were sent flying in all directions. nothing of interest occurred until wednesday, march th, when a casco manned by natives was chased down the river. she was overhauled but not until her crew had jumped overboard and swam ashore. the "laguna de bay" raised a white flag for the purpose of investigating, but the insurgents instead of recognizing it pivoted a sharp small rim fire upon the boat which answered with a heavy rain of shell and shrapnel. two days later an expedition, led by the gunboats, headed for morong on the opposite side of the lake. lieutenant webb with a gatling and twenty-four men went ashore to make a reconnoissance. this small detachment was followed by three infantrymen under captain pratt. upon the advance of the americans the enemy retreated quickly across the plain and disappeared in the shades of the mountains beyond. one thousand bushels of rice and three cascos were captured at this place and a letter from general pilar directing a general advance on pasig was also found. but few inhabitants remained in the town and upon questioning them it was learned that the filipinos had several large launches on the pagsanyan river. major grant had long been working to interest general lawton in favor of an expedition against santa cruz. santa cruz is situated on the eastern shores of the lake just behind the point of a mountain which juts out into the water. she is the agricultural center of all the rich land on the eastern side of the island of luzon. all the smaller towns of the surrounding country look up to her. she is the emporium to which all the farmers and travelers and merchants resort and from which they reap a bounteous harvest. the insurgents had long since seized upon this important place as it furnished an inexhaustible supply of food for their armies. besides being far out of the way and difficult of approach, she became the military station to which the famished and fatigued insurgents looked for support and rest. major grant early noticed the importance of the town and thereafter he labored incessantly to bring about its capture by the americans. finally, on the th, he succeeded in getting a fleet of gunboats, launches and cascos headed that way. captain pratt and lieutenant franklin attempted to make a landing on the shore in front of the town, but they failed as the water was too shallow. five miles farther up the beach they made a profitable landing at the mouth of the pagsanyan river. however, as this was blocked with obstructions of bamboo and rock, no effort was made to sail up the stream until three days had elapsed. then the impediment was removed. during the time which intervened between the st and the th little was done with the exception of attending to some needed repairs on the boat. on the th the gunboat advanced to the south of the balucan river, where another delay was caused by the obstructions placed there by the natives. the country skirting this place was thickly covered with brush and low trees, very much like bayou. when about a mile and a half up the stream the enemy opened fire at a range of about yards, which was returned by the guns on the boat. the fire was heavy and the insurgents evidently concluded that they were too close for comfort, for their fire slackened materially in a very short time. the "laguna de bay" and the "napindan" then came down the stream. as the latter started to follow the larger boat the pilot was hit in the hand by a bullet and before he could recover himself the little craft had run aground. when the "laguna de bay" went to her assistance she also struck a bar and was held fast. the boats were compelled to remain here under fire until the tide came in and floated them off. the work of the gunboats was without extraordinary interest until april th. on that day the fleet steamed up pasig with twenty cascos and seven launches in tow. one thousand five hundred men, with two days' rations, two light artillery guns and necessary horses, composed the expedition, which was commanded by general lawton. among the troops were detachments from the fourth united states cavalry, the fourteenth united states infantry, the north dakota, idaho and washington volunteers, the sixth artillery and the signal corps. this force reached jalajala on the th and then awaited the arrival of the entire fleet. the place of advancement and attack--santa cruz--was mapped out and then the fleet steamed ahead. about five miles from santa cruz the "napindan" ran into a point close to the shore and opened fire. here the works were silenced, after which the troops landed. under cover of the guns of the "oeste" other men also disembarked. with lawton aboard, the "laguna de bay" advanced toward the town approaching to within yards of the shore. some troops in cascos were put ashore. after a survey of the situation the boats went out into deep water and advanced from the right, while the troops encamped to the west of the town. the next day a general advance began at daylight. the american forces came up to the enemy's position and opened fire. this was a signal for action on the part of the boats and after moving in closer they opened a heavy fire on the insurgent works. the troops placed south and west under general lawton drove the natives northward while those posted along the shore of the river, aided by the guns on the boats, did considerable damage. large bodies of the natives broke for a place of safety and while attempting to escape through a marshy open field many of them were killed. shells actually mowed them down in heaps. by this time the lines of the infantry had been completely formed for an advance and the gunboats ceased their work. shortly afterward our forces took possession of the town, and a message was received from lawton saying he had established his headquarters in the church. on the th the boats steamed up the lake and ran close to the shore near the mouth of the pagsanyan river, where they opened fire on the town of lumbaog, toward which the land forces were advancing. this fire was kept up until the infantry reached the place and took it. a message was received from general lawton to the effect that he had captured the town of pagsanyan; also that six launches had been captured there and were at the town. the "cavadonga" at this time sailed up and relieved the "oeste." the guns were on the hills north of orani and after a time the infantry took possession, for a flag from the church tower called for a boat to be sent to that place. the "laguna de bay" responded, went up the river and shelled paite and sinilaon until darkness ended her usefulness for that day. the troops had in the meantime checked the native advance and camped at paite. from this time until may th little was done by the boats. a greater part of the time was spent in making necessary repairs. on the last mentioned date a macabebe named soteros gatdula reported for duty as pilot, and under his direction the fleet steamed across the bay to the mouth of the rio grande. passing up this stream the boats shelled the towns of guagua and sexmoan. at the former place a fire had been started and a launch in the river was observed to be in flames. a party was sent out to try to save this craft, but she proved to be of little value and the attempt was abandoned. two spaniards claiming to have been held as prisoners by the natives, and a filipino suspect were taken aboard. it was decided early in may to make an effort to pierce the waters of the rio grande de pampanga, which leads to calumpit and beyond far into the heart of the enemy's country. the first efforts to search out the channel were made by the "cavadonga" on may th. soteros gatdula, a macabebe pilot, was directed by general otis to undertake the task and the "cavadonga" started on the cruise into the unknown waters early in the morning. near the mouth of the river the boat suddenly went aground, and when the tide rose, and early in the day the boat was joined by the "laguna de bay." the channel was then located by the macabebe and there was no further difficulty in forcing a passage up the wide waters of the river, the largest on luzon island. for a long distance up the river the territory is occupied by the macabebes, the ancient and traditional enemies of the tagalan race. a large crowd of these friendly natives was on the shores of the river as the boats passed up and they filled the air with cheers and cries of "viva los americanos," which the soldiers replied to in variegated and wonderfully woven filipino phrases. one obstruction was met in the river consisting of cocoanut poles, but the macabebes assisted in removing these from the path of the boats. without having fired a shot, early in the afternoon the boats arrived at calumpit, where troops of the infantry were stationed. on may th the "cavadonga" was sent out on a reconnoitering expedition up the river. on the way up sexmoan and apilit were passed, and it was observed that all the natives fled from the river as soon as the gunboat approached. the country is heavily timbered on both sides of the river, and there was no evidence of a hostile attitude on the part of the natives until the boat swung round the curve leading to san luiz. almost through the entire distance the shores were lined with filipino intrenchments, but it was discovered that these were unoccupied. lieutenant webb was out on the bow capstan, entirely unsheltered by the meagre - -inch armor with which the craft was encased. just as a curve was rounded in front of san luiz a long line of straw hats and the bores of fifty rifles were seen facing the boat from the port side, no more than fifty yards away. lieutenant webb was scanning the opposite shore with his glasses, when the lookout discovered the enemy on the port side. sergeant ford fisher called out a sudden warning to the lieutenant and reached out towards him. just then the volley came. fisher reeled backward with a bullet piercing his brain. instantly the bow one-pounder and the gatling gun on the port side tore the filipino intrenchments. bullets pelted fast against the slight armor of the cruiser. fred mitchell, one of the men at the gatling gun, was wounded in the hand. the "cavadonga" turned round almost where it stood and slowly moved back, and during a wonderful skirmish in which the native and american frequently fired in each other's faces at a range of twenty yards, raked the filipino works with the fast-firing machine guns. the fighting only lasted thirty minutes. when it was over ford fisher, who was still breathing, was placed on board the "oceania," which had remained about two hundred yards in the rear during the fighting, and almost at the moment he was laid on the craft he expired. the "oceania" sped quickly down the river with the dead body of the sergeant, but frequently the "cavadonga" stopped to suppress the desultory fire from the natives who had fled during the early part of the action. it was learned afterwards from the "padre" at san luiz that fifty insurgents had been killed during the engagement, and when the utah men arrived there a few days later a long line of new graves in the walled cemetery told a tragic story of the ending of the fight. on the evening of this day the seventeenth regular infantry and a battalion of the ninth infantry advanced up the rio grande from calumpit over the old apilit road under the leadership of major kobbe of the third united states artillery. early the next morning the "laguna de bay" and "cavadonga" started up the river and most of the way kept within view of the troops on the shore. occasionally the gunboats moved ahead and daring scouts could be seen calmly looking into vacated filipino intrenchments. the enemy was encountered several times along the shore as far as san luiz and all intrenchments were bombarded by the "laguna de bay" some distance to prevent a repetition of the disastrous surprise of the day before. when san luiz was neared white flags could be seen floating everywhere, and on arriving there it was discovered that the whole body of insurgents had disappeared into the interior. the boats remained at this position during the night, and early the next morning resumed the advance ahead of the infantry up the waters of the pampanga. during this journey large numbers of filipinos were met in cascos with their families and all their earthly possessions, making their way down the stream. about noon the boats reached candaba without a hostile shot having been fired during the whole day. here major grant was met by the mayor of the city, who stated that he had forced the soldiers to evacuate in order to prevent the bombardment of the town and the subsequent loss of life among the people of whom he was guardian. an evidence of the hasty departure of the natives was found upon entering the town, for a guard list giving the names of the officers and enlisted men of the guard was found posted on the walls of the town hall. this ended the fighting record of the gunboats under a utah commander. from this period until june th the boats were utilized in carrying supplies and towing soldiers, laden cascos and wounded men up and down the pampanga. on may th the rebel commissioners, general gregoria del pilar and colonel actia, who had gone to manila to negotiate peace with general otis after the crushing defeat of the insurgents at calumpit, were taken on the gunboats and conveyed as far as candaba. they had expressed a wish to go by way of the gunboats, as they had no desire to cross the insurgents' lines at san fernando because general luna was in command at that place and there was strife between the two generals. pilar showed great interest in the armament of the "laguna" and said he would give all his wealth for one of the three-inch guns. the "oceania" was sent ahead with instructions to all the commanding officers to make as large a display as possible. at san luiz the instructions were not complied with and as the "laguna" passed one officer and four men were falling in for guard. general gregoria smiled. farther up the river the case was different. where they were in the habit of posting but one guard there was an officer and twenty men. this was repeated at all the other stations until candaba was reached. general gregoria's smile had faded, and he remarked that the americans kept the country better patrolled than he had imagined. the general and colonel were landed at candaba and under an escort of americans disappeared in the distant green line of woods. on may th it was known among all the utah men that their days of fighting were over, and on this date major grant was relieved of his command of the river boat fleet. and so ended, for utah, the career of these wonderful ironclad river machines. chapter v. the home coming. while the fighting utah batterymen were still living in the nipa huts at san fernando and baliaug and repelling the attacks of the dusky tagalan braves at candaba and morong from general otis an order came to the cuartel. it had an unpretentious look--that slip of paper; but it carried a message of great importance to the belligerent utahn than any he had received since the thunders of war shook the earth on the night of february th. it told the artilleryman to gather all his portable utensils and board the united states transport "hancock," which lay idly in the bay waiting orders to weigh anchor and steam for america. almost a week passed before the scattered batteries were assembled within the familiar walls of the cuartel. the main body at san fernando turned over its guns to the famous third artillery and arrived safely at the quarters over the manila and dagupan railroad; lieutenant seaman's detachment at baliaug dropped its war machinery and made all possible speed to manila; lieutenant webb's detail on the "cavadonga" for the first time turned its back on the enemy and fled for the protecting walls of the barracks. when these battle-begrimed veterans reached the quarters there was such a demonstration as the old walls had never seen before. the old scenes of order disappeared, the rigors of discipline were relaxed, and chaos reigned. everything was made subservient to the one all-absorbing topic, "home." the sturdy soldier doffed his war attire and donned his peaceful garb. the renowned utah band paraded the streets in holiday dress and, with the blare of brass, proclaimed the happy news to the nut-brown maid. the stalwart warriors danced and sang to the music of that soul-lifting song, "a hot time in the old town tonight." the jubilant battle hero collected his ordnance and other war trappings and handed them over to the ordnance officer while he exchanged looks of mutual doubt and suspicion with that important personage. the weary and worn utahn bade adieu to the dreamy-eyed damsel of the east with many expressions of fond attachment and love; then mustered his heterogeneous troop of relics and curiosities and joined the nebraska regiment on the "hancock." two days later the officers steamed over from the gay apartments of the "baltimore" in a brightly decorated launch and walked aboard the big boat. finally a goodly supply of canned beef and antiquated swine were hoisted on the vessel and the captain gave orders for the sailing flag to be put to the breeze. this was on july st. when the official contingent was safely housed in spacious staterooms it was learned that quite a change had taken place in the roster of that worthy body. the shoulders of captain grant were adorned with the gold leaf of a major; lieutenant critchlow had been elevated to a captaincy; lieutenant naylor wore the single bar of a first lieutenant, and first sergeant john a. anderson of battery b shone in the glowing uniform of a second lieutenant. major young sent a letter bidding farewell to the utahns and expressing his disappointment at not being able to accompany the batteries home. the batteryman entertained no high opinion of the government transport. he had become acquainted with the luxuries which uncle sam provides the defenders of his broad acres. he had already learned how elaborately the american government furnishes apartments for its soldiers and food for its larder. so, after he had landed safely on the main deck and deposited his knapsack and monkeys, he was not surprised when the order came for him to take his goods and chattels and repair to the forward hold. he entered the gangway and descended four flights of stairs without any misgiving or hesitation. he threaded his way through the labyrinthian passage of his subaqueous home with a skill equal to that displayed by the blind fish of the mammoth cave. he beheld the wonderfully constructed bunks which glowed specter-like in the semi-darkness without evincing the least disappointment. later when one of these had been assigned as his sole property during the voyage he accepted it and its diminutive proportions without a murmur and philosophically concluded that the government either thought he had diminished in stature while on the islands or intended to reduce his dimensions on the way home. thus the utah warrior was quartered. the celerity with which he adapted himself to his environments clearly exhibited his excellent training. he quickly disposed of the problem of how to shorten his linear measurements to four feet eight inches by placing himself diagonally across his bed. the posture thus assumed was not unlike that of a "skeleton in armor." when his joints became cramped he straightened himself out by throwing his soles against the head of his neighbor, who instantly developed a remarkable vocabulary of explosives anent hades, paradise, satan, etc. mess time on the "hancock" was not an occasion of the greatest felicity to the returning volunteers. their epicurean tastes could not totally harmonize with bogus coffee and cows that had a flavor strangely akin to that of horse flesh. when the bugle shrilly proclaimed the dinner hour the men formed in a long serpentine line and displayed their skill in keeping their equilibrium and at the same time holding their place in the procession. the rattle of government tinware, upon which the soldier had inscribed many strange hieroglyphics descriptive of his adventures, served as a musical entertainment in lieu of the melody furnished at all other times by the combined efforts of the utah and nebraska bands. they facetiously derided the commissary sergeant who had long since become calloused to all sneering remarks made by the ordinary defender of the flag; for in case of any exceedingly hostile demonstration he was armed with a long cleaver and several carefully concealed bolos. they made comments, too, not at all flattering to the bill of fare, about "gold fish" and "slum-gullion" and ancient swine, but they "wasted their venom on a file." the cooks, also, came in for a share of the complimentary criticisms, for they were not blessed with a superabundance of skill in the culinary art. occasionally the voice of a volunteer was raised in loud-mouthed protest over the meagerness of his own supply of food and the apparent excessiveness which adorned the plate of his associate. this always ended in a peculiar panegyric on the merits of a person who had a "stand in" or a "pull" with the officers. when the ravenous utahn was handed his cheer the bestower very kindly warned him not to taste or smell the victuals, as such an act would be attendant with serious injury to his appetite; so he merely devoured the contents of his plate with his eyes and passed them on to his gastronomical organs with no further ceremony. a small portion of the forward deck was allotted to the batteries to be used as a messhall, lounging apartment, etc. it was here the battle-scarred veterans collected at meal times and dispatched their slender store. as the pacific is not always so peaceful as its name, this pleasing task was not at all times accomplished with ease. when on a boat tipped to an angle of degrees, a japanese juggler would find some difficulty in conjuring his body to remain in an upright position and simultaneously inducing a seething plate of soup to abide in a placid state; yet the uninitiated volunteers contrived to perform this daring feat three times a day. the many strange figures which they described in their endeavors to execute these occult tricks would have done justice to the most skillful acrobat. frequently, as the vessel gave an extra lurch, the insecure warrior proceeded with all possible speed to the side of the boat and deposited his food and eating utensils on the surface of the sad sea waves amid the execrations of those whom he had the good fortune to come in contact with on his hasty trip and the jibes of his appreciative audience. at this same place the mendacious batterymen gathered in the warm afternoons to tell sea serpent legends and fairy stories about some great event which had never happened in the trenches. when this supply had been exhausted they began forthwith to dilate upon the virtues of the most famous officers until those worthies would have been unable to recognize their own characters had they been confronted with them in their garnished garb. once in a very great while an officer strolled down from the aristocratic atmosphere of the saloon dining hall and watched the feeding of the enlisted drove with a superior grace. to convince the famished soldiers that they were getting a redundant quantity of food, he sometimes called for a [text missing in original.] there was always a good heap of hash left to show the astonished men that they were merely chronic kickers. then the well-fed comedian adjourned to his spacious saloon and offered an apology to his offended stomach by supplying it with an abundance of all that the steamer carried. the one great comfort to the fagging spirits of the utahn was the battery fund. through the darkest days of war his dying hopes were revived by visions of what the future held in store for him by the aid of this phantom. it was to the despairing volunteer what mirage is to the thirsty traveler of the desert. the fund represented the combined contributions of the soldiers, benevolent persons and charitable institutions. besides this a fabulous sum was added by the artillery canteen which exchanged beer for the utes' money and, in addition to what it contributed towards the battery fund, provided turkeys and succotash for the thanksgiving and christmas banquets. when it was announced that this enormous sum was to be expended for dainties on the way home the joy of the batteryman knew no limits. spectre dinners of mutton, cakes and pies arose in his mind with a suddenness that would have startled the most ardent disbeliever in ghosts. without the aid of pluto he called up all the spirits of meals long dead and fed on them till the marvelous distribution should take place. and it was not long in coming. one morning, accompanied by the stentorian voice of the bugle judge williams, heavily laden with a huge cargo of jam, hove in sight. then were many whispered comments made about the quantity which each man was to receive. the judge soon stopped this and shortly after there was a hum of satisfaction all along the deck as the men made way with this delicacy. now the gastronomy of the warrior lived and flourished under the rigors of army hardtack and navy beans, but it collapsed at once when introduced to jamesson's jam. there was a sudden epidemic of cramps throughout the entire organization, but the ever victorious commissary sergeant soon stamped this out by the judicious application of some french mustard, which had been purchased by the battery fund. and thus the men of utah were fed. meanwhile the swift "hancock" steamed out of manila bay and speeded toward japan. two days out she passed the beautiful island of formosa, and in three days more the vessel came in sight of nagasaki, the leading coaling station of the flowery kingdom. just at dusk the pilot boarded the vessel and directed her safely through the narrow channel into the land-locked harbor. next morning all the soldiers were given shore leave for the day and san-pans--the native craft--were provided to take the men ashore. here the utahn explored the country in the jin-rickisha--a two-wheeled vehicle which is drawn by the cabby himself, who as soon as he has settled to his satisfaction the price to be paid, ambles off at a gentle speed. if the island of kiusiu appeared beautiful as the boat approached it in the waning twilight it seemed doubly so in the glory of the morning sun. it is a land where poetry breathes as freely as the gentle zephyrs blow from the summit of mount olympus; it is a land where women are as fair as the daughters of niobe. the pretty terraced hills adorned with pagan temples are rich in the odor of the spice and pine; the pellucid lakes and bays gather a silver purity from the very crest of the mountain; and as one gazes upon this beauty and simple grandeur he imagines that it was just such influences as these that stirred the soul of hellas when she pictured aphrodite springing out of the sea or neptune riding in his chariot of shells with a gay company of tritons and nymphs. three days, owing to a raging typhoon, the vessel was delayed in coaling, but after the storm had spent its force the coaling was resumed and the transport put to sea. on the th the ships arrived at muji, the key to the southern end of the inland sea. here japan's military power is fully shown. huge guns bristle from every hill, dark warships stud the clear waters of the ocean and soldiers deck the peaks. the sharp green cliffs in the inland sea chop off into the water and from every one of these of any importance a cannon menacingly points. both entrances to the place are controlled by powerful fortresses which command the open sea for a distance of twelve miles. in such a way has the mikado prepared for any war emergency. two days after sighting muji the "hancock" dropped anchor in the harbor of yokahama. the visit here lasted three days, during which the utahns took a trip to tokio and saw of what the outside wall of the emperor's palace is composed. at yokahama the batterymen spent the time in visiting the european portion of the town and learning all they could about the flavor of the japanese foods. on the th the vessel lifted her ponderous anchor and pointed her prow eastward. the only exciting incident during the entire voyage happened at nagasaki, when the first officer attempted to use corporal punishment on the ship's quartermaster who had been ashore and in addition to getting drunk had succeeded in breaking his kneepan. while he was getting his wound attended to in the ship's hospital the big burly mate descended the gangway and struck him a violent blow in the face. not content with this brutal treatment the monster had the poor wretch placed in irons and dragged up the ship's ladder. just as this procession landed on the upper deck the soldiers rose unto a man and stopped the performance amid cries of "throw him overboard." surprised and astounded at this interference the worthy officer demanded of the mob if they knew they were mutinying. to which several of the leaders answered they knew not under what legal nomenclature such a demonstration could be classed but that they would carry out their threat to the letter if the castigation should proceed. at this the cowed dignitary retreated in haste to the security of his cabin. the "hancock" was generally regarded as a fast boat. this may have been true twenty years before the nebraskans and utahns boarded her, but there were those who doubted the truth of such an assertion. during her infancy on the atlantic the boat had struck an iceberg and succeeded in breaking forty feet off her bow. since then she has been subject to periodical disturbances in her interior, consequently her owners patiently awaited the advent of war, knowing that the united states government would purchase her for the transport service at an early opportunity. it is needless to say she eventually found her way into the pacific. on leaving manila it was the intention of the "hancock" to break her own record of eighteen days between san francisco and that port. her new record of thirty days had not yet been announced in the newspapers. as a matter of fact she did happen to break her machinery and delay the expedition six hours, causing a break in the fond hopes which the soldiers had built up. there was one death during the trip over, richard ralph of battery b, who died at nagasaki of typhoid fever on the th of july. corporal george williams of the same organization was also left at the same point owing to a severe attack of the dysentery. both men were englishmen and had enlisted at eureka. otherwise the health of the batteries was good. the big prow of the "hancock" loomed up darkly on the night of the th in san francisco harbor and rested at anchor. the long sea journey was over. until very late that night, long after taps had sounded sharply over the waters of the harbor, the soldiers clustered around the deck of the ship, heard the megaphone dialogues between the newspaper tugs and the transport, and looked with longing eyes and hearts that beat with joy at the gleaming lights of san francisco. many friends from utah arrived on tugs during the next day, when the transport was still in quarantine, and there was a generous greeting when the transport moved up to the dock on the morning of the th. the whole of this day was spent by the soldiers in exchanging greeting with friends and in preparing their property for transportation to the presidio. it was on the morning of the st that the soldiers were permitted for the first time to descend from the transport and walk again, after sixteen months of absence in the orient, upon the shores of the united states. the battalions marched up the streets of san francisco behind the veterans of the nebraska regiment, the center of a tremendous demonstration. at the presidio they were given quarters on the slopes to the left of the presidio road. the patriotic sentiments and generous feelings of the citizens had been further shown, as the slopes of the hills were lined with large sibley tents, each equipped with a stove as protection from the chilly mists that creep up by night from the bay. there were also frame buildings for use as offices and a large kitchen and mess room, commodiously and thoroughly equipped for comfort and convenience. the citizens of utah in the meantime had been active in preparations for receiving the native warriors. on august th, adjutant-general charles s. burton and colonel bruback, members of the governor's staff, and representing the citizens' committee, arrived at the presidio and used every effort in providing for the further comfort of the men and arranging for their early departure to their homes in utah. it was learned that a special train had been chartered by the citizens to convey the volunteers to utah, and to the fund necessary for this purpose collis p. huntington of the southern pacific had contributed $ . the date for the muster out of the utah troops was fixed by the headquarters of the department of california as august th, and notwithstanding the efforts of general burton and major grant to have this time extended, general shafter was unable to give an extension of time. this left but a short period for the immense labor of closing the affairs of the battery and the intricate details of the muster out. the captains of the batteries and a large clerical force were kept working almost continuously from the day of the arrival at the presidio, and late on the night of the th they had the gratification, after toilsome days and sleepless nights, of putting the final touch to the muster out rolls. the next morning the rolls went to the paymaster. the labors of the utah volunteers in the army of the republic were over. some time before this, on august th, the men passed the final physical examination, and the general condition of the command was found to be extraordinarily good. then the men were ready for the last function of muster out. the next day the paymaster's wagon rattled up the presidio slope. then the soldiers performed the last act of their soldier career. one by one they marched into the small official frame building where the paymaster fingered his gold. as the veterans came out, each hand laden with gold, there was upon each face an iridescent smile, not only because of the augmented wealth, but for the reason that each one knew that for him the last bugle call had sounded, that his breast would no longer swell under the blue of the united states uniform. in two hours the soldiers had all left the presidio, officers were shaking hands with the men over the bridged chasm of official dignity, and up on the slope of the presidio the sibley tents were ransacked and deserted. that night the men of utah slept in the hotels of san francisco and dreamed of the morrow. on the night of the th the transport "warren" arrived, bearing among its passengers major richard w. young, late chieftain of the batteries, who had come, much to the satisfaction of the men, in time to join his old war comrades in the homegoing. the ferry which was to carry the soldiers to oakland was ready before noon on the th, and early in the afternoon the engine of the special train gave a few premonitory puffs and the train full of returning warriors was moving towards utah. the cars consisted of tourist sleepers for the men and a buffet pullman for the officers and their friends. across the center car a streamer stretched, bearing the words, "the utah batteries." crowds gather at all the stations on the route and cheer the warriors. there was some delay, but nothing of special import occurred during the trip. early on the th the soldiers were able to see for the first time the towering blue mountains of utah and the splendor of her sunshine. it was nearly noon when the train drew up at the ogden station, and the soldiers looked out over the heads of a cheering multitude and listened to shrill whistles signalling a joyous welcome. the reception here only lasted an hour, but was cordial in the extreme, and out on the ogden park a tempting lunch was served by fair women of ogden. lieutenant george a. seaman, formerly of ogden, was given an ovation as he stepped down from the platform of the car. a special car conveying the governor and a large party met the volunteers. two hours later the jubilation was complete. the volunteers saw at first a crowd and then a throng. they saw flaming streamers, flags fluttering and hats waving; they heard the diaphanous shriek of the steam whistles, the blaring of bands and the din of thousands cheering--all mingled in one chorus of praise and rejoicing. there were hurried handshakes and greetings and policemen's voices raised in fierce altercation with the crowd. soon with the cavalrymen and the engineers and the national guardsmen the batterymen had struggled into line. horses were in waiting at the station for the officers and all were mounted in the parade. when the order to march could be heard through the tumult, the procession moved through a gayly decked arch at the station, and majors young and grant rode side by side at the head of the battalion. the crowd became more dense as the march continued towards main street, and as far as liberty park thousands thronged the avenues. excited relatives made a military formation impossible by rushing into the ranks to grasp the hand of a veteran. at the park the day's ceremonies were held. there were speeches by the governor and the two majors, and here the silver medals which the legislature decided should be presented to the fighting sons of the state were awarded. with the conclusion of the formal exercises, the volunteers were led to an elaborately prepared lunch on beflowered tables beneath the shadows of the locust trees, and while refreshments were being taken fair maidens who ministered at the feast pinned badges on the breasts of the modest volunteers. that night the celebration reached its full blazonry. the city glowed and sparkled; gayly-bedecked, her flaunting colors were aurioled in the lustres of the night; like an imperial palace, awaiting the return of victorious princes, the lights gleamed and burned into the darkness; and in the center a luminous monument, glowing like the smile of an archangel, stood in vivid brightness the arch of triumph. when the men of utah batteries passed out into the darkness that night from the dazzle of color they knew that the glamor of the victorious home-coming, the shouts and the jubilation were over. yet there was peace in their hearts and on their breast was a badge of honor from a grateful people. and when they slept that night there were in their dreams no spectral visions of distant battlefields. all that was closed. officers of the batteries. major richard w. young. [illustration: major richard w. young.] major richard w. young, who left utah as the ranking officer of the two batteries, being at that time captain of battery a, and who was afterward appointed major commanding the battalion and still later selected as associate justice of the supreme court of manila, is a native of this state, having been born april , , his parents being joseph a. young (deceased), a son of the late brigham young, president of the mormon church, and margaret whitehead young, who still survives her husband. major young is a trained military man, having been educated at the military academy at west point. for a time after his graduation he was a member of the staff of major-general hancock, at that time commanding the department of the east. later he acted as judge-advocate in the army and conducted the swaim court-martial, which was a case celebrated at that time. he was then transferred to the third artillery and stationed here with his battery at fort douglas. he resigned the service to take up the practice of law, which he engaged in until he was selected as manager of the herald, a place which he filled acceptably for some time, when he again resigned to practice law. at the outbreak of the war with spain he tendered his services to the government and was later selected by the governor of utah to command battery a. at camp kent he was the ranking officer and had entire charge of its affairs. his services in the philippines were of such a distinguished character that he was breveted major by the president and later promoted to the complete rank. when the batteries' term of service was nearly completed, he was designated by major-general otis as associate justice of the supreme court of manila and came home with the volunteers to enjoy a vacation. major young is the author of a standard work on military law written while he was a lieutenant in the regular army. he is an able young man and one well liked and respected. he is exceedingly popular here in this city and state and outside of it. his married life has been very happy. eight children have been born to him and mrs. young, seven of whom are living. major frank a. grant. [illustration: major frank a. grant.] frank a. grant, who went away from salt lake city with the bars of a captain, came home with the gold leaves of a major in his shoulder strap. he is not a native of this state, but was born in kingston, ontario, forty-four years ago. he received his education at the military college of his native city and graduated therefrom. after leaving school he came to the united states, where he became a citizen, and settling at detroit was engaged by one of the large steamship companies in the capacity of pilot. he was a well trained man in his business and followed the occupation for a period of ten years. he has lived in utah for ten years. during that time he was engaged in real estate and insurance business, in both of which he made great successes. at the time of the breaking out of hostilities he was a member of the national guard of utah, being colonel of the first infantry. previous to this time he had held a position as staff officer on the brigade commander's staff, and was always a valuable man in military matters. it was due principally to his efforts that troop c was organized in this city and made a success. governor wells commissioned him as captain of battery b, and with that rank he went into the field. like major young he was breveted by the president for distinguished service and later was promoted to the full rank of major, coming home in command of the battalion. as commander of the river fleet major grant performed excellent service, his expedition up the rio grande de pampanga being especially well carried out. since his return he has gone into his old business--that of insurance--and expresses himself as having had enough of military life. he is married and has six children. captain e.a. wedgewood. [illustration: captain e.a. wedgewood.] captain e.a. wedgewood, who was promoted to the command of battery a after the promotion of major young, left the state as first lieutenant of battery b. he is a native of massachusetts, about forty years of age and an attorney-at-law, being the junior partner of the firm of rawlins, thurman, hurd & wedgewood. immediately prior to his coming to utah he had served as sheriff for several terms in the state of nebraska. he selected provo for his home on coming to utah and after entering the law office of george sutherland in that city and being admitted to the bar, associated himself with hon. s.r. thurman. later on the present firm was formed. captain wedgewood was the officer sent back from san francisco to utah to recruit men in order to bring the batteries to their full strength. upon returning to san francisco the party embarked and joined the commands in manila. captain wedgewood was a member of the national guard prior to the time of his enlistment, being captain of the provo company at the state encampment the year previous. he is said to be a most versatile character and can do anything from playing the violin to patching a sail or pleading a case in court. it was expected he would rejoin the national guard, but it is learned he has had enough of military honors and will engage in the practice of his profession with a view to reaping shekels for use in his old age. captain john f. critchlow. [illustration: captain john f. critchlow.] captain john f. critchlow left the state with the batteries a second lieutenant. he came back here leading battery b. his promotion was due to distinguished service performed while abroad. he was specially recommended for gallantry by major young and for coolness on the field under circumstances of the most trying character. captain critchlow was born in tonawanda, n.y., in , and is only years of age. he attended the rochester university and after graduating from that institution went to the university of pennsylvania, where he studied medicine for several years, graduating in with the degree of m.d. for the next year and a half he was in the german hospital at philadelphia, where he was enabled to obtain a practical insight into the mysteries of materia medica, and upon leaving there he came to this city, where his brother, e.b. critchlow, a prominent attorney, was already established in business. dr. critchlow became a member of the national guard some time after his arrival, being attached to the medical staff with the rank of first lieutenant. he proved to be a valuable and efficient member, always on the alert and endeared himself to all his associates. when the call was made for troops he enlisted in battery b and was made a second lieutenant in that organization. his services in the philippines were valuable. on the night attack of the spanish it was lieutenant critchlow who brought the ammunition to the firing line at the time when it was most needed. in every place to which he was assigned he was always at the fore and his conspicuous bravery was the subject of special commendation, as has been related. upon the promotion of captain grant to the rank of major, he was advanced to that of captain, coming home in command of the organization with which he went out as a second lieutenant. lieutenant george w. gibbs. [illustration: lieutenant george w. gibbs.] first lieutenant george w. gibbs of battery a is a well-known character in this state, in montana and in massachusetts, his old home, where he was born. his father was a veteran of the war of the rebellion and george was a member of the order in montana, having been department commander with the rank of colonel. he has always been interested in matters appertaining to the national guard; was a member of an infantry regiment in massachusetts, a captain of a troop of cavalry in montana and captain of battery a, n.g.u., and major of the battalion at the outbreak of hostilities with spain. he was at one time chief of the fire department in helena and was a member of the salt lake city department at the time w.a. stanton was its chief, being captain of the chemical. he afterwards served as deputy sheriff when harvey hardy was at the head of that department. gibbs is forty-one years of age and married. two children, a boy and a girl, are the result of a union with a most estimable lady. prior to coming to this city and before he went to montana he was in colorado, where he was employed as a sheriff's officer, serving with distinction. he spent some time in san francisco, where he was in the employ of one of the leading traction companies. lieutenant raymond c. naylor. [illustration: lieutenant raymond c. naylor.] lieutenant raymond c. naylor was born in salt lake city in . his early education was received in the public schools of utah. later he attended the university of utah, from which he graduated with honor. as a student he took a prominent part in athletics and military training, being a member of the baseball team as well as captain of one of the companies of students then taking military drill under lieutenant wright. he afterward taught school for several years and was engaged in that labor in centerville when the war broke out. those who knew him well were not surprised when he stepped to the front and offered his service to his country along with others who were willing to brave any peril in defense of their country's honor. lieutenant naylor had long associated himself with the national guard, in which he was captain for two years. he afterwards was promoted major and at the breaking out of hostilities he was filling the office of assistant inspector general with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. when the batteries were organized governor wells appointed him a second lieutenant of battery a, which position he filled with such distinction that he was promoted first lieutenant. as an officer lieutenant naylor won the respect and admiration of both officers and men. his interest in behalf of the privates gained for him a popularity which was not surpassed by any of the officers in the batteries. lieutenant orrin r. grow. [illustration: lieutenant orrin r. grow.] second lieutenant orrin r. grow, the youngest commissioned officer of the utah batteries at the time of their departure for the philippines, was born in salt lake city october , . as a boy he received his education in the public schools of salt lake city and afterwards he attended the university of utah several years, but he did not remain long enough to graduate. while at the university he took military training under lieutenant wright and after leaving that institution he joined the denhalter rifles as bugler. he soon was promoted sergeant and subsequently lieutenant. when the denhalters joined the national guard in mr. grow went with them and was unanimously chosen captain of company a, first infantry, n.g.u. later he was chosen major, a position which he held with credit until the breaking out of hostilities. his ability was recognized by governor wells, who appointed him a second lieutenant of battery b when that organization was mustered in. lieutenant grow went with his battery to the philippines, and during the fighting at malate distinguished himself. during january, , he returned home owing to serious illness. his early departure from the island prevented him from winning greater honors in the insurrection, as his ability was displayed in the spanish-american war. lieutenant william c. webb. [illustration: lieutenant william c. webb.] along with the many native sons of utah who joined the ranks in defense of their country there were some who were born on foreign soil. such a man was lieutenant william c. webb, who was born in england march , . in his early youth webb attended the schools of his native country and while he was yet a youth he accompanied his parents when they emigrated to utah. lieutenant webb early associated himself with military affairs, as he was a member of the denhalter rifles, and when that organization lost its identity in the national guard he became one of the most active workers in the new service. when captain grow of company a became major of the first battalion, first infantry, n.g.u., webb was unanimously chosen captain of that company. he held this position until he was appointed a second lieutenant of battery a by governor wells. when the utah volunteers left for manila lieutenant webb accompanied them. he took part in the malate campaign, where he showed promise of that brilliant work which he later accomplished in the filipino outbreak. at the breaking out of the insurrection he had charge of the left platoon of battery a at santa mesa hill. his fearlessness and daring at that place won for him the universal admiration of his men. later he was placed in command of the river gunboat "cavadonga," and during all the fierce fighting of that little boat he manipulated her with remarkable skill. lieutenant webb, on account of his exceptional work, was recommended for a lieutenancy in the regular army, a position which he will undoubtedly accept. lieutenant george a. seaman. [illustration: lieutenant george a. seaman.] lieutenant george a. seaman, who went away as a corporal of battery a, and came back with the "straps" of a second lieutenant, was born in the little town of morgan, twenty-nine years ago. while he was yet a boy his parents moved to ogden, where he secured the foundation of the education which was later enlarged upon at the state university. he remained at that institution four years, graduating with honor in . while obtaining his mental training he was a member of the university battalion, in which organization he acquitted himself so well that his name was placed upon the honorary roll at washington. it was also during his college career that he became acquainted with miss lottie fox, daughter of jesse w. fox. between them sprang up a mutual attachment, which was later consummated at the altar. shortly afterwards lieutenant seaman moved with his wife to bountiful, where he took up school teaching as a profession. he showed an efficiency in his work which won the esteem of all his patrons and pupils. when the call for soldiers was made his blood was of that order which impelled him to drop the master's rod and take up the sword in defense of his country. having enlisted he set to work to familiarizing himself with all the tactics pertaining to artillery warfare, and soon made himself acquainted with military science. his studious habits and his morality soon commended him to his superior officers who recommended him for the first vacancy which occurred. he was appointed second lieutenant of battery b, which position he held with honor until the mustering out of the battalion. lieutenant frank t. hines. [illustration: lieutenant frank t. hines.] lieutenant frank t. hines, the son of mr. and mrs. frank l. hines, was born twenty-one years ago in salt lake city. he attended the city schools from which he graduated in . for several years thereafter he was employed at mercur and later entered the agricultural college. it was while at the college that mr. hines learned to like the military life which he subsequently led for a short period. when the country called for volunteers he enlisted in captain grant's battery as a private, but he was soon appointed duty sergeant. the latter position he filled very creditably and when a vacancy occurred by reason of the resignation of lieutenant grow, he was elevated to the second lieutenancy, which office he held until the batteries were discharged. lieutenant john a. anderson. [illustration: lieutenant john a. anderson.] lieutenant john a. anderson, one of the few who worked his way up by sheer force of ability, was born in smithfield, cache county, utah, twenty-five years ago. he received his education in the district school of his native town, and later went to work as a millman, the occupation which he followed at the breaking out of the war. when the batteries went away he was a duty sergeant of battery b, in which capacity he earned the position which he afterwards secured. it was sergeant anderson who had charge of that section of the utah battalion which accompanied general lawton in his expedition in the interior as far as san isidro. following his return he was appointed first sergeant of battery b, and just before the organization left the island he received his commission as second lieutenant. lieutenant anderson was a brave, efficient man, and one who won the respect of all who knew him. sergeant harry a. young. [illustration: sergeant harry a. young.] sergeant harry a. young, son of the late lorenzo d. young, was born in salt lake city february , . during his boyhood he attended the public school of his native town, and afterwards he spent several years in the utah university, where he evinced a great liking to medicine. during - he filled a mission to the northern states. soon after his return he went east and entered the medical department of columbia college. he graduated from this institution with distinguished honors and great future promise to his profession. he established himself in salt lake city, where he succeeded in building up quite an extensive practice in a short time. the blood of a patriot flowed through the veins of dr. young and when his country needed his service he cheerfully joined the ranks and was appointed quartermaster-sergeant of battery a, a position which he filled with great credit. when the utah volunteers embarked for manila sergeant young went with them and took part in the fighting against the spaniards. although his service as a doctor was not required, dr. young was continually in the front administering to the wants of the wounded men. subsequently he participated in the fighting of the tagalan outbreak, and it was while he was bravely at the front in search of opportunities to perform deeds of mercy that he met with his death at the hand of the enemy on february , . those who were intimately acquainted with dr. young knew his sterling worth and admired his manhood. he ever walked in the path of right, unmindful of the opinions of the world. what he considered to be his duty he did with unswerving honesty. he was diligent and studious and applied himself with untiring energy to his books. as a soldier the batterymen will remember his unceasing efforts to better their condition. during the five tedious months of barrack life when others were idly waiting, he devoted himself to his chosen profession. had sergeant harry a. young lived two days longer he would have received his commission as a surgeon in the united states army. sergeant ford fisher. [illustration: sergeant ford fisher.] sergeant ford fisher, who bravely gave up his life in his country's defense, was born at seaford, delaware, twenty-three years ago. he was the son of i.m. fisher of salt lake city. at an early age ford, as he was better known among his associates, came to salt lake city with his parents. here he attended the city high school, from which he graduated with high honors. while at the high school he was noted for his efficiency in mathematics and here he developed a liking for civil engineering, which he later studied at the washington state university. for some time prior to the breaking out of hostilities with spain he had associated himself with the national guard, and when the president's call came too much patriotic blood flowed through his veins to admit of any second appeal, and he enlisted with the batteries. major young soon became acquainted with the young man's military ability and he was appointed drill sergeant at camp kent. when the batteries departed for the philippines he went with them and distinguished himself for his gallantry in the malate campaign. later during the insurrection he took part with the other utah men in many a fierce conflict with the insurgents until he was stricken down by the enemy's bullet while heroically defending his position at san luiz on may , . the utah artillerymen remember the stalwart figure of sergeant fisher as it loomed up in the forefront at santa mesa, mariquina and sexmoan. he was an inspiration to the wavering spirits of the utahn in twenty hard encounters. his voice ever sounded as a note of cheer and his ringing command never failed to infuse with new life. always attending to his duties he expected the same of others; his soul was too great to stoop to the level of anything base; his heart was honest and open and free. he was a pleasant companion and a true friend. he was blessed with an abundance of original humor which made him doubly loved by the soldiers during the lonely hours of barrack life. at the time of his death sergeant fisher was first in line of promotion, as he had been recommended for the next commission by major young. roster battalion utah light artillery, u.s.v. major frank a. grant, commanding.[ ] battery a. officers. captain, e.a. wedgewood salt lake city wounded april , . first lieutenant, george w. gibbs salt lake city second lieutenant, william c. webb salt lake city second lieutenant, john a. anderson logan sergeants. first, joseph o. nystrom salt lake city quartermaster, adnebyth l. williams salt lake city veterinary, john h. meredith kaysville emil lehman salt lake city emil v. johnson salt lake city arthur w. brown salt lake city william e. kneas salt lake city charles r. mabey bountiful mark e. bezzant pleasant grove corporals. geo. s. backman salt lake city noble a. mcdonnel salt lake city wm. jacobson salt lake city nelson e. margetts salt lake city thomas collins salt lake city wm. nelson, jr salt lake city john r. woolsey kaysville peter jensen newton samuel hesburg salt lake city lindsey hudson salt lake city edward g. wood logan leonard duffin salt lake city frank t. harmer springville thomas hollberg salt lake city edgar w. stout halliday wm. t. denn nephi farriers. julius w. sorensen salt lake city wm. g. mccomie salt lake city artificers. buriah wilkins coalville hiele m. madson gunnison saddler. victor e. marthini park city wagoner. jas w. allred ephraim musicians. elmer g. thomas salt lake city charles w. krogh salt lake city privates. aldrach, will f. clear lake anderson, joseph f. ephraim anderson, louis p. ephraim archer, david g. salt lake city bagge, john r. salt lake city bean, harry j. salt lake city beemus, john w. gunnison benson, peter j. provo berlin, john h. american fork bostwick, robert l. salt lake city bradford, archibald. murray bywater, caleb j. salt lake city campbell, john w. salt lake city caulkins, harold l. salt lake city christensen, parley b. ephraim christensen, theodor salt lake city curtis, clarence s. salt lake city davis, david j. salt lake city wounded april , . doty, george e. richmond duffin, george salt lake city earl, william centerville edwards, william salt lake city ekstrand, alfred salt lake city ellis, william g. salt lake city emery, frank w. park city engler, george w. ogden ferris, everett b. salt lake city fisher, george r. salt lake city frankenfield, george salt lake city funk, ezra s. sterling gilroy, jack salt lake city gledhill, leo n. gunnison griffiths, walter f. salt lake city gunn, thomas s. salt lake city harris, george salt lake city hennefer, william h. salt lake city hope, chester j.t. salt lake city howells, ephraim b. park city huber, jacob provo hughes, thomas j. park city humphrey, aner o. springville ingoldsby, john e. salt lake city ivins, joseph c. salt lake city jenicke, charles g. salt lake city jones, henry o. newton kahn, louis e. salt lake city kearsley, richard. salt lake city kenner, ray sterling wounded accidentally april , . kidder, ralph salt lake city king, murray e. kingston larson, warren ephraim leaver, william h. salt lake city wounded july , . lee, james a. salt lake city louder, arthur l. nephi lowry, ernest e. sterling lyngberg, august e. salt lake city meyers, joseph j. salt lake city morgan, joseph h. park city mortensen, david salt lake city mckay, daniel salt lake city mclaughlin, william f. park city nicholson, angus salt lake city nielson, jas. p. eureka nielson, niels pleasant grove noble, george w. salt lake city ohmer, arthur f. rawlins, wyoming perret, william e. salt lake city peterson, charles salt lake city peterson, frank c. ogden peterson louis c. salt lake city phillips, mannie c. salt lake city quinn, james park city rademacher, august ogden rasmussen, severen park city rauscher, edward w. nephi richmond, william provo robinson, william j. park city robison, john l. pleasant grove ryan, michael f. salt lake city ryver, william a. salt lake city selmer, emil f. salt lake city wounded april , . sleater, harold e. salt lake city smith, thomas r. logan sorenson, hans salt lake city sorenson, joseph f. salt lake city sorenson, knud eureka staten, stanley springville stout, charles s. salt lake city tipton, william springville tompkins, odell d. mystic, conn. tripp, francis b. salt lake city vincent, frank a. salt lake city walquist, charles a. salt lake city weber, george e. park city williams, albert r. salt lake city wonnacott, james e. salt lake city wycherley, samuel a. salt lake city zahler, john f. bountiful [footnote : major richard w. young, who originally commanded the battalion, resigned to become associate justice of the supreme court of the philippines and major frank a. grant superceded him as commander of the batteries.] honorably discharged. first sergeant, d.h. wells salt lake city october , . sergeant, a.l. robinson mt. pleasant april , . corporal, willard call bountiful december , . corporal, lewis p. hanson salt lake city june , . corporal, wm. d. riter salt lake city october , . corporal, john b. rogers salt lake city june , . corporal, geo. a. seaman bountiful november , . corporal, frank b. shelly salt lake city june , . farrier, w.m. clawson kaysville may , . farrier, h.p. hansen salt lake city june , . artificer, v.a. smith salt lake city june , . private, ethan e. allen salt lake city june , . private, wm. w. burnett san jose, cal. february , . private, a.c. caffall salt lake city july , . private, theo. cleghorn salt lake city may , . private, jas. w. connell salt lake city april , . private, a.h. fichtner salt lake city june , . private, p.b. frederickson eureka june , . private, george grantham american fork june , . private, joseph j. holbrook bountiful december , . private, elmer johnson salt lake city june , private, j.b. licklederer salt lake city july , . private, herbert l. meyers san francisco, cal. june , . private, isaac e. littrell berkeley, cal. june , . private, theodore newman salt lake city april , . private, frank e. peters salt lake city june , . private, w.i. rowland salt lake city february , . private, isaac russell salt lake city january , . private, bismarck snyder park city december , . private, a.l. thomas, jr. salt lake city june , . private, john a. tilson salt lake city june , . private, francis tuttle bountiful september , . private, chas. e. varian salt lake city december , . private, e.p. walker salt lake city june , . roll of honor. killed in action. quartermaster-sergeant, harry a. young salt lake city february , . sergeant, ford fisher salt lake city may , . corporal, john g. young salt lake city february , . private, wilhelm g. goodman salt lake city february , . died of disease. corporal, george o. larson dover december , . corporal, john t. kennedy park city march , . private, oscar a. feninger park city june , . private, charles parsons salt lake city april , . battery b. officers. captain, john f. critchlow salt lake city first lieutenant, raymond c. naylor salt lake city second lieutenant, george a. seaman bountiful wounded april , . second lieutenant, frank t. hines (batt. adjt.) salt lake city sergeants. first, john u. buchi provo quartermaster, james k. burch ogden veterinary, felix bachman provo louis n. fehr salt lake city robert stewart plain city john a. boshard provo george b. wardlaw ogden wounded february , . andrew peterson, jr. manti wounded march , . harvey dusenberry provo corporals. james j. ryan mercur charles c. clapper mercur theodore l. genter salt lake city nephi otteson manti henry l. souther mercur wounded march , . don c. johnson springville frank h. coulter ogden jas. w. meranda eureka james m. dunn tooele jno. flannigan mammoth richard l. bush logan george williams salt lake city frank j. utz mercur stephen bjarnson spanish fork phillip schoeber salina willard h. farnes salt lake city frank wickersham salt lake city artificers. frank dillingham eureka lee a. curtis ogden wagoner. antone litjeroth provo musicians. joseph wessler morton t. goodwin heber city privates. abplanalp, john d. heber wounded april , . ackaret, mahlon h. ogden alexander, robert salt lake city anderson, david m. peterson anderson, peter richfield austin, bert w. bingham baker, john eureka beesley, john w. provo benzon, glenn salt lake city billings, claud g. eureka bjarnson, einer spanish fork borkman, arthur mercur braman, john bingham wounded april , . bridgman, john d. salt lake city burton, ray s. salt lake city carr, joseph w. ogden carlson, gust salt lake city chamberlin, virgil l. ogden chatlin, eugene castle gate chaffin, millard salt lake city christensen, theodore salt lake city collett, ralph salt lake city collins, wm. j. salt lake city conover, robt. f. provo coray, don r. provo crager, fred h. salt lake city dalgety, john eureka dalimore, phillip lehi duncan, elmer heber decker, leo salt lake city doyle, joseph mammoth dunning, daniel a. provo eddy, louis b. eureka ellis, alfred silver city evans, willard salt lake city fowler, george salt lake city forceland, charles g. salt lake city graves, ned c. salt lake city green, loren c. american fork hall, parker j. ogden wounded march , . hall, walter s. west portage hardie, francis r. salt lake city heatherly, charles salt lake city herbertz, peter castle gate hogan, john ogden haggan, thomas a., jr. manti holdaway, parley p. provo hobkins, everitt e. provo hubert, welmer e. salt lake city hughes, john w. eureka jensen, hans hyde park kell, john v. eureka klenke, hendrech salt lake city king, samuel eureka knauss, wm. g. salt lake city larsen, g.r. manti lawson, d.v. joseph leonard, thomas eureka lewis, samuel c. salt lake city martin, fred s. salt lake city mccabe, james eureka mccarty, leonard manti mccubbin, william salt lake city moir, george salt lake city morton, john w. provo morton, milton provo neilson, andrew p. spanish fork norris, john d. denver, colorado olsen, peter logan olsen, reinhart milton pennington, louis p. brigham pratt, ernest m. salt lake city quick, marshall provo rae, alex provo rae, william provo reedall, thomas salt lake city rees, george silver city reid, robert salt lake city roberts, edward j. salt lake city rowland, george e. eureka savage, wm. h. eureka schaupp, frew w. eureka scott, hyrum c. provo shearer, wm. h. salt lake city smith, jerome tooele smith, sidney j. salt lake city smith, harry salt lake city snow, junius c. provo snyder, harry s. provo tate, jno. p. tooele taylor, george eureka turner, moroni heber tyree, samuel p. ogden vance, john r. eureka van syckle, benj. ogden walters, albert n. ogden walters, joseph w. ogden winkler, joseph g. salt lake city wright, william a. salt lake city yates, james k. diamond wheeler, george ogden zollinger, john d. providence honorably discharged. second lieutenant, orrin r. grow salt lake city first sergeant, j.a. anderson logan discharged june , to accept commission as second lieutenant. quartermaster-sergeant, chas. asplund fairview june , . sergeant, albert st. morris salt lake city june , . sergeant, horace e. coolidge manti march , . corporal, wm. q. anderson logan wounded august , . december , . corporal, john t. donnellan salt lake city march , . corporal, jacob a. heiss salt lake city december , . corporal, e.v. de montalvo mercur january , . musician, jos. f. grant salt lake city january , . saddler, louis miller ogden november , . farrier, fred d. sweet ogden april , . private, godfrey j. bluth ogden february , . private, f.d. chatterton salt lake city january , . private, jasper d. curtis eureka june , . private, rosey p. florance ogden december , . private, charles s. hill wellington june , . private, barr w. musser salt lake city january , . private, john a. pender ogden wounded march , . may , . private, thomas shull mammoth june , . private, thos. w. thornburg ogden june , . private, frederick blake salt lake city june , . private, augustus branscom ogden june , . private, william crooks eureka june , . private, john ferguson park city january , . private, chas. i. fox salt lake city june , . private, george lacey manti january , . private, don c. musser salt lake city january , . private, nephi reese silver city november , . private, geo. simmons salt lake city june , . private, chris wagner salt lake city march , . private, carlos young salt lake city june , . roll of honor. killed in action. corporal, moritz c. jensen castle gate april , . private, frederick bumiller salt lake city april , . private, max madison mercur april , . private, geo. h. hudson mercur august , . died of disease. private, richard h. ralph eureka july , . under the prophet in utah the national menace of a political priestcraft by frank j. cannon formerly united states senator from utah and harvey j. o'higgins author "the smoke-eaters," "don-a-dreams," etc. contents chapter note introduction foreword i in the days of the raid ii on a mission to washington iii without a country iv the manifesto v on the road to freedom vi the goal--and after vii the first betrayals viii the church and the interests ix at the crossways x on the downward path xi the will of the lord xii the conspiracy completed. xiii the smoot exposure xiv treason triumphant xv the struggle for liberty xvi the price of protest xvii the new polygamy xviii the prophet of mammon xix the subjects of the kingdom xx conclusion note when harvey j. o'higgins was in denver, in the spring of , working with judge ben b. lindsey on the manuscript of "the beast and the jungle," for everybody's magazine, he met the hon. frank j. cannon, formerly united states senator from utah, and heard from him the story of the betrayal of utah by the present leaders of the mormon church. this story the editor of everybody's magazine commissioned messrs. cannon and o'higgins to write. they worked on it for a year, verifying every detail of it from government reports, controversial pamphlets, mormon books of propaganda, and the newspaper files of current record. it ran through nine numbers of the magazine, and not so much as a successful contradiction was ever made of one of the innumerable incidents or accusations that it contains. it is here published in book form at somewhat greater length than the magazine could print it. it is a joint work, but the autobiographic "i" has been used throughout, because it is mr. cannon's personal narrative of his personal experience. introduction this is the story of what has been called "the great american despotism." it is the story of the establishment of an absolute throne and dynasty by one american citizen over a half-million others. and it is the story of the amazing reign of this one man, joseph f. smith, the mormon prophet, a religious fanatic of bitter mind, who claims that he has been divinely ordained to exercise the awful authority of god on earth over all the affairs of all mankind, and who plays the anointed despot in utah and the surrounding states as cruelly as a sultan and more securely than any czar. to him the mormon people pay a yearly tribute of more than two million dollars in tithes; and he uses that income, to his own ends, without an accounting. he is president of the utah branch of the sugar trust, and of the local incorporation's of the salt trust; and he supports the exaction's of monopoly by his financial absolutism, while he defends them from competition by his religious power of interdict and excommunication. he is president of a system of "company stores," from which the faithful buy their merchandise; of a wagon and machine company from which the mormon farmers purchase their vehicles and implements; of life-insurance and fire-insurance companies, of banking institutions, of a railroad, of a knitting company, of newspapers, which the mormon people are required by their church to patronize, and through which they are exploited, commercially and financially, for the sole profit of the sovereign of utah and his religious court. he is the political boss of the state, delivering the votes of his people by revelation of the will of god, practically appointing the united states senators from utah--as he practically appoints the marshals, district attorneys, judges, legislators, officers and administrators of law throughout his "kingdom of god on earth"--and ruling the non-mormons of utah, as he rules his own people, by virtue of his political and financial partnership with the great "business interests" that govern and exploit this nation, and his kingdom, for their own gain, and his. he lives, like the grand turk, openly with five wives, against the temporal law of the state, against the spiritual law of his kingdom, and in violation of his own solemn covenant to the country--which he gave in , in order to obtain amnesty for himself from criminal prosecution and to help utah obtain the powers of statehood which he has since usurped. he secretly preaches a proscribed doctrine of polygamy as necessary to salvation; he publicly denies his own teaching, so that he may escape responsibility for the sufferings of the "plural wives" and their unfortunate children, who have been betrayed by the authority of his dogma. and these women, by the hundreds, seduced into clandestine marriage relations with polygamous elders of the church, unable to claim their husbands--even in some cases disowning their children and teaching these children to deny their parents--are suffering a pitiful self-immolation as martyrs to the religious barbarism of his rule. demanding unquestioning obedience in all things, as the "mouthpiece of the lord," and "sole vice-regent of god on earth," he enforces his demands by his religious, political and financial control of the faith, the votes and the property of his fellow-citizens. he is at once--as the details of this story show--"the modern 'money king,' the absolute political czar, the social despot and the infallible pope of his kingdom." ex-senator cannon not only exposes but accounts for and explains the conditions that have made the church-controlled government of utah less free, less of a democracy, a greater tyranny and more of a disgrace to the nation than ever the corporation rule of colorado was in the darkest period of the cripple creek labor war. he shows the enemies of the republic encouraging and profiting by the shame of utah as they supported and made gain of colorado's past disgrace. he shows the piratical "interests," at washington, sustaining, and sustained by, the misgovernment of utah, in their campaign of national pillage. he shows that the condition of utah today is not merely a local problem; that it affects and concerns the people of the whole country; that it can only be cured with their aid. the outside world has waited many years to hear the truth about the mormons; here it is--told with sympathy, with affection, by a man who steadfastly defended and fought for the mormon people when their present leaders were keeping themselves carefully inconspicuous. the mormon system of religious communism has long been known as one of the most interesting social experiments of modern civilization; here is an intimate study of it, not only in its success but in the failure that has come upon it from the selfish ambitions of its leaders. the power of the mormon hierarchy has been the theme of much imaginative fiction; but here is a story of church tyranny and misgovernment in the name of god, that outrages the credibilities of art. that such a story could come out of modern america--that such conditions could be possible in the democracy today--is an amazement that staggers belief. ii hon. frank j. cannon is the son of george q. cannon of utah, who was first councillor of the mormon church from to . after the death of brigham young, george q. cannon's diplomacy saved the mormon communism from destruction by the united states government. it was his influence that lifted the curse of polygamy from the mormon faith. under his leadership utah obtained the right of statehood; and his financial policies were establishing the mormon people in industrial prosperity when he died. in all these achievements the son shared with his father, and in some of them--notably in the obtaining of utah's statehood--he had even a larger part than george q. cannon himself. when the mormon communities, in , were being crushed by proscription and confiscation and the righteous bigotries of federal officials, frank j. cannon went to washington, alone--almost from the doors of a federal prison--and, by the eloquence of his plea for his people, obtained from president cleveland a mercy for the mormons that all the diplomacies of the church's politicians had been unable to procure. again, in , when the mormons were threatened with a general disfranchisement by means of a test oath, he returned to washington and saved them, with the aid of james g. blame, on the promise that the doctrine and practice of polygamy were to be abandoned by the mormon church; and he assisted in the promulgation and acceptance of the famous "manifesto" of , by which the mormon prophet, as the result of a "divine revelation," withdrew the doctrine of polygamy from the practice of the faith. he organized the republican party in utah, and led it in the first campaigns that divided the people of the territory on the lines of national issues and freed them from the factions of a religious dispute. he delivered to washington the pledges of the mormon leaders, by which the emancipation of their people from hierarchical domination was promised and the right of statehood finally obtained. he was elected the first united states senator from utah, against the unwilling candidacy of his own father, when the intrigues of the mormon priests pitted the father against the son and violated the church's promise of non-interference in politics almost as soon as it had been given. it was his voice, in the senate, that helped to reawaken the national conscience to the crimes of spanish rule in cuba, when the "financial interests" of this country were holding the government back from any interference in cuban affairs. he was one of the leaders in washington of the first ill-fated "insurgent republican" movement against the control of the republican party by these same piratical "interests;" and he was the only republican senator who stood to oppose them by voting against the iniquitous dingley tariff bill of . he delivered the speech of defiance at the republican national convention of , when four "silver republican" senators led their delegations out of that convention in revolt. and by all these acts of independence he put himself in opposition to the politicians of the mormon church, who were allying themselves with hanna and aldrich, the sugar trust, the railroad lobby, and the whole financial and commercial plunderbund in politics that has since come to be called "the system." he returned to utah to prevent the sale of a united states senatorship by the mormon church; and, though he was himself defeated for re-election, he helped to hold the utah legislature in a deadlock that prevented the selection of a successor to his seat. he fought to compel the leaders of the church to fulfill the pledges which they had authorized him to give in washington when statehood was being obtained. after his father's death, when these pledges began to be openly violated, he directed his attack particularly against joseph f. smith, the new president of the church, who was principally responsible for the church's breach of public faith. through the columns of the salt lake tribune he exposed the treasonable return to the practice of polygamy which joseph f. smith had secretly authorized and encouraged. he opposed the election of apostle reed smoot to the united states senate, as a violation of the statehood pledges. he criticized the financial absolutism of the mormon prophet, which smith was establishing in partnership with "the plunderbund." he was finally excommunicated and ostracized, by his father's successors in power, for championing the political and social liberties of the mormon people whom he had helped to save from destruction and whose statehood sovereignty he had so largely obtained. when the partnership of the church and "the interests" prevented the expulsion of apostle smoot from the senate, senator cannon withdrew from utah, convinced that nothing could be done for the mormons so long as the national administration sustained the sovereignty of the mormon kingdom as a co-ordinate power in this republic. for the last few years he has been a newspaper editor in denver, colorado--on the denver times and the rocky mountain news--helping the reform movement in colorado against the corporation control of that state, and waiting for the opportunity to renew his long fight for the mormon people. in the following narrative he returns to that fight. in fulfillment of a promise made before he left utah--and seeing now, in the new "insurgency," the hope of freeing utah from slavery to "the system"--he here addresses himself to the task of exposing the treasons and tyrannies of the mormon prophet and the consequent miseries among his people. in the course of his exposition, he gives a most remarkable picture of the mormon people, patient, meek, and virtuous, "as gentle as the quakers, as staunch as the jews." he introduces the world for the first time to the conclaves of the mormon ecclesiasts, explains the simplicity of some of them, the bitterness of others, the sincerity of almost all--illuminating the dark places of church control with the understanding of a sympathetic experience, and bringing out the virtues of the mormon system as impartially as he exposes its faults. he traces the degradation of its communism, step by step and incident by incident, from its success as a sort of religious socialism administered for the common good to its present failure as a hierarchical capitalism governed for the benefit of its modern "prophet of mammon" at the expense of the liberty, the happiness, and even the prosperity, of its victims. for the first time in the history of the mormon church, there has arrived a man who has the knowledge and the inclination to explain it. he does this fearlessly, as a duty, and without any apologies, as a public right. "he is not, and never has been an official member of the church, in any sense or form," joseph f. smith, as president of the church, testified concerning him, at washington in ; and though this statement is one of the inspired prophet's characteristic perversions of the truth, it covers the fact that senator cannon has always opposed the official tyrannies of the hierarchs. the present mormon leaders accepted his aid in freeing utah, well aware of his independence. they profited by his success with a more or less doubtful gratitude. they betrayed him promptly--as they betrayed the nation and their own followers--as soon as they found themselves in a position safely to betray. in this book he merely continues an independence which he has always maintained, and replies to secret and personal treason with a public criticism, to which he has never hesitated to resort. he begins his story with the year , and devotes the first chapters to a depiction of the miseries of the mormon people in the unhappy days of persecution. he continues with the private details of the confidential negotiations in washington and the secret conferences in salt lake city by which the mormons were saved. he gives the truth about the political intrigues that accompanied the grant of utah's statehood, and he relates, pledge by pledge, the covenants then given by the mormon leaders to the nation and since treasonably violated and repudiated by them. he explains the progress of this repudiation with an intimate "inside" knowledge of facts which the mormon leaders now deny. and he exposes the horror of conditions in utah today as no other man in america could expose them--for his life has been spent in combating the influences of which these conditions are the result; and he understands the present situation as a doctor understands the last stages of a disease which he has been for years vainly endeavoring to check. but aside from all this--aside from his exposure of the mormon despotism, his study of the degradation of a modern community, or his secret history of the church's dark policies in "sacred places"--he relates a story that is full of the most astonishing curiosities of human character and of dramatic situations that are almost mediaeval in their religious aspects. he goes from interviews with cleveland or blame to discuss american politics with men who believe themselves in direct communication with god--who talk and act like the patriarchs of the old testament--who accept their own thoughts as the inspiration of the holy ghost, and deliver their personal decisions, reverently, as the will of the lord. he shows men and women ready to suffer any martyrdom in defense of a doctrine of polygamy that is a continual unhappiness and cross upon them. he depicts the social life of the most peculiar sect that has ever lived in a western civilization. he writes--unconsciously, and for the first time that it has ever been written--the naive, colossal drama of modern mormonism. h. j. o'h. forward on the fourth day of january, , the territory of utah was admitted to statehood, and the proscribed among its people were freed to the liberties of american citizenship, upon the solemn covenant of the leaders of the mormon church that they and their followers would live, thereafter, according to the laws and institutions of the nation of which they were allowed to become a part. and that gracious settlement of upwards of forty years of conflict was negotiated through responsible mediators, was endorsed by the good faith of the non-mormons of utah, and was sealed by a treaty convention in which the high contracting parties were the american republic and the "kingdom of god on earth." i propose, in this narrative, to show that the leaders of the mormon church have broken their covenant to the nation; that they have abused the confidence of the gentiles of utah and betrayed the trust of the people under their power, by using that power to prevent the state of utah from becoming what it had engaged to become. i propose to show that the people of utah, upraised to freedom by the magnanimity of the nation, are being made to appear traitorous to the generosity that saved them; that the mormons of utah are being falsely misled into the peculiar dangers from which they thought they had forever escaped; that the unity, the solidarity, the loyalty of these fervent people is being turned as a weapon of offense against the whole country, for the greater profit of the leaders and the aggrandizement of their power. i undertake, in fact, in this narrative, to expose and to demonstrate what i do believe to be one of the most direful conspiracies of treachery in the history of the united states. not that i have anything in my heart against the mormon people! heaven forbid! i know them to be great in their virtues, wholesome in their relations, capable of an heroic fortitude, living by the tenderest sentiments of fraternity, as gentle as the quakers, as staunch as the jews. i think of them as a man among strangers thinks of the dearness of his home. i am bound to them in affection by all the ties of life. the smiles of neighborliness, the greetings of friends, all the familiar devotion of brothers and sisters, the love of the parents who held me in their arms by these i know them as my own people, and by these i love them as a good people, as a strong people, as a people worthy to be strong and fit to be loved. but it is even through their virtue and by their very strength that they are being betrayed. a human devotion--the like of which has rarely lived among the citizens of any modern state--is being directed as an instrument of subjugation against others and held as a means of oppression upon the mormons themselves. noble when they were weak, they are being led to ignoble purpose now that they have become strong. praying for justice when they had no power, now that they have gained power it is being abused to ends of injustice. their leaders, reaching for the fleshpots for which these simple-hearted devotees have never sighed, have allied themselves with all the predaceous "interests" of the country and now use the superhuman power of a religious tyranny to increase the dividends of a national plunder. in the long years of misery when the mormons of utah were proscribed and hunted, because they refused to abandon what was to them, at that, time, a divine revelation and a confirmed article of faith, i sat many times in the gallery of the senate in washington, and heard discussed new measures of destruction against these victims of their own fidelity, and felt the dome above me impending like a brazen weight of national resentment upon all our heads. when, a few years later, i stood before the president's desk in the senate chamber, to take my oath of office as the representative of the freed people of utah in the councils of the nation, i raised my eyes to my old seat of terror in the gallery, and pledged myself, in that remembrance, never to vote nor speak for anything but the largest measure of justice that my soul was big enough to comprehend. by such engagement i write now, bound in a double debt of obligation to the nation whose magnanimity then saved us and to the people whom i humbly helped to save. frank j. cannon. under the prophet in utah chapter i. in the days of the raid about ten o'clock one night in the spring of , i set out secretly, from salt lake city, on a nine-mile drive to bountiful, to meet my father, who was concealed "on the underground," among friends; and that night drive, with its haste and its apprehension, was so of a piece with the times, that i can hardly separate it from them in my memory. we were all being carried along in an uncontrollable sweep of tragic events. in a sort of blindness, like the night, unable to see the nearest fork of the road ahead of us, we were being driven to a future that held we knew not what. i was with my brother abraham (soon to become an apostle of the mormon church), who had himself been in prison and was still in danger of arrest. and there is something typical of those days in the recollection i have of him in the carriage: silent, self-contained, and--when he talked--discussing trivialities in the most calm way in the world. the whole district was picketed with deputy marshals; we did not know that we were not being followed; we had always the sense of evading patrols in an enemy's country. but this feeling was so old with us that it had become a thing of no regard. there was something even more typical in the personality of our driver--a giant of a man named charles wilcken--a veteran of the german army who had been decorated with the iron cross for bravery on the field of battle. he had come to utah with general johnston's forces in , and had left the military service to attach himself to brigham young. after young's death, my father had succeeded to the first place in his affections. he was an elder of the church; he had been an aristocrat in his own country; but he forgot his every personal interest in his loyalty to his leaders, and he stood at all times ready to defend them with his life--as a hundred thousand others did!--for, though the mormons did not resist the processes of law for themselves, except by evasion, they were prepared to protect their leaders, if necessary, by force of arms. with wilcken holding the reins on a pair of fast horses at full speed, we whirled past the old adobe wall (which the mormons had built to defend their city from the indians) and came out into the purple night of utah, with its frosty starlight and its black hills--a desert night, a mountain night, a night so vast in its height of space and breadth of distance that it seemed natural it should inspire the people that breathed it with freedom's ideals of freedom and all the sublimities of an eternal faith. and those people--! a more despairing situation than theirs, at that hour, has never been faced by an american community. practically every mormon man of any distinction was in prison, or had just served his term, or had escaped into exile. hundreds of mormon women had left their homes and their children to flee from the officers of law; many had been behind prison bars for refusing to answer the questions put to them in court; more were concealed, like outlaws, in the houses of friends. husbands and wives, separated by the necessities of flight, had died apart, miserably. old men were coming out of prison, broken in health. a young plural wife whom i knew--a mere girl, of good breeding, of gentle life--seeking refuge in the mountains to save her husband from a charge of "unlawful cohabitation," had had her infant die in her arms on the road; and she had been compelled to bury the child, wrapped in her shawl, under a rock, in a grave that she scratched in the soil with a stick. in our day! in a civilized state! by act of congress, all the church property in excess of $ , had been seized by the united states marshal, and the community faced the total loss of its common fund. because of some evasions that had been attempted by the church authorities--and the suspicion of more such--the marshal had taken everything that he could in any way assume to belong to the church. among the mormons, there was an unconquerable spirit of sanctified lawlessness, and, among the non-mormons, an equally indomitable determination to vindicate the law. both were, for the most part, sincere. both were resolute. and both were standing in fear of a fatal conflict, which any act of violence might begin. moreover, the mormons were being slowly but surely deprived of all civil rights. all polygamists had been disfranchised by the bill of , and all the women of utah by the bill of . the governor of the territory was appointed by federal authority, so was the marshal, so were the judges, so were the united states commissioners who had co-ordinate jurisdiction with magistrates and justices of the peace, so were the election commissioners. but the mormons still controlled the legislature, and though the governor could veto all legislation he could initiate none. for this reason it had been frequently proposed that the president should appoint a legislative council to take the place of the elected legislature; and bills were being talked of in congress to effect a complete disfranchisement of the whole body of the mormon people by means of a test oath. i did not then believe, and i do not now, that the practice of polygamy was a thing which the american nation could condone. but i knew that our people believed in it as a practice ordained, by a revelation from god, for the salvation of the world. it was to them an article of faith as sacred as any for which the martyrs of any religion ever died; and it seemed that the nation, in its resolve to vindicate the supremacy of civil government, was determined to put them to the point of martyrdom. it was with this prospect before us that we drove, that night, up the salt lake valley, across a corner of the desert, to the little town of bountiful; and as soon as we arrived among the houses of the settlement, a man stepped out into the road, from the shadows, and stopped us. wilcken spoke to him. he recognized us, and let us pass. as we turned into the farm where my father was concealed, i saw men lurking here and there, on guard, about the grounds. the house was an old-fashioned adobe farm-house; the windows were all dark; we entered through the kitchen. and i entered, let me say, with the sense that i was about to come before one of the most able among men. to those who knew george q. cannon i do not need to justify that feeling. he was the man in the hands of whose sagacity the fate of the mormons at that moment lay. he was the first councillor of the church, and had been so for years. for ten years in congress, he had fought and defeated the proscriptive legislation that had been attempted against his people; and senator hoar had said of him, "no man in congress ever served a territory more ably." he had been the intimate friend of randall and blame. as a missionary in england he had impressed dickens, who wrote of him in "an uncommercial traveller." the hon. james bryce had said of him: "he was one of the ablest americans i ever met." an englishman, well-educated, a linguist, an impressive orator, a persuasive writer, he had lived a life that was one long incredible adventure of romance and almost miraculous achievement. as a youth he had been sent by the mormon leaders to california to wash out gold for the struggling community; and he had sent back to utah all the proceeds of his labor, living himself upon the crudest necessaries of life. as a young man he had gone as a mormon missionary to the hawaiian islands, and finding himself unable to convert the whites he had gone among the natives--starving, a ragged wanderer--and by simple force of personality he had made himself a power among them; so that in later years napella, the famous native leader, journeyed to utah to consult with him upon the affairs of that distressed state, and queen liluokalani, deposed and in exile, appealed to him for advice. he had edited and published a mormon newspaper in san francisco; and he had long successfully directed the affairs of the publishing house in salt lake city which he owned. he was a railroad builder, a banker, a developer of mines, a financier of a score of interests. he combined the activities of a statesman, a missionary, and a man of business, and seemed equally successful in all. but none of these things--nor all of them--contained the total of the man himself. he was greater than his work. he achieved by the force of a personality that was more impressive than its achievements. if he had been royalty, he could not have been surrounded with a greater deference than he commanded among our people. a feeling of responsibility for those dependent on him, such as a king might feel, added to a sense of divine guidance that gave him the dignity of inspiration, had made him majestical in his simple presence; and even among those who laughed at divine inspiration and scorned mormonism as the *uitlander scorned the faith of the boer, his sagacity and his diplomacy and his power to read and handle men made him as fearfully admired as any oom paul in the transvaal. when i entered the low-ceilinged, lamplit room in which he sat, he rose to meet me, and all rose with him, like a court. he embraced me without effusion, looking at me silently with his wise blue eyes that always seemed to read in my face--and to check up in his valuation of me--whatever i had become in my absence from his regard. he had a countenance that at no time bore any of the marks of the passions of men; and it showed, now, no shadow of the tribulations of that troubled day. his forehead was unworried. his eyes betrayed none of the anxieties with which his mind must have been busied. his expression was one of resolute stern contentment with all things--carrying the composure of spirit which he wished his people to have. if i had been agitated by the urgency of his summons to me, and he had wished to allay my anxiety at once, the sight of his face, as he looked at me, would have been reassurance enough. at a characteristic motion of the hand from him, the others left us. we sat down in the "horsehair" chairs of a well-to-do farmer's parlor--furnished in black walnut, with the usual organ against one wall, and the usual marble-topped bureau against the other. i remember the "store" carpet, the mortuary hair-wreaths on the walls, the walnut-framed lithographs of the church authorities and of the angel moroni with "the gold plates;" and none of these seem ludicrous to me to remember. they express, to me, in the recollection, some of the homely and devout simplicity of the people whose community life this man was to save. he talked a few minutes, affectionately, about family matters, and then--straightening his shoulders to the burden of more gravity--he said: "i have sent for you, my son, to see if you cannot find some way to help us in our difficulties. i have made it a matter of prayer, and i have been led to urge you to activity. you have never performed a mission for the church, and i have sometimes wondered if you cared anything about your religion. you have never obeyed the celestial covenant, and you have kept yourself aloof from the duties of the priesthood, but it may have been a providential overruling. i have talked with some of the brethren, and we feel that if relief does not soon appear, our community will be scattered and the great work crushed. the lord can rescue us, but we must put forth our own efforts. can you see any light?" i replied that i had already been in washington twice, on my own initiative, conferring with some of his congressional friends. "i am still," i said, "of the opinion i expressed to you and president taylor four years ago. plural marriage must be abandoned or our friends in washington will not defend us." four years before, when i had offered that opinion, president taylor had cried out: "no! plural marriage is the will of god! it's apostasy to question it!" and i paused now with the expectation that my father would say something of this sort. but, as i was afterwards to observe, it was part of his diplomacy, in conference, to pass the obvious opportunity of replying, and to remain silent when he was expected to speak, so that he might not be in the position of following the lead of his opponent's argument, but rather, by waiting his own time, be able to direct the conversation to his own purposes. he listened to me, silently, his eyes fixed on my face. "senator vest of missouri," i went on, "has always been a strong opponent of what he considered unconstitutional legislation against us, but he tells me he'll no longer oppose proscription if we continue in an attitude of defiance. he says you're putting yourselves beyond assistance, by organized rebellion against the administration of the statutes." and i continued with instances of others among his friends who had spoken to the same purpose. when i had done, he took what i had said with a gesture that at once accepted and for the moment dismissed it; and he proceeded to a larger consideration of the situation, in words which i cannot pretend to recall, but to an effect which i wish to outline--because it not only accounts for the preservation of the mormon people from all their dangers, but contains a reason why the world might have wished to see them preserved. the mormons at this time had never written a line on social reform--except as the so-called "revelations" established a new social order--but they had practiced whole volumes. their community was founded on the three principles of co-operation, contribution, and arbitration. by co-operation of effort they had realized that dream of the socialists, "equality of opportunity"--not equality of individual capacity, which the accidents of nature prevent, but an equal opportunity for each individual to develop himself to the last reach of his power. by contribution by requiring each man to give one-tenth of his income to a common fund--they had attained the desired end of modern civilization, the abolition of poverty, and had adjusted the straps of the community burden to the strength of the individual to bear it. by arbitration, they had effected the settlement of every dispute of every kind without litigation; for their high councils decided all sorts of personal or neighborhood disputes without expense of money to the disputants. the "storehouse of the lord" had been kept open to fill every need of the poor among "god's people," and opportunities for self help had been created out of the common fund, so that neither unwilling idleness nor privation might mar the growth of the community or the progress of the individual. but joseph smith had gone further. daring to believe himself the earthly representative of omnipotence, whose duty it was to see that all had the rights to which he thought them entitled, and assuming that a woman's chief right was that of wifehood and maternity, he had instituted the practice of plural marriage, as a "prophet of god," on the authority of a direct revelation from the almighty. it was upon this rock that the whole enterprise, the whole experiment in religious communism, now threatened to split. not that polygamy was so large an incident in the life of the community--for only a small proportion of the mormons were living in plural marriage. and not that this practice was the cardinal sin of mormonism--for among intelligent men, then as now, the great objection to the church was its assumption of a divine authority to hold the "temporal power," to dictate in politics, to command action and to acquit of responsibility. but polygamy was the offense against civilization which the opponents of mormonism could always cite in order to direct against the church the concentrated antagonism of the governments of the western world. and my father, in authorizing me to proceed to washington as a sort of ambassador of the church, evidently wished to impress upon me the larger importance of the value of the social experiment which the mormons had, to this time, so successfully advanced. "it would be a cruel waste of human effort," he said, "if, after having attained comfort in these valleys--established our schools of art and science--developed our country and founded our industries--we should now be destroyed as a community, and the value of our experience lost to the world. we have a right to survive. we have a duty to survive. it would be to the profit of the nation that we should survive." but in order to survive, it was necessary to obtain some immediate mitigation of the enforcement of the laws against us. the manner in which they were being enforced was making compromise impossible, and the men who administered them stood in the way of getting a favorable hearing from the powers of government that alone could authorize a compromise. it was necessary to break this circle; and my father went over the names of the men in washington who might help us. i could marvel at his understanding of these men and their motives, but we came to no plan of action until i spoke of what had been with me a sort of forlorn hope that i might appeal to president cleveland himself. my father said thoughtfully: "what influence could you, a republican, have with him? it's true that your youth may make an appeal--and the fact that you're pleading for your relatives, while not yourself a polygamist. but he would immediately ask us to abandon plural marriage, and that is established by a revelation from god which we cannot disregard. even if the prophet directed us, as a revelation from god, to abandon polygamy, still the nation would have further cause for quarrel because of the church's temporal rule. no. i can make no promise. i can authorize no pledge. it must be for the prophet of god to say what is the will of the lord. you must see president woodruff, and after he has asked for the will of the lord i shall be content with his instruction." now, i do not wish to say--though i did then believe it--that the first councillor of the mormon church was prepared to have the doctrine of plural marriage abandoned in order to have the people saved. it is impossible to predicate the thoughts of a man so diplomatic, so astute, and at the same time so deeply religious and so credulous of all the miracles of faith. he did believe in divine guidance. he was sincere in his submission to the "revelations" of the prophet. but, in the complexity of the mind of man, even such a faith may be complicated with the strategies of foresight, and the priest who bows devoutly to the oracle may yet, even unconsciously, direct the oracle to the utterance of his desire. and if my father was--as i suspected--considering a recession from plural marriage, he had as justification the basic "revelation," given through "joseph the prophet," commanding that the people should hold themselves in subjection to the government under which they lived, "until he shall come whose right it is to rule." we talked till midnight, in the quiet glow of the farmer's lamp-light, discussing possibilities, considering policies, weighing men; and then we parted--he to betake himself to whatever secure place of hiding he had found, and i to return to ogden where i was then editing a newspaper. i was only twenty-nine years old, and the responsibility of the undertaking that had been entrusted to me weighed on my mind. i waited for a summons to confer with president woodruff, but none came. instead, my brother brought me word from the president that i must be "guided by the spirit of the lord;" and, finally, my father sent me orders to consult the second councillor, joseph f. smith. joseph f. smith! since the death of the founder of the mormon church, there have been three men pre-eminent in its history: brigham young, who led the people across the desert into the salt lake valley and established them in prosperity there; george q. cannon, who directed their policies and secured their national rights; and joseph f. smith, who today rules over that prosperity and markets that political right, like a sultan. of all these, smith is, to the nation now, of most importance--and sinisterly so. no mormon in those years, i think, had more hate than smith for the united states government; and surely none had better reasons to give himself for hate. he had the bitter recollection of the assassination of his father and his uncle in the jail of carthage, illinois; he could remember the journey that he had made with his widowed mother across the mississippi, across iowa, across the missouri, and across the unknown and desert west, in ox teams, half starved, unarmed, persecuted by civilization and at the mercy of savages; he could remember all the toils and hardships of pioneer days "in the valley;" he had seen the army of ' arrive to complete, as he believed, the final destruction of our people; he had suffered from all the proscriptive legislation of "the raid," been outlawed, been in exile, been in hiding, hunted like a thief. he had been taught, and he firmly believed, that the smiths had been divinely appointed to rule, in the name of god, over all mankind. he believed that he--ordained a ruler over this world before ever the world was--had been persecuted by the hate and wickedness of men. he believed it literally; he preached it literally; he still believes and still preaches it. i did not then sympathize with this point of view, any more than i do now; but i did sympathize with him in the hardships that he had already endured and in the trials that he was still enduring--in common with the rest of us. the bond of community persecution intensified my loyalty. i felt for him almost as i felt for my own father. i went to him with the young man's trust in age made wise by suffering. i had been directed to call on him in the president's offices, in salt lake city, where he was concealed, for the moment, under the name of "mack"--the name that he used "on the underground"--and i went with my brother, late at night, to see him there. the president's offices were at that time in a little one-story plastered house that had been built by brigham young between two of his famous residences, the "beehive house" and the "lion house" (in which some twelve or fourteen of his wives had lived). the three houses were within the enclosure of a high cobblestone wall built by brigham young; and at night the great gate of the wall was shut and locked. we hammered discreetly on its panels of mountain pine, until a guard answered our knocking, recognized our voices and admitted us. "he's in there," he said, pointing to the darkened windows of the offices--toward which he led us. he unlocked the front door--having evidently locked it when he went to the gate--and he explained to a waiting attendant: "these brethren have an appointment. they wish to see brother mack." the attendant led us down a dimly-lighted hall, through the public offices of the president into a rear room, a sort of retiring room, carpeted, furnished with bookcases, chairs, a table. the window blinds had all been carefully drawn. joseph f. smith was waiting for us--a tall, lean, long-bearded man of a commanding figure standing as if our arrival had stopped him in some anxious pacing of the carpet. his overcoat and his hat had been thrown on a chair. he greeted us with the air of one who is hurried, and sat down tentatively; and as soon as we came to the question of my trip to washington, he broke out: "these scoundrels here must be removed--if there's any way to do it. they're trying to repeat the persecutions of missouri and illinois. they want to despoil us of our heritage--of our families. i'm sick of being hunted like a wild beast. i've done no harm to them or theirs. why can't they leave us alone to live our religion and obey the commandments of god and build up zion?" he had begun to stride up and down the floor again, in a sort of driven and angry helplessness. "i thought cleveland would stop this damnable raid and make them leave us in peace--but he's as bad as the rest. can't they see that these carpet baggers are only trying to rob us? make them see that. the hounds! sometimes it seems to me that the lord is letting these iniquities go on so that the nation may perish in its sins all the sooner!" he sneered at john w. young who had gone to washington for the church. (i had met smith himself there, earlier in the year.) "i thought he'd accomplish something," he said, "with his fashionable home and his--[**missing text?**] he's using money enough! he's down there, taking things easy, while the rest of us are driven from pillar to post." he attacked the federal authorities, governor west, the "whole gang." he cried: "i love my wives and my children--whom the lord gave me. i love them more than my life--more than anything in the world--except my religion! and here i am, fleeing from place to place, from the wrath of the wicked--and they're left in sorrow and suffering." his face was pallid with emotion, and his voice came now hard with exasperation against his enemies and now husky with a passionate affection for his family--a man of fifty, graybearded, quivering in a nervous transport of excitement that jerked him up and down the room, gesticulating. when he had worn out his first anger of revolt, i brought the conversation round to the question of polygamy, by asking him about a provisional constitution for statehood which the non-polygamous mormons had recently adopted. it contained a clause making polygamy a misdemeanor. "i would have seen them all damned," he said, "before i would have yielded it, but i'm willing to try the experiment, if any good can come." he had, i gathered, no aversion to "deceiving the wicked," but he was opposed to leading his people away from their loyalty to the doctrine of plural marriage, by conceding anything that might weaken their faith in it. and yet this impression may misrepresent him. he was too agitated, too exasperated, for any serious reflection on the situation. my brother had gone--to keep some other engagement--and i stayed late, talking as long as smith seemed to wish to talk. he rose at last and "blessed" me, his hands on my head, in a return to some larger trust in his religious authority; and i left him--with very doubtful and mixed emotions. his natural violence and his lack of discipline had been matters of common gossip among our people, and i had heard of them from childhood; but i had supposed that tribulations would, by this time, have matured him. there was something compelling in his unsoftened turbulence, but nothing encouraging for me as a messenger of conciliation. i felt that there would be no help come from him in my task, and i dropped him from my reckoning. i had made up my mind to a plan that was almost as desperate as the conditions it sought to cure--a plan that was in some ways so absurd that i felt like keeping it concealed for fear of ridicule--and i went about my preparations for departure in a sort of hopeless hope. as the train drew out from ogden, i looked back at the mountains from my car window, and saw again, in the spectacle of their power, the pathos of our people--as if it were the nation of my worship that bulked there so huge above the people of my love--and i, puny in my little efforts, going out to plot an intercession, to appeal for a truce! it was almost as if i were the son of a confederate leader journeying to washington, on the eve of the civil war, to attempt to stand between north and south and hold back their opposing armies, single-handed. these are the things a man does when he is young. chapter ii. on a mission to washington i went discredited, as an envoy, by an incident of personal conflict with the federal authorities; and i wish to relate that incident before i proceed any farther. i must relate it soon, because it came up for explanation in one of my first interviews with president cleveland; and i wish to relate it now, because it was so typical of the day and the condition from which we had to save ourselves. in the winter of - , the united states marshals had been pursuing my father from place to place with such determined persistence that it was evident his capture was only a matter of time. we believed that if he were arrested and tried before chief justice zane--with district attorney dickson and assistant district attorney varian prosecuting--he would be convicted on so many counts that he would be held in prison indefinitely--that he might, in fact, end his days there. there was the rumor of a boast, to this effect, made by federal officers; and we misunderstood them and their motives, in those days, sufficiently to accept the unjust report as well-founded. my father, as first councillor of the church, had proposed to president taylor that every man who was living in plural marriage should surrender himself voluntarily to the court and plead: "i entered into this covenant of celestial marriage with a personal conviction that it was an order revealed by our father in heaven for the salvation of mankind. i have kept my covenant in purity. i believed that no constitutional law of the country could forbid this practice of a religious faith. as the laws of congress conflict with my sense of submission to the will of the lord, i now offer myself, here, for whatever judgment the courts of my country may impose." he believed that such a course would vindicate the sincerity of the men who had engaged in polygamy and defied the law in an assumption of religious immunity; and he believed that the world would pause to reconsider its judgment upon us, if it saw thousands of men--the bankers, the farmers, the merchants, and all the religious leaders of a civilized community--marching in a mass to perform such an act of faith. but president taylor was not prepared for a movement that would have recommended itself better to the daring genius of brigham young. taylor had given himself into the custody of the officers of the law once--in carthage, illinois--with joseph smith and his brother, hyrum smith; and taylor had been wounded by the mob that broke into the jail and shot the smiths to death. this, perhaps, had cured him of any faith in the protecting power of innocency. he decided against voluntary surrender; and now that my father's liberty was so seriously threatened, he ordered him to go either to mexico or to the sandwich islands--his old mission field--where he would be beyond the reach of the united states authorities. my father believed that if he left utah, his recession might tend to placate the government and soften the severity of the prosecutions of the mormons; and accordingly, on the night of february , , he boarded a west-bound central pacific train at willard. the federal officers in some way learned of it; he was arrested, on the train, at humboldt wells, nevada, and brought back to utah. near promontory he fell from the steps of the moving car, at night, in the midst of an alkali desert, and hurt himself seriously. he was recaptured and brought to salt lake city on a stretcher, in a special car, guarded by a squad of soldiers from fort douglas, with loaded muskets, and a captain with a conspicuous sword. he was taken to judge zane's chambers and placed under bonds of $ , . immediately two bench warrants were issued by a united states commissioner, and these were served upon him while he lay on a mattress on the floor of zane's office. two more bonds of $ , each were given. he was then taken to his home. later--(president taylor still insisting that he must not stand trial)--he disappeared again, "on the underground," and his bonds were declared forfeited. but in the meantime, while the grand jury was hearing testimony against him, one of the beloved women of his family was called for examination, and district attorney dickson asked her some questions that deeply wounded her. she returned home weeping. my brothers and i felt that the questions had been needlessly offensive, and after an indignant discussion of the matter, i undertook to remonstrate personally with mr. dickson. if i had been as wise, then, as i sometimes think i am now, i should have realized that a meeting between us was dangerous; that the feeling, on our side at least, was too warm for calm remonstrances. and i should not have taken with me a younger brother, about sixteen years old, with all the hot-headedness of youth. fortunately we did not go armed. we sought dickson in the evening, at the continental hotel--the old, adobe continental with its wide porches and its lawn trees--and we found him in the lobby. i asked him to step out on the porch, where i might speak with him in private. he came without a moment's hesitation. he was a big, handsome, black-bearded man in the prime of his strength. we had scarcely exchanged more than a few sentences formally, when my brother drew back and struck him a smashing blow in the face. dickson grappled with me, a little blinded, and i called to the boy to run--which he very wisely did. dickson and i were at once surrounded, and i was arrested. ordinarily the incident would have been trivial enough, but in the alarmed state of the public mind it was magnified into an attempt on the part of george q. cannon's sons to take the life of the united states district attorney. indictments were found against my brother and myself, and against a cousin who happened to be in another part of the hotel at the time of the attack. some weeks later, when the excitement had rather died down, i went to the district attorney's office and arranged with his assistant, mr. varian, that the indictments against my brother (who had escaped from utah) and my cousin (who was wholly innocent) should be quashed, and that i should plead guilty to a charge of assault and battery. on this understanding, i appeared in court before chief justice zane. but mr. varian, having consulted with mr. dickson, had learned that i had not struck the blow--though, as the elder brother, i was morally responsible for it--and he suggested to the court that sentence be suspended. this, justice zane seemed prepared to do, but i objected. i was a newspaper writer (as i explained), and i felt that if i criticized the court thereafter for what i believed to be a harshness that amounted to persecution, i could be silenced by the imposition of the suspended sentence; and if i failed to criticize, i should be false to what i considered my duty. i did not wish to be put in any such position; and i said so. justice zane had a respect for the constitution and the statutes that amounted to a creed of infallibility. he was the most superbly rigid pontiff of legal justice that i ever knew. a man of unspotted character, a puritan, of a sincerity that was afterwards accepted and admired from end to end of utah, he was determined to vindicate the essential supremacy of the civil law over the ecclesiastical domination in the territory; and every act of insubordination against that law was resented and punished by him, unforgivingly. he promptly sentenced me to three months in the county jail and a fine of $ . my imprisonment was, of course, a farce. i was merely confined, most of the time, in a room in the county court house, where i lived and worked as if i were in my home. but the sentence remained on my record as a sufficient mark of my recalcitrance; and i knew that it would not aid me in my appeal to washington, where i intended to argue--as the first wise concession needed of the federal authorities--that chief justice zane should no longer be retained on the bench in utah, but should be succeeded by a man more gentle. he was the great figure among our prosecutors; the others were district attorney dickson and the two assistants, mr. varian and mr. riles. the square had only seemed to be broken by the recent retirement of mr. dickson; the strength of his purpose remained still in power, in the person of judge zane. and let me say that whatever my opinion was of these men, at that time, i recognize now that they were justified as officers of the law in enforcing the law. if it had not been for them, the mormon church would never have been brought to the point of abating one jot of its pretensions. all four men, as their records have since proved, were much superior to their positions as territorial officers. utah's admiration for judge zane was shown, upon the composition of our differences with the nation, by the mormon vote that placed him on the supreme court bench. indeed, it is one of the strange psychologies of this reconciliation, that, as soon as peace was made, the strongest men of both parties came into the warmest friendship; our fear and hatred of our prosecutors changed to respect; and their opposition to our indissoluble solidarity changed to regard when they saw us devoting our strength to purposes of which they could approve. but now, in the midst of our contentions, the aspect of splendor in their legal authority had something baleful in it, for us; and we saw our own defiance set with a halo of martyrdom and illumined by the radiance of a church oppressed! there was more than a glimmer of that radiance in my thoughts as i made the railroad journey from utah to the east. the union pacific railway, on which i rode, followed the route that the mormons had taken in their long trek from the missouri; and i could look from my car window and imagine them toiling across those endless plains--in their creaking wagons, drawn by their oxen and lean farm cows--choked with dust, burned by the sun of the prairies, their faces to the unknown dangers of an unknown wilderness, and behind them the cool-roomed houses, the moist fields, the tree-shaded streets, all the quiet and comfort of the settled life of homekeeping happiness that they had left. my own mother had come that road, a little girl of eight; and my mind was full of pictures of her, at school in a wagon-box, singing hymns with her elders around the camp fires at night, or kneeling with the mourners beside the grave of an infant relative buried by the roadside. our train crossed the loup fork of the platte almost within sight of the place where my father, a lad of twenty, had led across the river at nightfall, had been lost to his party, and had nearly perished, naked to the cold, before he struggled back to the camp. i could see their little circle of wagons drawn up at sunset against the menace of the indians who snaked through the long grass to kill. i could feel some of their despair, and my heart lifted to their heroism. never had such a migration been made by any people with fewer of the concomitants of their civilization. their arms had been taken from them at nauvoo; they had bartered their goods for wagons and cattle to carry them; even the grain that they brought, for food, had to be saved for seed. they felt themselves devoted to destruction by the people with whose laws and institutions they had come in conflict, and they went forth bravely, trusting in the power of the god whom they were determined to worship according to their despised belief. now they had built themselves new homes and meeting-houses in the fertile "valley;" and the civilization that they had left, having covered the distance of their exile, was punishing them again for their law-breaking fidelity to their faith. surely they had suffered enough! surely it was evident that suffering only made them strong to resist! surely there must be somebody in power in washington who could be persuaded to see that, where force had always failed, there might be some profit in employing gentleness! this, at least, was the appeal which i had planned to make. and i had decided to make it through mr. abraham s. hewitt, then mayor of new york city, who had been a friend of my father in congress. he was not in favor with the administration at washington. he was personally unfriendly to president cleveland. i was a stranger to him. but i had seen enough of him to know that he had the heart to hear a plea on behalf of the mormons, and the brain to help me carry that plea diplomatically to president cleveland. when i arrived in new york i set about finding him without the aid of any common friend. i did not try to reach him at his home, being aware that he might resent an intrusion of public matters upon his private leisure, and fearing to impair my own confidence by beginning with a rebuff. i decided to see him in his office hours. i cannot recall why i did not find him in the municipal buildings, but i well remember going to and fro in the streets in search of him, feeling at every step the huge city's absorption in its own press and hurry of affairs, and seeing the troubles of utah as distant as a foreign war. it was with a very keen sense of discouragement that i took my place, at last, in the long line of applicants waiting for a word with the man who directed the municipal activities of this tremendous hive of eager energy. he was in the old stewart building, on broadway, near park place; and he had his desk in what was, i think, a temporary office--an empty shop used as an office--on the ground floor. there must have been fifty men ahead of me, and they were the unemployed, as i remember it, besieging him for work. they came to his desk, spoke, and passed with a rapidity that was ominous. as i drew nearer, i watched him anxiously, and saw the incessant, nervous, querulous activity of eyes, lips, hands, as he dismissed each with a word or a scratch of the pen, and looked up sharply at the next one. "well, young man," he greeted me, "what do you want?" i replied: "i want a half hour of your time." "good god," he said, in a sort of reproachful indignation, "i couldn't give it to the president of the united states." i felt the crowd of applicants pressing behind me. i knew the man's prodigious humanity. i knew that if i could only hold them back long enough--"mr. hewitt," i said, "it's more important even than that. it's to save a whole people from suffering--from destruction." he may have thought me a maniac; or it may be that the desperation of the moment sounded in my voice. he frowned intently up at me. "who are you?" "i'm the son of your old friend in congress, george q. cannon of utah," i said. "my father's in exile. he and his people are threatened with endless proscriptions. i want time to tell you." his impatience had vanished. his eyes were steadily kind and interested. "can you come to the board of health, in an hour? as soon as i open the meeting, i'll retire and listen to you." i asked him for a card, to admit me to the meeting, having been stopped that morning at many doors. he gave it, nodded, and flashed his attention on the man behind me. i went out with the heady assurance that my first move had succeeded; but i went, too, with the restrained pulse of realizing that i had yet to join issue with the decisive event and do it warily. i do not remember where i found the board of health in session. i recall only the dark, official board-room, the members at the table, and--as the one small spot of light and interest to me--mr. hewitt's white-bearded face, as an attendant opened the door to me, and the mayor, looking up alertly, nodded across the room, and waved his hand to a chair. as soon as he had opened the meeting, we withdrew together to a settee in some remote corner, and i began to tell him, as quickly as i could, the desperateness of the mormon situation. "yes," he said, "but why can't your people obey the law?" i explained what i have been trying to explain in this narrative--that these people, following a church which they believed to be guided by god, and regarding themselves as objects of a religious persecution, could not be brought by means of force to obey a law against conscience. i explained that i was not pleading to save their pride but to spare them useless suffering; their history showed that no proscription, short of extermination outright, could overcome their resistance; but what force could not accomplish, a little sensible diplomacy might hope to effect. no first step could be made, by them, towards a composition of their differences with the law so long as the law was administered with a hostility that provoked hostility. but if we could obtain some mitigation of the law's severity, the leaders of the church were willing to surrender themselves to the court--such of them as had not already died of their privations or served their terms of imprisonment--and a sense of gratitude for leniency would prepare the way for a recession from their present attitude of unconquerable antagonism. he listened gravely, knowing the situation from his own experience in congress, and checking off the items of my argument with a nod of acceptance that came, often, before i had completed what i had to say. he asked: "do you know president cleveland?" i told him that i had seen the president several times but was not known to him. "well," he said, "i may be able to help you indirectly. i don't care for cleveland, and i wouldn't ask him for a favor if i were sinking. but tell me what plan you have in your mind, and i'll see if i can't aid you--through friends." i replied that i hoped to have some man appointed as chief justice in utah who should adopt a less rigorous way of adjudicating upon the cases of polygamists; but that before he was selected--or at least before he knew of his appointment--i wished to talk with him and convert him to the idea that he could begin the solution of "the mormon question" by having the leaders of the community come into his court and accept sentences that should not be inconsistent with the sovereignty of the law but not unmerciful to the subjects of that sovereignty. "the man you want," mr. hewitt said, "is here in new york--elliot f. sandford. he's a referee of the supreme court of this state--a fine man, great legal ability, courageous, of undoubted integrity. come to me, tomorrow. i'll introduce you to him." it was the first time that i had even heard the name of elliot f. sandford; and i had not the faintest notion of how best to approach him. i did not find him in mr. hewitt's office, on the morrow; but the mayor had communicated with him, and now gave me a letter of introduction to him; and i went alone to present it. he received me in his outer office, with a manner full of kindliness but non-committal. he glanced through my letter of introduction, and i tried to read him while he did it. he was not on the surface. he was a tall, dignified man, his hair turning gray--thoughtful, judicial--evidently a man who was not quick to decide. he led me into his private room, and sat down with the air of a lawyer who has been asked to take a case and who wishes first to hear all the details of the action. i began by describing the mormon situation as i saw it in those days: that the mormons were growing more desperately determined in their opposition, because they believed their prosecutors were persecuting them; that the district attorney and his assistants were harsh to the point of heartlessness, and that judge zane (to us, then) acted like a religious fanatic in his judicial office; that nearly every federal official in utah had taken a tone of bigoted opposition to the people; and that the law was detested and the government despised because of the actions of federal "carpet-baggers." i was prejudiced, no doubt, and partisan in my account of the state of affairs, but i did not exaggerate the facts as i saw them; i believed what i said. i did not really reach his sympathy until i spoke of the court system in utah--the open venire, the employment of "professional jurors"--the legal doctrine of "segregation," under which a man might be separately indicted for every day of his living in plural marriage--and the result of all this: that the pursuit of defendants and the confiscation of property had become less an enforcement of law than a profitable legal industry. after two hours of argument and examination, i ended with an appeal to him to accept the opportunity to undertake a merciful assuagement of our misery. after so many years of failure on the part of the federal authorities, he might have the distinction of calling into his court the mormon leaders who had been most long and vainly sought by the law; and by sentencing them to a supportable punishment, he could begin the composition of a conflict that had gone on for half a century. he replied with reasons that expressed a kindly unwillingness to undertake the work. it would mean the sacrifice of his professional career in new york. he would be putting himself entirely outside the progression of advancement. his friends, here, would never understand why he had done it. the affairs of utah had little interest for them. i saw that he was not convinced. his wife had been waiting some minutes in the outer office; he proposed that he should bring her in; and i gathered from his manner, that he expected her to pronounce against his accepting my solicitation, and so terminate our interview pleasantly, with the aid of the feminine social grace. mrs. sandford, when she entered, certainly looked the very lady to do the thing with gentle skill. she was handsome, with an animated expression, dark-eyed, dark-haired, charming in her costume, a woman of the smiling world, but maturely sincere and unaffected. i took a somewhat distracted impression of her greeting, and heard him begin to explain my proposal to her, as one hears a "silent partner" formally consulted by a man who has already made up his mind. but when i glanced at her, seated, her manner had changed. she was listening as if she were used to being consulted and knew the responsibilities of decision. she had the abstracted eye of impersonal consideration--silent--with now and then a slow, meditative glance at me. her first question seemed merely femininely curious as to the domestic aspects of polygamy. how did the women endure it? i repeated a conversation i had once had with frances willard, who had said: "the woman's heart must ache in polygamy." to which i had made the obvious reply: "don't women's hearts ache all over the world? is there any condition of society in which women do not bear more than an equal share of the suffering?" mrs. sandford asked me pointedly whether i was living in polygamy? no, i was not. did i believe in it? i believed that those did who practiced it. why didn't i practice it? those who practiced it believed that it had been authorized by a divine revelation. i had not received such a revelation. i did not expect to. our talk warmed into a very intimate discussion of the lives of the mormon people, but i supposed that she was moved only by a curiosity to which i was accustomed--a curiosity that was not necessarily sympathetic--the curiosity one might have about the domestic life of a mohammedan. i took advantage of her curiosity to lead up to an explanation of how the proscription of polygamy was driving young mormons into the practice, instead of frightening them from it. and so i arrived at another recountal of the miserable condition of persecution and suffering which i had come to ask her husband help us relieve; and i made my appeal again, to them both, with something of despair, because of my failure with him, and perhaps with greater effect because of my despair. she listened thoughtfully, her hands clasped. it did not seem that i had reached her--until she turned to him, and said unexpectedly "it seems to me that this is an opportunity--a larger opportunity than any i see here--to do a great deal of good." he did not appear as surprised as i was. he made some joking reference to his income and asked her if she would be willing to live on a salary of--how much was the salary of the chief justice of utah? i thought it was about $ , a year. "two hundred and fifty dollars a month," he said. "how many bonnets will that buy?" "no," she retorted, "you can't put the blame on my millinery bill. if that's been the cause of your hesitation, i'll agree to dress as becomes the wife of a poor but upright judge." in such a happy spirit of good-natured raillery, my petition was provisionally entertained, till i could see the president; and it is one of the curiosities of experience, as i look back upon it now, that a decision so momentous in the history of utah owed its induction to the wisdom of a woman and was confirmed with a domestic pleasantry. i left them after we had arrived at the tacit understanding that if president cleveland should make the appointment, mr. sandford would accept it with the end in view that i had proposed. i went to report my progress, in a cipher telegram, to salt lake city, and i recall the peculiarly mixed satisfaction with which i regarded my work, as i walked the streets of new york after this interview. in all that city of millions, i knew, there were few if any men who were the equal of my father in the essentials of manhood; and yet, before he could enjoy the liberties of which they were so lightly unconscious, he must endure the shame of a prison. i was rejoicing because i was succeeding in getting for him a sentence that should not be ruinous! i was pleased because a prospective judge had been persuaded to be not too harsh to him! it did not make me bitter. i realized that the peculiar faith which we had accepted was responsible for our peculiar suffering. i saw that we were working out our human destiny; and if that destiny was not of god, but merely the issue of human impulsion, still our only prospect of success would come of our bearing with experience patiently to make us strong. when i went back to mr. hewitt, to tell him of my success, i consulted with him upon the best way of approaching mr. cleveland. and he was not encouraging. in his opinion of the president, he had, as i could see, the impatient resentment which a quick-minded, nervous, small-bodied man has for the big, slow one whose mental operations are stubbornly deliberate and leisurely. and he was obviously irritated by the president's continual assumption that he was better than his party. "he's honest," he said, "by right of original discovery of what honesty is. no one can question his honesty. but as soon as he discovers a better thing than he knew previously, he announces it as if it were the discovery of a new planet. it may have been a commonplace for a generation. that doesn't signify. he announces it with such ponderosity that the world believes it's as prodigious as his sentences!" as for my own mission: i would have to be persistent, patient, and--lucky. "you'll have to be lucky, if you intend to persuade him to acquire any information. he's been so successful in instructing mankind that it's hard to get him to see he doesn't know all he ought to know about a public question. but he's honest and he's courageous. if you can convince him that your view is right, he'll carry but the conviction in spite of everything. in fact he'll be all the better pleased if it requires fearlessness and defiance of general sentimentality to carry it out." he gave me a letter to mr. william c. whitney, then secretary of the navy, explaining my purpose in coming to washington, and asking him to obtain for me an interview with president cleveland without using mr. hewitt's name. then he shook hands with me, and wished me success. "i have the faith," he said, "that is without hope." that expressed my own feeling. the faith that was without hope! chapter iii. without a country so i came to washington. so i entered the capital of the government that commanded my allegiance and inspired my fear. i wonder whether another american ever saw that city with such eyes of envy, of aspiration, of wistful pride, of daunted admiration. here were all the consecrations of a nation's memories, and they thrilled me, even while they pierced me with the sense that i was not, and might well despair of ever being, a citizen of their glory. here were the monuments of patriotism in statuary hall, erected to the men whose histories had been the inspiration of my boyhood; and i remember how i stood before them, conscious that i was now almost an outlaw from their communion of splendor. i remember how i saw, with an indescribable conflict of feelings, the ranked graves of the soldiers in the cemetery at arlington, and recollected that this very ground had been taken from general lee, that heroic opponent of federal authority--and read the tablet, "how sleep the brave who sink to rest by all their country's wishes bless'd,"--and bowed in spirit to the nation's benediction upon the men who had upheld its power. i was awed by a prodigious sense of the majesty of that power. i saw with fear its immovability to the struggles of our handful of people. and at night, walking under the trees of lafayette park, with all the odors of the southern spring among the leaves, i looked at the lighted front of the white house and realized that behind the curtains of those quiet windows sat the ruler who held the almost absolute right of life and death over our community--as if it were the palace of a czar that i must soon enter, with a petition for clemency, which he might refuse to entertain! when i had been in washington, four years before, as secretary to delegate john t. caine of utah, i had felt a younger assurance that our resistance would slowly wear out the federal authority and carry us through to statehood. four years of disaster had starved out that hope. the proposition had been established that congress had supreme control over the territories; and there was no virtue either in our religious assumption of warrant to speak for god, or in our plea of inherent constitutional right to manage our own affairs. thirty years earlier, my father had been elected senator from the proposed state of utah, and he had been rejected. in thirty years so little progress had been made! the way that was yet to travel seemed very long and very dark. out of this mood of despondence i had to lift myself by an act of will. there, washington itself helped me against itself. i made a pilgrimage of courage to its commemorations of courage, and drew an inspiration of hope from its monuments to the achievements of its past. and particularly i went to the house in which my father had lived when he had had his part in the statesman life of the capital, and animated my resolution with the thought that i must succeed in order that he might be restored in public honor. i narrate all this personal incident of emotion in the hope that it may help to explain a success that might otherwise seem inexplicable. the mormon church had, for years, employed every art of intrigue and diplomacy to protect itself in washington. i wish to make plain that it was not by any superior cunning of negotiation that my mission succeeded. i undertook the task almost without instruction; i performed it without falsehood; i had nothing in my mind but an honest loyalty for my own people, a desire to be a citizen of my native country, and a filial devotion to the one man in the world, whom i most admired. when i delivered my letter of introduction from mr. hewitt to mr. william c. whitney, secretary of the navy, i found him very busy with his work in his department--carrying out the plans that established the modern american navy and entitled him to be called the "father" of it. he withdrew from the men who were discussing designs and figures at a table in his room, and sat with me before a window that looked out upon the white house and its grounds; and he listened to me, interestedly, genially, but with a thought still (as i could see) for the affairs that my arrival had interrupted. he struck me as a man who was used to having many weighty matters together on his mind, without finding his attention crowded by them all, and without being impatient in his consideration of any. i developed with him an idea which i had been considering: that the president might not only help the mormons by taking up their case, but might gain political prestige for the coming campaign for re-election, by adjusting the dissentions in utah. he heard me with a twinkle. he thought an interview might be arranged. he made an appointment to see me in the afternoon and to have with him colonel daniel s. lamont, the president's secretary, who was then mr. cleveland's political "trainer." my meeting with colonel lamont, in the afternoon, began jocularly. "this," mr. whitney introduced me, "is the young man who has a plan to use that mooted--and booted--mormon question to re-elect the president." "hardly that, mr. secretary," i said. "i have a plan to help my father and his colleagues to regain their citizenship. if president cleveland's re-election is essential to it, i suppose i must submit. you know i'm a republican." they laughed. we sat down. and i found at once that colonel lamont understood the situation in utah, thoroughly. he had often discussed it, he said, with the church's agents in washington. i went over the situation with him, as i had gone over it with mr. sandford, in careful detail. he seemed surprised at my assurance that my father and the other proscribed leaders of the church would submit themselves to the courts if they could do so on the conditions that i proposed; i convinced him of the possibility by referring him to mr. richards, the church's attorney in washington, for a confirmation of it. i pointed out that if these leaders surrendered, president cleveland could be made the direct beneficiary, politically, of their composition with the law. colonel lamont was a small, alert man with a conciseness of speech and manner that is associated in my memory with the bristle of his red mustache cut short and hard across a decisive mouth. he radiated nervous vitality; and i understood, as i studied him, how president cleveland, with his infinite patience for [** missing text?**] survived so well in the multitudinous duties of his office--having as his secretary a man born with the ability to cut away the non-essentials, and to pass on to mr. cleveland only the affairs worthy of his careful deliberation. i was doubtful whether i should tell colonel lamont and mr. whitney of my conversation with mr. sandford. i decided that their considerateness entitled them to my full confidence, and i told them all--begging them, if i was indiscreet or undiplomatic, to charge the offense to my lack of experience rather than to debit it against my cause. they passed it off with banter. it was understood that the president should not be told--and that i should not tell him--of my talk with mr. sandford. colonel lamont undertook to arrange an audience with mr. cleveland for me. "you had better wait," he said, "until i can approach him with the suggestion that there's a young man here, from utah, whom he ought to see." i knew, then, that i was at least well started on the open road to success. i knew that if colonel lamont said he would help me, there would be no difficulties in my way except those that were large in the person of the president himself. two days later i received the expected word from colonel lamont, and i went to the white house as a man might go to face his own trial. i met the secretary in one of the eastern upstairs rooms of the official apartments; and after the usual crowd had passed out, he led me into the president's office--which then overlooked the washington monument, the potomac and the virginia shore. mr. cleveland was working at his desk. colonel lamont introduced me by name, and added, "the young man from utah, of whom i spoke." the president did not look up. he was signing some papers, bending heavily over his work. it took him a moment or two to finish; then he dropped his pen, pushed aside the papers, turned awkwardly in his swivel chair and held out his hand to me. it was a cool, firm hand, and its grasp surprised me, as much as the expression of his eyes--the steady eyes of complete self-control, composure, intentness. i had come with a prejudice against him; i was a partisan of mr. blame, whom he had defeated for the presidency; i believed mr. blame to be the abler man. but there was something in mr. cleveland's hand and eyes to warn me that however slow-moving and even dull he might appear, the energy of a firm will compelled and controlled him. it stiffened me into instant attention. he made some remark to colonel lamont to indicate that our conversation was to occupy about half an hour. he asked me to be seated in a chair at the right-hand side of his desk. he said almost challengingly: "you're the young man they want i should talk to about the utah question." the tone was not exactly unkind, but it was not inviting. i said, "yes, sir." he looked at me, as a judge might eye the suspect of circumstantial evidence. "you're the son of one of the mormon leaders." i admitted it. and then he began. he began with an account of what he had done to compose the differences in utah. he explained and justified the appointments he had made there--appointments that had been recommended by southern senators and representatives who, because they were southerners, were opposed to the undue extension and arbitrary use of federal power. he had made caleb w. west of kentucky governor of utah on the recommendation of senator blackburn of kentucky, my father's friend. he had made frank h. dyer, originally of mississippi, united states marshal. he had appointed a district attorney in whom he had every confidence. he had a right to believe that these men, recommended by the statesmen of the south, would execute and adjudicate the laws in utah according to the most lenient southern construction of federal rights. he dwelt upon governor west's charitable intentions towards the mormon leaders, went over west's efforts at pacification in accurate detail, and told of west's chagrin at his failure--with an irritation that showed how disappointed he himself was with the continued recurrence of the mormon troubles. i had to tell him that the situation had not improved, and his face flushed with an anger that he made no attempt to conceal. he declared that the fault must lie in our obstinate determination to hold ourselves superior to the law. he could not sympathize with our sufferings, he said, since they were self-inflicted. he admitted that he had once been opposed to the edmunds-tucker bill, but felt now that it was justified by the immovability of the mormons. all palliatives had failed. the patience of congress had been exhausted. there was no recourse, except to make statutes cutting enough to destroy the illegal practices and unlawful leadership in the mormon community. "mr. president," i pleaded, "i've lived in utah all my life. i know these people from both points of view. you know of the situation only from federal office holders who consider it solely with regard to their official responsibility to you and to the country. why not learn what the mormons think?" he replied that it was not within the province of the president--his power or his duty--to consider the mental attitude of men who were opposing the enforcement of the law. it was an inexcusable offense against the general welfare that one community should be rising continually against the federal authority and occupying the time and attention of congress with a determined recalcitrance. for an hour, he continued, with vigor and dignity, to describe the situation as he saw it; and he chilled me to the heart with his determination to concede nothing more to a community that had refused to be placated by what he had already conceded. i listened without trying, without even wishing, to interrupt him; for i had been warned by mr. whitney and colonel lamont that it would be wise to let him deliver himself of his opinion before attempting to influence him to a milder one; and i could not contradict anything that he said, for he made no misstatements of fact. colonel lamont had entered once, and had withdrawn again when he saw that mr. cleveland was still talking. at the end of about an hour, the president rose. "mr. cannon," he said, "i don't see what more i can do than has already been done. tell your people to obey the law, as all other citizens are required to obey it, and they'll find that their fellow-citizens of this country will do full justice to their heroism and their other good qualities. if the law seems harsh, tell them that there's an easy way to avoid its cruelty by simply getting out from under its condemnation." his manner indicated that the conference was at an end. he reached out his hand as if to drop the subject then and forever, as far as i was concerned. "mr. president," i asked, with the composure of desperation, "do you really want to settle the mormon question?" he looked at me with the first gleam of humor that had shown in his eyes--and it was a humor of peculiar richness and unction. "young man," he asked, "what have i been saying to you all this time? what have i been working for, ever since i first took up the consideration of this subject at the beginning of my term?" "mr. president," i replied, "if you were traveling in the west, and came to an unbridged stream with your wagon train, and saw tracks leading down into the water where you thought there was a ford, you would naturally expect to cross there, assuming that others had done so before you. but suppose that some man on the bank should say to you: 'i've watched wagon trains go in here for more than twenty years, and i've never yet seen one come out on the other side. look over at that opposite bank. you see there are no wagon tracks there. now, down the river a piece, is a place where i think there's a ford. i've never got anybody to try it yet, but certainly it's as good a chance as this one!' mr. president, what would you do? would you attempt a crossing where there had been twenty years of failure, or would you try the other place--on the chance that it might take you over?" he had been regarding me with slowly fading amusement that gave way to an expression of grave attention. "i've been watching this situation for several years," i went on, "and it seems to me that there's the possibility of a just, a humane, and a final settlement of it, by getting the mormon leaders to come voluntarily into court--and it can be done!--with the assurance that the object of the administration is to correct the community evil--not to exterminate the mormon church or to persecute its 'prophets,' but to secure obedience to the law and respect for the law, and to lead utah into a worthy statehood." i paused. he thought a moment. then he said: "i can't talk any longer, now. make another appointment with lamont. i want to hear what you have to say." and he dismissed me. colonel lamont told me to come back on the following afternoon; and i went away with the dubious relief of feeling that if i had not yet won my case i had, at least, succeeded in having judgment reserved. i went to work to arrange my arguments for the morrow, to make them as concise as possible and to divide them into brief chapters in case i should have as little opportunity for extended explanations as the president had been giving me. i saw that the whole matter was gloomy and oppressive to him--that his responsibility was as dark on his mind as our sufferings--and i took the hint of his amused interest, in order to work out ways of brightening the subject with anecdote and illustration. i saw colonel lamont on the morrow, and he beamed a congratulation on me. "you've aroused his curiosity," he said. "you've interested him." he had made an appointment some days ahead; and when i entered the president's office to keep that appointment, i found mr. cleveland at his desk, as if he had not moved in the interval, laboriously reading and signing papers as before. it gave me an impression of immovability, of patient and methodical relentlessness that was disheartening. but as soon as he turned to me, i found him another man. he was interested, receptive, almost genial. he gave me an opportunity to cover the whole ground of my case, and i went over it step by step. he showed no emotion when i recited some of the incidents of pathetic suffering among our people; and at first he seemed doubtful whether he should be amused by the humorous episodes that i narrated. but i did not wish merely to amuse him; i was trying to convey to his mind (without saying so) that so long as a people could suffer and laugh too, they could never be overcome by the mere reduplication of their sufferings. he looked squarely at me, with a most determined front, when i told him that the mormons would be ground to powder before they would yield. "they can't yield," i warned him. "they're like the passengers on a train going with a mad speed down a dangerous grade. for any of them to attempt to jump is simple destruction. they can only pray to providence to help them. but if that train were to be brought to a stop at some station where they could alight with anything like self-respect, there would be many of them glad to get off--even though the train had not arrived at its 'revealed' destination." i do not remember--and if i did, it would be tedious to relate--the exact sequence and progression of argument in this interview and the dozen others that succeeded it. mr. cleveland became more and more interested in the mormon people, their family life, their religion, and their politics. he was as painstaking in acquiring information about them as he was in performing all the other duties of his office. i might have been discouraged by the number and apparent ineffectiveness of my interviews with him, had not colonel lamont kept me informed of the growth of the president's good feeling and of his genuinely paternal interest in the people of utah. it became more than a personal desire with mr. cleveland to benefit politically by a settlement of the mormon troubles, if indeed he had ever had such a desire. his humanity was enlisted, his conscience appealed to. he asked me, once, if i knew anything of mr. sandford, and i replied that i knew him and believed in him. he told me, at last, that he was going to appoint mr. sandford chief justice of utah, and added significantly, "i suppose he will get in touch with the situation." i accepted this remark as a permission to confer with mr. sandford, and i journeyed to new york to see him and to renew the understanding i had with him. he was appointed chief justice on the th day of july, , and--as the mormon people expressed it--"the backbone of the raid was broken." on august , , he arrived in salt lake city. on september , my father came before him in court and pleaded guilty to two indictments charging him with "unlawful cohabitation." he was fined $ and sentenced to the penitentiary for one hundred and seventy-five days. his example was followed by a number of prominent mormons, including francis marion lyman, who is today the president of the quorum of the twelve apostles and next in rank for the presidency. it is true that not many cases, relatively speaking, came to justice sandford; but the leader whom the authorities were most eager to subjugate under federal power was judged and sentenced; and the effect, both on the country and on the mormon people, was all that we had expected. there are memories in a man's life that have a peculiar value. one such, to me, is the picture i have in mind of my father undergoing his penitentiary sentence, wearing his prison clothes with an unconsciousness that makes me still feel a pride in the power of the human soul to rise superior to the deformities of circumstance. charles wilcken (whom i have described driving us to bountiful) was visiting him one day in the prison office, when a guard entered with his hat on. wilcken snatched it from his head. "never enter his presence," he said, "without taking it off." and the guard never did again.... i salute the memory. i come to it with my head bare and my back stiffened. i see in that calm face the possibilities of the human spirit. he was a man! he spent his time, there, as he would have spent it elsewhere, writing, conferring with the agents of his authority, planning for his people. i saw he was aware that he would emerge from his imprisonment a free man, personally, but still enslaved by the conditions of the community; and i knew that he would use his freedom to free the others. i knew that he had accepted his sentence with this end in view. in plain words, i knew now--though he never said so--that he was looking toward the necessary recession from the doctrine of polygamy, and that he may have counted on the spectacle of his imprisonment to help prepare his people for a general submission to the law. with the entry of these leaders into prison, the mormons felt for them a warmer admiration, a deeper reverence; but it was mingled with a gratitude to the nation for the leniency of the court and an awed sense, too, of the power of the civil law. president woodruff secretly and tentatively withdrew his necessary permission, as head of the church, to the solemnization of any more plural marriages; and he ordered the demolition of the endowment house in which such marriages had been chiefly celebrated. many of the non-mormons, who had despaired of any solution of the troubles in utah, now began to hope. the country had been impoverished; the mormons had been deprived of much of their substance and financial vigor; and reasons of business prudence among the gentiles weighed against a continuance of proscription. some of them distrusted the motives of their own leaders more than they did the mormon people. some were weary of the quarrel. for humane reasons, for business reasons, for the sake of young utah, it was argued that the persecution should end. but in the years and , thousands of newcomers arrived in utah with a strong antagonism to the religion and the political authority of the mormon church; and, with the growth of gentile population, there came a natural determination on their part to obtain control of the local governments of cities and counties. in opposing this movement, the power of the church was again solidified. by , the gentiles had taken the city governments of ogden and salt lake city, had elected members of the legislature in salt lake county, and had carried the passage of a public school bill, against the timid and secret opposition of the church. president cleveland had been defeated and succeeded by president harrison; and chief justice sandford had been removed and chief justice zane reinstated. (he did not adjudicate with his previous rigor, however, because of the success of justice sandford's policy of leniency.) the church made no move publicly to repudiate polygamy, and its silent attitude of defiance, in this regard, gave a battle cry to all its enemies. the crisis was precipitated by a movement that had begun in the territory of idaho, where the mormons had been disfranchised by means of a test oath--(a provision still remaining in the idaho state constitution, but now nullified by the political power of the mormon leaders in salt lake city.) a bill, known as the cullom-struble bill, was introduced at washington, to do in utah what had been done in idaho. the church was then directed by president woodruff and his two councillor's, george q. cannon and joseph f. smith. but president woodruff was as helpless in the political world as a nun. he was a gentle, earnest old man, patiently ingenuous and simple-minded, with a faith in the guidance of heaven that was only greater than my father's because it was unmixed with any earthly sagacity. he had the mind, and the appearance, of a country preacher, and even when he was "on the underground" he used to do his daily "stint" of farm labor, secretly, either at night or in the very early morning. he was a successful farmer (born in connecticut), of a yankee shrewdness and industry. he recognized that in order to get a crop of wheat, it was necessary to do something more than trust in the lord. but in administering the affairs of the church, he seemed to have no such sophistication. i can see him yet, at the meetings of the presidency, opening his mild blue eyes in surprised horror at a report of some new danger threatening us. "my conscience! my conscience!" he would cry. "is that so, brother!" when he was assured that it was so, he would say, resignedly: "the lord will look after us!" and then, after a silence, turning to his first councillor, he would ask: "what do you think we ought to do, brother george q.?" the second councillor, joseph f. smith, sat at these meetings, in a saturnine reserve and silence, either nursing his concealed thought or having none. when a decision had been suggested, he was appealed to and added his assent. it always seemed to me that he was sulkily sleepy; but this impression may have come from the contrast of the first councillor's mental alertness and the bright cheerfulness of the president--who never, to my knowledge, showed the slightest bitterness against anybody. president woodruff believed that all the persecutions of the mormons were due to the devil's envy of the lord's power as it showed itself in the establishment of the mormon church: and he assumed that the gentiles did the work they were tempted to do against us, because the holy spirit had not yet ousted the evil from their souls. he had no fear of the ultimate triumph of the church, because he had no fear of the ultimate triumph of god. whenever he could escape for a day from the worldly duties of his office, he went fishing! when the progress of the cullom-struble bill began to make its threatening advance, my father went secretly to washington; and a short time afterwards, word came to me in ogden, through the presidency, that he wished me to arrange my business affairs for a long absence from utah, and follow him to the capital. i found him there, in the office of delegate john t. caine of utah--the cluttered office of a busy man--and he explained, composedly, why he had sent for me. the cullom-struble bill had been favorably considered by the senate committee on territories, and the disfranchisement of all the mormons of utah seemed imminent. every argument, political or legal, had been used against the measure, in vain. since i, a non-polygamous mormon, would be disfranchised if the bill became law, he thought i might be a good advocate against it. he said: "i have not appeared in the matter. none of our friends know that i am here. if it were known, it might only increase our difficulties. say nothing of it. we have been at a disadvantage with a republican administration because most of our prominent men are democrats. you were so effective with the democrats, let us see what you can do now with your own party friends." after taking his advice, i went to see senator henry m. teller, of colorado, who was a friend of my father and of the mormon people. he admitted that the situation was desperate. he proposed that i should speak before the committees of both houses; they might listen to me as a republican who had no official rank in the church and no political authority. he offered to introduce me to any of the senators and members of congress, but advised that i should rather go unintroduced, without influence, and make my appeal as a private citizen. this sounded to me depressingly like the call to lead a "forlorn hope." i reported to my father again, and was not altogether reassured by a tranquility which he seemed to be able to maintain in the face of any desperation. other agencies of the church had reached the end of their resources. there was no help in sight. and i went, at last, to throw our case upon the mercy of the secretary of state, mr. james g. blaine, my father's friend, the friend of our people, the statesman whom i--in common with millions of other americans--regarded with a reverence that approached idolatry. he received me in the long room of the secretary's apartments, standing, a striking figure in black, against the rich and heavy background of the official furnishing. he was very pale--unhealthily so--perhaps with the progress of the disease of which he was to die in so short a time. in contrast with his usual brilliancy of mind, he seemed to me, at first, depressed and quiet--with a kindly serenity of manner, at once gracious, and intimate, but masterful. he was instantly and deeply interested in what i had to say; he seated himself--on a sofa, near the embrasure of a window--motioned me to bring a chair to his side, and heard me in an erect attitude of thoughtful attention, re-assuring me now and then by reaching out to lay a hand on my knee when he saw from my hesitancy that i feared i might be too candid in my confidences; and the look of his eye and the touch of his hand were as if he said: "i'm your friend. anything you may say is perfectly safe with me." i told him of my father's imprisonment. "it is dreadful," he said. "you shock me to the soul." he spoke of their friendship, of his admiration for my father's work in congress, of his personal regard for the man himself. "of course," he said, "i have no sympathy with your peculiar marriage system, and i'll never be able to understand how a man like your father could enter it." i reminded him that my father believed it a system revealed and ordained by god. "i know," he replied. "that is what they say. and i suppose they have scriptural warrant for polygamy. but it is a thing that would be 'more honored in the breach than the observance.' tell me, is the rule of the church absolute over you younger men?" i told him that it was, in respect of political control; that the situation in utah had placed us where there was no possibility of compromise; that we must be of, with, and for our own people, or against them. he asked me whether i intended to address myself to the president. i replied, "not yet"--since the bills were still pending in congress and were not being urged from the white house. he seemed pleased. as i afterwards learned, there was a strong rivalry between the president and the secretary of state; and though i knew that mr. blaine's interest in utah was almost wholly one of responsible statesmanship, warmed by a personal kindliness for our people, still it remains a fact that he expected the support of the utah republican delegation in the convention of , and that it had been promised him by national republicans who were now laboring at washington in our behalf. he encouraged me with an almost intimate emotion of pity and friendliness; and i felt the largeness of the man as much in the warmth of his humanity as in the breadth of his view. he approved, of my appearing before the committees. "go and tell them your own story, yourself," he said. "make your plea independently of all the formal and official arguments that have been used. these have been exhausted. they have been ineffective. we must use the personal and"--he added it significantly--"the political appeal. if you find difficulty, let me know. i shall not be idle in your behalf. if you meet any insuperable obstacle, i'll see if i can't help you run over it." he rose to terminate the interview. he looked at me with a smile. "'the lord giveth,'" he said, "'and the lord taketh away.' wouldn't it be possible for your people to find some way--without disobedience to the commands of god--to bring yourselves into harmony with the law and institutions of this country? believe me, it's not possible for any people as weak in numbers as yours, to set themselves up as superior to the majesty of a nation like this. we may succeed, this time, in preventing your disfranchisement; but nothing permanent can be done until you 'get into line.'" he accompanied me toward the door, giving me friendly messages of regard to deliver to my father. he put his arm around my shoulders, at last, and said: "you may tell your father for me--as i tell you, young man--you shall not be harmed, this time." i parted from him with an almost speechless relief and gratitude, and hurried to my father with the news of hope. i had not told mr. blaine that he was in washington; for, without feeling that he saw himself marked by his imprisonment, i was aware that his friends might pity him for it, if they did not condemn him; and neither sentiment (i knew) was he of the personal temper to encounter. i told him every detail of my talk with the secretary of state; he heard me, silently, meditatively. when i concluded with mr. blaine's assurance that we should not be harmed "this time," but must "get into line," he looked up at me with a significant steadiness of eye. "president woodruff," he said, "has been praying.... he thinks he sees some light.... you are authorized to say that something will be done." i asked no question. his gaze conveyed assurance, but forbade inquiry. i had to understand, without being told, that the church was preparing to concede a recession from the doctrine of polygamy. with this assurance to aid me, i began the work of reaching the committees--warm work in a washington summer, but hopeful in the new prospect of a lasting success. the bill for disfranchisement had been reported out by the committees and was on the calendar for passage. it was necessary to have the question reopened before the committees for argument. in soliciting the opportunity of a re-hearing, from the chairman of the senate committee, senator orville h. platt, of connecticut, i made my argument in a private conversation with him in his rooms in the arlington hotel. when i had done, he chewed his cigar a moment, looked at me quizzically, and asked: "do you know abbot r. heywood, of ogden?"--and, as he asked it, he drew a letter from his pocket. i replied that i knew mr. heywood well. "i have a letter here from him, on this same subject," he said. "tell me. what kind of man is he? and to what extent do you think i ought to depend on his views?" i was never more tempted in my life to tell a lie. i knew mr. heywood to be a man of truth and high ideals; but he had been chairman of the anti-church party in weber county, and he had been one of the gentile leaders for several years. i knew the intensity of his feelings against the rule of the church in politics and the mormon attitude of defiance to the law. i was sure that he would be strong in his demand for the passage of the disfranchisement act. i hesitated a moment. senator platt was watching me. then, with a resolve that our cause must stand or fall by the truth, i said: "mr. heywood is a man of integrity. i think he would write exactly what he believed to be true. but you know, senator, intense feeling in politics sometimes sways a man's judgment. in view of mr. heywood's long controversy, i hope that if he has taken a view adverse to mine, his antagonism may be mitigated in your mind by your own knowledge of human feelings." senator platt held out the letter to me. "you've won your motion for a re-hearing," he said. "i think we may be able to get the truth out of you. we have not always had it in this utah question. read that." i read it. it was mr. heywood's solemn protest, as an american citizen--on behalf of himself and the other members of the perfunctory republican committee of his county--against the wholesale disfranchisement of the mormons, on the ground that it would only delay a progressive american settlement of the territory! then i went to the other members of the senate committee privately, and told them that the mormon church was about to make a concession concerning its doctrine of polygamy. i told them so in confidence, pointing out the necessity of secrecy, since to make public the news of such a recession, in advance, would be to prevent the church from authorizing it. not one of the senators betrayed the trust. i was less confidential with the members of the house committee, because i realized that nothing could be done against us unless the bill passed the senate. but i gave the news of the church's reconsideration of its attitude to colonel g. w. r. dorsey, the member from nebraska, and he used his influence to get me a rehearing from the house committee. finally i appeared once before each committee, and argued our case at length. the bills did not become law. aided by mr. blaine's powerful friendship, we were saved "for the time." it remained to make our safety permanent, and i took train for utah, on my father's counsel, to see president woodruff. i had given my word that "something was to be done." i went to plead that it should be done--and done speedily. chapter iv. the manifesto i found him in the office of the presidency--in the little one-story house that i have described in my early interview with joseph f smith--and he received me with the gracious affectionateness of a fatherly old man. he asked me, almost at once: "what are they going to do to us in washington?" "president woodruff," i replied, "we've been spared--temporarily. the axe will not fall for a few moments. it depends on ourselves, now, whether it shall fall or not." "come into the other room," he said, under his voice, in an eager confidentiality, like a child with a secret. and pattering along ahead of me, quick on his feet, he signed to me to follow him--with little nods and beckonings--into the retiring room where i had talked with smith. there he sat down, on the edge of his chair, his elbows supported on the broad arms, leaning forward, partly bowed with his age, and partly with an intentness of curiosity that glittered innocently in his guileless eyes. a dear old character! sweet in his sentiments, sweet in his language, sweet in the expression of his face. i told him, in detail, of the events in washington, and of the men who had helped us in them--particularly of mr. blaine, who was apparently a new character in his experience, and of senator orville h. platt, in whom he discovered an almost neighborly interest when i told him that the senator came from connecticut, his native state. i warned him that the passage of the measure of disfranchisement had been no more than retarded. i pointed out the fatal consequences for the community if the bill should ever become law--the fatal consequences for the leaders of the church if the non-polygamous mormons, deprived of their votes, were ever left unable to control the administration of local government. i repeated the promise that my father had authorized me to carry to the senators and congressmen who still had the cullom-struble bill in hand; and i emphasized the fact that because of this promise the bill had been held back--with the certainty that it would never become law if we met the nation half way. i was watching him to see if he sensed the point i wished him to get. when i touched the matter of my father's promise, his face became softly reverent; and when i had done--looking at me without a trace of cunning in his benignity, with an expression, rather, of exalted innocence and faith,--he said: "brother frank, i have been making it a matter of prayer. i have wrestled mightily with the lord. and i think i see some light." in order that there might be no misunderstanding, i put into plainer words what i meant and what the prominent men in washington had been led to look for: since, by a "revelation" of the church we were ordered to give obedience to the government of the nation, and since we had exhausted all our legal defenses, it was hoped that the prophet, seer, and revelator of the church would find a way, under the guidance of god, to bring our people into conformity with the law. as he accepted this calmly, i added: "to be very plain with you, president woodruff, our friends expect, and the country will insist, that the church shall yield the practice of plural marriage." his eyelids quivered a little, but he showed no other sign of flinching. i saw that the counsels of his advisers and the comfort that he had derived from his prayers had prepared him for an immolation that was more serious to him than any personal sacrifice that he could make. he said sadly: "i had hoped we wouldn't have to meet this trouble this way. you know what it means to our people. i had hoped that the lord might open the minds of the people of this nation to the truth, so that they might be converted to the everlasting covenant. our prophets have suffered like those of old, and i thought that the persecutions of zion were enough--that they would bring some other reward than this." if i had been the bearer of a new edict of proscription, i think he could not have been more profoundly oppressed by the sense of his responsibility. "did your father tell you," he asked, "that i had been seeking the mind of the lord?" i replied that he had. he reflected silently. "i shall talk with you again about it," he said, at last. "i hope the lord will make the way plain for his people." i do not wish to idealize the polygamous relation--but in monogamy a man is not persecuted for his marriage, and sometimes he does not appreciate the tie. in polygamy, the men and women alike had been compelled to suffer on its account by the grim trials of the life itself and by the hatred of all civilization arrayed against it. they had grown to value their marriage system by what it had cost them. they had been driven by the contempt of the world to argue for its sanctity, to live up to their declarations, and to raise it in their esteem to what it professed to be, the celestial order that prevailed in the heavens! i knew, as well as president woodruff did, the wrench it would give their hearts to have to abandon, at last, what they had so long suffered for. in the days of anxious waiting that followed, i saw joseph f. smith and sounded him for any hint of progress. he said: "i'm sure i don't know what can be done. your father talked with president woodruff and me before he went to washington, but i'm sure i can't see how we can do anything." when my father returned home, i went to him many times--without however learning anything definite. i knew that the men in washington would demand some tangible evidence of our good faith before congress should reconvene; and i repeatedly urged the necessity of action. at length he sent me word, in ogden, that president woodruff wished to confer with me, and he suggested that it would be permissible for me to speak my opinions freely. i hastened to salt lake city, to the offices of the presidency. president woodruff took me into a private room and read me his "manifesto." it was the same that was issued on september , , and ratified by a general conference of the mormon church on october , following. it was the proclamation that freed the oppressed of utah; for, by the subsequent "covenant"--and its acceptance by the federal government--the nation did but confirm their freedom and accord them their constitutional rights. here, shaking in the hand of age, was a sheet of paper by which the future of a half million people was to be directed; and that simple old man was to speak through it, to them, with the awful authority of the voice of god. he told me he had written it himself, and it certainly appeared to me to be in his handwriting. its authorship has since been variously attributed. some of the present-day polygamists say that it was i who wrote it. chas. w. penrose and george reynolds have claimed that they edited it. i presume that as mormons, "in good standing," believing in the inspiration of the prophet, they appreciate the blasphemy of their claim! i found it disappointingly mild. it denied that the church had been solemnizing any plural marriages of late, and advised the faithful "to refrain from contracting any marriages forbidden by the law of the land." in spite of this mildness, president woodruff asked me whether i thought the mormons would support the revelation--whether they would accept it. i replied that there could be no proper anxiety on that point. the majority of the mormon people were ready for such a message. it might be very much stronger without arousing resistance. with the exception of the comparatively few men and women who were living in polygamy, the community would accept it gratefully. rather, i made bold to say, my anxiety was as to whether the nation would believe that such an equivocally-worded document meant an absolute recession from the practice of plural marriage. it was plain that his advisers had not pointed out this danger to him. he asked me how i thought the nation would take it. i asked him, point blank, whether it meant an absolute recession from polygamy. he answered that it did. then (i said) with such an interpretation of it, and a formal and public acceptance of it by the church authorities, i did not doubt that we could convince the nation of its sufficiency. i reminded him--as i am now glad to remember--that the word of the mormon people had passed current in the political and commercial circles of the country; that i had several times been the bearer of messages from them to prominent men; that we had been taken on faith and the faith had been always vindicated. finally, in order that i might carry away no misapprehension, nor convey any, i asked him if it was the intention of the manifesto to inhibit any further plural marriage living. he answered, quaintly: "why, of course, frank--because that's what they've been persecuting us for." there was not even a shrewdness in his voice when he added: "you know they didn't get our brethren in prison for polygamy, but for living with their plural wives." perhaps no other man in utah could have said such a thing without sarcasm. the fact was that the united states authorities had been practically unable to prove a case of polygamy (which was a felony) because the marriage records were concealed by the church; but they could prove plural marriage living (a mere misdemeanor) by repute and circumstance. it was part of president woodruff's unworldliness that he did not see the satire of his words; and i was the more convinced of his good faith. i was convinced also, by several of his remarks, that he had consulted with the church's attorney, mr. franklin s. richards; and while i trusted the president's unworldly faith, i trusted more the sagacity of his more worldly advisers. i began to see, with a sure hope, the beginning of the end of all our miseries. some days later i was summoned to attend a meeting of the church authorities in the president's offices; and i knew that the test had come. the church was governed by the presidency, composed of president woodruff and his two councillor's, with the quorum of the twelve apostles, the presidents of seventies, and the presiding bishopric, composed of three members. these quorums aggregate twenty-five men; and to their number may be added the chief patriarch of the church, making a body of twenty-six general authorities--the hierarchy. it was from these latter men, polygamists and (i feared) parochial in their ignorance of the nation and their trust in the protection of their followers--it was from them (and the other practicers of polygamy) that any opposition would come to the acceptance and publication of the manifesto. they met--something less than a score of them, with two or three of their most trusted advisers--in one of the general offices of the presidency, sitting in leather chairs along its walls, with a sort of central skylight illuminating subduedly the anxiety of their silent faces. president woodruff and his two councillor's entered to them; and this insignificant-looking apartment--of such tremendous community significance, because of the memories of its past--seemed to take on the gravity of another momentous crisis in the destiny of its people. the portraits in oils of the dead presidents, martyrs, and prophets of the church, looked down on us from the facade of a little gallery, and caught my eyes almost hypnotically with the imperturbability of their gaze. no word from them! in the midst of the broken utterance of emotion--when the tears were wet on faces to whose manliness tears were the very sweat of martyrdom--i saw those immovable countenances as placid as the features of the dead. president woodruff stood under them, so old and other-worldly, that he seemed already of their circle rather than ours; and he spoke in a voice of feeling for us, but with a simple and courageous finality that sounded the very note of fate. he had called the brethren together (he said) to submit a decision to their consideration, and he desired from them an expression of their willingness to accept and abide by it. he knew what a trial it would be to the "whole household of israel." "we have sought," he said, "to live our religion--to harm no one--to perform our mission in this world for the salvation of the living and the dead. we have obeyed the principle of celestial marriage because it came to us from god. we have suffered under the rage of the wicked; we were driven from our homes into the desert; our prophets have been slain, our holy ones persecuted--and it did seem to me that we were entitled to the constitutional protection of the courts in the practice of our religion." but the courts had decided "against us." the great men of the nation were determined to show us no mercy. legislation was impending that would put us "in the power of the wicked." brother george q. cannon, brother john t. caine, and the other brethren who had been in washington, had found that the situation of the church was critical. brother franklin s. richards had advised him that our last legal defense had fallen. "in broken and contrite spirit" he had sought the will of the lord, and the holy spirit had revealed to him that it was necessary for the church to relinquish the practice of that principle for which the brethren had been willing to lay down their lives. a sort of ghastly stillness accepted what he said as a confirmation of the worst fears of the men who had evidently come there with some knowledge of what they were to hear. i glanced at the faces of those opposite me. a set and staring pallor held them motionless. i was conscious of a chill of heart that seemed communicated to me from them. my brother abraham was sitting beside me; i knew his deep affection for his family; i knew with what a clutch of misery this edict of separation was crushing his hope; i felt myself growing as pale and tense as he. the silence was broken by president woodruff asking one of the brethren to read the manifesto. when it was concluded, he said: "the matter is now before you. i want you to speak as the spirit moves you." there was no reply, except a sort of general gasp of low-voiced interjections and a little buzz of whisperings that sounded like emotion taking its breath. he called on my father to speak. the first councillor rose to make a statesmanlike review of the crisis; and i understood that with his usual diplomacy he was putting aside from him the authority of leadership until he could see whether an opposition was to develop that should make it necessary for him to front it. that opposition made a rustle of stirring in the pause that followed. i saw it in the changed expressions of some of the faces. several of the men--including my brother abraham, and joseph f. smith--asked whether the manifesto meant a cessation of plural marriages: whether no more such marriages were to be allowed. president woodruff answered that it did; that the lord had taken back the principle from the children of men and that we would have no power to restore it. then they asked whether it meant a cessation of plural marriage living--whether they would be required to separate from the wives whom they had taken in the holy covenant. he answered, firmly, that it did; that the brethren in washington found it imperative; that it was the will of the lord; that we must submit. i saw their faces flush and then slowly pale again--and the storm broke. one after another they rose and protested, hoarsely, in the voice of tears, that they were willing to suffer "persecution unto death" rather than to violate the covenants which they had made "in holy places" with the women who had trusted them. one after another they offered themselves for any sacrifice but this betrayal of the women and children to whom they owed an everlasting faith. and a manlier lot of men never spoke in a manlier way. not a petty word was uttered. their thought was not for themselves. their grief was not selfish. their protests had a dignity in pathos that shook me in spite of myself. when they had done, my father rose again with a face that seemed to bear the marks of their grief while it repressed his own. he dwelt anew on the long efforts of our attorney and our friends in congress to resist what we believed to be unconstitutional measures to repress our practice of a religious faith. but we were citizens of a nation. we were required to obey its laws. and when we found, by the highest judicial interpretation of statute and constitution, that we were without grounds for our plea of religious immunity, we had but the alternative either of defying the power of the whole nation or of submitting ourselves to its authority. for his part he was willing to do the will of the lord. and since the prophet of god, after a long season of prayer, had submitted this revelation as the will of the lord, he was ready for the sacrifice. the leaders of the church had no right to think of themselves. they must remember how loyally the people had sacrificed their substance and risked their safety to guard their brethren who were living in plural marriage. those brethren must not be ungrateful now. they must not now refuse to make their sacrifice, in answer to the sacrifices that had been made for them so often. the people had long protected them. now they must protect the people. under the commanding persuasion of his voice i saw the determination of their resistance begin to falter and relax. president woodruff called on me to speak, and i felt that it was my duty to represent the needs, the hopes, and the opportunities of the hundreds of thousands of the undistinguished mass who would make no decision for themselves, but whose fate was trembling on the event. i rose to speak for them, with my hand on my brother's shoulder, knowing that my every word would be a stab at his heart, and hoping that my grasp might be a touch of sympathy to him--knowing that i must urge these elders to sacrifice themselves and their families for a redemption of which i was to share the benefits--but sustained by the remembrance of the solemn pledge which i had been authorized to give in washington to honorable men who had trusted in our honor--and strengthened by the thought of all those dear, to me, whose sufferings would be multiplied, with no hope of relief, if the few would not now yield to save the many. i described the situation as i had seen it in washington and as i knew it in utah from a more intimate personal experience than these leaders could have of the sufferings of the people. i told them how cheerfully and bravely the non-polygamists had borne the brunt of protecting them in the practice of their faith, and yet how patient a hope had been always with us that the final demand might not be made upon us for the sacrifice of a citizenship which we valued more because it shielded them than because it armed us. encouraged by the face of president woodruff, i reminded them that the sorrow and the parting, at which they rebelled, could only be for a little breath of time, according to their faith; that by the celestial covenant, into which they had entered, they were assured that they should have their wives and children with them throughout the endless ages of eternity. the people had given much to them. surely they could yield the domestic happinesses of the little remaining day of life in this world, in order to save and prosper those who were not to enjoy their supreme exaltation of beatitude in the world to come. i had felt my brother strong under my hand. he rose, when i concluded. and with a manful brevity he replied that he submitted because it was the will of the lord, and because he had no right to interpose his selfish love and yearnings between the people of god and their worldly opportunity. the others followed. not one referred to the equivocal language of the manifesto or questioned it. they accepted it--as it was then and afterwards interpreted--as a revelation from god made through the prophet of the church; and they subscribed to it as a solemn covenant, before god, with the people of the nation. joseph f. smith was one of the last to speak. with a face like wax, his hands outstretched, in an intensity of passion that seemed as if it must sweep the assembly, he declared that he had covenanted, at the altar of god's house, in the presence of his father, to cherish the wives and children whom the lord had given him. they were more to him than life. they were dearer to him than happiness. he would rather choose to stand, with them, alone--persecuted--proscribed--outlawed--to wait until god in his anger should break the nation with his avenging stroke. but-- he dropped his arms. he seemed to shrink in his commanding stature like a man stricken with a paralysis of despair. the tears came to the pained constriction of his eyelids. "i have never disobeyed a revelation from god," he said. "i cannot--i dare not--now." he announced--with his head up, though his body swayed--that he would accept and abide by the revelation. when he sank in his chair and covered his face with his hands, there was a gasp of sympathy and relief, as if we had been hearing the pain of a man in agony. and my heart gave a great leap; for, in these supreme moments of feeling, things come to us that are larger than our knowledge, more splendid than our hopes; and i saw, as if in the blinding glisten of the tears in my eyes, a radiant vision of our future, an unselfish people freed from a burden of persecution, a nation's forgiveness born, a grateful state created. i saw it--and i looked at smith and loved him for it. i knew then, as i know now, that he and those others were at this moment sincere. i knew that they had relinquished what was more dear to them than the breath of life. i knew the appalling significance, to them, of the promise which they were making to the nation. and in all the degraded after-years, when so many of them were guilty of breach of covenant and base violation of trust, i tried never to forget that in the hour of their greatest trial, they had sacrificed themselves for their people; they had suffered for the happiness of others; they had said, sincerely: "not my will, o lord, but thine, be done!" chapter v. on the road to freedom in any discussion of the public affairs that make the subject matter of this narrative, a line of discrimination must be drawn at the year . in that year the church began a progressive course of submission to the civil law, and the nation received each act of surrender with forgiveness. the previous defiance's of the mormon people ceased to give grounds for a complaint against them. the old harshnesses of the federal government were canceled by the new generosity of a placated nation. and neither party to the present strife in utah should go back, beyond the period of this composition, to dig up, from the past, its buried wrongs. in relating, here, some of the events of and , i have tried neither to justify the mormons nor to defend their prosecutors. i have wished merely to make clear the situation in utah, and to introduce to you, in advance, some of the leaders of the distracted community, so that you might understand the conditions from which the mormons escaped by giving their covenant to the nation and be able to judge of the obligations and responsibilities of the men who gave it. i, have described the promulgation and acceptance of "the manifesto" with such circumstance and detail, because of what has since occurred in utah. let me add that some two weeks later the general conference of the church endorsed the president's pronouncement as "authoritative and binding." and let me point out that it was the first and only law of the mormon church ever so sustained by triple sanctities--"revealed" as a command from god, accepted by the prophets in solemn fraternity assembled, and ratified by the vote of the entire "congregation of israel" before it was declared to be binding upon men. at first, because of the somewhat indefinite promise of the message itself, many of the non-mormons of utah remained suspicious and in doubt of it. but it was recognized by judge zane, in court--on the day following the close of the conference--as an official declaration, "honest and sincere." the newspapers throughout the whole country so received it. the church authorities sent assurances to washington that convinced the statesmen, there, of the completeness and finality of the submission. and the good faith of the covenant was at last admitted by the non-mormons of utah and endorsed by their trust. i do not know of any change in human affairs dependent on human will--more speedy, effective and comprehensive than this recession. within the space of a few days a revolution was completed that had been sought by the power of our nation and of the civilized world, for a generation, with stripes and imprisonment, death, confiscation and the ostracism of the country's public contempt. it had been obtained, i knew, chiefly by the sagacity of the first councillor using the pressure of circumstances to enforce the persuasions of diplomacy. i felt that a miracle of change had been brought to pass. he had placed us on the road to freedom; and i trusted his guidance to lead us to our goal. that goal, to me personally, was the honor of american citizenship--an ambition that had been an obsession with me from my earliest youth. i had never heard a man on a railroad train talk of how he was going to vote in a national election, without feeling a pang of shamed envy; for my lack of citizenship seemed a mark of inferiority. the patriotic reading of my boyhood had made the american republic, to me, the noblest administration of freemen in the history of government and the exercise of its franchise literally the highest dignity of human privilege. i would have been as proud--i was as proud when the day came--to vote for the president of the united states as he could have been to take his oath of office. i do not believe that any poor serf, escaped from the tyranny of russia, ever saw the american shore with a more grateful eye than i looked to the prospect of being admitted, with the citizens of utah, into the enfranchisement of the republic. but it was evident that the church's recession from polygamy would not be enough to free us, so long as its control of politics remained. its other practices had flourished and been sheltered under its political power; and now that the church had ceased to be a lawbreaker, our friends in washington were properly expecting that it would cease to interfere with its members in the exercise of their citizenship. for this reason, when i was notified that i had been selected as a member of the advisory committee of the people's party (the church party), i went at once to my father and told him that i would not take the place; that i intended to work, personally, and through my newspaper, for the political division of utah on the lines of the national parties. he held that until gentile solidarity was dissolved, it would be dangerous to divide the allegiance of the mormons; but he did not stand against my protest; he contented himself--diplomatically--with sending me to consult with president woodruff and joseph f. smith. to them, i argued that the political emancipation of the mormon people from ecclesiastical direction was as necessary as the recession from polygamy had been. we must be set free to perform our duty to the country solely as citizens of the country, before we could expect to be given the right to perform it at all. and, for my part, the only action i would consent to take as a member of the advisory committee of the people's party would be to vote for the dissolution of the party. president woodruff referred me to my father, and advised me to be guided by him. joseph f. smith urged that a division of the mormon people on national party lines would enable the liberal (the gentile) party to march in between. i argued in reply that we must divide at some time, and the sooner the better, since every year was increasing the gentile population. they would never split as long as we remained solid. and if we were ever to be permitted to nationalize ourselves, it would not be until we had dissolved the party organizations whose very names were a proof of the continued rule of the church in politics. when he had no more arguments to advance, he gave a reluctant assent to mine. i reported back to my father and he approved of my plans. he asked me humorously with whom i expected to affiliate, since he knew of no one who was likely to go with me; but i could see that he was pleased with my independence and hoped i might succeed in doing something to break the deadlock-grapple of mormon and gentile that held utah apart from the rest of the country in politics. his humorous idea of my undertaking gave its color to my beginnings. it was rather a spirited adventure, as i look back upon it now. when we organized a republican club at ogden, my intimate friend, ben e. rich, and another friend named joseph belnap, were the only mormons, so far as i know, who joined me in becoming members. outside of us three, i did not know of another mormon republican in the whole territory. indeed, the status of the mormon people, in their fancied relation to the two great parties of the country, was almost identical with that of the people of the south after the civil war. practically every mormon believed himself to be a democrat. among the young men of the church there had been occasional attempts to form democratic clubs. mr. john t. caine, delegate in congress from the territory, was a democrat. my father had sat on the democratic side of the house. almost all the men who had braved the sentiments of their own states, to speak for us in congress, had been democrats. and, of course, the administration of the laws that had been so cruel to the feelings of the mormons had been in republican hands. two years earlier, in ogden, i had spoken in a meeting of republicans that had been called to rejoice over the election of benjamin harrison to the presidency; and i was still being taunted by my mormon friends with having clasped hands with "the persecutors of the prophets." when i came out, now, as an advocate of republicanism, i was met everywhere with this charge--that i had joined the enemies of the church, that i was assisting the persecutors of my father. the fact that my father approved of what i was doing, relieved the seriousness of the situation for me; and the humorous assistance of ben rich in our political evangelism gave a secret chuckle to many of the incidents of our campaign. we went from town to town, from district to district, up the mountain valleys, across the plains, into mining camps and farming communities--using the meeting-houses, the school-rooms, the town halls--taking the afternoon to coax the tired workers of the fields or of the mines to come and hear us in the evening, and watching them fall asleep in the light of our borrowed kerosene lamps while we talked. they came eagerly. indeed, my own ambition for citizenship--for a right to participate in the affairs of the nation--was probably no keener than theirs; and they had an innocent curiosity about the questions of national politics, of which they had never before been invited to know anything. they listened almost devoutly. "brethren and sisters," a bishop exhorted them at a meeting in which one of our party was to speak, "we have come to listen to this man, and i hope we will be guided in all our reflections by the spirit of god and that we will do nothing to offend that spirit. let there be no commotion, no whispering, and, above all, no hand clapping." in a life that had as few diversions as theirs, a political meeting was an exciting event. the whole family came, and the mothers brought their babies. surely in no other american community did politics ever have such a homely and serious consideration. certainly no other community would have so quickly understood the theories of the two parties or accepted them so implicitly. but it was all theory! i recognize, now, that i preached a republicanism that was an ideal of what it should be, rather than any modern faith of the "practical politician." i had gathered it from my reading, from hearing the speeches in congress, from sympathetic conferences with the great men who were responsible for the dogmas of the party; and every assurance of grace that their ability could give and my credulity accept, i proclaimed religiously as a political salvation to our people. i built up an ideal, and then judged the party thereafter according to the measure of that ideal. when i found that some of the charges against the republican party were true--charges which i had indignantly repelled--i was as shocked as any pious worshipper who ever found that his idol had feet of clay. our people, having accepted the faith with as simple a hope as it was offered, were as easily turned from it when they found that it was false. the political moods of utah, for its first few years of statehood, were a puzzle to the "practical" leaders of the parties; but to us who understood the impulses of honesty that moved the changes, things were as clear as they were encouraging. during the previous summer in washington, i had met general james s. clarkson, then president of the national league of republican clubs; and now, on his invitation, in the spring of , rich and i went to louisville to speak before the national convention of the league. through the kindness of general clarkson, i was given the official recognition of a perfunctory place on the executive committee of the league's national committee, and came into touch with many of the party leaders. it was about this time, i imagine, that they conceived the idea of using the gratitude of the mormons in order to carry utah and the surrounding states in which the mormon vote might constitute a balance of political power. i know that the idea was old and established when i came upon it, in , during the campaign for statehood. as i also found, still later, the republican leaders and the business interests with which they were in relation, had their eyes on a distant prospect of fabulous financial schemes in which the secret funds of the church were to help in the building of railroads and the promoting of other enterprises of associated capital. but at the time of which i am writing, i had not had sufficient experience to suspect the motives of the men who encouraged our work in utah; and i accepted in good faith their public declarations that the sole aim of the party was to serve the needs of the people of the united states--and therefore of the people of utah! it seemed to me that such a noble principle should win the support of mormon and gentile alike, and it was on this principle that i appealed for the support of both. i was so sure of winning with it that i resented and fought against the aid of the church that came to us as our campaign succeeded. the people's party (the church party) had been dissolved (june, ) by the formal action of the executive committee, under the direct instruction of the leaders of the church. the tendency was for its members to organize themselves immediately as a democratic party. they were led by such brilliant and trusted defenders of the church as franklin s. richards, chas. c. richards, wm. h. king, james h. moyle, brigham h. roberts and apostle moses thatcher; and a group of abler advocates could not have been found in any state in the union. it was against the sentiment of the mormon people, vivified by such inspiring democracy as these men taught, that our little organization of republicans had to make headway; and an anxiety began to show itself among the church authorities for a less unequal division, and consequently a greater appearance of political independence, among the faithful. apostle john henry smith came out as a republican stump speaker in rivalry with moses thatcher, the democratic prophet. joseph f. smith announced himself a republican descendant of whigs. apostle francis marion lyman, in his religious ministrations, counselled leading brethren to withhold themselves from the democratic party unless they had gone too far to retreat. men of ecclesiastical office in various parts of the territory--who were regarded as being safe in their wisdom and fidelity--were urged to hold themselves and their influence in reserve for such use on either side of politics as the future might demand. against this ecclesiastical direction of the people's choice, i objected again and again to the presidency, and my objections seemed to meet with acquiescence. it required no prescience on my part to foresee that the growing dislike and distrust of moses thatcher at church headquarters would lead to a strife in the church that might be carried into our politics; and i knew how small would be the hope of preserving any political independence, if once it were involved in the intrigues of priests and their rivalries for a supremacy of influence among the people. i was resolved that not even a church, ruling by "divine right," should interpose between my country and my franchise; and an encroachment that i would not permit upon my own freedom, i would not help to inflict upon others. the men with whom i had been working proposed me as the candidate for congress of the new utah republicans; and i was supported by a strong delegation from my own country and from other parts of the territory; but i found that i was not "satisfactory" to some of the mormon leaders, and in the convention ( ) apostle john henry smith and my cousin george m. cannon led in an attempt to nominate judge chas. bennett, a gentile lawyer. after a bitter fight of two days and nights, we carried the convention against them, and i was nominated. the democrats selected, as their candidate, one of the strongest characters in the territory, joseph l. rawlins. he was the son of a mormon bishop, but he had left the church immediately upon reaching manhood. he was a great lawyer, a staunch democrat, and wonderfully popular. there followed one of the swiftest and most exciting campaigns ever seen in utah. the whole people rose to it with enthusiasm. our party chairman, chas. crane, had a genius for organization; our speakers drew crowded meetings; and though charges of church influence were made by both sides, the question of religion was no longer the one that divided utah. we were getting on famously, when an incident occurred that was at once disastrous and salutary. while i was away from headquarters, stumping the districts, chairman crane (who was a gentile), ben rich and joseph f. smith, issued a pamphlet in republican behalf called "nuggets of truth." it gave a picture of joseph smith, the original prophet, on the first page and a picture of me on the last one. (they issued also a certificate, obtained by joseph f. smith and given out by him, that i was a mormon "in good standing.") as soon as i heard of the matter, i wired chairman crane that unless the pamphlet were immediately withdrawn, i should return to salt lake city and publicly denounce such methods. it was withdrawn, but the damage was done, i was defeated, as i deserved to be--though i was the innocent victim of the atrocity--and mr. rawlins was elected. the campaign proved, however, that if the church leaders would only keep their hands off, there was ample strength in either party to make a presentation of national issues of sufficient appeal to divide the people on party lines; and it was evident that the people would choose the party that made the best showing of principles and candidates. "nuggets of truth" left us with a nasty sense that at no hour were we assured of safety from ecclesiastical interference--or the nefarious attempt to make an appearance of such interference--in our political affairs. but the disaster that followed, in this instance, was so prompt that we could hope it would prove a lesson. most important of all, the campaign had made it evident that there was now no political mission in utah for the liberal (the gentile) party--assuming that the retirement of the mormon priests from politics was sincere and permanent. accordingly, the organization formally met some months later, and formally dissolved; and, by that act, the last great obstacle to united progress was removed from our road to statehood, and the men who removed it acted with a generosity that makes one of the noblest records of self-sacrifice in the history of the state. they could foresee that their dissolution as a separate force meant statehood for utah--a sovereignty in itself that would leave the gentiles in the minority and without any appeal to the nation. under territorial conditions, although the non-mormons were less than one-third of the population, they had two-thirds of the political power. they held all the federal offices, including executive and judicial positions. they had the governor, with an absolute veto over the acts of the mormon legislature. they had the president and congress who could annul any statute of the territory; and they had with them almost the entire sentiment of the nation. it was in their power to have protracted the mormon controversy, and to have withstood the appeal for statehood, to this day. they yielded everything; they accepted, in return, only the good faith of the mormons. was it within the capacity of any human mind to foresee that in return for such generosity the church would ever give over its tabernacles to teaching its people to hold in detestation the very, names of these men who saved us? was it to be suspected that the political power surrendered by them would ever be used as a persecution upon them?--that the liberty, given by them to us, would ever afterward be denied them by us? it was inconceivable. neither in the magnanimity of their minds nor in the gratitude of ours was there a suspicion of such a catastrophe. during , president woodruff's manifesto had been ratified in local church conferences in every "stake of zion;" and a second general conference had endorsed it in october of that year. president woodruff, councillor joseph f. smith and apostle lorenzo snow went before the federal master in chancery--in a proceeding to regain possession of escheated church property--and swore that the manifesto had prohibited plural marriages, that it required a cessation of all plural marriage living, and that it was being obeyed by the mormon people. these facts were recited in a petition for amnesty forwarded to president harrison in december, , accompanied by signed statements from chief justice zane, governor thomas and other non-mormons who pledged themselves that the petitioners were sincere and that if amnesty were granted good faith would be kept. "our people are scattered," president woodruff and his apostles declared in their petition. "homes are made desolate. many are still imprisoned; others are banished and in hiding. our hearts bleed for these. in the past they followed our counsels, and while they are still afflicted our souls are in sackcloth and ashes.... as shepherds of a patient and suffering people we ask amnesty for them and pledge our faith and honor for their future." at washington, the church's attorney, mr. franklin s. richards, and delegate john t. caine supported the petition with their avowals of the sincerity of the church leaders, the genuineness of our political division, and the sanctity with which we regarded the promise to obey the laws. the utah commission, a non-mormon body, favored amnesty in an official report of september, . and when i went to washington, in the winter of - , the changed attitude of the federal authorities toward us was strikingly evident. president harrison issued his amnesty proclamation, early in january, , to all persons liable to the penalties of the edmunds-tucker act, but "on the express condition that they shall in the future faithfully obey the laws of the united states... and not otherwise." the proclamation concluded: "those who fail to avail themselves of the clemency hereby offered will be vigorously prosecuted." not a polygamist in utah, to my knowledge, declined to take advantage of the mercy, by refusing the expressly implied pledge. meanwhile the campaign had been continued for the return of the escheated church property and for the passage of an enabling act that should permit the territory to organize for statehood. [footnote: statehood seemed still very faraway. there was a trans-mississippi congress held at ogden in , and though the delegates--coming from all the states and territories "west of the river," were the guests of the people of utah, so hopeless was our status in the consideration of mankind that the delegates from the territories of new mexico and arizona would not let our names be joined to theirs in a resolution for statehood which we wished the committee on resolutions to propose to the congress. governor prince of new mexico replied, to our plea for a share in the resolution, that he did not intend to damn new mexico by having her mixed up with utah. we appealed to the congress, and we were saved by a speech made by thos. m. patterson of colorado, subsequently senator from colorado, who carried the day for us. at a recent trans-mississippi congress held in denver, i sat with ex-senator patterson to hear mr. prince still proposing resolutions in support of statehood for new mexico. twenty years later!] joseph l. rawlins, democratic delegate from utah, worked valiantly among the democrats, and he was assisted by the influence of mr. franklin s. richards and john t. caine and others among their old associates in that party. but, in the very midst of the fight, we were advised that, unless the republican leaders would let the enabling act go through, the democratic leaders would falter in our advocacy. i had been urged to go to washington by the presidency to do what i might to allay republican antagonism, and i found that a number of self-appointed lobbyists (who expected political preferment's and other rewards from the church in the event of statehood) had been using the most amazing arguments in our behalf. for example, they told some of the "financial senators" that the church had fourteen million dollars in secret funds with which to help build a railroad to the coast as soon as statehood should be granted. they cited the number of the church's adherents in all the states and territories of the pacific coast and as far east as iowa and missouri, and predicted that the gratitude of these people to the republicans who were helping to free utah would enable the republican party to control a balance of political power in the several states. they declared positively that plural marriages and plural marriage living had utterly ceased among the mormons for all time. and they made such statements with great particularity to senator orville h. platt, of connecticut, who was too wise a man to credit them. as soon as i returned to washington, he summoned me to a private meeting, in his parlor in the arlington hotel, and confronted me with one of the republican lobbyists who had been soliciting his personal favor and his almost controlling influence. "now, mr. cannon," he said, in his dry way, "have the mormons stopped living with their plural wives? and will there never be another case of plural marriage among them?" i remembered the lesson of my interview with him at the time of the campaign against the disfranchisement bill, and i answered: "no. not all the men of the church have complied fully with the law. so far as i know, all the general authorities of the church--with two or three exceptions--are fulfilling the covenant they gave; and so far as i can judge there will never be another plural marriage ceremony with the consent or connivance of the leaders of the church. but human nature is very much the same in utah as it is in connecticut. here and there, no doubt, a man feels that he's under an obligation to keep his covenant with his plural wives in preference to the covenant of his accepted amnesty; and there and here, possibly, in the future, some man will break the law and defy the orders of the church and take a plural wife. but the leaders of the church do not countenance either proceeding, and any man who violates the law, in either respect, offends against the revelations of the church and, i believe, will be dealt with as an apostate. i come direct from the presidency of the church, and i am authorized to pledge their word of honor that they will themselves obey the law and do all in their power as men and leaders to bring their people into harmony with the institutions of this country as rapidly as possible." senator platt had slowly unwrapped himself, rising from his chair to his full height of more than six feet, in a lank and alarming indignation. "there," he said, striding up and down the room. "that's it! that's just it. these people have been telling us that you were obeying the law--all of you--in every instance--and would always obey it. and now you come here and admit, openly, that some of you, to whom we have granted amnesty, are breaking your word--and that 'possibly' others, in the future, will do the same thing!" "senator," i pleaded, "what confidence could you have in me if i were to tell you the mormons were so superhuman that in a single day they could eliminate all their human characteristics? i'm asking you to recognize that the tendency imparted to a whole community is more important than any one man's breach of the law. believe me, if you grant us our statehood, there will never be any lawbreaking sanctioned or protected by the church leaders, and just as speedily as possible the entire system will be brought into harmony with the institutions of the nation. i'm telling you the truth." he turned on me to ask, abruptly, how the polygamists had adjusted their family affairs. i answered that in nearly all cases within my personal knowledge, the polygamist had relinquished conjugal relations with his plural wives with the full acquiescence of them and their children. he supported them, cared for the children, and in all other ways acted as the guardian and protector of the household. in a few cases men had gone, to an extreme. for instance, my uncle, angus m. cannon--president of the salt lake "stake of zion," a man of most decided character--had declared that he had entered into his marriage relations with his wives under a covenant that gave them equality in his regards; and in order that he might not wound the sensibilities of any, he had separated himself from all. i reminded senator platt that with such examples on the part of the leaders, there could be no general law-breaking among the mormons, and that gradually the polygamous element would accommodate itself to the demands of law and the commands of god. he waved us away with a curt announcement that he would have to think the matter over. if i had not known the essential justice and common sense under his dry and irascible exterior, i might have been alarmed. the lobbyist's concern was almost comic. as soon as we were out of hearing of the senator's apartment, shaking both fists frantically at me, he cried: "you've ruined everything! we had him. we had him--all right--until you came down here and let the cat out of the bag! you knew what we'd been telling him. why didn't you stick to it?" i replied with equal warmth: "you may lie all you please; but if we have to win utah's statehood with lies i don't want it. senator platt has been generous to us in our time of need, and i don't intend to deceive him--or any other man." as a matter of fact, this was not only common honesty; it was also the best policy. senator platt was, from that time to the day of his death, a good friend and wise counselor of the people of utah. and i wish to lay particular stress upon this conversation with him, because it was a type of many had with such men as he. fred t. dubois, delegate in congress from the territory of idaho and subsequently senator from that state, had been perhaps the strongest single opponent, in washington, of the mormon church; he took our promises of honor, as senator platt did, and he pacified senator cullom, senator pettigrew and many others among our antagonists, who afterwards told me that they had accepted the pledges given by senator dubois in our behalf. they recognized that the church and the community ought not to be held responsible for a few possible cases of individual resistance or offense, so long as there should be a strict adherence by the church and its leaders to their personal and community covenant. i emphasize the nature of this generous appreciation of our difficulties, because the present-day polygamists in utah claim that there was a "tacit understanding," between the statesmen in washington and the agents of the church, to the effect that the polygamists of that time might continue to live with their plural wives. this is not true. there never was any such understanding, to my knowledge. and there could not have been one, in the circumstances, without my knowledge. for though i did not know what delegate rawlins, and former delegate caine, and our attorney, mr. richards, were saying in their private interviews with senators and congressmen, i know that in all the frequent conversations i had with them i never heard an intimation of any "tacit understanding" beyond the one which i have defined. for my part i was more than eager to have all our political disabilities removed, the church property restored, and the right of statehood accorded--believing implicitly in the sincerity of the mormon leaders. i knew president woodruff too well to doubt the pellacid character of his mind and purpose. i knew from my father's personal assurance--and from his constant practice from that time to the day of his death--that he was acting in good faith. i knew that the community was gladly following where these men led. i saw no slightest indication that any reactionary policy was likely to be entered upon in utah, or that our people would accept it if it were. the church's personal property was restored by an act of congress approved october , , but it was stipulated in the act that the money was not to be used for the support of any church buildings in which "the rightfulness of the practice of polygamy" should be taught. similarly, when the enabling act was approved, in july , , it, too, provided that "polygamous or plural marriage" was forever prohibited. a constitutional convention was held at salt lake city under the provisions of that act, and a constitution was adopted in which it was provided that "polygamous or plural marriages" were forever prohibited, that the territorial laws against polygamy were to be continued in force, that there should be "no union of church and state," and that no church should "dominate the state or interfere with its functions." upon no other basis would the nation have granted us our statehood; and we accepted the grant, knowing the expressed condition involved in that acceptance. but there was one other gift that came to us from the nation--by congressional enactment and later by utah statute as a consequence of statehood; and that gift was the legitimizing of every child born of plural marriage before january, . the solemn benignity of the concession touched me, as it must have touched many, to the very heart of gratitude. by it, ten thousand children were taken from the outer darkness of this world's conventional exclusion and placed within the honored relations of mankind. it was a tribute to the purity and sincerity of the mormon women who had borne the cross of plural marriage, believing that god had commanded their suffering. it recognized the holy nature and honorable intent of the marriages of these women, by according their children every right of legal inheritance from their fathers. if all other covenants could be forgotten and their proof obliterated, this should remain as utah's pledge of honor--sacred for the sake of the mormon mothers, holy in the name of the uplifted child. chapter vi. the goal--and after here we were then (as i saw the situation) assured of our statehood, rid of polygamy, relieved of religious control in politics, and free to devote our energies to the development of the land and the industries and the business of the community. the persecutions that our people had borne had schooled them to co-operation. they were ready, helping one another, to advance together to a common prosperity. they were under the leadership chiefly of the man who had guided them out of a most desperate condition of oppression toward the freedom of sovereign self-government. in that progress he had saved everything that was worthy in the mormon communism; he had discarded much that was a curse. i knew that he had no thought but for the welfare of the people; and with such a man, leading such a following, we seemed certain of a future that should be an example to the world. but both the church and the people had been involved in debt by confiscation and proscription; and it was necessary now to free ourselves financially. this work my father undertook in behalf of the presidency--for the president of the mormon church is not only the prophet, seer and revelator of god to the faithful; he is also "the trustee in trust" of all the church's material property. he is the controller, almost the owner, of everything it owns. he is as sacred in his financial as in his religious absolutism. he is accountable to no one, the church auditors, whom he appoints, concern themselves merely with the details of bookkeeping. the millions of dollars that are paid to him, by the people in tithes, are used by him as he sees fit to use them; and the annual contributors to this "common fund" would no more question his administration of it than they would question the ways of divinity. in the early days there had been a strongly animating idea that among the divinely-authorized duties of leadership was the obligation to develop the natural resources of the country in order to meet the people's needs. as the immigrants poured into utah, these needs increased; and the church leaders used the church funds to develop coal and iron mines, support salt gardens, build a railway, establish a sugar factory (for which the people, through the legislature, voted a bounty), conduct a beach resort, and aid a hundred other enterprises that promised to be for the public good. these undertakings were not financed for profit. they were semi-socialistic in their establishment and half-benevolent in their administration. but during "the days of the raid" they were neglected, because the church was involved in debt. and now it became pressingly necessary to obtain money to restore the moribund industries and to meet the payments that were continually falling due upon loans made to the presidency. president woodruff called on me to aid in the work. so i came into touch with a development of events that did not seem to me, then, of any great importance; yet it drew as its consequence a connection between the mormon church and the great financial "interests" of the east--a connection that is one of the strong determining causes of the perversion of government and denial of political liberty in utah today. i wish, here, simply to foreshadow, this connection. it will reappear in the story again and again; and it is necessary to have the significance of the recurrence understood in advance. but, at the time of which i write, there was no more than an innocent approach on our part to eastern financiers to obtain money for the church and to concentrate our debts in the hands of two or three new york banks. for example, the church had loaned to, or endorsed for, the utah sugar company to the amount of $ , ; and my father had personally endorsed the general obligations for this and other sums, although he owned only $ , of the company's stock. he supported the factory with his personal credit and assumed the risk of loss (without any corresponding possibility of gain) in order to benefit the whole people by encouraging the beet sugar industry. a vain attempt had been made to sell the bonds in new york. finally, the church bought all the bonds of the company for $ , (of a face value of $ , ), and we sold them, for the church, to mr. joseph bannigan, the "rubber king," of providence, rhode island, for $ , , with the guarantee of the first presidency, the trustee of the church, and myself. similarly, the first presidency led in building an electric power plant in ogden, after chas. k. bannister, a great engineer, and myself had persuaded the members of the presidency that the work would benefit the community. the bonds of this company, too, were bought by mr. bannigan, with the guarantee of the trustee of the church, the presidency and myself. both the power plant and the sugar factory were financially successful. they performed a large public service beneficently. the fact that mr. bannigan held their bonds was no detriment to their work and wrought no injury to the people. i single out these two enterprises because joseph f. smith has since sold the power plant to the "harriman interests," and the control of the sugar factory to the sugar trust; and he has explained that in making the sales he merely followed my father's example and mine in selling the bonds to mr. bannigan. the power plant is now a part of the merger called the utah light and railway company, which has a monopoly right in all the streets of salt lake city and its suburbs, besides owning the electric power and light plants of salt lake city and ogden, the gas plants of both these cities, and the natural gas wells and pipe lines supplying them. the mormon people whose tithes aided these properties--whose good-will maintained them--whose leaders designed them as a community work for a community benefit--these people are now being mercilessly exploited by the eastern "interests" to whom the prophet of the church has sold them bodily. the difference between selling the bonds of the sugar company to bannigan, in order to raise money to support the factory, and selling half the stock to the sugar trust, in order to make a monopoly profit out of the mormon consumers of sugar, has either not occurred to smith or has been divinely waived by him. however, this is by the way and in advance of my story. in we had no more fear of the eastern money power than we had of the return of the church to politics or to polygamy. throughout and i was engaged in the work of re-establishing the church's business affairs with my father and a sort of finance committee of which the other two members were colonel n. w. clayton, of salt lake city, and mr. james jack, the cashier of the church. in the summer of i heard various rumors that when utah should gain its statehood, my father would probably be a candidate for the united states senate. since this would be a palpable breach of the church's agreement to keep out of politics, i took occasion--one day, on a railroad journey--to ask him if he intended to be a candidate. he told me that he was being urged to stand for the senatorship, but that for his part he had no desire to do so; and he asked me what i thought about it. i replied that if i had felt it was right for him to take the office and he desired it, i would walk barefoot across the continent to aid him. but i reminded him of the pledges which he and i had made repeatedly--on our own behalf, in the name of his associates in leadership, and on the honor of the mormon people--to subdue thereafter the causes of the controversy that had divided mormon and gentile in utah. he replied with an emphatic assurance of his purpose to keep those pledges, and dismissed the subject with a finality that left no doubt in my mind. i know that he might have desired the senatorship as a public vindication, since, in the old days of quarrel, he had been legislated out of his place in the house of representatives; and, for the first and only time in my life, i undertook to philosophize some comfort for him--out of the fact that to the position of authority which he held in utah a senatorship was a descent. he replied dryly: "i understand, my son--perfectly." the fact was that he needed no comfort from me or any other human being. he seemed all--sufficient to himself, because of the abiding sense he had of the constant presence of god and his habit of communing with that spirit, instead of seeking human intercourse or earthly counsel. he did not need my affection. he did not need, much less seek, the approbation of any man. in the events to which this conversation was a prelude, he acted without explaining himself to me or to anyone else, and apparently without caring in the slightest what my opinion or any other man's might be of his course or of the motives that prompted it. some months later, in the office of the presidency (at a business meeting with him, colonel clayton and joseph f. smith), i excused myself from attending any further sittings of the committee for that day, because i had to go to provo to receive the republican nomination for congress. my father said: "i am sorry to hear it. i thought judge zane--or someone else would be nominated. i wished you to be free to help with these business matters. why have you not consulted us?" i reminded him that i had told him, some weeks before, that i expected to be nominated for congress this year--and that i was practically certain, if elected, of going to the senate when we were granted statehood. "i talked with you, then, as my father," i said. "but i'm sure you'll remember that i have not consulted you as a leader of the church, or any of your colleagues as leaders of the church, on the subject of partisan politics since the people's party was dissolved." he accepted this mild declaration of political independence without protest, and i went to provo, happily, a free man. the republicans nominated me by acclamation, and the chairman of the committee that came to offer me the nomination was colonel wm. nelson, then managing editor of the salt lake tribune, a gentile, a former leader of the liberal party, an opponent of mormonism as practiced, who had fought the church hierarchy for years. here was a new evidence that we were now beyond the old quarrels--a further guarantee that we were prepared to take our place among the states of the union, free of parochialism and its sectarian enmities. the campaign gave every proof of such political emancipation. the people divided, on national party lines, as completely as any american community in my experience. the democrats, having nominated joseph l. rawlins, had the prestige that he had gained in helping to pass the enabling act; a democratic administration was in power in washington; apostle moses thatcher, brigham h. roberts, and other members of the church inspired the old loyalty of the mormons for the democracy. but the republicans had been re-enforced by the dissolution of the liberal party, whose last preceding candidate (mr. clarence e. allen) went on the stump for us. the smith jealousy of moses thatcher divided the church influence; and though charges of ecclesiastical interference were made on both sides, such interference was personal rather than official. mr. rawlins was defeated, and i was elected delegate in congress from the territory--with the united states senatorship practically assured to me. in the spring of the constitutional convention at salt lake city formulated a provisional constitution for the new utah; and, in the fall of the year, a general election was held to adopt this constitution and to elect officers who should enter upon their duties as soon as utah became a state. the election was marked by a most significant and important incident. the democrats, in their convention, nominated for congress, brigham h. roberts, one of the first seven "presidents of the seventy," and for the united states senate, joseph l. rawlins and apostle moses thatcher. immediately, at a priesthood meeting of the hierarchy, joseph f. smith denounced the candidacies of roberts and thatcher; and the grounds for the denunciation were subsequently stated in the "political manifesto" of april, , in which the first presidency announced, as a rule of the church, that no official of the church should accept a political nomination until he had obtained the permission of the church authorities and had learned from them whether he could "consistently with the obligations already entered into with the church, take upon himself the added duties and labors and responsibilities of the new position." this action, i knew, was the result of the old jealousy of thatcher which the smiths had so long nursed. but it was also in line with the church's pledge, to keep its leaders out of politics. by it, the hierarchy bound themselves and set the people free. the leaders, thereafter, according to their own "manifesto," could not enter politics without the consent of their quorums; and, therefore, by any american doctrine, they could not enter politics at all. thatcher and roberts revolted against the inhibition as an infringement of their rights as citizens, and it was so construed by the whole democratic party; but everyone knew that a mormon apostle had no rights as a citizen that were not second to his church allegiance, and the political manifesto simply made public the fact of such subservience, authoritatively. we republicans welcomed it, with our eyes on the future freedom of politics in utah; thatcher and roberts refused to accept the dictation of their quorums, and what was practically an "edict of apostasy" went out against them. they were defeated. the republican candidates (heber m. wells, as governor, and clarence b. allen, as member of congress) were elected. thatcher, subsequently refusing to accept the "political manifesto," was deposed from his apostolic authority, and deprived of all priesthood in the church. roberts recanted and was reconciled with the hierarchy. [footnote: he was afterwards elected to the house of representatives and was refused his seat as a polygamist.] the republicans elected forty-three out of sixty-three members of the legislature, and everyone of these had been pledged to support me, for the united states senate, either by his convention, or by letter to me, or by a promise conveyed to me by friends; and none of these pledges had i solicited. the rumors of my father's candidacy now became more general--although he was a democrat, although the new "political manifesto" bound him, although it was doubtful whether the senate would allow him to be seated. two influences were urging his election. one was the desire of the smith faction to have the first councillor break the ice at washington for apostle john henry smith, who was ambitious to be a senator and was disqualified by the fact that he was a church leader and a polygamist. the other was the desire of some eastern capitalists to have my father's vote in the senate to aid them in the promotion of a railroad from salt lake city to los angeles. a preliminary agreement for the construction of the road had already been signed by men who represented that they had close affiliations with large steel interests in the east, as one party, and my father as business representative of a group of associates, including the presidency of the church. the church's interest in the project was communistic, and so was my father's. but his vote and influence in the senate would be valuable to the promotion of the undertaking, and he had received written assurances from republican leaders, senators and politicians, that if he were elected he would be allowed his seat. as a result of our republican success in the two political campaigns that had just ended, i felt that i represented the independent votes of both mormons and gentiles; and i decided to confront the first presidency (as such a representative) and try to make them declare themselves in the matter of my father's candidacy. not that i thought his candidacy would be so vitally important for i did not then believe the church authorities had power to sway the legislature away from its pledges. but every day, at home or abroad, i was being asked: "are you sure that the church's retirement from politics is sincere?" my friends were accepting my word, and i wished to add certainty to assurance that the church leaders intended to fulfill the covenant of their personal honor and respect the constitution of the state by keeping out of politics. without letting them know why i wished to see them, i procured an appointment for the interview. when we were all seated at the table i explained: "i'm going to washington to attend to my duties as delegate in congress. before i return, utah will be admitted to statehood, and the legislature will have to elect two united states senators. as you all know, i've been a candidate for one of these places. it has been assured to me by the probably unanimous vote of the republican caucus when it shall convene." i laid my clenched hand on the table, knuckles down, with a calculated abruptness. "the first senatorship from utah is there," i said. "if it's to be disturbed by any ecclesiastical direction, i want to know it now, so that the men who are supporting me may be aware of what they must encounter if they persist in their support. i ask you, as the presidency of the church: what are you going to do about the senatorship?" and i opened my hand and left it lying open before them, for their decision. it was evident enough, from their expressions, that this was a degree of boldness to which they were unaccustomed. it was, evident also that they were unprepared to reply to me. my father remained silent, with his usual placidity, waiting for the others to fail to take the initiative. president woodruff blinked, somewhat bewildered, looking at my hand as if the sight of its emptiness and the assumption of what it held, confused him. joseph f. smith, frowning, eyed it askance with a darting glance, apparently annoyed by the mute insolence of its demand for a decision which he was not prepared to make. my father, at length, looking at me imperturbably, asked: "are you inquiring of our personal view in this matter, frank?" the question contained, of course, a tacit allusion to my refusal to consult the church leaders about politics. i answered: "no, sir. i already have your personal view. that is the only personal view i have ever asked concerning the senatorship. and i have purposely refrained from any allusions to it of late, with you, because i wished to lay it before the presidency, as a body, formally, in order that there might be no possible misunderstanding." "in that case," he said, "the matter rests with president woodruff." the president, thus forced to an explanation, made a very characteristic one. several of the church's friends in the east, he said, had urged father's name for the senatorship, but it was impossible to see how he could be spared from the affairs of the priesthood. zion needed him--and so forth. apparently, to president woodruff, the question of the senatorship was resolvable wholly upon church considerations. his mind was so filled with zealous hope for the advancement of "the kingdom of god on earth," that he seemed quite unaware of the political aspects of the case, the violation of the church's pledge, and the difficulties in the senate that would surely attend upon my father's election. in the general discussion that ensued, both joseph f. smith and my father spoke of the appeal that had been made to them on behalf of the business interests of the community, with which the financial interests of the east were now eager to co-operate. but both followed the president's example in dismissing the possibility of the first councillor's candidacy as infringing upon his duties in the church. i pointed out to them that such a candidacy would be considered a breach of faith, that it would raise a storm of protest. they accepted the warning without comment, as if, having decided against the candidacy, they did not need to consider such aspects of it. i kept my hand open before them until my father said, with some trace of amusement: "you'd better take up that senatorship, frank. i think you're entitled to it." i took it up, satisfied that there would be no more church interference in the matter. the decision seemed to me final and momentous. i felt that the new utah had faced the old and had been assured of independence. about this same time (although i cannot place it accurately in my recollection), president woodruff, speaking from the pulpit, declared that it was the right of the priesthood of god to rule in all things on earth, and that they had in no wise relinquished any of their authority. the sermon raised a dangerous alarm in salt lake city, and i was immediately summoned from ogden (by a messenger from church headquarters) to see the proprietor and the editor of the salt lake tribune--which paper, it was feared, might oppose utah's admission to statehood, construing president woodruff's remarks to mean that the church's political covenants were to be broken. i found mr. p. h. lannan, the proprietor of the paper, anxious, indignant and ready to denounce the church and fight against the admission to statehood. "when i heard of that sermon," he said, "my heart went into my boots. we gentiles have trusted everything to the promises that have been made by the leaders of the church. if the tribune had not supported the movement for statehood, the gentiles would never have taken the risk. i feel like a man who has sold his brethren into slavery." i assured him (as i was authorized to do) that president woodruff was not speaking for our generation of the mormon people nor for his associates in the leadership of the church. i pleaded that it was the privilege of an old man (and president woodruff was nearly ninety) to dream again the visions of his youth; his early life had been spent in the belief that a kingdom of god was to be set up in the valleys of the mountains, governed by the priesthood and destined to rule all the nations of the earth; he had planted the first flag of the country over the salt lake valley; he was still living in days that had passed for all but him, and cherishing hopes that he alone had not abandoned. but if the tribune and the gentiles would be magnanimous in this matter, they would add to the gratitude that already bound the younger generations of the church to the fulfillment of its political promises. mr. lannan responded instantly to the appeal to his generosity, and after consultation with the editor-in-chief (judge c. c. goodwin) and the managing editor (colonel wm. nelson) the tribune continued to trust in mormon good faith. i reported the result of my conference to church headquarters. the news was received with relief and gratitude. and, in a long conversation with the authorities, i was told that it would be incumbent on us of the younger generation to see that all the church's covenants to the nation should be scrupulously observed. i accepted my part of the charge with a light heart, and late in november, , i took train for washington for convening of congress. of the incidents of my brief services as delegate i shall write nothing here, since those incidents were merely introductory to matters which i shall have to consider later. but i was greeted with a great deal of cordiality by the republicans who credited me with having brought a state and its national representation into the republican party, and they assured me that my own political future would be as bright as that of my native state! president cleveland, on january , , proclaimed utah a sovereign state of the union, and its admission to statehood ended, of course, my service as a territorial delegate. i stood beside his desk in the white house to see him sign the proclamation--the same desk at which he had received me, some eight years before, when i came beseeching him to be merciful to the proscribed people whose freedom he was now announcing. perhaps the manumission that he was granting, gave a benignity to his face. perhaps the emotion in my own mind transfigured him to me. but i saw smiles and pathos in the ruggedness of his expression of congratulation as he said a few words of hope that utah would fulfill every promise made, on her behalf, by her own people, and every happy expectation that had been entertained for her by her friends. his enormous rigid bulk, a little bowed now by years of service, seemed softened, as his face was, to the graciousness of clement power. he gave me the pen with which he had signed the paper, and dismissed me to some of the happiest hours of my life. i walked out of the white house dispossessed of office, but now, at last, a citizen of the republic. i stood on the steps of the white house, to look at the city through whose streets i had so many times wandered in a worried despair, and i saw them with an emotion i would not dare transcribe. i do not know that the sun was really shining, but in my memory the scene has taken on all the accumulated brightnesses of all the radiant days i ever knew in washington. and i remember that i saw the washington monument and the capitol with a sense of almost affectionate personal possession! in an excited exultation i went to thank the men who had helped us in the house and the senate--to wire jubilant messages home--to send governor wells the pen with which the president had signed his proclamation, and to procure from friends in the war department the first two flags that had been made with forty-five stars--the star of utah the forty-fifth. wherever i went, some sinister aspect seemed to have gone out of things; and i remember that i enjoyed so much the sense of their new inhostility, that i planned to delay my return to utah until i had made a pilgrimage to every spot in washington where i had despaired of our future. all this may seem almost sentimental to you, who perhaps accept your citizenship as an unregarded commonplace of natural right. but, for me, the freeing of our people was an emancipation to be compared only to the enfranchisement of the southern slaves and greater even than that, for we had come from citizenship in the older states, and we could appreciate our deprivation, smart under our ostracism, and resent the rejection that set us apart from the rest of the nation as an inferior people unfit for equal rights. i sat down to my dinner, that evening, with the appetite that comes from a day of fasting and emotional excitement; and i recall that i was planning a visit of self-congratulation to arlington, for the morrow, when one of the hotel bell-boys brought me a telegram. i opened it eagerly--to enjoy the expected message of felicitation from home. it was in cipher, and that fact gave me a pause of doubt, since the days of political mysteries and their cipher telegrams were over for us, thank god! it was signed with president woodruff's cipher name. i went to my room to translate it, and i did not return to my dinner. the message read: "it is the will of the lord that your father shall be elected senator from utah." i do not need to explain all the treacherous implications of that announcement. as soon as i had recovered my breath, i wired back, for such interpretation as they should choose to give: "god bless utah. i am coming home,"--and packed my trunk, for trouble. chapter vii. the first betrayals before i reached utah, my friends, ben rich and james devine, met me, on the train. the news of president woodruff's "revelation" had percolated through the whole community. the gentiles were alarmed for themselves. my friends were anxious for me. all the old enmities that had so long divided utah were arranging themselves for a new conflict. and rich and devine had come to urge me to remember my promise that i would hold to my candidacy no matter who should appear in the field against me. of my father's stand in the crisis rich could give me only one indication: after a conference in the offices of the presidency, rich had said to president woodruff: "then i suppose i may as well close up frank's rooms at the templeton"--the hotel in which my friends had opened political headquarters for me--and my father, accompanying him to an anteroom, had hinted significantly: "i think you should not close frank's rooms just yet. he may need them." rich brought me word, too, that the church authorities were expecting to see me; and soon as i arrived in salt lake city, i hastened to the little plastered house in which the presidency had its offices. president woodruff, my father, and joseph f. smith were there, in the large room of their official apartments. we withdrew, for private conference, into the small retiring room in which i had consulted with "brother joseph mack" when he was on the underground--in --and had consulted with president woodruff about his "manifesto," in . the change in their circumstances, since those unhappy days, was in my mind as i sat down. president woodruff sat at the head of a bare walnut table in a chair so large that it rather dwarfed him; and he sank down in it, to an attitude of nervous reluctance to speak, occupied with his hands. smith took his place at the opposite end of the board, with dropped eyes, his chair tilted back, silent, but (as i soon saw) unusually alert and attentive. my father assumed his inevitable composure--firmly and almost unmovingly seated--and looked at me squarely with a not unkind premonition of a smile. president woodruff continued silent. ordinarily, anything that came from the lord was quite convincing to him and needed no argument (in his mind) to make it convincing to others. i could not suppose that the look of determination on my face troubled him. it was more likely that something unusual in the mental attitudes of his councillors was the cause of his hesitation; and with this suspicion to arouse me i became increasingly aware (as the conference proceeded) of two rival watchfulnesses upon me. "well?" i said. "what was it you wanted of me?" smith looked up at the president. and smith had always, hitherto, seemed so unseeing of consequences, and, therefore, unappreciative of means, that his betrayal of interest was indicative of purpose. i thought i could detect, in the communication which his manner made, the plan of my father's ecclesiastical rivals to remove him from the scene of his supreme influence over the president, and the plan of ambitious church politicians to remove me from their path by the invocation of god's word appointing father to the senate. "frank," the president announced, "it is the will of the lord that your father should go to the senate from utah." as he hesitated, i said: "well, president woodruff?" he added, with less decision: "and we want you to tell us how to bring it about?" it was evident that getting the revelation was easy to his spiritualized mind, but that fulfilling it was difficult to his unworldliness. "president woodruff," i replied, "you have received the revelation on the wrong point. you do not need a voice from heaven to convince anyone that my father is worthy to go to the senate, but you will need a revelation to tell how he is to get there." he seemed to raise himself to the inspiration of divine authority. "the only difficulty that we have encountered," he said, "is the fact that the legislators are pledged to you. will you not release them from their promises and tell them to vote for your father?" "no," i said. "and my father would not permit me to do it, even if i could. he knows that i gave my word of honor to my supporters to stand as a candidate, no matter who might enter against me. he knows that he and i have given our pledges at washington that political dictation in utah by the heads of the mormon church shall cease. of all men in utah we cannot be amenable to such dictation. if you can get my supporters away from me--very well. i shall have no personal regrets. but you cannot get me away from my supporters." this inclusion of my father in my refusal evidently disconcerted president woodruff; and, as evidently, it had its significance to joseph f. smith. i went on: "before i was elected to the house of representatives, i asked my father if he intended to be a candidate for the senate. i knew that some prominent gentiles, desiring to curry favor at church headquarters had solicited his candidacy. i had been told that general clarkson and others had assured him by letter that his election would be accepted at washington, and elsewhere. i discussed the matter with him fully. he agreed with me that his election would be a violation of the understanding had with the country; and he declared that he did not care to become again the storm center of strife to his people, nor did he feel that he could honorably break our covenant to the country. with this clear understanding between us, i made my pledges to men who, in supporting me, cast aside equally advantageous relations which they might have established with another. i can't withdraw now without dishonor." my father said: "don't let us have any misunderstandings. as president woodruff stated the matter to me, i understood that it would be pleasing to the lord, if the people desired my election to the senate and it wouldn't antagonize the country." "yes, yes," the president put in. "that's what i mean." smith said, rather sourly: "the people are always willing to do what the lord desires--if no one gives them bad counsel." both he and my father emphasized the fact that the business interests of the east were making strong representations to the presidency in support of my father's election; and i suspected (what i afterwards found to be the case) that both joseph f. smith and apostle john henry smith, were by this time, in close communication with republican politicians. there was a calm assumption, everywhere, that the church had power to decide the election, if it could be induced to act; and this assumption was a deplorable evidence, to me, of the willingness of some of our former allies to drag us swiftly to the shame of a broken covenant, if only they could profit in purse or politics by our dishonor. i would not be an agent in any such betrayal, but i had to refuse without offending my father's trust in the divine inspiration of president woodruff's decision and without aiding the smiths in their conspiracy. either at this conference or one of the later ones, two or three apostles came into the room; and among them was apostle brigham young, son of the prophet brigham who had led the mormons to the salt lake valley. when he understood my refusal to abandon my candidacy, he said angrily: "this is a serious filial disrespect. i know my father never would have brooked such treatment from me." and i retorted: "i don't know who invited you into this conference, but i deny your right to instruct me in my filial duty. if my father doesn't understand that the senatorship has lost its value for me--that it's a cross now--then my whole lifetime of devotion to him has been in vain." my father rose and put his arm around my shoulders. "this boy," he said, "is acting honorably. i want him to know--and you to know--that i respect the position he has taken. if he is elected, he shall have my blessing." that was the only understanding i had with him--but it was enough. i could know that i was not to lose his trust and affection by holding to our obligations of honor; and--an assurance almost as precious--i could know that he would not consciously permit legislators to be crushed by the vengeance of the church if they refused to yield to its pressure. a few days after my arrival in utah, and while this controversy was at its height, my father's birthday was celebrated (january , ), with all the patriarchal pomp of a mormon family gathering, in his big country house outside salt lake city. all his descendants and collateral relatives were there, as well as the members of the presidency and many friends. after dinner, the usual exercises of the occasion were held in the large reception hall of the house, with president woodruff and my father and two or three other church leaders seated in semi-state at one end of the hall, and the others of the company deferentially withdrawn to face them. towards the end of the program president woodruff rose from his easy chair, and made a sort of informal address of congratulation; and in the course of it, with his hand on my father's shoulder, he said benignly: "abraham was the friend of god. he had only one son on whom all his hopes were set. but the voice of the lord commanded him to sacrifice isaac upon an altar; and abraham trusted the lord and laid his son upon the altar, in obedience to god's commands. now here is another servant of the most high and a friend of god. i refer to president cannon, whose birthday we are celebrating. he has twenty-one sons; and if it shall be the will of the lord that he must sacrifice one of them he ought to be as willing as abraham was, for he will have twenty left. and the son should be as willing as isaac. we can all safely trust in the lord. he will require no sacrifice at our hands without purpose." i remarked to a relative beside me that the altar was evidently ready for me, but that i feared i should have to "get out and rustle my own ram in the thicket." i received no reply. i heard no word of comment from anyone upon the president's speech. it was accepted devoutly, with no feeling that he had abused the privileges of a guest. everyone understood (as i did) that president woodruff was the gentlest of men; that he had often professed and always shown a kindly affection for me; but that the will of the lord being now known, he thought i should be proud to be sacrificed to it! among the legislators pledged to me were mormon bishops and other ecclesiasts who had promised their constituents to vote for me and who now stood between a betrayal of their people and a rebellion against the power of the hierarchy. i released one of them from his pledge, because of his pathetic fear that he would be eternally damned if he did not obey "the will of the lord." the others went to the presidency to admit that if they betrayed their people they would have to confess what pressure had been put upon them to force them to the betrayal. i went to notify my father (as i had notified the representatives of every other candidate) that we were going to call a caucus of the republican majority of the legislature, and later i was advised that president woodruff and his councillor's had appointed a committee to investigate and report to them how many members could be counted upon to support my father's candidacy. the committee (composed of my uncle angus, my brother abraham, and apostle john henry smith) brought back word that even among the men who had professed a willingness to vote for my father there was great reluctance and apprehension, and that in all probability his election could not be carried. with president woodruff's consent, my father then announced that he was not a candidate. i was nominated by acclamation. when i called upon my father at the president's offices after the election, he said to me before his colleagues: "i wish to congratulate you on having acted honorably and fearlessly. you have my blessing." he turned to the president. "you see, president woodruff," he added, "it was not the will of the lord, after all, since the people did not desire my election!" i have dwelt so largely upon the religious aspects of this affair because they are as true of the prophet in politics today as they were then. at the time, the personal complication of the situation most distressed me--the fact that i was opposing my father in order to fulfill the word of honor that we had given on behalf of the mormon leaders. but there was another view of the matter; and it is the one that is most important to the purposes of this narrative. in the course of the various discussions and conferences upon the senatorship, i learned that the inspiration of the whole attempted betrayal had come from certain republican politicians and lobbyists (like colonel isaac trumbo), who claimed to represent a political combination of business interests in washington. joseph f. smith admitted as much to me in more than one conversation. (i had offended these interests by opposing a monetary and a tariff bill during my service as delegate in congress--a matter which i have still to recount). they had chosen my father and colonel trumbo as utah's two senators. i made it my particular business to see that trumbo's name was not even mentioned in the caucus. the man selected as the other senator was arthur brown, a prominent gentile lawyer who was known as a "jack-mormon" (meaning a gentile adherent to church power), although i then believed, and do now, that judge chas. c. goodwin was the gentile most entitled to the place, because of his ability and the love of his people. i was, however, content with the victory we had won by resisting the influence of the business interests that had been willing to sell our honor for their profit, and i set out for washington with a determination to continue the resistance. i was in a good position to continue it. the election of two republican senators from utah had given the republicans a scant majority of the members of the upper house, and the bills that i had fought in the lower house were now before the senate. these bills had been introduced in the house of representatives, immediately upon its convening in december, , by the committee on rules, before speaker reed had even appointed the general committees. one was a bill to authorize the issuance of interest-bearing securities of the united states at such times and in such sums as the executive might determine. the other was a general tariff bill that proposed increases upon the then existing wilson-gorman bill. the first would put into the hands of the president a power that was not enjoyed by any ruler in christendom; the second would add to the unfair and discriminatory tariff rates then in force, by making ad valorem increases in them. many new members of congress had been elected on the two issues thus created: the arbitrary increase of the bonded indebtedness by president cleveland to maintain a gold reserve; and the unjust benefits afforded those industries that were least in need of aid, by duties increased in exact proportion to the strength of the industrial combination that was to be protected. the presentation of the two bills by the committee on rules--with a coacher to each proposing to prevent amendment and limit discussion--raised a revolt in the house. a caucus of the insurgent republican members was held at the ebbitt hotel, and i was elected temporary chairman. we appointed a committee to demand from speaker reed a division of the questions and time for opposition to be heard. we had seventy-five insurgents when our committee waited on. reed; and most of us were new men, elected to oppose such measures as these bills advocated. he received us with sarcasm, put us off with a promise to consider our demands, and then set his lieutenants at work among us. under the threat of the speaker's displeasure if we continued to "insurge" and the promise of his favor if we "got into line," forty-one (i think) of our seventy-five deserted us. we were gloriously beaten in the house on both measures. some of the older republican members of the house came to ask me how i had been "misled"; and they received with the raised eyebrow and the silent shrug my explanation that i had been merely following my convictions and living up to the promises i had made my constituents. i had supposed that i was upholding an orthodox republican doctrine in helping to defend the country from exploitation by the financial interests, in the matter of the bond issue, and from the greed of the business interests in the attempt to increase horizontally the tariff rates. i do not need, in this day of tariff reform agitation, to argue the injustice of the latter measure. but the bond issue--looking back upon it now--seems the more cruelly absurd of the two. here we were, in times of peace, with ample funds in the national treasury, proposing to permit the unlimited issuance of interest-bearing government bonds in order to procure gold, for that national treasury, out of the hoards of the banks, so that these same banks might be able to obtain the gold again from the treasury in return for paper money. the extent to which this sort of absurdity might be carried would depend solely upon the desire of the confederation of finance to have interest-bearing government bonds on which they might issue national bank notes, since the executive was apparently willing to yield interminably to their greed, in the belief that he was protecting the public credit by encouraging the financiers to attack that credit with their raids on the government gold reserve. the whole difficulty had arisen, of course, out of the agitation upon the money question. the banks were drawing upon the government gold reserve; and the government was issuing bonds to recover the gold again from the banks. i had been, for some years, interested in the problem of our monetary system and had studied and discussed it among our eastern bankers and abroad. the very fact that i was from a "silver state" had put me on my guard, lest a local influence should lead me, into economic error. i had grown into the belief that our system was wrong. it seemed to me that some remedy was imperative. i saw in bimetallism a part of the remedy, and i supported bimetallism not as a partisan of free coinage but as an advocate of monetary reform. the arrival of utah's two representatives in the senate (january , ) gave the bimetallists a majority, and when the bond-issue bill came before us we made it into a bill to permit the free coinage of silver. (february ). a few days later, the finance committee turned the tariff bill into a free-coinage bill also. on both measures, five republican senators voted against their party--henry m. teller, of colorado; fred t. dubois, of idaho; thos. h. carter, of montana; lee mantle, of montana; and myself. we were subsequently joined by richard f. pettigrew of south dakota. within two weeks of my taking the oath in the senate we were read out of the party by republican leaders and republican organs. all this happened so swiftly that there was no time for any remonstrances to come to me from salt lake city, even if the church authorities had wished to remonstrate. the fact was that the people of utah were with us in our insurgency, and when the financial interests subsequently appealed to the hierarchy, they found the church powerless to aid them in support of a gold platform. but they obtained that aid, at last, in support of a tariff that was as unjust to the people as it was favorable to the trusts, and my continued "insurgency" led me again into a revolt against church interference. the thread of connection that ran through these incidents is clear enough to me now: they were all incidents in the progress of a partnership between the church and the predatory business interests that have since so successfully exploited the country. but, at the time, i saw no such connection clearly. i supposed that the partnership was merely a political friendship between the smith faction in the church and the republican politicians who wished to use the church; and i had sufficient contempt for the political abilities of the smiths to regard their conspiracy rather lightly. believing still in the good faith of the mormon people and their real leaders in authority, i introduced a joint resolution in the senate restoring to the church its escheated real estate, which was still in the hands of a receiver, although its personal property had been already restored. in conference with senators hoar and allison,--of the committee to which the resolution was referred--i urged an unconditional restoration of the property, arguing that to place conditions upon the restoration would be to insult the people who had given so many proofs of their willingness to obey the law and keep their pledges. the property was restored without conditions by a joint resolution that passed the senate on march , , passed the house a week later, and was approved by the president on march . the church was now free of the last measure of proscription. its people were in the enjoyment of every political liberty of american citizenship; and i joined in the presidential campaign of with no thought of any danger threatening us that was not common to the other communities of the country. but before i continue further with these political events, i must relate a private incident in the secret betrayal of utah--an incident that must be related, if this narrative is to remain true to the ideals of public duty that have thus far assumed to inspire it--an incident of which a false account was given before a senate committee in washington during the smoot investigation of , accompanied by a denial of responsibility by joseph f. smith, the man whose authority alone encouraged and accomplished the tragedy--for it was a tragedy, as dark in its import to the mormon community as it was terrible in its immediate consequences to all our family. by his denial of responsibility and by secret whisper within the church, smith has placed the disgrace of the betrayal upon my father, who was guiltless of it, and blackened the memory of my dead brother by a misrepresentation of his motives. i feel that it is incumbent upon me, therefore, at whatever pain to myself, to relate the whole unhappy truth of the affair, as much to defend the memory of the dead as to denounce the betrayal of the living, to expose a public treason against the community not less than to correct a private wrong done to the good name of those whom it is my right to defend. late in july, , when i was in new york on business for the presidency, i received a telegram announcing the death of my brother, apostle abraham h. cannon. we had been companions all our lives; he had been the nearest to me of our family, the dearest of my friends but even in the first shock of my grief i realized that my father would have a greater stroke of sorrow to bear than i; and in hurrying back to salt lake city i nerved myself with the hope that i might console him. i found him and joseph f. smith in the office of the presidency, sitting at their desks. my father turned as i entered, and his face was unusually pale in spite of its composure; but the moment he recognized me, his expression changed to a look of pain that alarmed me. he rose and put his hand on my shoulder with a tenderness that it was his habit to conceal. "i know how you feel his loss," he said hoarsely, "but when i think what he would have had to pass through if he had lived i cannot regret his death." the almost agonized expression of his face, as much as the terrible implication of his words, startled me with i cannot say what horrible fear about my brother. i asked, "why! why--what has happened?" with a sweep of his hand toward smith at his desk--a gesture and a look the most unkind i ever saw him use--he answered: "a few weeks ago, abraham took a plural wife, lillian hamlin. it became known. he would have had to face a prosecution in court. his death has saved us from a calamity that would have been dreadful for the church--and for the state." "father!" i cried. "has this thing come back again! and the ink hardly dry on the bill that restored your church property on the pledge of honor that there would never be another case--" i had caught the look on smith's face, and it was a look of sullen defiance. "how did it happen?" my father replied: "i know--it's awful. i would have prevented it if i could. i was asked for my consent, and i refused it. president smith obtained the acquiescence of president woodruff, on the plea that it wasn't an ordinary case of polygamy but merely a fulfillment of the biblical instruction that a man should take his dead brother's wife. lillian was betrothed to david, and had been sealed to him in eternity after his death. i understand that president woodruff told abraham he would leave the matter with them if he wished to take the responsibility--and president smith performed the ceremony." smith could hear every word that was said. my father had included him in the conversation, and he was listening. he not only did not deny his guilt; he accepted it in silence, with an expression of sulky disrespect. he did not deny it later, when the whole community had learned of it. he went with apostle john henry smith to see mr. p. h. lannan, proprietor of the salt lake tribune, to ask him not to attack the church for this new and shocking violation of its covenant. mr. lannan had been intimately friendly with my brother, and he was distressed between his regard for his dead friend and his obligation to do his public duty. i do not know all that the smiths said to him; but i know that the conversation assumed that joseph f. smith had performed the marriage ceremony; i know that neither of the smiths made any attempt to deny the assumption; and i know that joseph f. smith sought to placate mr. lannan by promising "it shall not occur again." and this interview was sought by the smiths, palpably because wherever the marriage of abraham h. cannon and lillian hamlin was talked of, joseph f. smith was named as the priest who had solemnized the offending relation. if it had not been for smith's consciousness of his own guilt and his knowledge that the whole community was aware of that guilt, he would never have gone to the tribune office to make such a promise to mr. lannan. all of which did not prevent joseph f. smith from testifying--in the smoot investigation at washington in --that he did not marry abraham cannon and lillian hamlin, that he did not have any conversation with my father about the marriage, that he did not know lillian hamlin had been betrothed to abraham's dead brother, that the first time he heard of the charge that he had married them was when he saw it printed in the newspapers! [footnote: see proceedings before senate committee on privileges and elections, , vol. , pages , , , etc.] if this first polygamous marriage had been the last--if it were an isolated and peculiar incident as the smiths then claimed it was and promised it should be--it might be forgiven as generously now as mr. lannan then forgave it. but, about the same time there became public another case--that of apostle teasdale--and as this narrative shall prove, here was the beginning of a policy of treachery which the present church leaders, under joseph f. smith, have since consistently practiced, in defiance of the laws of the state and the "revelation of god," with lies and evasions, with perjury and its subornation, in violation of the most solemn pledges to the country, and through the agency of a political tyranny that makes serious prosecution impossible and immunity a public boast. the world understands that polygamy is an enslavement of women. the ecclesiastical authorities in utah today have discovered that it is more powerful as an enslaver of men. once a man is bound in a polygamous relation, there is no place for him in the civilized world outside of a mormon community. he must remain there, shielded by the church, or suffer elsewhere social ostracism and the prosecution of bigamous relations. since , the date of the manifesto (and it is to the period since that my criticism solely applies) the polygamist must be abjectly subservient to the prophets who protect him; he must obey their orders and do their work, or endure the punishment which they can inflict upon him and his wives and his children. inveigled into a plural marriage by the authority of a clandestine religious dogma--encouraged by his elders, seduced by the prospect of their favor, and impelled perhaps by a daring impulse to take the covenant and bond that shall swear him into the dangerous fellowship of the lawlessly faithful--he finds himself, at once, a law breaker who must pay the church hierarchy for his protection by yielding to them every political right, every personal independence, every freedom of opinion, every liberty of act. i do not believe that smith fully foresaw the policy which he has since undoubtedly pursued. i believe now, as i did then, that in betraying my brother into polygamy smith was actuated by his anger against my father for having inspired the recession from the doctrine; that he desired to impair the success of the recession by having my brother dignify the recrudescence of polygamy by the apostolic sanction of his participation; and that this participation was jealously designed by smith to avenge himself upon the first councillor by having the son be one of the first to break the law, and violate the covenant. i saw that my brother's death had thwarted the conspiracy. smith was so obviously frightened--despite his pretense of defiance--that i believed he had learned his needed lesson. and i accepted the incident as a private tragedy on which the final curtain had now fallen. chapter viii. the church and the interests meanwhile, i had been taking part in the presidential campaign of , and i had been one of the four "insurgent" republican senators (teller of colorado, dubois of idaho, pettigrew of south dakota and myself) who withdrew from the national republican convention at st. louis, in fulfillment of our obligations to our constituents, when we found that the convention was dominated by that confederation of finance in politics which has since come to be called "the system." i was a member of the committee on resolutions, and our actions in the committee had indicated that we would probably withdraw from the convention if it adopted the single gold platform as dictated by senator lodge of massachusetts acting for a group of republican leaders headed by platt of new york, and aldrich of rhode island. at the most critical point of our controversy i received a message from church headquarters warning me that "we" had made powerful friends among the leading men of the nation and that we ought not to jeopardize their friendship by an inconsiderate insurgency. accordingly, in bolting the convention, i was guilty of a new defiance of ecclesiastical authority and a new provocation of ecclesiastical vengeance. president woodruff spoke to me of the matter after i returned to utah, and i explained to him that i thought the republican party, under the leadership of mark hanna and the flag of the "interests," had forgotten its duty to the people of the nation. i argued, to the president, that of all people in the world we, who had suffered so much ourselves, were most bound to bow to no unfairness ourselves and to oppose the imposition of unfairness upon others. and i talked in this strain to him not because i wished his approval of my action but because i wished to fortify him against the approach of the emissaries of the new republicanism, who were sure to come to him to seek the support of the church in the campaign. some days later, while i was talking with my father in the offices of the presidency, the secretary ushered in senator redfield proctor of vermont. i withdrew, understanding that he wished to speak in private with president woodruff and his councillors. but i learned subsequently that he had come to salt lake to persuade the leaders of the church to use their power in favor of the republican party throughout the intermountain states. senator proctor asked me personally what chance i thought the party had in the west. i pointed out that the republican platform of had reproached grover cleveland for his antagonism to bimetallism--"a doctrine favored by the american people from tradition and interest," to quote the language of that platform--and the republicans of the intermountain states still held true to the doctrine. it had been repudiated by the st. louis platform of june, , and the intermountain states would probably refuse their electoral votes to the republican party because of the repudiation. senator proctor thought that the leaders of the church were powerful enough to control the votes of their followers; and he argued that gratitude to the republican party for freeing utah ought to be stronger than the opinions of the people in a merely economic question. i reminded him that one of our covenants had been that the church was to refrain from dictating to its followers in politics; that we had been steadily growing away from the absolutism of earlier times; and that for the sake of the peace and progress of utah i hoped that the leaders would keep their hands off. i did not, of course, convince him. nor was it necessary. i was sure that no power that the church would dare to use would be sufficient at this time to influence the people against their convictions. joseph f. smith, soon afterward, notified me that there was to be a meeting of the church authorities in the temple, and he asked me to attend it. since i had never before been invited to one of these conferences in the "holy of holies," i inquired the purposes of the conclave. he replied that they desired to consider the situation in which our people had been placed by my action in the st. louis convention, and to discuss the perceptible trend of public opinion in the state. i saw, then, that senator proctor's visit had not been without avail. on the appointed afternoon, i went to the sacred inner room of the temple, where the members of the presidency and several of the apostles were waiting. i shall not describe the room or any of the religious ceremonies with which the conference was opened. i shall confine myself to the discussion--which was begun mildly by president woodruff and lorenzo snow, then president of the quorum of apostles. to my great surprise, joseph f. smith made a violent republican speech, declaring that i had humiliated the church and alienated its political friends by withdrawing from the st. louis convention. he was followed by heber j. grant, an apostle, who had always posed as a democrat; and he was as republican and denunciatory as smith had been. he declaimed against our alienation of the great business interests of the country, whose friendship he and other prominent mormons had done so much to cultivate, and from whom we might now procure such advantageous co-operation if we stood by them in politics. president woodruff tried to defend me by saying that he was sure i had acted conscientiously; but by this time i desired no intervention of prophetic mercy and no mitigation of judgment that might come of such intervention. as soon as the president announced that they were prepared to hear from me, i rose and walked to the farther side of the solemn chamber, withdrawn from the assembled prophets and confronting them. having first disavowed any recognition of their right as an ecclesiastical body to direct me in my political actions, i rehearsed the events of the two campaigns in which i had been elected on pledges that i had fulfilled by my course in congress, in the senate, and finally in the st. louis convention. that course had been approved by the people. they had trusted me to carry out the policies on which they had elected me to congress. they had reiterated the trust by electing me to the senate after i had revolted against the republican bond and tariff measures in the lower house. i could not and would not violate their trust now. and there was no authority on earth which i would recognize as empowered to come between the people's will and the people's elected servants. the prophets received this defiance in silence. their expressions implied condemnation, but none was spoken--at least not while i was there. president woodruff indicated that the conference was at an end, so far as i was concerned; and i withdrew. some attempts were subsequently made to influence the people during the campaign, but in a half-hearted way and vainly. the democrats carried utah overwhelmingly; only three republican members of the legislature were elected out of sixty-three. it was this conference in the temple which gave me my first realization that most of the prophets had not, and never would have, any feeling of citizenship in state or nation; that they considered, and would continue to consider, every public issue solely in its possible effect upon the fortunes of their church. my father alone seemed to have a larger view; but he was a statesman of full worldly knowledge; and his experience in congress, during a part of the "reconstruction period," and throughout the tilden-hayes controversy, had taught him how effectively the national power could assert itself. the others, blind to such dangers, seemed to feel that under utah's sovereignty the literal "kingdom of god" (as they regard their church) was to exercise an undisputed authority. unable, myself, to take their viewpoint, i was conscious of a sense of transgression against the orthodoxy of their religion. i was aware, for the first time, that in gaining the fraternity of american citizenship i had in some way lost the fraternity of the faith in which i had been reared. i accepted this as a necessary consequence of our new freedom--a freedom that left us less close and unyielding in our religious loyalty by withdrawing the pressure that had produced our compactness. and i hoped that, in time, the prophets themselves--or, at least, their successors--would grow into a more liberal sense of citizenship as their people grew. i knew that our progress must be a process of evolution. i was content to wait upon the slow amendments of time. my hope carried me through the disheartening incidents of the senatorial campaign that followed upon the election of the legislature--a campaign in which the power of the hierarchy was used publicly to defeat the deposed apostle, moses thatcher, in his second candidacy for the united states senate. but the church only succeeded in defeating him by throwing its influence to joseph l. rawlins, whom the prophets loved as little as they loved thatcher; and i felt that in rawlins' election the state at least gained a representative who was worthy of it. what was quite as sinister a use of church influence occurred among the mormons of idaho, where i went to help senator fred. t. dubois in his campaign for re-election. he had aided us in obtaining utah's statehood as much as any man in washington. he had accepted all the promises of the mormon leaders in good faith--particularly their promise that no church influence should intrude upon the politics of idaho. yet in his campaign i was followed through the mormon settlements by charles w. penrose, a polygamist, since an apostle of the church, and at that time editor of the church's official organ, the deseret news. i supposed that he was lying in his claim to represent the presidency; and as soon as i returned to salt lake, i went to church headquarters and asked whether penrose had been authorized to say (as he had been saying) that he was sent out to prevent my making any misrepresentations of the political attitude of the presidency. joseph f. smith replied, "yes,"--speaking for himself and apparently for president woodruff. "and when"--i demanded--"when did i ever claim to represent or misrepresent you in politics? haven't i always said that i don't recognize you as politicians--and always denied that you have any right to dictate the politics of our people?" president woodruff interposed gently: "well, you know, frank, we have no criticism to pass on you, but we were advised that you might tell the voters of idaho we were friendly to senator dubois, and so we sent brother penrose, at the request of president budge" (a mormon stake president in idaho) "to counsel our people. and brother penrose says you attacked him in one of your meetings, and said he was not a trustworthy political guide." president woodruff's mildness was always irresistible. "if that's all he told you i said about him," i replied, "he didn't do justice to my remarks." and i explained that i had described penrose as "a lying, oily hypocrite," come to advise the idaho mormons that the presidency wished them to vote a certain political ticket although the presidency had no interest in the question and although i myself had taken to washington the presidency's covenant of honor that the church would never attempt to interfere in idaho's political affairs. smith sprang to his feet angrily. "i don't care what has been promised to dubois or anyone else," he said. "he was the bitterest enemy our people had in the old days, and i'll never give my countenance to him in politics while the world stands. he sent many a one of our brethren to prison when he was marshal of the territory, and i can't forget his devilish persecutions--even if you can." i closed the conversation by remarking that not one among us would have had a vote as a citizen either of utah or of idaho if dubois and men of his kind had not accepted our pledges of honor; and if we were determined to remember the persecutions and not the mercy, we ought to go back to the conditions from which mercy had rescued us. i left for washington, soon after, with an unhappy apprehension that there were evil influences at work in utah which might prove powerful enough to involve the whole community in the worst miseries of reaction. i saw those influences embodied in joseph f. smith; and because he was explosive where others were reflective, he had now more influence than previously--there being no longer any set resistance to him. the reverence of the mormon people for the name of smith was (as it had always been) his chief asset of popularity. he had a superlative physical impressiveness and a passion that seemed to take the place of magnetism in public address. but he never said anything memorable; he never showed any compelling ability of mind; he had a personal cunning without any large intelligence, and he was so many removes from the first presidency that it seemed unlikely he would soon attain to that position of which the power is so great that it only makes the blundering more dangerous than the astute. i was going to washington, before congress reconvened, to confer with senator redfield proctor. he wished to see me about the new protective tariff bill that was proposed by the republican leaders. i wished to ask him not to use his political influence in idaho against senator fred. t. dubois, who had been senator proctor's political protege. i knew that senator proctor had once been given a semi-official promise that the mormon church leaders would not interfere in idaho against dubois. i wished to tell proctor that this promise was not being kept, and to plead with him to give dubois fair play--although i knew that senator dubois' "insurgency" had offended senator proctor. he received me, in his home in washington, with an almost paternal kindliness that became sometimes more dictatorial than persuasive--as the manner of an older senator is so apt to be when he wishes to correct the independence of a younger colleague. he explained that the house was republican by a considerable majority; a good protective tariff bill would come from that body; and a careful canvass of the senate had proved that the bill would pass there, if i would vote for it. "we have within one vote of a majority," he said. "as you're a devoted protectionist in your views--as your state is for protection--as your father and your people feel grateful to the republican party for leading you out of the wilderness--i have felt that it was proper to appeal to you and learn your views definitely. if you'll pledge your support to the bill, we shall not look elsewhere for a vote--but it's essential that we should be secure of a majority." i replied that i could not promise to vote for the measure until i should see it. it was true that i had been a devoted advocate of protection and still believed in the principle; but i had learned something of the way in which tariff bills were framed, and something of the influences that controlled the party councils in support of them. i could not be sure that the new measure would be any more just than the original dingley bill, which i had helped to defeat in the senate; and the way in which this bill had been driven through the house was a sufficient warning to me not to harness myself in a pledge that might be misused in legislation. senator proctor did me the honor to say that he did not suppose any improper suggestion of personal advantage could influence me, and he hoped i knew him too well to suppose that he would use such an argument; "but," he added, "anything that it's within the 'political' power of the party to bestow, you may expect; i'm authorized to say that we will take care of you." as i still refused to bind myself blindly, he said, with regret: "we had great hopes of you. it seems that we must look elsewhere. i will leave the question open. if you conclude to assure us of your vote for the bill, i shall see that you are restored to a place in republican councils. if i do not hear anything from you, it will be necessary to address ourselves to one or two other senators who are probably available." it is, of course, a doctrine of present-day republicanism that the will of the majority must rule within the party. an insurgent is therefore an apostate. the decision of the caucus is the infallible declaration of the creed. in setting myself up as a judge of what it was right for me to do, as the sworn representative of the people who had elected me, i was offending against party orthodoxy, as that orthodoxy was then, and is now, enforced in washington. i was given an opportunity to return to conformity. i was sent a written invitation to attend the caucus of republican senators after the assembling of congress; and, with the other "insurgents," i ignored the invitation. it was finally decided by the party leaders to let the tariff bill rest until after the inauguration of the president-elect, william mckinley, with the understanding that he would call a special session to consider it; and, in the interval, the republican machine, under mark hanna, was set to work to produce a republican majority in the senate. hanna was elected senator, at this time, to succeed john sherman, who had been removed to the office of secretary of state, in order to make a seat for hanna. the republican majority was produced. (senator dubois had been defeated). and when the special session was called, in the spring of , my vote was no longer so urgently needed. i was invited to a republican caucus, but i was unwilling to return to political affiliations which i might have to renounce again; for i saw the power of the business interests in dictating the policy of the party and i did not propose to bow to that dictation. when the tariff bill came before the senate, i could not in conscience support it. the beneficiaries of the bill seemed to be dictating their own schedules, and this was notably the case with the sugar trust, which had obtained a differential between raw and refined sugar several times greater than the entire cost of refining. i denounced the injustice of the sugar schedule particularly. a mr. oxnard came to remonstrate with me on behalf of the beet sugar industry of the west. "you know," he said, "what a hard time we're having with our sugar companies. unless this schedule's adopted i greatly fear for our future." i replied that i was not opposing any protection of the struggling industries of the country, or of the sugar growers, but i was set against the extortionate differential that the sugar trust was demanding. everybody knew that the trust had built its tremendous industrial power upon such criminally high protection as this differential afforded, and that its power now affected public councils, obtained improper favors, and terrorized the small competing beet sugar companies of the west. i argued that it was time to rally for the protection of the people as well as of the beet sugar industry. he predicted that if the differential was reduced the protection on beet sugar would fail. i laughed at him. "you don't know the temper of the senate," i said. "why, even some of the democrats are in favor of protecting the beet sugar industry. that part of the bill is safe, whatever happens to the rest." "senator cannon," he replied, with all the scorn of superior knowledge, "you're somewhat new to this matter. permit me to inform you that if we don't do our part in supporting the sugar schedule, including the differential, the friends of the schedule in the senate will prevent us from obtaining our protection." "that," i retorted angrily, "is equivalent to saying that the sugar trust is writing the sugar schedule. i can't listen with patience to any such insult. the senate of the united states cannot be dictated to, in a matter of such importance, by the trust. i will not vote for the differential. i will continue to oppose it to the end. if you're right--if the trust has such power--better that our struggling sugar industry should perish, so that we may arouse the people to the iniquitous manipulation that destroyed it." i continued to oppose the schedule. soon after, i received a message from the church authorities asking me to go to new york to attend to some of their financial affairs. i entered the lobby of the plaza hotel on fifth avenue about nine o'clock at night; i was met, unexpectedly, by thomas r. cutler, manager of the utah sugar company, who was a bishop of the mormon church; and he asked, almost at once, how the tariff bill was progressing at washington. i had known bishop cutler for years. i knew that he had labored with extraordinary zeal and intelligence to establish the sugar industry in utah. i understood that he had risked his own property, unselfishly, to save the enterprise when it was in peril. and i had every reason to expect that he would be as indignant as i was, at the proposal to use the support of the beet sugar states in behalf of their old tyrant. i told him of my conversation with oxnard. "i'm glad," i said, "that we're independent enough to refuse such an alliance with the men who are robbing the country." a peculiar, pale smile curled bishop cutler's thin lips. "well, frank," he replied, "that's just what i want to see you about. we"--with the intonation that is used among prominent mormons when the "we" are voicing the conclusions of the hierarchy--"wouldn't like to do anything to hurt the sugar interests of the country. i've looked into this differential, and i don't see that it is particularly exorbitant. as a matter of fact, the american sugar refining company is doing all it can to help us get our needed protection, and we have promised to do what we can for it, in return. i hope you can see your way clear to vote for the bill. i know that the brethren"--meaning the church authorities--"will not approve of your opposition to it." i understand what his quiet warning meant, and when we had parted i went to my room to face the situation. already i had been told, by a representative of the union pacific railway, that the company intended to make utah the legal home of the corporation, and to enter into a close affiliation with the prominent men of the church. i had been asked to participate, and i had refused because i did not feel free, as a senator, to become interested in a company whose relations with the government were of such a character. but i had not foreseen what this affiliation meant. bishop cutler's warning opened my eyes. the church was protecting itself, in its commercial undertakings, by an alliance with the strongest and most unscrupulous of the national enemies. i saw that this was natural. the mormon leaders had been for years struggling to save their community from poverty. proscribed by the federal laws, their home industries suffering for want of finances, fighting against the allied influences of business in politics, these leaders had been taught to feel a fearful respect for the power that had oppressed them. they were now being offered the aid and countenance of their old opponents. our community, so long the object of the world's disdain, was to advance to favor and prosperity along the easy road of association with the most influential interests of the country. i remembered the long hard struggle of our people. i remembered the days and nights of anxiety that i myself had known when we were friendless and proscribed. here was an open door for us, now, to power and wealth and all the comfort and consideration that would come of these. other men better than i in personal character, more experienced in legislation than i, and wiser by natural gift, were willing to vote for the bill; and bishop cutler, a man whom i had always esteemed, the representative of the men whom i most revered, had urged me, for them, to support the bill, under suggestion of their anger if i refused to be guided by their leadership. i saw why the "interests" were eager to have our friendship; we could give them more than any other community of our size in the whole country. in the final analysis, the laws of our state and the administration of its government would be in the hands of the church authorities. moses thatcher might lead a rebellion for a time, but it would be brief. brigham h. roberts might avow his independence in some wonderful burst of campaign oratory, but he would be forced to fast and pray and see visions until he yielded. i might rebel and be successful for a moment, but the inexorable power of church control would crush me at last. yet, if i surrendered in this matter of the tariff, i should be doing exactly what i had criticized so many of my colleagues for doing--for more than one man in the house and the senate had given me the specious excuse that it was necessary to go against his conscience, here, in order to hold his influence and his power to do good in other instances. i did not sleep that night. on the day following, i transacted the financial affairs that i had been asked to undertake, and then i returned to washington. my wife met me at the railway station, and--if you will bear with the intimacy of such psychology--the moment i saw her i knew how i would vote. i knew that neither the plea of community ambition, nor the equally invalid argument of an industrial need at home, nor the financial jeopardy of my friends who had invested in our home industries, nor the fear of church antagonism, could justify me in what would be, for me, an act of perfidy. when i had taken my oath of office i had pledged myself, in the memory of old days of injustice, never to vote as a senator for an act of injustice. the test had come. by all the sanctities of that old suffering and the promise that i had made in its spirit, i would keep the faith. when the tariff bill came to its final vote in the senate, i had the unhappy distinction of being the only republican senator who voted against it. a useless sacrifice! and yet if it had been my one act of public life, i should still be glad of it. the "interests" that forced the passage of that bill are those that have since exploited the country so shamefully. it is their control of republican party councils that has since caused the loss of popular faith in republicanism and the split in the party which threatens to disrupt it. it is their control of politics in utah that has destroyed the whole value of the mormon experiment in communism and made the mormon church an instrument of political oppression for commercial gain. they are the most dangerous domestic enemy that the nation has known since the close of the civil war. my opposition was as doomed as such single independence must always be--but at least it was an opposition. there is a consolation in having been right, though you may have been futile! my father, visiting washington soon afterwards, took occasion to criticize my vote publicly, in a newspaper interview; but he was content, by that criticism, to clear himself and his colleagues of any responsibility for my act. "you made a great mistake," he told me privately. "you are alienating the friends who have done so much for us." he added as if casually--with an air of off-handedness that was significant to me--"you lay yourself open to attack from your political enemies. when a man's head is high, it is easily hit." i was afterwards to understand how serious a danger he then foresaw and thus predicted. many reports soon reached me of attacks that were being made upon me by the ecclesiastical authorities, particularly by joseph f. smith and apostle heber j. grant. the formal criticism passed upon me by my father was magnified to make my tariff vote appear an inexcusable party and community defection. a vigorous and determined opposition was raised against me. and in this, smith and his followers were aided by the perfect system of church control in utah--a system of complete ecclesiastical tyranny under the guise of democracy. practically every mormon man is in the priesthood. nearly every mormon man has some concrete authority to exercise in addition to holding his ordination as an elder. obedience to his superiors is essential to his ambition to rise to higher dignity in the church; and obedience to his superiors is necessary in order to attract obedience to himself from his subordinates. there can be no lay jealousy of priestly interference in politics, because there are no laymen in the proper sense of the word. a man's worldly success in life is largely involved in his success as a churchman, since the church commands the opportunities of enterprise, and the leaders of the church are the state's most powerful men of affairs. it is not uncommon, in any of our american communities, for men to use their church membership to support their business; but in utah the mormons practically must do so, and even the gentiles find it wise to be subservient. add to this temporal power of the church the fact that it was establishing a policy of seeking material success for its people, and you have the explanation of its eagerness to accept an alliance with the "interests" and of its hostility to anyone who opposed that alliance. the mormons, dispossessed of their means by the migration from illinois, had been taught the difficulty of obtaining wealth and the value of it when once obtained. they fancied themselves set apart, in the mountains, by the world's exclusion. they were ambitious to make themselves as financially powerful in proportion to their numbers as the jews were; and it was a common argument among them that the world's respect had turned to the jews because of the dependence of christian governments upon the jewish financiers. the exploitation of this solid mass of industry and thrift could not long be obscured from the eyes of the east. the honest desire of the mormon leaders to benefit their people by an alliance with financial power made them the easy victims of such an alliance. with the death of the older men of the hierarchy, the church administration lost its tradition of religious leadership for the good of the community solely, and the new leaders became eager for financial aggrandizement for the sake, of power. like every other church that has added a temporal scepter to its spiritual authority, its pontiffs have become kings of a civil government instead of primates of a religious faith. chapter ix. at the crossways in , the church, freed of proscription, with its people enjoying the sovereignty of their state rights, had--as i have already said--only one further enfranchisement to desire: and that was its freedom from debt. the informal "finance committee" of which i was a member, had succeeded in concentrating the bulk of the indebtedness in the east, on short term loans, and had brought a certain order out of the confusion of the older methods of administration. but, in , my father proposed a comprehensive plan of church finance that included the issuance of church bonds and the formation of responsible committees to regulate and manage the business affairs of the church, so that the bonds might be made a normal investment for eastern capital by having a normal business method of administration to back them. the idea was tentatively approved by the presidency, and i was asked to draw up the plan in detail. to this end there were placed in my hands sheets showing the assets, liabilities, revenues and disbursements of the church. they gave a total cash indebtedness of $ , , , approximately. the revenues from tithes for the year were estimated at a trifle more than a million dollars--the total being low because of the financial depression from which the country was just recovering. the available property holdings--exclusive of premises used for religious worship, for educational and benevolent work, and such kindred purposes--were valued at several millions (from four to six), although there was no definite appraisal or means of obtaining appraisal, since the values would largely attach only when the properties were brought into business use. i was advised that the incomes of the church would probably increase at the rate of ten per cent per annum, but i do not know by what calculations this ratio was reached. the disbursements were chiefly for interest on debt, for the maintenance of the temples and tabernacles, for educational and charitable work, for missionary headquarters in other countries, and for the return of released missionaries. the missionaries themselves received no compensation; they were supposed to travel "without purse or scrip;" their expenses were defrayed by their relatives, and they had to pay out of their own pockets for the printed tracts which they distributed. neither the president nor any of the general authorities received salaries. there was an order that each apostle should be paid $ , a year, but this rule had been suspended, except, perhaps, in the cases of men who had to give their whole time to religious work and who had no independent incomes. some occasional appropriations had been made for meeting houses in communities that had been unable to erect their own chapels of worship, but for the most part there were few calls made upon the church revenues to support its religious activities, its priests or its propaganda. our proposed committees, therefore, were a committee on missionary work, one on publication, one on colonization, one on political protective work for the mormons in foreign countries, and most important--a finance committee selected from the body of apostles, with the addition of some able men connected with financial institutions. as a basis for the work of the finance committee, we proposed the establishment of an interest fund, a sinking fund, and a scale of percentage disbursements for the various community purposes. these committees were to be appointed by the conferences of the people, and the committee reports were to be public. president woodruff eagerly accepted the plan as relieving the presidency of administrative cares that were becoming too great for the quorum to carry. joseph f. smith did not at once awake to the real meaning of the proposal; but when the scheme was submitted in its matured details, he spoke of the danger of allowing power to pass from the hands of the "trustee in trust" in business matters. his idea was sufficiently clear in its resistance to any diffusion of authority, but it was correspondingly void of any suggestion of substitute. for the time being he was pacified by the assurance that the "kingdom of god" and the rule of its prophets would not be endangered by the organization of committees and the submission of financial plans to the general knowledge, and even to the consent, of the people. it was, of course, evident to the first councillor that this scheme of church administration would give the mormon people a measure of responsible government, and the proposal was a part of his wisdom as a community leader seeking the common welfare. while we had been a people on whom the whole world seemed to be making war, a dictatorship had been necessary; but now that we had arrived at peace and liberty, a concentration of irresponsible power would surely become dangerous to progress. without, therefore, impairing the religious authority of the prophet, the first councillor was willing to divide the temporal power of the church among its members. he was as silent, about these aims, with me as with all others; but i had learned to understand him in his silences; and, in joining with him in his work of reform, i was as sure of his purpose as i have since been sure of the disaster to the mormon people that has come of the failure to effect the reform. when the presidency had approved of the flotation of bonds, i went with my father to new york to aid him in interesting eastern capitalists in the investment. we interviewed judge john f. dillon and mr. winslow pierce, of the law firm of dillon and pierce, attorneys for some of the union pacific interests; and through them we met mr. edward h. harriman, mr. george j. gould and members of the firm of kuhn loeb and company. it was interesting to watch the encounters between the mormon prophet and some of these astutest of the nation's financiers; for it was as if one of the ancient patriarchs had stepped down from the days of early israel to discuss the financial problems of his people with a modern "captain of industry." he described a condition of society that was, to wall street, archaic. he spoke with a serene assurance that the order of affairs in utah was constituted in the wisdom of the word of god. he was listened to, with the interest of curiosity, as the chief living exponent of the mormon movement, its processes and its aims; and i was impressed by the fact that these men of the world had a large and splendid sympathy for any wholesome social effort designed to abolish poverty and establish a quicker justice in the practical affairs of the race. it was of the abolition of poverty and the justice of the social order among the mormons, that the first councillor chiefly spoke. "your clients," he said to judge dillon, "make their investments frequently in railroad stocks and bonds. what are the underlying bases of the values of railroad securities? largely the industry and stability of the communities through which the railroad lines shall operate. then, in reality, the security is valuable in proportion to the value of the community in its steadfastness, its prosperity and the safety of its productive labor. in your railroad investments you are obliged to take such considerations as a secondary security. in negotiating this church loan with your clients, you can offer the same great values as a primary security. probably no where else in the world is there a people at once so industrious and so stable as ours." it was the boast of the mormons that there had not been an almshouse or an almstaker in any of their settlements, up to the time of the escheat proceedings by the federal officials; and this was literally true. every man had been helped to the employment for which he was best fitted. if an immigrant, in his former estate, had been a silk-weaver, efforts were made to establish his industry and give it public support. if he had been a musician of talent, a little conservatory was founded, and patronage obtained for him. when the growth of population made it necessary to open new valleys for agriculture, the church, out of its community fund, rendered the initial aid; in many instances the original irrigation enterprises of small settlements were thus financed; and the investments were repaid not only directly, by the return of the loan, but indirectly, many times over, by the increased productiveness and larger contributions of the people. co-operation, in mercantile, industrial and stock-raising undertakings, assured the support and patronage of each community for its own particular enterprise, prevented destructive competition and checked the greed of the individual--for the more he toiled for himself, the larger the share of the general burden he had to carry. it was the first councillor's theory that when people contributed to a common fund they became interested in one another's material welfare. the man who paid less in tithes this year than last was counselled with as to why his business had been unsuccessful, and the wise men of his little circle aided him with advice and material help. the man who contributed largely was glad of a prosperity from which he yielded a part--in recognition of what the community had done for him and in a reverent gratitude to god for making him "a steward of mighty possessions"--but he was anxious that his neighbor also should be a larger contributor each year. the whole system of tithe-paying was built upon a series of purported "revelations" received by joseph smith, the original prophet. it was declared to be the will of god that all men, as stewards of their possessions, should give of their increase annually into "the storehouse of the lord," which should always be open for the relief of the poor. inasmuch as the man who received help--or whose widow and children did so--had been a tithe-payer during all his productive years, there was none of the feeling of personal humiliation on the part of the recipient, nor any of the feeling of condescending charity on the part of the giver, in the distribution of funds to the needy. and it was astonishing how few the needy were--because of the abstemious lives, the industry, and the thrift of the workers. the church tribunals heard and settled all disputes over property or personal rights not involving the criminal law. expensive litigation was thus avoided. society was saved the cost of innumerable courts. there were many counties in which no lawyer could be found; and everywhere, among the mormons, it was considered an act of evil fellowship, amounting almost to apostasy, for a man to bring suit against his brother in the civil tribunals. in short--as my father pointed out--utah, at that time, expressed the only full-bodied social proposition in the united states. there never had been in america another community whose future, in the economic aspects, offered so clear a solution of problems which still remain generally unsettled. it was as if a segment of the great circle of modern humanity had been transported to another world, otherwise unpopulated, and there with the experience gained through centuries of human travail--had attempted the establishment of a just, beneficent and satisfying social order. i am here repeating this argument--this exposition--because the financial absolutism of the prophets of the church has since ruined the whole mormon experiment in communism, put the mormon paupers into the public poor houses, used the tithes to support the large financial ventures of the prophet's favorites, and turned the church's "community enterprises" into monopolistic exploitations of the mormon people. and this change began even while our negotiations were pending in new york--for they were prolonged, for various reasons, into the summer of , and they were interrupted finally by the death of president woodruff. as soon as i received word of his illness i took train for utah. the news of his death met me on the journey home. since i derived my authority solely from him, upon my arrival in salt lake i went to the cashier of the church, gave him the keys and the password to the safety deposit box in new york, and withdrew from any further participation in the church's financial affairs. when i came to the office of the presidency i found that my father had removed his desk; and this was an indication to me of what was happening in the inner circles of church intrigue. the president of the quorum of apostles invariably succeeds to the presidency of the church, although it is left to the apostles to decide, and their choice is supposed to be directed by inspiration. his election is subsequently ratified by the general conference; but this ratification is a mere form, because the conference must either accept the choice of the apostles or rebel against "the revelation of god." apostle lorenzo snow was president of the quorum of apostles, and therefore in line for the presidency. but usually, after the death of a president, a considerable period was allowed to elapse before the selection of his successor, with the government resting in the quorum of apostles meanwhile, even for a term of years. as soon as i arrived in salt lake, apostle snow asked me to a private interview (in the same small back room of the president's offices), inquired about the financial negotiations that i had been conducting, and asked me whether it was not essential to the success of our business affairs that as soon as possible the church should elect a president, empowered as "trustee in trust." i replied that it was. he invited me to attend a conference of the apostles and give my views upon the situation to them. this seemed to me an act of rather shallow cunning, for i knew i was too unimportant a person to be so consulted unless he thought my report would aid his intrigue. such intriguing was offensive to the religious traditions of the church; and it outraged my feeling for president woodruff, who was hardly cold in death before this personal and worldly ambition caught at the reins of his office. snow had been a man of small weight in the government of the church. he had known none of the responsibilities of great leadership. he was eighty-four years old. however, it was impossible for us to maintain the church's credit in the east unless our community were represented by some choate authority, since our credit rested on the belief that the mormon people were ready to consecrate all their possessions at any time to the service of the church at the command of the president. i advised the apostles of this fact. snow was elected president on september , , eleven days after woodruff's death. he followed the usual precedent in choosing my father and joseph f. smith as his councillor's. but he took possession of his new authority with the manner of an heir entering upon the ownership of a personal estate for which he had long waited--and which he proposed to enjoy to the full for his remaining years. in a most literal sense he held that all the property of the people of the church was subject to his direction, as chief earthly steward of "the divine monarch," and he proceeded to exercise his assumed prerogatives with an autocracy that made even joseph f. smith complain because the councillor's were never asked for counsel. as resident apostle of box elder county and president of the box elder "stake of zion," snow had already shown his ambition as a financier, disastrously; and it was as the financial head of the church that he was chiefly to rule during his term of absolutism. of all the church leaders whom i had known he was the only man who showed none of the robustness of the western experience. tall, stately, white-bearded, elegant and courtly, he prided himself most obviously on his manners and his culture. he rarely spoke in any but the most subdued and silken tones of suavity. he walked with a step that was almost affected in its gentility. if he had any passions, he held them in such smooth concealment that the public credited him with neither force nor unkindness. he had been a great traveler (as a missionary); he had written his autobiography, somewhat egotistically; he was devoted to the forms of his religion, like a mediaeval prince of the church and an elegante. but under all the artificialities of personal vanity and exterior grace, he proved to have a cold determination that seemed more selfishly ambitious than religiously zealous. at once, upon his accession to power, he notified us that he did not intend to carry out any such plan as we had suggested for the administration of the church's finances. it meant a diffusion of authority; and he held that the best results had been obtained by keeping all power in the hands of the prophet, seer and revelator, and of those whom he might appoint to work with him. joseph f. smith, at a meeting of the presidency, was even more positive. no good, he said, could come of publishing the affairs of the community to the people of it; those affairs were purely the concern of the prophets; the lord revealed his will to the prophets and they were responsible only to him. my father necessarily bowed to the president's decision. "it is within the authority of the prophet of the lord," he counselled me, "to determine how he will conduct the business of the church. president snow has his own ideas." by that decision, as i see it now, an autocracy of financial power was confirmed to the president of the mormon church at a time when a renewal of prosperity among its people was about to make such power fatal to their liberties. it was confirmed to a man who proved himself eager for it, ambitious to increase it and secretly unscrupulous in his use of it. he proceeded at once to preach the doctrine of contribution with unexampled zeal, but he administered the "common fund," so collected, with none of the old feeling of responsibility to the people who contributed it he became the first of the new financial pontiffs of the church who have used the "money power" as an aid to hierarchical domination. moreover, in his desire to fill the coffers of the church, he engaged in "practical politics" and made a profit out of church influence, both in business enterprises and in political campaigns. he proved himself peculiarly qualified by nature to construct and direct a secret political machine--a machine whose operations were never to be observable except to the close student of utah's ecclesiasticism--a machine that was to be all the more effective because of its silent certainty. as the succeeding chapters of this narrative will show, although he affected a fine superiority to unclean political work and always publicly professed that the church of christ was holding itself aloof from the strife of partisanship, there was no political event on which he did not fix the calculating eye of his ambitious clericalism and no candidacy that he did not reach with those slender but powerful fingers that controlled the destiny of a state and trifled with the honor of a people. his accession marked the change from the old to the new regime in utah. leadership was no longer a dangerous honor. proscription no longer made the authorities of the church strong by persecution--hardy chiefs of a poverty-stricken people--leaders as sensible of the obligations of power as their followers were faithful in their allegiance of duty. political freedom and worldly prosperity made the office of president a luxurious sovereignty, easily tyrannical, fortified in its religious absolutism by its irresponsible power of finance, and protected in its social abuses, from the interference of the nation, by an alliance with the commercial rulers of the nation and by a duplicity that worldliness has learned to dignify with the respectability of material success. chapter x. on the downward path during the last years of president woodruff's life there had been a slow decline of the feeling that it was necessary for self-protection that the hierarchy should preserve a political control over the people. i cannot say that the feeling had wholly passed. it had continued to show itself, here and there, whenever a candidate was so pertinacious in his independence that words of disfavor were sent out from church headquarters in one of those whispers that carry to the confines of the kingdom of the priests. but the progress was apparent. the tendency was clear. and in there was neither internal revolt nor external threat to provoke a renewal of the exercise of that force which is necessarily despotic if it be used at all. yet, in september, , president snow, if he did not instigate, at least authorized the candidacy of brigham h. roberts for congress--a polygamist who had been threatened with excommunication for his opposition to the "political manifesto" of and who had recanted and made his peace with the hierarchy. his election, now, would be a proof that the church could punish a brilliant orator and courageous citizen in the time of his independence and then reward him in the day of his submission; and the authorities would thus demonstrate to all the people that the one way to political preferment lay through the annihilation of self-will and the submergence of national loyalty in priestly devotion. such a candidacy was a sufficient shame to the state; but there was also a united states senatorship to be bestowed; and it was deliberately bargained for, between the church authorities and a man who deserved better than the alliance into which he entered. alfred w. mccune was a citizen of utah who had gone out from the territory in the days of its poverty (and his own), had made a fortune in british columbia and montana, and had returned to his home state to enrich it with his generosities. he was not a mormon, but he had wide mormon connections. he spent his millions in public enterprises and benefactions; and the church had benefited in the sum of many thousands by his subscriptions to its funds and institutions. apostle heber j. grant, a republican by sentiment but a democrat by pretension, was selected by president snow to barter the senatorship to mccune. there can be no doubt of it. everyone immediately suspected it. letters from grant, published in the newspapers of january, , subsequently confirmed it. and president snow's actions, toward the end of the campaign, proved it. the other candidates were judge o. w. powers, a prominent democrat; william h. king, also a democrat, a former member of congress and at one time a federal judge; and myself as an independent silver republican. i had not allied myself with the democrats after withdrawing from the republican convention of , and the republican machine in utah (thanks to the power of the "interests") had repudiated me, in september, , by adopting a platform that refused to support as senator any man who had opposed the dingley tariff bill. but i had the votes of my own county of weber, and some other votes that had been pledged to me before the election of members of the legislature; and though my return to the senate seemed plainly impossible, i went into the fight in fulfillment of understandings which i had with progressive elements in utah and with the "insurgents," of that day, in washington. during the campaign to elect members of the legislature, i supported the democratic state and congressional ticket. brigham h. roberts had been nominated for congress on this ticket despite the protests of my father and many others who foresaw the evil results of electing a polygamist. i accepted roberts' nomination as proof that this question must be settled anew at washington; and i contented myself with predicting, throughout the campaign, that the house of representatives would determine whether it would admit a polygamist and a member of the hierarchy as a lawmaker, and would so forever dispose of these ecclesiastical candidacies of which utah refused to dispose for itself. (and it is a fact that since the prompt exclusion of roberts from the house of representatives no known polygamist has been elected to either house of congress.) a democratic legislature was elected, and a. w. mccune was put forward prominently as a candidate for the united states senatorship. he was assisted by his own newspaper, the salt lake herald, by numberless business interests, cleverly by the deseret news (the organ of the hierarchy) flagrantly and for financial reasons by apostle heber j. grant, and incidentally by the smiths on behalf of the church. also a republican assistance was given him by my former colleague in the senate, arthur brown, who specialized as an opponent to my candidacy. my old campaign manager, ben rich, had been withdrawn from me by a church order appointing him in control of the eastern missions. i was without the support of either the democratic or republican organizations: my following was a personal one: and consequently the attack upon me chiefly took the form of stories of personal immorality, privately circulated. these stories culminated in a motion before the woman's republican club, demanding my withdrawal from the senatorial contest on the ground of "gross misconduct"--a motion introduced by a mrs. anna m. bradley, a woman politician (who was a stranger to me), with the assistance of mrs. arthur brown, wife of the former senator. if i ever had any resentment against these unfortunate women for allowing themselves to be used as the agents of slander, it passed in the miseries that overtook them later; for mrs. brown died of the scandal of her husband's intimacy with mrs. bradley, and mrs. bradley shot and killed ex-senator brown, in a washington hotel, because he refused to marry her and recognize her child after her divorce from her husband. my anger then, and since, was not against the women, but against the men who hid behind them--against apostle heber j. grant and apostle john henry smith and their tool, ex-senator brown. in my anger i decided to take an action that looked as desperate as it proved successful. i hired the salt lake theatre--for a night (february , ), and announced that i would speak on "senatorial candidates and pharisees"--intending to use the opportunity of self-defense in order to attack the "financial apostles" who were selling church influence. in taking that step i understood, of course, that it meant the death for me of any political ambition in utah. it meant offending my father, who besought me not to raise my hand against "the lord's anointed," but to leave my enemies "to god's justice"--as he had always done with his. it meant a breach with many of my friends in the church who would blindly resent my criticism of the political apostles as an encouragement to the enemies of the faith. but the part that i had taken in helping utah to gain its statehood made it impossible for me to stand aside, now, and see all our pledges broken, all our promises betrayed. i had to offer myself as a sacrifice to hierarchical resentment in the hope that my destruction might give at least a momentary pause to the reactionaries in their career. it is needless that i should relate all the incidents of that wild night. the theatre was packed with people who joined me for the moment in a sympathetic protest against the disgrace of utah. president lorenzo snow, his two councillors and several apostles were present, and i spoke without any reservations on account of personal relationship, my own candidacy or the possible effect upon my own affairs. i appealed to the people to prevent the sale of utah's senatorship to mccune by apostle grant and the church reactionaries; and by turning the light of publicity upon the methods that were being employed in the legislature, i made it impossible for the hierarchy to sway enough votes to elect mccune. the men who had pledged themselves to the other candidates could not be shaken from their support without a national scandal. the election settled for the time into a deadlock, in which no candidate could obtain enough votes to elect him. apostle heber j. grant started to write letters that should counteract the effect of my speech, but president snow forbade him to continue the controversy and sent word to me that he had forbidden grant to continue it. i did not know why president snow wished me to feel that he was friendly to me, but i was soon to learn. the deadlock in the legislature continued, in spite of all the efforts of the church authorities to break it. our political workers, summoned one by one by messengers from church headquarters, had gone to interviews from which they did not return to us--until i had left only judge ed. f. colborn (a famous character in kansas, colorado and utah), and an old friend, jesse w. fox. one night, about a week after the meeting in the theatre, we three were sitting alone in my rooms, when the door opened and someone beckoned to fox. he went out. judge colborn opened a window to see fox getting into a carriage with a man from church headquarters--and we knew that our last worker was gone. he returned only to tell me that president snow wished to see me--that if i were willing, the president would like to have me call upon him, at half past nine the following evening, in his residence. and i understood the significance of such an invitation for such an hour. i had been too often in contact with the power of the prophets to doubt what was required of me. i was curious merely to know what form the ultimatum would take. president snow was then living with his youngest wife in a house a few blocks from the offices of the presidency. i drove there in a carriage and ordered the driver to wait for me. president snow opened the door to me himself, received me with his usual engaging smile, and ushered me into a reception room that was shut off, by portieres, from a larger parlor. there, when he had invited me to be seated, he said, winningly: "i was not sure you would come in answer to my message." i assured him that i had not so far lost my regard for the men with whom my father was associated. "and besides," i said, "if there were no other reason, it is my place, as the younger of the two, to attend on your convenience." "i did not know," he replied, "but that you thought me one of the 'pharisees' of whom you spoke." i did not accept this invitation to reply that i did not consider him one of the pharisees. i explained merely that i had identified the pharisees in my speech by name and deed and accusation. "unless something there said is applicable to you, i have no charge to make against you." he excused himself a moment to go to an infant whom we could hear crying in an inner room; and, when he returned, he had the child in his arms--a little girl, in a night gown. he sat down, petting her, stroking her hair with his supple lean hand, affectionately, and smiling with a sort of absentminded tenderness as he took up the conversation again. this memory of him sticks in my mind as one of the most extraordinary pictures of my experience. i knew that i had come there to hear my own or some other person's political death sentence. i knew that he would not have invited me at such an hour, with such secrecy, unless the issue of our conference was to be something dark and fatal. and in the soft radiance of the lamp he sat smiling--fragile of build, almost spiritual, white-haired, delicately cultured--soothing the child who played with his long silvery beard and blinked sleepily. he inquired whether my carriage was waiting for me, and i replied that it was. he asked me to dismiss it. when i returned to the room, the little girl was resting quiet, and he excused himself to take her to her cot. i heard him closing the doors behind him as he came back. "we may now talk with perfect freedom," he announced. "there's no one else in this part of the house." he sat down in his chair, composing himself with an air that might have distinguished one of the ancient kings. "i have sent for you to talk about the senatorial situation. may i speak plainly to you?" i replied that he might. he was watching me, under his gray eyebrows, with his soft eyes, in which there was a glitter of blackness but none of the rheum of old age. "it would be most unfortunate," he said, "for us, as a people, if we failed to elect a senator. i've had many business and other anxieties for the church, and i want this question settled. if we act wisely--with the power and influence at our command--aid will come to me. i think you would not willingly permit our situation to become more difficult." he must have seen a change in my expression--a change that indicated how well i understood the significance of this guarded introduction. suddenly, his manner broke into animation, and holding out both hands to me, palms up, he said, smiling: "you must know, brother frank, that i had nothing to do with mr. mccune's candidacy for the senate, do you not? i was not responsible for what brother grant did. before we go on, i want you to acquit me of responsibility for that project." "president snow," i replied, "i can't admit so much. i, too, wish to talk plainly--with your permission. your responsibility is evident even to the casual observer--to say nothing of one reared as i've been. every man in this community knows that when you point your finger your apostles go, and when you crook your finger your apostles return--and heber j. grant has only done what you permitted him to do with your full knowledge." he drew himself up, coldly. "what i have done," he retorted, "has been done with the knowledge of my councillor's." the thrust was obvious. i replied: "if my father desires to discuss with me his responsibility for this indignity to the state, he knows i'm at his command. and if i have any charge to make, involving his good faith toward the country, i'll seek him alone." "very well," he said, with a frigid suavity. "we will leave that part of the question." he paused. "last night," he continued, "lying on my bed, i had a vision. i saw this work of god injured by the political strife of the brethren. and the voice of the lord came to me, directing me to see that your father was elected to the senate." he studied me a moment before he added: "what have you to say?" i answered: "it seems to me impossible. this legislature is strongly democratic. my father's a republican. it seems to me not only impracticable but very unwise--if it could be done." "never mind that," he said. "the lord will take care of the event. i want you to withdraw from the race and throw your strength to your father. it is the will of the lord that you do so." "have you a revelation to that effect also?" i asked. he answered, pontifically, "yes." "you'll publish it to the world, then, the same as other revelations?" "no," he replied. "no." "then i'll not obey it," i said, "because if god is ashamed of it, i am." his air of prophetic authority changed to one of combative resolution. he explained that one of the other candidates, a strong democrat, had agreed to accept the revelation if i would; that the two of us could give our strength to the church candidate; that the church would turn to my father the votes that it had already in command for mccune, and my father's election would be carried. i felt that the thumb-screws were being put on me again. for the second time i was being forced to the point of denying the senatorship to my father by refusing him my support. and there could not have been, for me, a more vivid and instantaneous illumination of the hidden depths in this church system--or in the individual prophet of the cult--than was made by snow's determined insistence that i should break my word of honor to the people of the state and of the nation, pledge that broken faith to him, induce all my supporters in the legislature to violate their covenants--mormon and gentile alike!--and upon his mere assumption of divine authority, direct mormon and gentile to stultify and disgrace themselves forever as men and public officials. there was something appalling in the calculating cruelty with which he proposed to devote us all to destruction and dishonor. there was something inhumanly malignant in the plan to use my known affection for my father in order to make me guilty of the very betrayal of the people which i had publicly denounced. i looked at him--and heard him, now, placidly, confidently, with a renewed suavity, urging me to do the thing. "president snow," i interrupted, "does my father know of this?" he answered: "no." "i'm glad of it," i said. (and i was!) "this is not the way to work out either the destiny of 'god's people' or the destiny of this state. it would place my father in a most humiliating position to be elected--at the orders of the church--under the assumption that god almighty had directed men to break their solemn promises to their constituents. i have as high an admiration for my father's wisdom and ability as you or the democratic candidate who has offered to withdraw at the will of the church, but i should be paying no honor to my father by dishonoring my pledge to my constituents and asking other men to dishonor theirs." he dismissed me with an air of benignant sorrow! the deadlock in the legislature continued unbroken. among my supporters was lewis w. shurtliff, the president of the "stake of zion" in which i lived; he was one of the highest church dignitaries in the legislature and was regarded as my foremost champion in the senatorial contest. on the last day of the legislative session, at president snow's instruction, my father, known as a republican, was offered as a senatorial candidate to this democratic legislature, and all the power of the church influence was thrown to him. president shurtliff's wife came to our headquarters, that night, and knelt, with a number of other ladies, to pray that her husband might be spared the humiliation of breaking his repeated promise not to desert me! we all knew that if he broke his promise, it would cause him more mental anguish than anyone else; but we knew, too, that if the command came from church headquarters, he would have to obey it. men broke their political pledges to their people and outraged their own feelings of personal independence or partisan loyalty, rather than offend against "the will of the lord." the forces of the other candidates went to pieces, and on the last night of the session my father's vote reached twenty-three. (it required thirty-two votes to elect.) the situation was saved by the action of a number of democrats who got together and obtained a recess; when the recess was ended, a final ballot was taken, and, since no candidate had enough votes to elect him, the presiding officer, by pre-concertment, declared the joint assembly adjourned sine die, by operation of law. no senator was elected. but it was the last time that the church authorities were to be balked. since that day, they have dictated the nominations and carried the elections of the united states senators from utah as if these were candidates for a church office. the present senator, reed smoot, is an apostle of the church; he obtained the mormon president's "permission" to become a candidate, as he admitted to an investigating committee of the senate; and when the recent tariff bill was being attacked by insurgent republicans and carried by senator aldrich, senator smoot acted as aldrich's lieutenant in debate, and remained to watch the defense of the "interests" when his chief was absent from the senate chamber. (not because smoot was such an able defender of those "interests"! not because his constituents would uphold his course! but because he has no constituents, and is responsible to no one but the hierarchical partners of those "interests.") every pledge of the mormon leaders that the church would not interfere in politics has been broken at every election in utah since president snow that night pleaded to me that he had had many business anxieties for the church and that if we elected the church candidate "aid" would come to him. the covenants by which utah obtained its statehood have been violated again and again. the provisions of the state constitution have been nullified. the trust of the mormon people has been abused; their political liberties have been denied them; their gentile brethren have been betrayed. and all this has been done not for the protection of the people, who were threatened with no proscription--and not for the advancement of the faith, which has been free to work out its own future. it has been done as a part of the alliance between the "financial" prophets of the church and the financial "interests" of the country--which have been exploiting the people of utah as they have exploited the whole nation with the aid of the ecclesiastical authorities in utah. chapter xi. the will of the lord the mormon leaders were now hurried down their chosen path of dishonor with a fateful rapidity. a reform movement was demanding of washington the adoption of a constitutional amendment that should give congress power to regulate the marriage and divorce laws of all the states in the union. and this proposed amendment--partly inspired by a growing doubt of the good faith of the mormon leaders--gave the politicians in washington something to trade for mormon votes, in the presidential campaign of . the republicans had lost the electoral votes of utah and the surrounding states, in . utah was now democratic, and its one united states senator (who was still in office) was a democrat. senator hanna's lieutenant, perry s. heath, came to salt lake city in the summer of , to confer with the heads of the mormon church. his authority (as representative of the ruler of the republican party) had been authenticated by correspondence; and he was received by president snow as royalty receives the envoy of royalty. heath negotiated with his usual directness. in the phrase of the time, "he laid down his cards on the table, face up, and asked snow to play to that hand." if the mormon church would pledge its support to the republican party, the republican leaders would avert the threatened constitutional amendment that was to give congress the power to interfere in the domestic affairs of the mormon people. but if the church denied its support to the republican party, the constitutional amendment would be carried, and the mormons, in their marriage relations, would be returned to the federal jurisdiction from which they had escaped when the territory was admitted to statehood. the sentiment of the country was known to be in favor of giving congress such power. a strong body of reformers was urging the amendment, and the church leaders had sent apostle john henry smith and bishop h. b. clawson to lobby against it. after consulting with my father, i had written to president snow pointing out the danger to the mormons of having a lobby opposing such an amendment--for i was not then aware of the secret return to the practice of polygamy, after . president snow replied to me (in a message of guarded prudence) that although the church inhibited plural marriage and did not intend to allow the practice, he was opposed to the interference of congress in the domestic concerns of the other states of the union! he made his "deal" with perry heath. church messengers were sent out secretly to the mormons in idaho, wyoming, colorado, nevada, montana, washington, oregon, california and the territories, with the whispered announcement that it was "the will of the lord" that the republicans should be aided. utah went republican; the mormons in the surrounding states either openly supported, or secretly voted for mckinley; and the constitutional amendment was "side tracked" and forgotten. utah elected a republican legislature. apostle reed smoot applied to president snow for permission to become a candidate for the united states senatorship, and obtained a promise that if he stood aside, for the time, he should receive his reward later. president snow had decided that thomas kearns, already an active candidate, was the man whom the church would support--since mr. kearns' ability, his wealth and his business connection promised greater advantages for the state and (under cunning manipulation by the priests) greater advantages for the church than the election of any other candidate. and all this may be fairly said without assuming that there was any definite arrangement between he church and any friends of mr. kearns. kearns was associated with senator clark of montana and r. c. kerens of st. louis in building a railroad from salt lake to los angeles, and the church owned some fifteen miles of track that had been laid from salt lake city, as the beginning of a los angeles line. it was apparently assumed by president snow that kearns' election to the senate would facilitate the sale of this church railroad to the clark-kearns syndicate. the church had a direct interest in numerous iron and coal properties in southern utah, and many members of the church also had private properties there, which the los angeles line would develop. some of kearns' friends were negotiating for the purchase of church properties, and one of his partners was proposing to buy (and subsequently bought) the church's "amelia palace," a useless and expensive property which brigham young had built for his favorite wife, and which the church had long been eager to sell. my father had been in ill-health for some months and he was away from utah a large part of the time. president snow took counsel of his second councillor, joseph f. smith, and of apostle john henry smith; and to the smiths, he indicated thos. kearns as the one whose election to the united states senate might do most to advance snow's concealed purpose. but the smiths had other plans, that were equally advantageous to the church and more advantageous to the smiths; they rebelled against president snow's dictation, and he ordered them both away on temporary "missions." as joseph f. smith was leaving the president's offices, in a rage, he met an old friend, joseph howell, who (at this writing) is a member of congress from utah, and was then a member of the utah legislature. he told smith that president snow had sent for him, and smith, controlling himself--without betraying any knowledge of the probable purpose of snow's summons to howell--said affectionately: "brother howell, i want you to make a promise to me on your honor as an elder in israel. i want you to pledge yourself never to vote in this legislature for thomas kearns as senator. i ask it as your friend, and as a prophet to the people." howell gave his promise, and proceeded to his interview with president snow. there he received the announcement that it was "the will of the lord" that he should vote for kearns, and he had to reply that he had already received an inspired instruction, on this point, from a prophet of the lord, and had given his pledge against kearns. the incident became one of the jokes of the campaign, for howell held to his promise to smith (and was subsequently rewarded by smith with a seat in congress), and president snow was compelled to waive the question of conflicting "revelations." kearns was elected. but he had had a powerful political machine of his own, and he had been supported by a strong gentile vote. he immediately showed his independence by refusing to take orders from the political church leaders. he declined, further, for himself and his financial confreres, to engage with the church in business affairs. many charges were made that he was breaking his agreement of cooperation with the authorities, but there never has been produced any evidence of such an agreement, and i do not believe (from my knowledge of senator kearns) that the agreement was ever made. the railroad into southern utah was later built by the harriman interests in combination with clark and kearns; but there, too, snow was disappointed. the expected development of the church properties proved far less profitable than had been supposed, and the financial prophecies of the seer and revelator were not fulfilled. by this time it was abundantly evident that some of the church leaders intended to rule their people in politics with an absolutism as supreme as any that utah had ever known in the old days. and for these leaders to maintain their authority--despite the covenant of their amnesty, the terms of utah's statehood and the provisions of the constitution--and to maintain that authority against the robust american sentiment that would be sure to assert itself--it was necessary that they should have the most effective political protection afforded by any organization in the whole country. the ideal arrangement of evil was offered to them by the men then in temporary leadership of the republican party. the prophets were able to make the republican party a guilty partner of their perfidy by making it a recipient of the proceeds of that perfidy, and to assure themselves protection in every religious tyranny so long as they did not run counter to republican purpose. for the moment, the church took more benefit from the partnership than it conferred. the result of the presidential elections of showed that the republicans could have elected their ticket without any help from the prophets. but without the help of the dominant party the prophets could not have renewed the rule of the state by the church could not have prevented the passage of a constitutional amendment punishing polygamy by federal statute--and could not have obtained such intimate relation and commanding influence with the great "interests" of the country. throughout all these miserable incidents, i had a vague hope that they would prove merely temporary and peculiar to the term of snow's presidency. he was now in his eighty-sixth year. my father was next in succession for the presidency, and he was seventy-three. he had remained personally faithful to every pledge that he had made to the nation, and though he had been powerless to prevent the breaches of covenant that had followed the sovereignty of statehood, i knew that he had opposed some of them and been a willing party to none. it is true that he had become a director of the union pacific railway and was close to the leading financiers of the east; but his union pacific connection had come from the fact that he had been one of the builders of the road that had afterward merged in the oregon short line; and his financial relations had been those of a financier and not a politician. in all the years that i had been working with him, i had never known him to have any purpose that was not communistic in its final aspect and designed for the good of his people. up to his seventieth year, he had shown no ill result of his early hardships. living the abstemious life of the orthodox mormon, to whom wine, tobacco and even tea and coffee are prohibited, he had seemed inexhaustibly robust and untiring. but almost from the day of president's snow accession to office--deprived of the sustaining consciousness of the responsibilities of leadership--his physical strength gave signs of breaking. in the fall of he made a trip to the sandwich islands, to recuperate, and to assist at the fiftieth anniversary of the mormon mission that he had founded there; but the utah winter proved too rigorous for him on his return, and in march, , he was taken to california--to monterey. in april the word came to me in new york that he was sinking. i found him in a cottage overlooking the beautiful bay of monterey and its wooded slope; and the doctors in attendance told me that he had been kept alive only by the determination to see me before he died. there was no hope. he had still a clear mind, but with ominous lapses of unconsciousness that foreboded the end; and in these intervals of coma, as we wheeled him to and fro on the veranda in an invalid chair--in an attempt to refresh him with the motion of the sea air--he would swing his right hand upward, with an old pulpit gesture, and say "priesthood! priesthood!" as if in that word he expressed the ruling thought of his life, the inspiration that had sustained his power, the obligation that had governed him in his direction of his people. on the afternoon of the th of april, he was lying in a stupor on a couch before an open window, with the sound of the surf in the quiet room. one of the doctors entered, looked at him intently, and said to me: "i can do nothing more here--and my patients need me in san francisco. he can't last long. he'll probably never recover consciousness. if there's anything imperative--anything you must say to him--any word you wish to have from him--you could perhaps rouse him"--i said "no." we had never intruded upon any mood of his silence during his masterful life; and i felt a jealous rebellion against the idea that we should intrude now upon this last, helpless silence of unconsciousness. the doctor left us. i summoned the other members of the family from the veranda to the bedside. he lay motionless and placid, scarcely breathing, his eyes closed, his hands folded. in accordance with the rites of the church, we laid our hands on his head, while my eldest brother said the prayer of filial blessing that "sealed" the dying man to eternity. in the silence that followed the last "amen" of the prayer, he opened his eyes, and said in a steady, strong voice: "you thought i was passing away?" we replied that we had seen he was very weak. with a glance at the door through which the physician had departed, he said resolutely: "i shall go when my father calls me--and not till then. i shall know the moment, and i will not struggle against his command. lift me up. carry me out on the balcony i want to see the water once more. and i want to talk with you." to me, it was the last struggle of the unconquerable will that had silently, composedly, cheerfully fought and overcome every obstacle that had opposed the purposes of his manhood for half a century. he would not yield even to death at the dictation of man. he would go when he was ready--when his mind had accepted the inevitable as the decree of god. we sat around his couch on the veranda, and for two hours he talked to us as clearly and as forcibly as ever. he spoke of the church and of its mission in the world, with all the hope of a religious altruist. from the humblest beginnings, it had grown to the greatest power. from the depths of persecution, it had risen to win favor from the wisest among men. it had abolished poverty for hundreds of thousands, by its sound communal system. in its religious solidarity, it had become a guardian and administrator of equal justice within all the sphere of its influence. it was full of the most splendid possibilities of good for mankind. with his eyes fixed on the sea--facing eternity as calmly as he faced that great symbol of eternity--he voiced the sincerity of his life and the hope that had animated his statesmanship. in an exaltation of spirituality that made the moment one of the sublime experiences of my life, he adjured us all to hold true to our covenants. i do not write of his personal words of love and admonition to the members of his family. i wish to express only the aspects that may be of public interest, in his last aspirations--for these were the aspirations of the mormon leaders of the older generation, whom he represented--and they are the aspirations of all the wise among the mormons today, whatever may be the folly and the treachery of their prophets. ten hours later, he was dead. i cannot pretend that i had any true apprehension, then, of what his loss meant to the community. i had no clearer vision of events than others. i felt that i had no longer any tie to connect me closely with the government of the church, and i was willing to stand aside from its affairs, believing that the momentum of progress imparted to it would carry it forward. the nation had cleared the path for it. its faith, put into practice as a social gospel, had been freed of the offensive things that had antagonized the world. my father's last messages of hope remained with me as a cheering prophecy. at his funeral in the great tabernacle, president snow put forward a favorite son, leroy, to read an official statement in which the president took occasion to deny that my father had dictated the recent policies of the church: those policies, he said, had been solely the president's. (he is welcome to the credit of them!) joseph f. smith showed more generosity of emotion, now that his path of succession was clear of the superior in authority whom he had so long regarded enviously; and he spoke of my father, both privately and in public, in a way that won me to him. the shock of grief had perhaps "mellowed" me. i felt more tolerant of these men, since i was no longer necessarily engaged in opposing them. when president snow died (october, ), i shared only the general interest in the way joseph f. smith set about asserting his family's title to rulership of the "kingdom of god on earth;" for, in effect, he notified the world that his branch of the smith family had been designated by divine revelation to rule in the affairs of all men, by an appointment that had never been revoked. he has since made his cousin, john henry smith, his first councillor; and he has inducted his son hyrum into the apostolate by "revelation." this latter act roused the jealousy of the mother of his son joseph f. smith, jr., and the amused gossip of the mormons predicted another revelation that should give joseph jr. a similar promotion. the revelation came. so many others have also come that the smith family is today represented in the hierarchy by joseph f. smith, president, "prophet, seer and revelator to all the world;" john smith (a brother) presiding patriarch over the whole human race; john henry smith (a cousin) apostle and first councillor to the president; hyrum smith and joseph f. smith (sons) apostles; george a. smith (son of john henry) apostle; david s. smith (son of joseph f.) councillor to the presiding bishop of the church and in line of succession to the bishopric; and bathseba w. smith, president of the relief societies[ ]. [footnote: she has died since this was written.] as joseph f. smith has still thirty other sons--and at least four wives who are not represented in the apostolate--there may yet be a quorum of smiths to succeed endlessly to the presidency and make the smith family a perpetual dynasty in utah. it is one of the fascinating contradictions of mormonism that many of the sincere people--who smilingly predicted the divine interposition by which this family succession was founded--accept its rule devoutly. "the lord," they will tell you, "will look after the church. if these men are good enough for god, they are good enough for me. i do not have to save the kingdom." and they continue paying their devotion (and their tithes) to a family autocracy whose imposition would have provoked a rebellion in any other community in the civilized world! it is "the will of the lord!" chapter xii. the conspiracy completed the smiths were no sooner firm in power than rumors began to circulate of a recrudescence of plural marriage, and i heard reports of political plots by which the prophets were to reestablish their autocracy in worldly affairs in the name of god. i sought to close my mind against such accusations, for i remembered how often my father had been misjudged, and i felt that nothing but the most direct evidence should be permitted to convince me of a recession by the church authorities from the miraculous opportunity of progress that was now open to their leadership. such direct evidence came, in part, in the state elections of . the utah democrats re-nominated wm. h. king for congress; senator joseph l. rawlins was their candidate to succeed himself in the united states senate. the republicans nominated president smith's friend, joseph howell, for congress; and there began to spread a rumor that apostle reed smoot was to become a republican candidate for the senatorship under an old promise given him by president snow and now endorsed by president smith. i had been made state chairman of the democratic party; and with the growing report of apostle smoot's candidacy, i observed a gradual cessation of political activity on the part of those prominent democrats who were close to the church leaders. now, our party was not making war on the church nor on any of its proper missions in the world. our candidates were capable and popular men against whom no just ecclesiastical antagonism could be raised. we were asking no favors from the church. and we were determined to have no opposition from the church without a protest and an understanding. for this reason--after consulting confidentially with the leaders of our party--undertook to make a personal visit to president smith's office to demand that the church authorities should keep their hands out of politics. but even while i discussed the matter with our party leaders, i was afraid that some of them might betray our concerted purpose to church headquarters. and my fear was well grounded. when i went to the offices of the presidency, the authorities--for the first, last and only time--refused to see me; and the secretary betrayed a knowledge of my mission by telling me that i should hear from some one of the hierarchy, later. two or three days afterward, apostle m. f. cowley came to me with word that my call had been considered and that he had been deputed to talk with me. we appointed a time for conference in my rooms at democratic headquarters, where we spent the large part of a day in consultation. and since the argument between us covered the whole ground of apostle smoot's candidacy, i wish to give an account of that interview, as a brief exposition of some of the present-day aspects of the church's interference in politics. apostle cowley and i had been boyhood friends. he had been one of the older students at the school that i had attended as a child; and i knew the integrity and directness of his character. he was a stocky, strong man, with a wholesome sort of face, brown with the sunburn of his missionary travels in canada and in mexico. (he had been, in fact, solemnizing plural marriages in these polygamous refuges--as we found out later.) as soon as it was clearly understood between us that i represented the democratic state committee and he represented the church authorities, i asked for an explanation of apostle smoot's candidacy. cowley began by admitting the candidacy, which president smith had endorsed (he said) in spite of the opposition of some of the apostles. he argued that apostle smoot was only exercising his right of american citizenship in aspiring to the senatorship; and he explained that the church authorities did not see why the church should be drawn into the campaign. but, as i pointed out to him, the church had already drawn itself in. it had held a solemn conclave of its hierarchy to authorize an apostle's candidacy. the opponents of church rule would circulate the fact; in any close campaign, the apostle's friends would use the fact upon the faithful; and the church would be compelled to support its apostle in an assumed necessity of defending itself. perhaps i was objectionably forceful in my reply to him. with his characteristic gentleness, he rebuked me by recalling that president woodruff had once taken him into "sacred places," assured him that "frank cannon, like david, was a man after god's own heart," and asked him to "labor" for me in politics. if it had been right for the prophet of god to favor me, why was it not right for the prophet now to favor some one else? my personal regard for apostle cowley kept me from showing the amusement i felt at finding myself in this new scriptural role remembering how president woodruff had once devoted me to destruction like another isaac on the altar of church control. i replied to cowley, as soberly as i could, that i had never consciously received the aid of any church influence; that i had always objected to its use, either for or against either party; that i could oppose it now with free hands. he retreated upon the favorite argument of the ecclesiasts: that an apostle did not relinquish his citizenship because of his church rank; that the very political freedom which we demanded, to be effective, must apply to all men, in or out of the church. he asked naively: "what did we get statehood for--and amnesty--and our political rights--if we're not to enjoy them?" the answer to that was obvious: the mormon church is so constructed that the apostle carries with him the power of the church wherever he appears. the whole people recognize in him the personified authority of the church; and if an apostle were allowed to make a political campaign without a denunciation from the other church authorities, it would be known that he had been selected for political office by "the mouthpiece of the almighty." i cited the case of apostle moses thatcher as proof that the church did exercise power openly to negative an apostle's ambition. if it failed now to rebuke smoot, this very failure would be an affirmative use of its power in his behalf; all mormons who did not wish to raise their hands "against the lord's anointed," would have to support smoot's legislative ticket, regardless of their political convictions; and all gentiles and independent mormons would have to fight the intrusion of the church into open political activities. cowley replied that "the brethren"--meaning the hierarchy--believed that a mormon should have as many political rights, as a catholic; and he asked me if i would object to seeing a catholic in the senate. of course not. there are, and have been, many such. "but suppose," i argued, "that the pope were to select one of his italian cardinals to come to this country and be naturalized in some state of this union that was under the sole rule of the roman catholic church; and suppose that still holding his princedom in the catholic church and exercising the plenary authority conferred on him by the pope--suppose he were to appear before the senate in his robes of office, with his credentials as a senator from his church-ruled state--all of this being a matter of public knowledge--do you think the senate would seat him? certainly not. yet the cases are exactly analogous. we were but lately alien and proscribed. we were admitted into the union on a covenant that forbade church interference in politics. it is the whole teaching of the church that a prophet wears his prophetic authority constantly as a robe of office. the case of moses thatcher is proof to the world that the church appoints and disappoints at its pleasure. i don't believe that smoot, if elected, will be allowed to hold his seat, and--if he is allowed to hold it--a greater trouble than his exclusion will surely follow. for, with the princes of the mormon church holding high place in the national councils--and using the power of the church to maintain themselves there--we are assuring for ourselves an indefinite future of the most bitter controversy." when cowley had no more arguments to offer, he said: "well, the prophet has spoken. that's enough for me. i submit cheerfully when the will of the lord comes to me through his appointed servants. the matter has been decided, and it does not lie in your power--or anyone else's--to withstand the purposes of the almighty." he rose and put his hand on my shoulder, affectionately. "your father is gone, frank. i loved him very dearly. i hope that you are not going to be found warring against the lord's anointed." "mat," i replied, "you have already pointed out that apostle smoot appears in politics only as an american citizen. for the purposes of this fight--and to avoid the consequences that you fear i'll regard him as a politician merely, and fight him as such." "but, you know, frank," he remonstrated, "he has been consecrated to the apostleship, and i'm afraid that you'll overstep the bounds." "mat," i assured him, "i'll watch carefully, and unless he makes his lightning changes too fast, i'll aim my shots only when he's in his political clothes. if the change is too indefinite, blame yourselves and not us. the whole teaching of the church is that an apostle must be regarded as an apostle at all times; but the whole teaching of politics is that all men should appear upon equal terms--in this country. that's why we insist that no apostle should become a candidate for public office." cowley took his departure with evident relief. he had discharged his ambassadorial duty--and given me the warning which he had been authorized to deliver--without a rupture of our personal friendship. and i saw him go, for my part, in a sorrowful certainty that the church had thrown off all disguise and proposed to show the world, by the election of an apostle to the united states senate, that the "kingdom of god" was established in utah to rule in all the affairs of men. i knew that if smoot were excluded from the senate, his exclusion would be argued a proof that the wicked and unregenerate nation was still devilishly persecuting god's anointed servants, to its own destruction; and, if he were permitted to take his seat, that this fact would be cited to the faithful as proof that the prophets had been called to save the nation from the destruction that threatened it! of course, throughout the campaign that followed, the church's newspapers and many of its political workers kept protesting publicly that the election of the republican legislative ticket did not mean the election of apostle smoot to the senate. but by means of the authoritative whisper of ecclesiasts--carried by visiting apostles to presidents of stakes, from them to the bishops, and from the bishops to the presiding officers of subsidiary organizations--the inspired order was given to the faithful that they must vote for the legislators who could be relied upon to do the will of the lord by voting for the lord's anointed prophet, apostle reed smoot. this message was delivered to the sacred sunday prayer circles. even senator rawlins' mother received it, from one of the ecclesiastical authorities of her ward, who instructed her to vote against the election of her own son; and it was "at the peril of her immortal soul" that she disobeyed the injunction. long before election day, every mormon knew that he had been called upon by the almighty to sacrifice his individual conviction in politics to protect his "assailed church." the profound effectiveness of that appeal needs no further proof than the issue of the election. king and rawlins, the popular leaders of the democracy in a state that had but recently been overwhelmingly democratic--after a campaign in which they studiously avoided an attack upon the church--were overwhelmingly defeated. the republican legislative ticket was carried. apostle smoot was elected to the united states senate; and on january , , governor wells issued to him a certificate of election. five days later, a number of prominent citizens signed a protest, to president roosevelt and the senate, against allowing apostle smoot to take his seat. and the grounds of the protest, briefly stated, were these: the mormon priesthood claimed supreme authority in politics, and such authority was exercised by the first presidency and the twelve apostles, of whom smoot was one. they had not only not abandoned the practice of political dictation, but they had not abandoned the belief in polygamy and polygamous cohabitation; they connived at and encouraged its practice, sought to pass laws that should nullify the statutes against the practice, and protected and honored the violators of those statutes. and they had done all these things despite the public sentiment of the civilized world, in violation of the pledges given in procuring amnesty and in obtaining the return of the escheated church property, contrary to the promises given by the representatives of the church and of the territory in their plea for statehood, contrary to the pledges required by the enabling act and given in the state constitution, and contrary to the laws of the state itself. these charges were supported by innumerable citations from the published doctrines of the church, and from the published speeches and sermons of the prophets. evidence was offered of the continuance of polygamous cohabitation (since ) by president smith, all but three or four of the apostles, the entire presidency of the salt lake stake of zion, and many others. new polygamy was specifically charged against three apostles, and against the son of a fourth. a second protest, signed by john l. leilich, repeated these grounds of objection to apostle smoot, and charged further that apostle smoot was himself a polygamist; but no attempt was made to prove this latter charge. upon the filing of the protest, there was a storm of anger at church headquarters; and the ecclesiastical newspapers railed with the bitterness of anxious apprehension. throughout utah it seemed to be the popular belief that apostle smoot would be excluded--on the issue of whether a responsible representative of a church that was protecting and encouraging law-breaking should be allowed a seat in the highest body of the nation's law-makers. but the issue against him was not to be heard until twelve months after his election, and every agent and influence of the church was set to work at once to nullify the effect of the protest. every financial institution, east or west, to which the church could appeal, was solicited to demand a favorable hearing of the smoot case from the senators of its state. every political and business interest that could be reached was moved to protect the threatened apostle. the sugar trust magnates and their senators were enlisted. the mercantile correspondents of the church were urged to write letters to their congressmen and to their senators, and to use their power at home to check the anti-mormon newspapers. the utah representative of a powerful mercantile institution, that had vital business relations with the church, confessed to me that he had been called east to consult with the head of his company, who had been asked to use his influence for smoot. "i could not advise our president," he said, "to send the letter that was demanded of him. and yet i couldn't take the responsibility of injuring the company by advising him to refuse the church request. you know, if we had refused it, point-blank, they would have destroyed every interest we had within the domain of their power. i should have been ruined financially. all our stockholders would have suffered. they would never have forgiven me." the president of the company failed to send the letter. his failure became known, through church espionage and the report of the church's friends in the senate. pressure was brought to bear upon him; and, with the aid of his utah representative, he compromised on a letter that did partial violence to his conscience and partially endangered his business relations with the church. both these men were aware that the church had broken its covenants to the country, and that apostle smoot could not be either a loyal citizen of the nation or a free representative of the people of his state. "i did not like the compromise we made," my friend told me. "i feel humiliated whenever i think of it. but i tried to do the best i could under the circumstances." the results of this pressure of political and business interests upon washington showed gradually in the tone of the political newspapers throughout the whole country. it showed in the growing confidence expressed by the organs of the church authorities in utah. it showed in the cheerful predictions of the prophets that the lord would overrule in apostle smoot's behalf. it showed in smoot's exercise of an autocratic leadership in the political affairs of the state. he was allowed to take his oath of office as senator on march , ; the protests against him were referred to the senate committee on privileges and elections for a hearing (january , ); and a contest began that lasted from january, , to february, . during those years was completed the business and political conspiracy between financial "privilege" and religious absolutism, of which conspiracy this narrative has described the beginning and the growth. it is almost impossible to expose the progression of incident by which the end of that conspiracy was approached--since it was necessarily approached in the darkest secrecy. but several indications of the method and the progress did show, here and there, on the surface of events; and these indications are powerfully significant. as early as it had become known that apostle smoot was negotiating a sale, to the sugar trust, of the church's sugar holdings. on may , , the president of the trust reported to the trust's executive committee-- [footnote: see a synopsis of the minutes of the trust's executive committee, published in hampton's magazine, in january, .] that he had agreed to buy a one-half interest in the consolidation of the mormon factories of la grande, logan and ogden. (the following day, may , , is given by apostle smoot as the day on which he obtained president joseph f. smith's permission to become a candidate for the senatorship.) on june , the sugar trust's executive committee was informed of the trust's purchase of one-half of the capital stock of these three church-owned sugar companies. on july , the three companies were consolidated under the name of the amalgamated sugar company, with david eccles, polygamist, trustee of church bonds, and protege of joseph f. smith, as president; and the sugar trust took half the stock, in exchange for its holdings in the three original companies. similarly, in this same year, the old church-owned utah sugar company increased its stock in order to buy the garland sugar factory, and the sugar trust, it is understood, was concerned in the purchase in , and , the idaho sugar company, the freemont sugar company, and west idaho sugar company were incorporated; and in all these companies were amalgamated in the present utah-idaho sugar company, of which joseph f. smith is president, t. r. cutler, a mormon, is vice-president, horace g. whitney, the general manager of the church's deseret news, is secretary and treasurer, and other church officials are directors. of the stock of this company the sugar trust holds fifty-one per cent. so that between and a partnership in the manufacture of beet sugar was effected between the church and the trust; and apostle smoot became a sugar trust senator, and argued and voted as such. furthermore, it was at this same period that the church sold the street railway of salt lake city and its electric power company to the "harriman interests" under peculiar circumstances--a matter of which i have written in an earlier chapter. the church owners of this utah light and railway company, through the church's control of the city council, had attempted to obtain a hundred-year franchise from the city on terms that were outrageously unjust to the citizens; and finally, on june , , a franchise was obtained for fifty years, for the company of which joseph f. smith was the president. on august , , another city ordinance was passed, consolidating all former franchises, then held by the utah light and power company, but originally granted to d. f. walker, the salt lake and ogden gas and electric light company, the pioneer power company and the utah power company; and this ordinance extended the franchises to july , . the properties were bonded for $ , , , but it was understood that they were worth not more than $ , , . they were sold to "the harriman interests" for $ , , . the equipment of the salt lake city street railway was worse than valueless, and the new company had to remove the rails and discard the rolling stock. but the ten millions were well invested in this public-utility trust, for the company had a monopoly of the street railway service and electric power and gas supply of salt lake city; and its franchises left it free to extort whatever it could from the people of the whole country side, by virtue of a partnership with the church authorities whereby extortion was given the protection of "god's anointed prophets." joseph f. smith, of course, was already a director of harriman's union pacific railroad, a position to which he had been elected after his accession to the first presidency. and he was so elected not because of his railroad holdings--for he came to the presidency a poor man--and not because of his ability or experience as a financier or a railroad builder, for he had not had any such experience and he had not shown any such ability. he was elected because of the partnership between the church leaders and the union pacific railroad--a partnership that was doubtlessly used in defense of apostle smoot's seat in the senate, just as the power of the sugar trust was used and the influence of the whole financial confederation in politics. chapter xiii. the smoot exposure just before the subpoenas were issued in the smoot investigation, i met john r. winder (then first councillor to president smith) on the street in salt lake city, and he expressed the hope that when i went "to washington on the smoot case," i would not "betray" my "brethren." i assured him that i was not going to washington as a witness in the smoot case; that the men whom he should warn, were at church headquarters. he replied, with indignant alarm, "i don't see what 'the brethren' have to do with this!" but when the subpoenas arrived for smith and the hierarchy, alarm and indignation assumed a new complexion. the authorities, for themselves, and through the mouths of such men as brigham h. roberts, began to boast of how they were about to "carry the gospel to the benighted nation" and preach it from the witness stand in washington. the mormon communities resounded with fervent praises to god that he had, through his servant, apostle smoot, given the opportunity to his living oracles to speak to an unrighteous people! and when the senators decided that they would not summon polygamous wives and their children en bloc to washington to testify (because it was not desired to "make war on women and children") some of joseph f. smith's several wives even complained feelingly that they "were not allowed to testify for papa." the first oracular disclosure made by the prophets, on the witness stand, came as a shock even to utah. they testified that they had resumed polygamous cohabitation to an extent unsuspected by either gentiles or mormons. president joseph f. smith admitted that he had had eleven children borne to him by his five wives, since pledging himself to obey the "revealed" manifesto of forbidding polygamous relations. apostle francis marion lyman, who was next in succession to the presidency, made a similar admission of guilt, though in a lesser degree. so did john henry smith and charles w. penrose, apostles. so did brigham h. roberts and george reynolds, presidents of seventies. so did a score of others among the lesser authorities. and they confessed that they were living in polygamy in violation of their pledges to the nation and the terms of their amnesty, against the laws and the constitution of the state, and contrary to the "revelation of god" by which the doctrine of polygamy had been withdrawn from practice in the church! president joseph f. smith admitted that he was violating the law of the state. he was asked: "is there not a revelation that you shall abide by the law of the state and of the land?" he answered, "yes, sir." he was asked: "and if that is a revelation, are you not violating the laws of god?" he answered: "i have admitted that, mr. senator, a great many times here." apostle francis marion lyman was asked: "you say that you, an apostle of your church, expecting to succeed (if you survive mr. smith) to the office in which you will be the person to be the medium of divine revelations, are living, and are known to your people to live, in disobedience of the law of the land and the law of god?" apostle lyman answered: "yes, sir." the others pleaded guilty to the same charge. but this was not the worst. there had been new polygamous marriages. bishop chas. e. merrill, the son of an apostle, testified that his father had married him to a plural wife in , and that he had been living with both wives ever since. a mrs. clara kennedy testified that she had been married to a polygamist in , in juarez, mexico, by apostle brigham young, jr., in the home of the president of the stake. there was testimony to show that apostle george teasdale had taken a plural wife six years after the "manifesto" forbidding polygamy, and that benjamin cluff, jr., president of the church university, had taken a plural wife in . some ten other less notorious cases were exposed--including those of m. w. merrill, an apostle, and j. m. tanner, superintendent of church schools. it was testified that apostle john w. taylor had taken two plural wives within four years, and that apostle m. f. cowley had taken one; and both these men had fled from the country in order to escape a summons to appear before the senate committee. president joseph f. smith, in his attempts to justify his own polygamy, gave some very involved and contradictory testimony. he said that he adhered to both the divine revelation commanding polygamy and the divine revelation "suspending" the command. he said he believed that the principle of plural marriage was still as "correct a principle" as when first revealed, but that the "law commanding it" had been suspended by president woodruff's manifesto. he said that he accepted president woodruff's manifesto as a revelation from god, but he objected to having it called "a law of the church;" he insisted that it was only "a rule of the church." he admitted that the manifesto forbidding polygamy had never been printed among the other revelations in the church's book of "doctrine and covenants," in which the original revelation commanding polygamy was still printed without note or qualification of any kind. he admitted that this anti-polygamy manifesto was not printed in any of the other doctrinal works which the mormon missionaries took with them when they were sent out to preach the mormon faith. he claimed that the manifesto was circulated in pamphlet form, but he subsequently admitted that the pamphlet did not "state in terms" that the manifesto was a "revelation." he finally pleaded that the manifesto had been omitted from the book of "doctrine and covenants" by an "oversight," and he promised to have it included in the next edition! [footnote: he did not keep his promise. the manifesto was not added to the book of revelations until some time later, after considerable protest in utah.] in short, it was shown, by the testimony given and the evidence introduced, not only that the church authorities persisted in living in polygamy, not only that polygamous marriages were being contracted, but that the church still adhered to the doctrine of polygamy and taught it as a law of god. president joseph f. smith denied the right of congress to regulate his "private conduct" as a polygamist. "it is the law of my state to which i am amenable," he said, "and if the officers of the law have not done their duty toward me i can not blame them. i think they have some respect for me." a mass of testimony showed why the officers of the law did not do their duty. during the anti-polygamy agitation of (which ended in the refusal of congress to seat brigham h. roberts) a number of prosecutions of polygamists had been attempted. in many instances the county attorney had refused to prosecute even upon sworn information. wherever prosecutions were had, the fines imposed were nominal; these were in some cases never paid, and in other cases paid by popular subscription. it was testified that in box elder county subscription lists had been circulated to collect money for the fines, but that the fines were never paid, though the subscriptions had been collected. all the prosecutions had been dropped, at last. it was pleaded that there was a strong gentile sentiment against these prosecutions, because of the hope that no new polygamous marriages were being contracted; but it was shown also, that the church authorities controlled the enforcement of the law by their influence in the election of the agents of the law. the church controlled, too, the making of the law. for example, testimony was given to show that in the church authorities had appointed a committee of six elders to examine all bills introduced into the utah legislature and decide which were "proper" to be passed. in the neighboring state of idaho, the legislature, in , unanimously and without discussion passed a resolution for a new state constitution that should omit the anti-polygamy test oath clauses objectionable to the mormons; and in this connection it was testified that the state chairman of both political parties in idaho always went to salt lake city, before a campaign, to consult with the church authorities; that every request of the authorities made to the idaho political leaders was granted; that six of the twenty-one countries in idaho were "absolutely controlled" by mormons, and the "balance of power" in six counties more was held by mormons; and that it was "impossible for any man or party to go against the mormon church in idaho." apostle john henry smith testified that one-third of the population of idaho was mormon and one-fourth of the population of wyoming, and that there were large settlements in nevada, colorado, california, arizona and the surrounding states and territories. a striking example of the power of the church as against the power of the nation was given to the senate committee by john nicholson, chief recorder of the temple in salt lake city. he had failed to produce some of the temple marriage records for which the committee had called. he was asked whether he would bring the books, on the order of the senate of the united states, if the first presidency of the church forbade him to bring them. he answered: "i would not." he was asked: "and if the senate should send the sergeant-at-arms of the senate and arrest you and order you to bring them" (the records) "with you, you would still refuse to bring them, unless the first presidency asked you to?" he answered, "yes, sir." it was shown that classes of instruction in the mormon religion had been forced upon teachers in a number of public schools in utah by the orders of the first presidency. (these orders were withdrawn after the exposure before the committee.) church control had gone so far in brigham city, box elder county, utah, that in a dispute between the city council and the electric lighting company of the city, the local ecclesiastical council interfered. in the same city, two young men built a dancing pavilion that competed with the church-owned opera house; the ecclesiastical council "counselled" them to remove the pavilion and dispose of "the material in its construction;" they were threatened that they would be "dropped" if they did not obey this "counsel;" and they compromised by agreeing to pay twenty-five percent of the net earnings of their pavilion into the church's "stake treasury." in monroe ward, sevier county, utah, in , a mormon woman named cora birdsall had a dispute with a man named james e. leavitt about a title to land. leavitt went into the bishop's court and got a decision against her. she wrote to president joseph f. smith for permission either to appeal the case direct to him or "to go to law" in the matter; and smith advised her "to follow the order provided of the lord to govern in your case." the dispute was taken through the ecclesiastical courts and decided against her. she refused to deed the land to leavitt and she was excommunicated by order of the high council of the sevier stake of zion. she became insane as a result of this punishment, and her mother appealed to the stake president to grant her some mitigation. he wrote, in reply: "her only relief will be in complying with president smith's wishes. you say she has never broken a rule of the church. you forget that she has done so by failing to abide by the decision of the mouthpiece of god." she finally gave up a deed to the disputed land and was rebaptized in . (letters of the first presidency were, however, introduced to show that it had been the policy of the presidency--particularly in president woodruff's day--not to interfere in disputes involving titles to land.) it was testified that a mormon merchant was expelled from the church, ostensibly for apostasy, but really because he engaged in the manufacture of salt "against the interests of the president of the church and some of his associates;" that a mormon church official was deposed "for distributing, at a school election, a ticket different from that prescribed by the church authorities"--and so on, interminably. witness after witness swore to the incidents of church interference in politics which this narrative has already related in detail. but no attempt was made to show the church's partnership with the "interests;" and the power of the church in business circles was left to be inferred from president smith's testimony that he was then president of the zion's cooperative mercantile institution, the state bank of utah, the zion's savings bank and trust company, the utah sugar company, the consolidated wagon and machine company, the utah light and power company, the salt lake and los angeles railroad company, the saltair beach company, the idaho sugar company, the inland crystal salt company, the salt lake knitting company, and the salt lake dramatic association; and that he was a director of the union pacific railway company, vice-president of the bullion-beck and champion mining company, and editor of the improvement era and the juvenile instructor. it was shown that utah had not been admitted to statehood until the federal government had exacted, from the church authorities and the representatives of the people of utah, every sort of pledge that polygamy had been forever abandoned and polygamous relations discontinued by "revelation from god"; that statehood had not been granted until solemn promise had been given and provision made that there should be "no union of church and state," and no church should "dominate the state or interfere with its functions;" and that the church's escheated property had been restored upon condition that such property should be used only for the relief of the poor of the church, for the education of its children and for the building and repair of houses of worship "in which the rightfulness of the practice of polygamy" should not be "inculcated." therefore the testimony given before the senate committee by these members of the mormon hierarchy, showed that they had not only broken. their covenants and violated their oaths, but that they had been guilty of treason. what was the remedy? jeremiah m. wilson, a lawyer employed by the church authorities in to argue, before a congressional committee, in behalf of the admission of utah to statehood, had pointed out the remedy in these words: "it is idle to say that such a compact may be made, and then, when the considerations have been mutually received--statehood on the one side and the pledge not to do a particular thing on the other--either party can violate it without remedy to the other. but you ask me what is the remedy, and i answer that there are plenty of remedies in your own hands. "suppose they violate this compact; suppose that after they put this into the constitution, and thereby induce you to grant them the high privilege and political right of statehood, they should turn right around and exercise the bad faith which is attributed to them here--what would you do? you could shut the doors of the senate and house of representatives against them; you could deny them a voice in the councils of this nation, because they have acted in bad faith and violated their solemn agreement by which they succeeded in getting themselves into the condition of statehood. you could deny them the federal judiciary; you could deny them the right to use the mails--that indispensable thing in the matter of trade and commerce of this country. there are many ways in which peaceably, but all powerfully, you could compel the performance of that compact." this argument by mr. wilson in was recalled by the counsel for the protestants in the investigation. it was recalled with the qualification that though congress might not have the power to undo the sovereignty of the state of utah it could deal with senator smoot. and it was further argued: "the chief charge against senator smoot is that he encourages, countenances, and connives at the defiant violation of law. he is an integral part of a hierarchy; he is an integral part of a quorum of twelve, who constitute the backbone of the church.... he, as one of that quorum of twelve apostles, encourages, connives at, and countenances defiance of law." on june , , a majority of the committee made a report to the senate recommending that apostle smoot was not entitled to his seat in the senate. they found that he was one of a "self-perpetuating body of fifteen men, uniting in themselves authority in both church and state," who "so exercise this authority as to encourage a belief in polygamy as a divine institution, and by both precept and example encourage among their followers the practice of polygamy and polygamous cohabitation;" that the church authorities had "endeavored to suppress, and succeed in suppressing, a great deal of testimony by which the fact of plural marriages contracted by those who were high in the councils of the church might have been established beyond the shadow of a doubt;" and that "aside from this it was shown by the testimony that a majority of those who give law to the mormon church are now, and have been for years, living in open, notorious and shameless polygamous cohabitation." concerning president woodruff's anti-polygamy manifesto of , the majority of the committee reported that "this manifesto in no way declares the principle of polygamy to be wrong or abrogates it as a doctrine of the mormon church, but simply suspends the practice of polygamy to be resumed at some more convenient season, either with or without another revelation." they found that apostle smoot was responsible for the conduct of the organization to which he belonged; that he had countenanced and encouraged polygamy "by repeated acts and in a number of instances, as a member of the quorum of the twelve apostles;" and that he was "no more entitled to a seat in the senate than he would be if he were associating in polygamous cohabitation with a plurality of wives." the report continued: "the first presidency and the twelve apostles exercise a controlling influence over the action of the members of the church in secular affairs as well as in spiritual matters;" and "contrary to the principles of the common law under which we live, and the constitution of the state of utah, the first presidency and twelve apostles dominate the affairs of the state and constantly interfere in the performance of its functions.... but it is in political affairs that the domination of the first presidency and the twelve apostles is most efficacious and most injurious to the interests of the state.... notwithstanding the plain provision of the constitution of utah, the proof offered on the investigation demonstrates beyond the possibility of doubt that the hierarchy at the head of the mormon church has, for years past, formed a perfect union between the mormon church and the state of utah, and that the church, through its head, dominates the affairs of the state in things both great and small." and the report concluded: "the said reed smoot comes here, not as the accredited representative of the state of utah in the senate of the united states, but as the choice of the hierarchy which controls the church and has usurped the functions of the state in utah. it follows, as a necessary conclusion from these facts, that mr. smoot is not entitled to a seat in the senate as a senator from the state of utah." on the same day a minority report was presented by senators j. b. foraker, albert j. beveridge, wm. p. dillingbam, a. j. hopkins and p. c. knox. they found that reed smoot possessed "all the qualifications prescribed by the constitution to make him eligible to a seat in the senate;" that "the regularity of his election" by the utah legislature had not been questioned; that his private character was "irreproachable;" and that "so far as mere belief and membership in the mormon church are concerned, he is fully within his rights and privileges under the guaranty of religious freedom given by the constitution of the united states." having thus summarily excluded all the large and troublesome points of the investigation, these senators decided that there remained "but two grounds on which the right or title of reed smoot to his seat in the senate" was contested. the first was whether he had taken a certain "endowment oath" by which "he obligated himself to make his allegiance to the church paramount to his allegiance to the united states;" and the second was whether "by reason of his official relation to the church" he was "responsible for polygamous cohabitation" among the mormons. as to the first charge, the minority found that the testimony upon the point was "limited in amount, vague and indefinite in character and utterly unreliable, because of the disreputable character of the witnesses"--oddly overlooking the fact that one of these witnesses had been called for apostle smoot; that no attempt had been made to impeach the character of this witness; that the other witnesses had been denounced, by a mormon bishop, named daniel connolly, as "traitors who had broken their oaths to the church" by betraying the secrets of the "endowment oath;" and that all the smoot witnesses who denied the anti-patriotic obligation of the oath refused, suspiciously enough, to tell what obligation was imposed on those who took part in the ceremony. the charge that smoot, as an apostle of the church, had been responsible for polygamous cohabitation was as easily disposed of, by the minority report. he had himself, on oath, "positively denied" that he had "ever advised any person to violate the law either against polygamy or against polygamous cohabitation," and no witness had been produced to testify that apostle smoot had ever given "any such advice" or defended "such acts." true, it was admitted that he had "silently acquiesced" in the continuance of polygamous cohabitation by polygamists who had married before ; but it was contended that to understand this acquiescence it was "necessary to recall some historical facts, among which are some that indicate that the united states government is not free from responsibility for these violations of the law." in short, although reed smoot was one of a confessed band of law-breaking traitors, he was of "irreproachable" private character. although the band had been guilty of every treachery, none of the band had admitted that smoot had encouraged them in their villainies. smoot had only "silently acquiesced"--and in this he had been no guiltier than the intimidated bystanders and the gagged victims of the outrages. although the gang had stolen the machinery of elections and used it to print a senatorial certificate for smoot, there was nothing to show that the form of the certificate was not correct. moreover, the band operated in politics as a religious organization, and the constitution of the united states protects a man in his right of religious freedom! chapter xiv. treason triumphant while these disclosures of the smoot investigation were shocking the sentiment of the whole nation, the prophets carried on the conspiracy of their defense with all the boldness of defiant guilt. in salt lake city, the office of the united states marshal and even the post-office were watched for the arrival of subpoenas from washington; men were posted in the streets to give the alarm whenever the marshal should attempt to serve papers; and before he entered the front door of a mormon's house, the church sentry had entered by the back door to warn the inmates. if the federal power had been moving in a foreign land, it could not have been more determinedly opposed by local authority. notorious polygamists, wanted as witnesses before the senate committee, made a public flight through utah, couriered, flanked and rear-guarded by the power of the hierarchy. one of these law-breakers (who, it was known, had been subpoenaed) went from salt lake city to take secret employment in one of the church's sugar factories in idaho. when he was discovered there and served with the senate requisition, he gave his word that he would appear at washington, and then he fled with his new polygamous wife to a polygamous mormon settlement in alberta, canada--a fugitive, honored because he was a fugitive, and officially sustained as a ward of the church. apostles john w. taylor and mathias f. cowley left the country, to escape a summons to washington; and president smith pleaded that he had no control over their movements, and promised that he would, if possible, bring them back to comply with the senate subpoenas. he knew, as every mormon and every well-informed gentile knew, that the slightest expression of a wish from him would be the word of god to those two men. they would have gloried in going to washington to show the courage of their fanaticism. they would never have left the country without instructions from their president. but they could not have married plural wives after the manifesto, and solemnized plural marriages for other polygamists, without smith's knowledge and consent; their testimony would have placed the responsibility for these unlawful practices upon the prophet; and the penalty would have fallen on the prophet's senator. they not only fled, but they allowed themselves in their absence to be made the scapegoats of the hierarchy. they were proven guilty of "new polygamy" before the senate committee; and, for the sake of the effect upon the country, they were ostensibly deposed from the apostolate by order of the president, who, by their dismissal from the quorum, advanced his son hyrum in seniority. but their apparent degradation involved none of the consequences that moses thatcher had suffered. they continued their ministrations in the church. they remained high in favor with the hierarchy. they claimed and received from the faithful the right to be regarded as holily "the lord's' anointed" as they had ever been. they still held their melchisedec priesthood. one of them afterward took a new plural wife. it seems to be well authenticated that the other continued to perform plural marriages; and every mormon looked upon them both--and still looks upon them--as zealous priests who endured the appearance of shame in order to preserve the power of the prophet in governing the nation. another crucial point in president smith's responsibility was his solemnization of the plural marriage between apostle abraham h. cannon and lillian hamlin, of which i have already written. one of the women of the dead apostle's family was subpoenaed to give her testimony in the matter. she thrice telephoned to me that she wished to consult me; but she was surrounded by such a system of espionage that again and again she failed to keep her appointment. at last, late at night, she arrived at my office--the editorial office of the salt lake tribune--having escaped, as she explained, in her maid's clothes. the agents of the hierarchy had been subtly and ingeniously suggesting to her that she was perhaps mistaken in her recollection of the facts to which she would have to testify, and she was distressed with the doubt and fear which they had instilled into her mind. i could only adjure her to tell the truth as she remembered it. but on her journey to washington she was constantly surrounded by church "advisers;" and the effect of their "advice" showed in the testimony that she gave--a testimony that failed to prove the known guilt of the prophet. for the gentiles, there had begun a sort of "reign of terror," which can be best summed up by an account of a private conference of twelve prominent non-mormons held as late as . that conference was called to consider the situation, and to devise means of acquainting the nation with the desperate state of affairs in utah. it was independent of the political movement that had already begun; it aimed rather to organize a social rebellion, so that we might not be dependent for all our opposition upon the annual or semi-annual campaigns of politics. the meeting first agreed upon the following statement of facts: "utah's statehood, as now administered, is but a protection of the mormon hierarchy in its establishment of a theocratic kingdom under the flag of the republic. this hierarchy holds itself superior to the constitution and to the law. it is spreading polygamy throughout the ranks of its followers. through its agents, it dominates the politics of the state, and its power is spreading to other common-wealths. it exerts such sway over the officers of the law that the hierarchy and its favorites cannot be reached by the hand of justice. it is master of the state legislature and of the governor. "by means of its immense collection of tithes and its large investments in commercial and financial enterprises, it dominates every line of business in utah except mines and railroads; and these latter it influences by means of its control over mormon labor and by its control of legislation and franchises. it holds nearly every gentile merchant and professional man at its vengeance, by its influence over the patronage which he must have in order to be successful. it corrupts every gentile who is affected by either fear or venality, and makes of him a part of its power to play the autocrat in utah and to deceive the country as to its purposes and its operations. every gentile who refuses to testify at its request and in its behalf becomes a marked and endangered man. it rewards and it punishes according to its will; and those gentiles who have gone to washington to testify for smoot are well aware of this fact. unless the gentiles of utah shall soon be protected by the power of the united states they will suffer either ruin or exile at the hands of the hierarchy." when this declaration had been accepted, by all present, as truly expressing their views of the situation, it was decided that they should confer with other leading gentiles, hold a mass meeting, adopt a set of resolutions embodying the declaration on which they had agreed, and then dispatch the resolutions to the senate committee, as a protest against the testimony of some of the gentiles in the smoot case, and as an appeal to the nation for help. but although all approved of the declaration and all approved of the method by which it was to be sent to the nation, no man there dared to stand out publicly in support of such a protest, to offer the resolutions, or to speak for them. the merchant knew that his trade would vanish in a night, leaving him unable to meet his obligations and certain of financial destruction. the lawyer knew not only that the hierarchy would deprive him of all his mormon clients, but that it would make him so unpopular with courts and juries that no gentile litigant would dare employ him. the mining man knew that the hierarchy could direct legislation against him, might possibly influence courts and could assuredly influence jurors to destroy him. and so with all the others at the conference. they were not cowards. they had shown themselves, in the past, of more than average human courage, loyalty and ability. all recognized that if the power of the hierarchy were not soon met and broken it would grow too great to be resisted--that another generation would find itself hopelessly enslaved. every father felt that the liberties of his children were at stake; that they would be bond or free by the issue of the conflict then in course at washington. and yet not one dared to throw down the gauntlet to tyranny--to devote himself to certain ruin. they had to prefer simple slavery to beggary and slavery combined. they had to hope silently that the power of the nation would intervene. they could work only secretly for the fulfillment of that hope. at first, in president roosevelt they saw the promise of their salvation. he had opposed the election of apostle smoot. when the report of the apostle's candidacy had first reached washington, the president had summoned to the white house senator thomas kearns of utah and senator mark hanna, who was chairman of the national republican committee; and to these two men he had declared his opposition to the candidacy of a mormon apostle as a republican aspirant for a senatorship. at his request senator hanna, as chairman of the party, signed a letter of remonstrance to the party chiefs in utah, and president roosevelt, at a later conference, gave this letter to senator kearns to be communicated to the state leaders. senator kearns transmitted the message, and by so doing he "dug his political grave" as the mormon stake president, lewis w. shurtliff, expressed it. colonel c. b. loose of provo went to washington on behalf of the church authorities. he was a gentile, a partner of apostle smoot and of some of the other mormon leaders in business undertakings, a wealthy mining man, a prominent republican. it was reported in utah that his arguments for smoot carried some weight in washington. president roosevelt was to be a candidate for election; and the old guard of the republican party, distrustful of the roosevelt progressive policies, was gathering for a grim stand around senator mark hanna. both factions were playing for votes in the approaching national convention. i have it on the authority of a mormon ecclesiast, who was in the political confidence of the church leaders, that president roosevelt was promised the votes of the utah delegation and such other convention votes as the church politicians could control. the death of senator hanna made this promise unnecessary, if there ever was an explicit promise. but this much is certain. president roosevelt's opposition to apostle smoot, for whatever reason, changed to favor. the character and impulses of the president were of a sort to make him peculiarly susceptible to an appeal for help on the part of the mormons. he had lived in the west. he knew something of the hardships attendant upon conquering the waste places. he sympathized with those who dared, for their own opinions, to oppose the opinions of the rest of the world. he had received the most adulating assurances of support for his candidacies and his policies. it would have required a man of the calmest discrimination and coolest judgment to find the line between any just claim for mercy presented by the mormon advocates of "religious liberty" and the willful offenses which they were committing against the national integrity. i have received it personally, from the lips of more than one member of the senate committee, that never in all their experience with public questions was such executive pressure brought to bear upon them as was urged from the white house, at this time, for the protection of apostle smoot's seat in the senate. the president's most intimate friends on the committee voted with the minority to seat smoot. one of the president's closest adherents, senator dolliver, after having signed a majority report to exclude smoot and having been re-elected, in the meantime, by his own state legislature, to another term in the senate--afterwards spoke and voted against the report which he had signed. senator a. j. hopkins of illinois, who had supported smoot consistently, found himself bitterly attacked, in his campaign for reelection, because of his record in the smoot case, and he published in his defense a letter from president roosevelt that read: "just a line to congratulate you upon the smoot case. it is not my business, but it is a pleasure to see a public servant show, under trying circumstances, the courage, ability and sense of right that you have shown." after the outrageous exposures of the violations of law, the treason and the criminal indifference to human rights shown by the rulers of the church, if an early vote had been taken by the committee and by the senate itself, the antagonism of the nation would have forced the exclusion of the apostle from the upper house. delay was his salvation. more to the president's influence than to any other cause is the delay attributable that prolonged the case through a term of three years. during that time the unfortunate gentiles of utah learned that, instead of receiving help from the president, they were to have only the most insuperable opposition. they believed that the president was being grossly misled; that it was, of course, impossible for him to read all the testimony given before the senate committee, and that the matters that reached him were being tinged with other purpose than the vindication of truth and justice. but it was impossible to obtain the opportunity of setting him right. even the women who were leading the national protest against the polygamous teaching and practices of smoot's fellow apostles were told that the president had made up his mind and could not be re-convinced. the mormon appeal to his generosity was not confined to washington. on his travels he met president smith more than once--the prophet being accompanied by a different wife each time--and naturally smith made every effort to impress president roosevelt with his earnestness, the purity of his life, and the high motives that actuated the exercise of his authority. and at this sort of pretense the lord's anointed are expert. they themselves may be crude in ideas and coarse in method, but their diplomacy is a growth of eighty years of applied devotion and energy. the american people are used to meeting prominent mormons who are models of demeanor who are hearty of manner; who carry a kindly light in their eyes; who have a spontaneity that precludes hypocrisy or even deep purpose. these are not the men who make the church diplomacy--they simply obey it. it is part of that diplomacy to send out such men for contact with the world. but the ablest minds of the church, whether they are of the hierarchy or not, construct its policies. and given a system whose human units move instantly and unquestioningly at command; given a system whose worldly power is available at any point at any moment; given a system whose movement may be as secret as the grave until result is attained--and the clumsiest of politicians or the crudest of diplomats has a force to effect his ends that is as powerful for its size as any that christendom has ever known. among the emissaries of the church who were deputed to "reach" president roosevelt, was our old friend ben rich, the gay, the engaging, the apparently irresponsible agent of hierarchical diplomacy. and i should like to relate the story of his "approach," as it is still related in the inner circle of church confidences. not that i expect it to be wholly credited--not that i doubt but it will be denied on all sides--but because it is so characteristic of church gossip and so typical (even if it were untrue) of the humorous cynicism of church diplomacy. when president roosevelt was making his "swing around the circle," rich was appointed to join him, found the opportunity to do so, and (so the story is told) delighted the president by the spirit and candor of his good fellowship. when they were about to part, the president is reported to have said, "why don't you run for congress from your state? you're just the kind of man i'd like to have in the house to support my policies." and here (as the mormons are told) is the dialogue that ensued: rich: "i have no ambition that way, mr. president. for many reasons it's out of the question although i'm grateful for the flattering suggestion." the president: "then let me appoint you to some good office. you're the kind of man i'd like to have in my official family." rich (impressively and in a low tone): "mr. president, i'd count it the greatest honor of my life to have a commission from you to any office. i'd hand that commission down to my children as the most precious heritage. but--i love you too much, mr. president, to put you in any such hole. i'm a polygamist. it would injure you before the whole country." the president (leaning forward eagerly): "no! are you a polygamist? tell me all about it." rich. "the lord has bestowed that blessing on me. i wish you could go into my home and see how my wives are living together like sisters--how tender they are to each other--how they bear each other's burdens and share each other's sorrows--and how fond all my children are of mother and auntie." the president: "well--but how can women agree to share a husband?" rich: "they do it in obedience to a revelation from the lord--a revelation that proclaimed the doctrine of the eternity and the plurality of the marriage covenant. we believe that men and women, sealed in this life under proper authority, are united in the conjugal relation throughout eternity. we believe that the husband is tied to his wives, and they to him; that their children and all the generations of their children will belong to him hereafter. we believe in eternal progression; that as man is, god was; and as god is, man shall be. we believe that by obedience to this revealed covenant, we will be exalted in the celestial realm of our father, with power in ourselves to create and people worlds. it is a never ending and constantly increasing intelligence and labor. if i keep my covenants to my wives and they to me, in this world, all the powers and rights of our marriage relation will be continued and amplified to us in the life to come; and we, in our turn, will be rulers over worlds and universes of worlds." then--according to the unctuous gossip of the devout--president roosevelt saw the true answer to his own desire to know what was to become of his mighty personality after this world should have fallen away from him! he saw, in this faith, a possible continuation throughout eternity of the tremendous energies of his being! he was to continue to rule not merely a nation but a world, a system of worlds, a universe of worlds! and it is told--sometimes solemnly, sometimes with a grin--that, in the temple at salt lake, a proxy has stood for him and he has been baptized into the mormon church; that proxies have stood for the members of his family and that they have been sealed to him; and finally that proxies have stood for some of the great queens of the past (who had not already been sealed to mormon leaders) and that they have been sealed to the president for eternity! [footnote: it is a not uncommon practice in the mormon church thus to "do a work" for a gentile who has befriended the people or otherwise won the gratitude of the church authorities.] this may sound blasphemous toward theodore roosevelt--if not toward the almighty--but it is told, and it is believed, by hundreds and thousands of the faithful among the mormon people. it is given to them as the secret explanation of president roosevelt's protection of the mormon tyranny--a protection of which apostle hyrum smith boasted in a sermon in the salt lake tabernacle (april , ) in these equivocal words: "we believe--and i want to say this--that in president roosevelt we have a friend, and we believe that in the latter-day saints president roosevelt has the greatest friendship among them; and there are no people in the world who are more friendly to him, and will remain friendly unto him just so long as he remains true, as he has been, to the cause of humanity." the smiths have their own idea of what "the cause of humanity" is. chapter xv. the struggle for liberty as early as , before the smoot investigation began, the utah state journal (of which i became editor) was founded as a democratic daily newspaper, to attempt a restoration of political freedom in utah and to remonstrate against the new polygamy, of which rumors were already insistent. i was at once warned by judge henry h. rolapp (a prominent democrat on the district bench, and secretary of the amalgamated sugar company) that we need not look for aid from the political or business interests of the community, inasmuch as our avowed purpose had already antagonized the church. he delivered this message in a friendly spirit from a number of democrats whose support we had been expecting. and the warning proved to be well-inspired. although a number of courageous gentiles, like colonel e. a. wall of salt lake city, gave us material aid--and although there was no other democratic daily paper in utah (unless it was the salt lake herald, owned by senator clark of montana)--the most powerful church democratic interests stood against us, and we found it impossible to make any effective headway with the paper. after the prophets began to give their awful testimony at washington, the democratic national convention of (which i attended as a delegate from utah) considered a resolution in opposition to polygamy and the church's rule of the state. this resolution was as vigorously fought by some utah gentiles as by the mormon delegates, on the grounds that it would defeat the democratic party in utah. it carried in the convention. upon returning to salt lake city i called a meeting of the democratic state committee (of which i was chairman) and urged that we make our state campaign on the issue of ecclesiastical domination, in consonance with the party's national platform. of the whole committee only the secretary, mr. p. j. daly, supported the proposal. the others considered it "an attempt to establish a quarantine against democratic success." some of them had been promised by members of the hierarchy that the party was to have "a square deal this time." others had fatuously accepted the assurances of ecclesiasts that "it looked like a democratic year." in short, the democratic party in utah, like the republican party, proved to be then, as it is now, less a political organization than the tool of a church cabal. we found that we could no more hope to move the democratic machine against the hierarchy than to move the smoot-republican machine itself. but when joseph f. smith, before the senate committee, admitted that he was violating "the laws of god and man" and tried to extenuate his guilt with the plea that the gentiles of utah condoned it, he issued a challenge that no american citizen could ignore. the gentiles of utah had been silent, theretofore, partly because they were ignorant of the extent of the polygamous offenses of the hierarchy, and partly because they were hoping for better things. smith's boast made their silence the acquiescence of sympathy. a meeting was called in salt lake city, in may, , and under the direction of colonel william nelson, editor of the salt lake tribune, the principles of the present "american party" were enunciated as a protest against the lawbreaking tyranny of the church leaders. later, as it became clear that the opponents of the smith misrule must organize their own party of progress, committees were formed and a convention was held (in september, ) at which a full state and county ticket was put in the field, in the name of the american party of utah. we agreed that no war should be made on the mormon religion as such; that no war should be made on the mormon people because of their being mormons; that we would draw a deadline at the year , when the church had effected a composition of its differences with the national government, and all the citizens of utah, mormon and gentile alike, had accepted the conditions of settlement; that we would find our cause of quarrel in the hierarchy's violation of the statehood pledges; and that when we had corrected these evil practices we should dissolve, because (to quote the language used at the time) we did not wish "to raise a tyrant merely to slay a tyrant." in the idea that we would fight upon living issues--that we would not open the graves of the past to dig up a dead quarrel and parade it in its cerements--the american party movement began. its first enlistment included practically all the gentiles in salt lake city who resented the claim of the prophet that they acquiesced in his crimes and his treasons. but the most promising sign for the party was its attraction of hundreds of independent mormons of the younger generation. as one mormon of that hopeful time expressed it: "the flag represents the political power. the golden angel moroni, at the top of the temple, represents the ecclesiastical authority. i will not pay to either one a deference which belongs to the other. i know how to keep them apart in my personal devotion." this was exactly what the church authorities would not permit. it would have destroyed all the special and selfish prerogatives of the mormon hierarchs. it would have subverted their claim of absolute temporal power. it would have set up the nation and the state as the objects of civic devotion--instead of the kingdom of god. although we of the american party disavowed and abstained from any attack upon the mormon church as such--and confined ourselves to a war upon the treasons, the violations of law, the breaches of covenant and the other offenses of the church leaders, as the practices of individuals--these leaders dragged the whole body of the church as a wall of defense around them, and in countless sermons and printed articles declared that the church and its faith were the objects of our assault. in other words, though smith claimed in washington--and smoot continues to claim before the nation--that the church is not responsible for the crimes of its prophets, whenever a criticism or a prosecution is directed against any of these men, they all unite in declaring that the church is being persecuted; and the members of the hierarchy rouse all their followers, and use all their agencies, in a successful resistance. there was no blithesomeness in the campaign. it was not lightened by any humor. it was a hopeless assault on the one side and a grim overpowering resistance on the other. the american party, being organized as a protest, had at first little regard for offices. it sought to promulgate the principles of its cause for the enlightenment of the citizens of utah and for the preservation of their rights. some of the gentiles who did not join us felt, perhaps, as strong an indignation as those who did, but they were entangled in politics with the hierarchs, or had business connections that would be destroyed. these men, in course of time, became the most dangerous opponents of our progress. (the average mormon is obedient and supine enough in the presence of his prophets, but he is a man of personal independence compared with the sycophantic gentile who accepts political or commercial favors from the church chiefs and yet continues to deny the existence of the very power to which he bends the knee.) of the rebellious but discreet mormons many came to the leaders of our party to say: "i think you're quite right. i, myself, have suffered under these tyrannies. i have no sympathy with new polygamy. but, as you know, i'm attorney for some of the church interests"--or "i'm in business with high ecclesiasts"--or "i'm heavily in debt to the church bank"--or "i'm closely connected by marriage with one of the prophets"--"and i can do you more good by my quiet efforts than by coming out into the open. i'd be treated as an apostate. all my influence would be gone." and in most cases he preserved his influence, and we lost him. the church had effective ways of recovering his support. for many reasons the american party looked for its recruits chiefly among republicans, the democracy being almost entirely mormon. and in the first flush of enthusiasm some of our leaders laughed at the boast of the republican state chairman that, for every republican he lost, he would get two mormon democrats to vote the republican ticket. (this was hon. william spry, a mormon, since made governor of utah, for services rendered the hierarchy.) but the claim proved anything but laughable. he got probably four mormon democrats for every republican he lost. as usual the hierarchy "delivered the goods" to the national organization in power. according to our best calculations we got from fifteen hundred to eighteen hundred mormon votes. and, during this campaign and those that followed, i was approached by hundreds of mormons who commended our work and gave private voice to the hope that we might succeed in freeing utah so that they themselves might be free. after i joined the staff of the salt lake tribune, as chief editor, these came to my office by stealth and in obvious fear. i could not blame them then, nor do i now. the cost of open defiance was too great. one woman, the first wife of a prominent mormon physician, came to me to enlist in the work of the party. (her husband was living with a young plural wife.) we accepted her aid. her husband cut off her monthly allowance, and she had to take employment as a book canvasser, so that she might be able to earn her living. one mormon who came out openly for us, was superintendent of a business owned by gentiles. he was somewhat prominent as an ecclesiast, and he was a sunday school worker in his ward. he reconciled his wife and daughters to his revolt against the recrudescence of polygamy and the tyranny of the church's political control. he carried with him the sympathy of his brother, who was a newspaper editor. he won over some of his personal friends to pledge their support to our cause. he seemed too sturdy ever to retreat, too independent in his circumstances to be driven, and with too clear a vision to be led astray by the threats, the power, or the persuasions of the hierarchy. yet, before long he came to confess that he could not continue to help us openly. his employers--his gentile employers--had notified him that his work in the american party would be dangerously injurious to their business. they were in hearty accord with his views; they recognized his right as a citizen to act according to his convictions; but--they dared not provoke a war of business reprisals with the commercial and financial institutions of the church. he must either cease his active opposition to the church leaders, or lose his place of employment.... he retired from the fight. another mormon who joined us was don. c. musser, a son of one of the church historians. he had been a missionary in germany and in palestine. he had been a soldier in the philippines, and he had edited the first american newspaper there. his contact with the world and his experience in the military service of the united states had given him a high ideal of his country; and a feeling of loyalty to the nation had superseded his earlier devotion to the prophets. his family was wealthy, but he was supporting himself and his young wife by his own efforts in business. as soon as he came out openly with the american party, his father's home was closed against him. his business connections were withdrawn from him. he found himself unable to provide for his wife, who was in delicate health. after a losing struggle, he came to tell us that he could no longer earn a living in utah; that he had obtained means to emigrate; that he must say good-bye. and we lost him. two other young men--the son and the son-in-law of an apostle--came to me and asked helplessly for advice. they admitted that the practices of the hierarchy were, to them, a violation of the covenant with the nation, a transgression of the revelation from god given to wilford woodruff, and destructive of all the securities of community association. but would i advise them to sacrifice their influence in the church by joining the "american movement" publicly? or had they better retain their influence and use it within the church to correct the evils that we were attacking? with awful sincerity they spoke of conditions that had come under their own eyes, and related instances to show how mercilessly the polygamous favorites of the church were permitted to prey on the young women teachers in church schools. they spoke of j. m. tanner, who was at that time head of the church schools, a member of the general board of education, and one of the sunday school superintendents. according to these young men--and according to general report--tanner was marrying right and left. i knew of a young mormon of brigham city, who had been a suitor for the hand of l----, a teacher at the logan college. he had been away from utah for some time, and he had returned hoping to make her his wife. stopping over night in salt lake, on his way home, he saw tanner and l---- enter the lobby of the hotel in which he sat. they registered as man and wife and went upstairs together. he followed--to walk the floor of his room all night, struggling against the impulse to break in, and kill tanner, and damn his own soul by meddling with the man who had been ordained by the prophets to a wholesale polygamous prerogative. he had kept his hands clean of blood, but he had been living ever since with murder in his heart. could these two sons of the church do more to remedy such horrors by using their influence to have tanner deposed, or by sacrificing that influence in an open revolt against the conditions that made tanner possible? i could only advise them to act according to their own best sense of what was right. they did use their influence to help force tanner's deposition, but we lost the public example of their opposition to the crimes of the hierarchy. i relate these incidents as typical of the different kinds of pressure that were brought to bear upon the independent mormons who wished to aid us, and of the local difficulties against which we had to contend. washington, of course, gave us no recognition. and we did not succeed in reaching the ear of the nation. here and there a newspaper noted our effort and paid some small heed to our protest, but the overwhelming success of the republican party--and the dumb-driven acquiescence of the democracy--in utah and the neighboring church-ruled states, left the agitation with little of political interest for the country at large. and yet the struggle went on. animated by the spirit of the salt lake tribune, the leading newspaper of the community, the american party entered the city elections in the fall of and carried them against the hierarchy's democratic ticket, with the help of the independent mormons, under cover of the secret ballot. emboldened by this success we proposed to move on the state and county offices, with the hope of gaining some members of the legislature and some of the judicial and executive offices, through which to enforce the laws that the church leaders were defying. but here we failed. outside of salt lake the rule of the prophets was still absolute and unquestioned. the people bowed reverently to joseph f. smith's dictum: "when a man says 'you may direct me spiritually but not temporally,' he lies in the presence of god--that is, if he has got intelligence enough to know what he is talking about." the state politicians knew that they would destroy themselves by joining an organization opposed by the all-powerful-church; and sufficient warning of this doom appeared to them in the fact that no member of the american party could obtain any recognition in federal appointments. the church had meanwhile dictated the election of another united states senator (george sutherland) to join apostle smoot, and senator kearns was retired for his opposition to the hierarchy. [footnote: when senator aldrich was carrying the tariff bill of through the senate, for the greater profit of the "interests," smoot and sutherland did not once vote against him. smoot supported him on every one of the one hundred and twenty-nine votes and missed none. sutherland voted with him one hundred and seventeen times and was recorded as not voting on the remaining twelve. only two other senators made anything like such a despicable record.] it began to be more and more apparent that whatever success we might achieve locally, the power of the financial and political allies of the prophets in washington, aided by the executive "big stick" of the president, would beat us back from any attempt to rouse the state or the nation to our support. smoot was in a happy position: all the senators who represented the "interests" were for him, and all the senators who represented the supposed progressive sentiment of theodore roosevelt were also for him. the women of the nation had sent a protest with a million signatures to the senate; but they had not votes; they received, in reply, a public scolding. long before the senate voted on its committee's report, many of the notorious "new" polygamists of the church returned from their exile in foreign missions and began to walk the streets of salt lake with their old swagger of self-confident authority. we foresaw the end. early in december, , senator j. c. burrows of michigan, chairman of the committee that had investigated smoot, called up the committee's report and spoke upon it in a denunciation of smoot. senator dubois of idaho followed, two days later, with a supplementary attack, and censured president roosevelt for "allowing his name and office" to be used in defense of the mormons. after an interval of a month, senator albert j. hopkins, of illinois, undertook to reply with a defense of smoot that reduced the apostle's excuses to the absurd. smoot, he declared, had opposed polygamy, "even from his infancy;" there was "nothing in the constitution" prohibiting "a state from having an established church;" the old practices of mormonism were dying out; and smoot, as an exponent of the newer mormonism, was largely responsible for the improvement. this bold falsehood was received with laughter by the members who had heard the testimony before the senate committee or read the record of its sittings; but it was wired to all newspapers; and the contradictions that followed it failed (for reasons) to get the same publicity. it was repeated by senator sutherland (january , ); and he had the audacity to add that the mormon church, as well as smoot, was opposed to polygamy; that the "sporadic cases" of new polygamy were "reprehended by mormon and gentile alike;" that polygamous marriages in utah had been forbidden by the enabling act, but that polygamous cohabitation had been left to the state; and that the latter was rapidly dying out. and sutherland knew, as every public man in utah knew, that almost every word of this statement was untrue. senator philander c. knox, of pennsylvania (february , ) took up the lie that smoot had been "from his youth against polygamy," and he added to it a legal argument that the senate could only expel a member, by a two-thirds vote, if he were guilty of crime, offensive immorality, disloyalty or gross impropriety during his term of service. senator tillman (february ) accused president roosevelt of protecting smoot in return for a pledge of mormon support given previous to the last campaign. apostle smoot (february ) declared that cases of "new" polygamy were rare; that they were not sanctioned by the church; that every case since "has the express condemnation of the church;" and that he himself had always opposed polygamy. on february , the question was forced to a vote after a debate that repeated these falsehoods, in spite of all disproof's of them. and apostle smoot was retained in his seat by a vote of fifty-one to thirty-seven, counting pairs. after this event, no growth of organization was immediately possible to the american party. having gained political control of salt lake city and given it good municipal government, we were able to hold a local adherency; but hundreds of mormons, who still vote the american city ticket, vote for the church in state elections, because, though they want reform, they are not willing to risk the punishment of their relatives and the leaders of the church to attain that reform. and when the national government granted its patent of approval to the hierarchy--by holding the hierarchy's appointed representative in the senate as its prophetic monitor--nearly all the people of the intermountain country lost heart in the fight. thousands of gentiles, who knew the truth and had fought for it for years, argued despairingly: "if the nation likes this sort of thing--i guess it's the sort of thing it likes. i'm not going to ruin myself financially and politically by keeping up a losing struggle with these neighbors of mine, and fight the government at washington besides. if the administration wants to be bossed by the prophet, seer and revelator, i can stand it." the nation, having accepted responsibility for past polygamy, now, by accepting senator smoot, gave its responsible approval to the new polygamy and to the commercial and political tyrannies of the church. in the old days the mormons had claimed immunity for their practice of polygamy on the ground that the constitution of the united states protected them in the exercises of their faith. the supreme court of the country determined that the free-religion clause of the constitution did not cover violations of law; and the church deliberately abandoned its claim of religious immunity. but now a majority of the senate, supported by president roosevelt, took the old ground--which the supreme court had made untenable and the mormons themselves had vacated--and practically declared that violations of law were a part of the constitutional guaranty! chapter xvi. the price of protest the members of the mormon hierarchy continually boast that they are sustained in their power--and in their abuses of that power--"by the free vote of the freest people under the sun." by an amazing self deception the mormon people assume that their government is one of "common consent;" and nothing angers them more than the expression of any suspicion that they are not the freest community in the world. they live under an absolutism. they have no more right of judgment than a dead body. yet the diffusion of authority is so clever that nearly every man seems to share in its operation upon some subordinate, and feels himself in some degree a master without observing that he is also a slave. the male members of the ward--who would be called "laymen" in any other church--all hold the priesthood. each is in possession of, or on the road to, some priestly office; and yet all are under the absolutism of the bishop of the ward. of the hundreds of bishops, with their councillors, each seems to be exercising some independent authority, but all are obedient to the presidents of stakes. the presidents apparently direct the ecclesiastical destinies of their districts, but they are, in fact, supine and servile under the commands of the apostles; and these, in turn, render implicit obedience to the prophet, seer and revelator. no policy ever arises from the people. all direction, all command, comes from the man at the top. it is not a government by common consent, but a government of common consent--of universal, absolute and unquestioning obedience--under penalty of eternal condemnation threatened and earthly punishment sure. twice a year, with a fine show of democracy, the people assemble in the tabernacle at salt lake, and there vote for the general authorities who are presented to them by the voice of revelation. if there were no tragedy, there would be farce in the solemnity with which this pretense of free government is staged and managed. some ecclesiast rises in the pulpit and reads from his list: "it is moved and seconded that we sustain joseph f. smith as prophet, seer and revelator to all the world. all who favor this make it manifest by raising the right hand." no motion has been made. no second has been offered. very often, no adverse vote is asked. and, if it were, who would dare to offer it? these leaders represent the power of god to their people; and against them is arrayed "the power of the devil and his cohorts among mankind." three generations of tutelage and suppression restrain the members of the conference in a silent acquiescence. if there is any rebel among them, he must stand alone; for he has scarcely dared to voice his objections, lest he be betrayed, and any attempt to raise a concerted revolt would have been frustrated before this opportunity of concerted revolt presented itself. being a member of the church, he must combat the fear that he may condemn himself eternally if he raise his voice against the will of god. he must face the penalty of becoming an outcast or an exile from the people and the life that he has loved. he knows that the religious zealots will feel that he has gone wilfully "into outer darkness" through some deep and secret sin of his own; and that the prudent members of the community will tell him that he should have "kept his mouth shut." if there were a majority of the conference inclined to protest against the re-election of any of its rulers, the lack of communication, the pressure of training and the weight of fear would keep them silent. and in this manner, from prophet down to "choyer leader" (choir leader) the names are offered and "sustained by the free vote of the freest people under the sun." during the days just before the american party's political agitation, a young mormon, named samuel russell, returned from a foreign mission for the church and found that the girl whom he had been courting when he went away was married as a plural wife to henry s. tanner, brother of the other notorious polygamist, j. m. tanner. the discovery that his sweetheart was a member of the tanner household drove russell almost frantic. she was the daughter of an eminent and wealthy family, of remarkable beauty, well-educated and rarely accomplished. young russell was a college student--a youth of intellect and high mind--and he suffered all the torments of a horrifying shock. unless he should choose to commit an act of violence there was only one possible way for him to protest. at the next conference, when the name of henry s. tanner was read from the list to be "sustained"--as a member of the general sunday school board--russell rose and objected that tanner was unworthy and a "new" polygamist. he was silenced by remonstrances from the pulpit and from the people. he was told to take his complaint to the president of his stake. he was denied the opportunity to present it to the assemblage. almost immediately afterward, tanner, for the first time in his life, was honored with a seat in the highest pulpit of the church among the general authorities. and russell was pursued by the ridicule of the mormon community, the persecution of the church that he had served, the contempt of the man who had wronged him, and the anger of the woman whom he had loved. one of the reporters of the deseret news, the church's newspaper, subsequently stated that he had been detailed, with others, to pursue russell day and night, soliciting interviews, plaguing him with questions, and demanding the legal proofs of tanner's marriage--which, of course, it was known that russell could not give--until russell's friends, fearing that he might be driven to violence, persuaded him to leave the state. tanner is now reputed to have six plural wives (all married to him since the manifesto of ) of whom this young woman is one. similarly, at the general conference of april, , don c. musser (of whom i have already written) attempted to protest against the sustaining of apostles taylor and cowley; but joseph f. smith promptly called upon the choir to sing, and musser's voice was drowned in harmony. in more recent years charles j. bowen rose at a general conference to object to the sustaining of some of the polygamous authorities, and he was hustled from the building by the ushers. but the most notable case of individual revolt of this period was charles a. smurthwaite's. he had joined the church, alone, when a boy in england, and the sufferings he had endured, for allying himself with an ostracized sect, had made him a very ardent mormon. he had become a "teacher" in his ward of ogden city, had succeeded in business as a commission merchant and was a great favorite with his bishop and his people, because of his charities and a certain gentle tolerance of disposition and kindly brightness of mind. smurthwaite, in partnership with richard j. taylor (son of a former president of the church, john taylor) engaged in the manufacture of salt, with the financial backing of a leading church banker. along the shores of salt lake, salt is obtained, by evaporation, at the cost of about sixty cents a ton; its selling price, at the neighboring smelting centers, ranges from three dollars to fourteen dollars a ton; and the industry has always been one of the most profitable in the community. in the early days, the church (as i have already related) encouraged the establishment of "salt gardens," financed the companies, protected them in their leasehold rights along the lake shores, and finally, through the inland crystal salt company, came to control a practical monopoly of the salt industry of the intermountain country. (this inland crystal company, with joseph f. smith as its president, is now a part of the national salt trust.) after smurthwaite and taylor had invested heavily in the land and plant of their salt factory, the church banker who had been helping them notified them that they had better see president smith before they went any further. they called on smith in his office, and there--according to smurthwaite's sworn testimony before the senate committee--the prophet gave them notice that they must not compete with his inland crystal salt company by manufacturing salt, and that if they tried to, he would "ruin" them. this proceeding convinced smurthwaite that smith had "so violent a disregard and non-understanding of the rights of his fellow-man and his duty to god, as to render him morally unqualified for the high office which he holds." for expressing such an opinion of smith to elders and teachers--and adding that smith was not fit to act as prophet, seer and revelator, since, according to his own confession to the senate committee he was "living in sin"--for expressing these opinions, charges were preferred against smurthwaite by an elder named goddard of ogden city, and excommunication proceedings were begun against him. smurthwaite replied by making a charge of polygamous cohabitation against goddard; and after the april conference of , don musser and smurthwaite joined in filing a complaint in the district court of salt lake city demanding an accounting from joseph f. smith of the tithes which the church was collecting. meanwhile smurthwaite had been "disfellowshipped" at a secret session of the bishop's court, on march , without an opportunity of appearing in his own defense or having counsel or witnesses heard in support of his case; and on april , after a similarly secret and ex-parte proceeding, he was excommunicated by the high council of his stake, for "apostasy and un-christianlike conduct." his charges against goddard were ignored, and his suit for an accounting of the tithes was dismissed for want of jurisdiction! from the moment of his first public protest against smith, all smurthwaite's former associates fell away from him, and by many of the more devout he was shunned as if he were infected. benevolent as he had been, he could find no further fellowship even among those whom he had benefited by his service and his means. i know of no more blameless life than his had been in his home community--and, to this, every one of his acquaintances can bear testimony--yet after the brutally unjust proceedings of excommunication against him the deseret news, the church's daily paper, referred to "recent cases of apostasy and excommunication" as having been made necessary by the "gross immorality" of the victims. when a man like chas. a. smurthwaite could not remonstrate against the individual offenses of joseph f. smith, without being overwhelmed by financial disaster, and social ostracism, and personal slander, it must be evident how impossible is such single revolt to the average mormon. nothing can be accomplished by individual protest except the ruin of the protestant and his family. in the case of my own excommunication, the issues were perhaps less clearly defined than in smurthwaite's. i had not been for many years a formal member of the church; and yet in the sense that mormonism is a community system (as much as a religion) i had been an active and loyal member of it. in my childhood--when i was seven or eight years of age--i began to doubt the faith of my people; and i used to go into the orchard alone and thrust sticks lightly into the soft mould and pray that god would let them fall over if the prophets had not been appointed by him to do his work. and sometimes they fell and sometimes they stood! later, when i was appalled by some of the things that had occurred in the early history of the church, i silenced myself with the argument that one should not judge any religion by the crudities and intolerance's of its past. i felt that if i were not hypocritical--if i were myself guided by the truth as i saw it myself--and if i aided to the utmost of my power in advancing the community out of its errors, i should be doing all that could be asked of me. in the days of mormon misery and proscription, i chose to stand with my own people, suffering in their sufferings and rejoicing with them in their triumphs. their tendency was plainly upward; and i felt that no matter what had been the origin of the church--whether in the egotism of a man or in an alleged revelation from god--if the tendencies were toward higher things, toward a more even justice among men, toward a more zealous patriotism for the country, no man of the community could do better than abide with the community. the church authorities accepted my aid with that understanding of my position toward the mormon religion; and, though joseph f. smith, in , for his own political purposes, circulated a procured statement that i was "a mormon in good standing," later, when he was on the witness stand in the smoot investigation, he testified concerning me: "he is not and never has been an official member of the church, in any sense or form." i made no pretenses and none were asked of me. i was glad to give my services to a people whom i loved, and trusted, and admired; and the leaders were as eager to use me as i was eager to be used in the proper service of my fellows. (even joseph f. smith, in those days, was glad to give me his "power of attorney" and to trust me with the care of the community's financial affairs.) but when all the hierarchy's covenants to the nation were being broken; when the tyranny of the prophet's absolutism had been re-established with a fierceness that i had never seen even in the days of brigham young; when polygamy had been restored in its most offensive aspect, as a breach of the church's own revelation; when hopelessly outlawed children were being born of cohabitation that was clandestine and criminal under the "laws both of god and of man"--it was impossible for me to be silent either before the leaders of the church or in the public places among the people. i had spoken for the mormons at a time when few spoke for them--when many of the men who were now so valiantly loyal to the hierarchy had been discreetly silent. i had helped defend the mormon religion when it had few defenders. i did not propose to criticize it now; for to me, any sincere belief of the human soul is too sacred to be so assailed--if not out of respect, surely in pity--and the mormon faith was the faith of my parents. but i was determined to make the strongest assault in my power on the treason and the tyranny which smith and his associates in guilt were trying to cover with the sanctities of religion; and i had to make that assault, as a public man, for a public purpose, without any consideration of private consequences. after i began criticizing the church leaders, in the editorial columns of the salt lake tribune, my friend ben rich, then president of the southern states missions, and j. golden kimball, one of the seven presidents of the seventies, came to me repeatedly to suggest that if i wished to attack the leaders of the church i should formally withdraw from the church. this i declined to do: because i was in no different position toward the teachings of the church than i had been in previous years--because i was not criticizing the church or its religious teachings, but attacking the civil offenses of its leaders as citizens guilty against the state--and because i saw that my attack had more power as coming from a man who stood within the community, even though he had no standing in the church. i continued as i had begun. after the publication of an editorial (january , ), in which i charged president smith with being all that the testimony then before the senate committee had proven him to be, ben rich advised me that i must either withdraw from the church or smith would proceed against me in the church tribunals and make my family suffer. i replied that i would not withdraw and that i would fight all cases against me on the issue of free speech. on february , , i published, editorially, "an address to the earthly king of the kingdom of god," in which i charged smith with having violated the laws (revelations) of his predecessors; with having made and violated treaties upon which the safety of his "subjects" depended; with having taken the bodies of the daughters of his subjects and bestowed them upon his favorites; with having impoverished his subjects by a system of elaborate exaction's (tithes) in order to enrich "the crown" and so forth. all of which, burlesquely written as if to a czar by a constitutionalist, was accepted by the mormon people as in no way absurd in its tone as coming from one american citizen to another! because of these two editorials i was charged (february , ) before a ward bishop's court in ogden with "un-christianlike conduct and apostasy," after two minor church officials had called upon me at my home and received my acknowledgment of the authorship of the editorials, my refusal to retract them, and my statement that i did not "sustain" joseph f. smith as head of the church, since he was "leaving the worship of god for the worship of mammon and leading the people astray." on the night of february , i appeared in my own defense before the bishop's court, at the hour appointed, without witnesses or counsel, because i had been notified that no one would be permitted to attend with me. and, of course, the defense i made was that the articles were true and that i was prepared to prove them true. such a court usually consists of a bishop and his two councillors, but in this case the place of the second councillor had been taken by a high priest named elder george w. larkin, a man reputed to be "richly endowed with the spirit." i had a peculiar psychological experience with larkin. after i had spoken at some length in my own defense, larkin rose to work himself up into one of the rhapsodies for which he was noted. "brother frank," he began, "i want to bear my testimony to you that this is the work of god--and nothing can stay its progress--and all who interfere will be swept away as chaff"--rising to those transports of auto-hypnotic exaltation which such as he accept as the effect of the spirit of god speaking through them. "you were born in the covenant, and the condemnation is more severe upon one who has the birthright than upon one not of the faith who fights against the authority of god's servants." i had concluded to try the effect of a resistant mental force, and while i stared at him i was saying to myself: "this is a mere vapor of words. you shall not continue in this tirade. stop!" he began to have difficulty in finding his phrases. the expected afflatus did not seem to have arrived to lift him. he faltered, hesitated, and finally, with an explanation that he had not been feeling well, he resumed his seat, apologetically. that left me free to "bear testimony" somewhat myself. i warned the members of the "court" that no work of righteousness could succeed except by keeping faith with the almighty--which meant keeping faith with his children upon earth. i reminded them of the dark days, which all of them could recall, when we had repeatedly covenanted to god and to the nation that if we could be relieved of what we deemed the world's oppression we would fulfill every obligation of our promises. i pointed out to them that the church was passing into the ways of the world; that our people were being pauperized; that some of them were in the poorhouses in their old age after having paid tithes all their active lives; that by our practices we were bearing testimony against the revelations which mormons proclaimed to the world for the salvation of the bodies and souls of men. they listened to me with the same friendly spirit that had marked all their proceedings for these men had no animosity against me; they were merely obeying the orders of their superiors. and when we arose to disperse, the bishop put his hand on my shoulder and said, in the usual form of words: "brother frank, we will consider your case, and if we find you ought to do anything to make matters right, we will let you know what it is." i returned to my home, where i had left my wife and children chatting at the dinner table. they had known where i was going. they knew what the issue of my "trial" would be for them and for me. yet when i came back to them, none asked me any questions and none seemed perturbed. and this is typical of the mormon family. i think the experiences through which the people have passed have given them a quality of cheerful patience. they have been schooled to bear persecution with quiet fortitude. tragedy sweeps by them in the daily current of life. a young man goes on a mission, and dies in a foreign land; and his parents accept their bereavement like spartans, almost without mourning, sustained by the religious belief that he has ended his career gloriously. taught to devote themselves and their children and their worldly goods to the service of their church, they accept even the impositions and injustices of the church leaders with a powerful forbearance that is at once a strength and a weakness. two days later i was met on the street by a young dutch elder, who could scarcely speak english, and he gave me the official document from the bishop's court notifying me that i had been "disfellowshipped for un-christianlike conduct and apostasy." i was then summoned to appear before the high council of the stake in excommunication proceedings, and after filing a defense which it is unnecessary to give here--and after refusing to appear before the council for reasons that it is equally unnecessary to repeat i was excommunicated on march , . no denial was made by the church authorities of any of the charges which i had made against smith. no trial was made of the truth of those charges. as a free citizen of "one of the freest communities under the sun," i was officially ostracized by order of the religious despot of the community for daring to utter what everyone knew to be the truth about him. for myself, of course, no edict of excommunication had any terrors; but the aim of the authorities was to make me suffer through the sufferings of my family; and, in that, they succeeded. i shall not write of it. it has little place in such a public record as this, and i do not wish to present myself, in any record, as a martyr. it was not i who was ostracized from the mormon church by my excommunication; it was the right of free speech. the mormon church deprived me of nothing; it deprived itself of the helpful criticism of its members. no anathema of bigotry could take from me the affection of my family or the respect of any friends whose respect was worth the coveting. in that regard i suffered only in my pity for those of my neighbors who were so blindly servile to the decrees of religious tyranny that they turned their backs on the voice of their own liberty raised, in protest, for their own defense. and it was not by the individual protestants but by the entire community that the heaviest price was paid in this whole conflict. it divided the state again into the old factions and involved it in the old war from which it had been rescued. the mormons instituted a determined boycott against all gentiles, and "thou shalt not support god's enemies" became a renewed commandment of the prophet. wherever a gentile was employed in any mormon institution, he was discharged, almost without exception, whether or not he had been an active member of the american party. teachers in the church would exclaim with horror if they heard that a mormon family was employing a gentile physician; and more than one mormon litigant was advised that he not only "sinned against the work of god," but endangered the success of his law suit, by retaining a gentile lawyer. politicians were told that if they aided the american party, they need never hope for advancement in this world, or expect anything but eternal condemnation in the world to come; and though few of them counted on the "spoils" of the hereafter, they understood and appreciated the power of the hierarchy to reward in the present day. the gentiles did not attempt any boycott in retaliation; they had not the solidarity necessary to such an attempt; and many gentile business men, in order to get any mormon patronage whatever, were compelled to employ none but mormon clerks. the gentiles had been largely attracted to utah by its mines; they were heavily interested in the smelting industry. colonel b. a. wall, one of the strongest supporters of the american party, owned copper properties, was an inventor of methods of reduction, and had large smelting industries. ex-senator thomas kearns, and his partner david keith, owners of the salt lake tribune, and many of their associates, had their fortunes in mines and smelters; they were leaders of the american party and they were attempting to enlist with them such men as w. s. mccornick, a gentile banker and mine owner, and d. c. jackling, president of the utah copper company, who is now one of the heads of the national "copper combine" and one of the ablest men of the west. in , in the midst of the political crisis, the church newspapers served editorial notice on these men that, on account of the smelter fumes and their destructive effect upon the vegetation of the valley, the smelters must go; and that if the present laws were not sufficient, new laws would be enacted to drive them out. men like wall and keith and kearns and walker were not terrorized; but mccornick and jackling and the representatives of the american smelting and refining company either surrendered to a discreet silence or openly joined the church in the campaign. they were rewarded with the assurance that the church would protect them against any labor trouble and that no adverse legislation would be attempted against them. today jackling, of the copper combine, is a newspaper partner of apostle smoot, and he is mentioned for the united states senate as the church's selection to succeed george sutherland. the church has large mining interests; smoot and smith are in close affiliation with the smelting trust; and this is another powerful partnership in washington that protected smoot in his seat and has been rewarded by the church's assistance in looting the nation. chapter xvii. the new polygamy in the old days of mormonism--and as late as the anti-polygamous manifesto of --the whole aim and effort of the church was to exalt and sanctify and make pure the practice of plural marriage by means of the community's respect and the reverences of religion. the doctrine of polygamy was taught as a revealed mystery of faith. it was accepted as a sacrament ordained by god for the salvation of mankind. the most important families in the church dignified it by their participation, and were in turn dignified by the church's approval and by the wealth and power that followed approval. the inevitable mental sufferings of the plural wives were endured by them as part of an earthly self-immolation required by god, for which they should be rewarded in eternity. the very necessities of their situation compelled them to exact and cherish a super reverence for the doctrine of plural marriage--since the only way a mother could justify herself to her children was by teaching, as she believed, that she had been selected by god for the exaltation of this sacrifice, and by inculcating in her children a scrupulous respect for sexual purity. there was no pretense of denial of the polygamous relation. plural wives held the place of honor in the community. their marriages were considered the most sanctified. they and their progeny were called "the wives and children of the holy covenant," and they were esteemed accordingly. but as the history of the church shows, plural marriage was always a heavy cross to the mormon women; many had refused to bear it, in the face of the frequent pulpit scoldings of the prophets; and few did not sometime weep under it in the secrecy of their family life. in the days immediately preceding the manifesto of , there was a general hope and longing among the mormon mothers that god would permit a relief before their daughters and their sons should become of an age to be drafted into the ranks of polygamy. the great majority of the young men were monogamists. it required the strong persuasions of personal affection as well as the authority of divine command to make the young women accept a polygamist in marriage. and when the church received president woodruff's anti-polygamous revelation, every profound human emotion of the people coincided with the promise to abstain. only among a few of the polygamous leaders themselves was there any inclination to break the church's pledge--an inclination that was strengthened by resentment against the federal power that had compelled the giving of the pledge. almost immediately upon obtaining the freedom of statehood, some of these leaders returned to the practice of polygamous cohabitation--although they had accepted the revelation, had bound themselves by their covenant to the nation and had solemnly subscribed to the terms of their amnesty. to justify themselves, they found it necessary to teach that polygamy was still approved by the law of god--that the practice of plural marriage had only been abandoned because it was forbidden by the laws of man. joseph f. smith continued to live with his five wives and to rear children by all of them. those of the apostles who were not assured of that attainment to the principality of heaven which was promised the man of five wives and proportionate progeny, were naturally tempted (if, indeed, they were not actually encouraged) to take joseph f. smith as their examplar. it was scarcely worse to break the covenant by taking a new polygamous wife than by continuing polygamous relations with former plural wives; and when an apostle took a new polygamous wife, his inevitable and necessary course was to justify himself by the authority of god. he could not then deny the same authority to the minor ecclesiasts, even if he had wished to. and, finally, when the evil circle spread to the man on the fringe of the church--who could not obtain even such poor authorization for his perfidy he found a way to perpetrate a pretended plural marriage with his victim, and the church authorities did not dare but protect him. this was polygamy without the great saving grace that had previously defended the mormon women from the cruelties and abuses of the practice. it was polygamy without honor--polygamy against an assumed revelation of god instead of by virtue of one--polygamy worse than that of the mohammedans, since it was necessarily clandestine, could claim no social respect or acceptance, and was forbidden "by the laws of god and man" alike. this is the "new polygamy" of mormonism. the church leaders dare not acknowledge it for fear of the national consequences. they dare not even secretly issue certificates of plural marriage, lest the record should be betrayed. they protect the polygamist by a conspiracy of falsehood that is almost as shameful as the shame it seeks to cover; and the infection of the duplicity spreads like a plague to corrupt the whole social life of the people. the wife of a new polygamist cannot claim a husband; she has no social status; she cannot, even to her parents, prove the religious sanction for her marital relations. her children are taught that they must not use a father's name. they are hopelessly outside the law--without the possibility that any further statutes of legitimization will be enacted for their relief. they are born in falsehood and bred to the living of a lie. their father cannot claim the authority of the church for their parentage, for he must protect his prophet. he cannot even publicly acknowledge them--any more than he can publicly acknowledge their mother. out of these terrible conditions comes such an instance as the notorious case of one of henry s. tanner's wives, who went on a visit to one of her relatives, with her children, and denied that they were her children, and denied that she was married--and was supported by her children's denial that she was their mother. similarly, a plural wife of a wealthy mormon, whose fortune is estimated at $ , , --a partner of the sugar trust, a community leader, a favorite of the church went before the senate committee in december, , and swore that her first husband had died thirteen years before, that she had had a child within six years, and that she had no second husband. and by doing so she not only marked the child as illegitimate beyond the relief of any future statutes--legitimizing the offspring of polygamous marriages, but she left herself and the child without any claim upon the estate of its father and publicly swore herself a social outcast before a committee of the united states senate, and perjured herself--to the knowledge of all her friends and acquaintances in utah--for the protection of her husband and her church. what can one say of a man who will permit a woman to commit such an act of social suicide for him--or of a church that will command it? here is a condition of society unparalleled anywhere else in civilization--unparalleled even in barbarous countries, for wherever else polygamy is practiced it at least has the sanction of local convention. and the consequent suffering that falls upon the women and the children is a heart-break to see. during the days when i was in the editorial office of the salt lake tribune, scores of miserable cases came to my knowledge by letter, by the report of friends, and by the visits of the agonized wives themselves. i shall never forget one young woman, in her twenties, who came to ask my help in forcing her husband to obtain a marriage certificate for her from the church, so that her boy might have the right to claim a father. she wept, with her head on my desk, sobbing out her story, and appealing to me for aid with a convulsed and tear-drenched face. four years earlier, she had become friendly with a man twice her age, whom she admired and respected. he had taken two wives before the manifesto of , but that did not prevent him from coveting the youth and beauty of this young woman. he first approached her mother for permission to marry the girl, and when the mother-who was herself a plural wife replied that it was impossible under the law, he brought an apostle to persuade her that the practice of plural marriage was still as meet, just and available to salvation as it had been when she married. then he went to the daughter. "i was terrified," she said, "when he proposed to me. and yet--he asked me if i thought my mother had done wrong when she married my father.... there was no one else i liked as much. he was good. he was rich. he told me i'd never want for anything. he said i would be fulfilling the command of god against the wickedness of a persecuting world.... i don't know what devil of fanaticism entered into me. i thought it would be smart to defy the united states." late one night, by appointment, he called for her with a carriage, driven by a man unknown to her, and took her to a darkened house that had a dim light only in the hallway. they entered alone and turned into a parlor that was dark, except for the reflection from the hall. he led her up to the portieres that hung across an inner door, and through the opening between the curtains she saw the indistinct figure of a man. they stood before him, hand in hand, while he mumbled over the words of a ceremony that sounded to her like the ceremonies she had heard in the temple. she caught little of it clearly; she remembered practically nothing. she was not given anything to show that a ceremony had been performed, and she did not ask for anything. the elderly bridegroom kissed her when the mumbling ceased, led her out to the carriage, took her back to her mother's house, and that night became her husband. she bore him a son. no one except her mother, her father and a few trusted friends knew that she was married. in the early months of she read in the tribune the testimony given before the senate committee by professor james e. talmage, for the church, to the effect that since the manifesto of neither the president of the church nor anybody else in the church had power to authorize a plural marriage, and that any woman who had become a plural wife, since the manifesto, was "no more a wife by the law of the church, than she is by the law of the land." she asked her husband about it. he replied that an apostle had married them. "i asked my husband," she said, "to get a certificate of marriage from the apostle. he told me i needed none--that it was recorded in the books here and recorded in heaven--that it would put the apostle in danger if he were to sign such a paper. i said that that was nothing to me--that i wanted to protect my good name. finally, he said it was not an apostle. then we had a bitter scene. and he did not come back for a long time. and he didn't write as long as he stayed away. "when he came back he was more loving than ever. i was afraid of having more children. i said to him: 'you cannot hold me as a wife any longer unless you write a paper certifying that i'm your wife and this boy is your child. you may place that paper anywhere you like, so long as i know i can get it in case you die. suppose you were to die and all your folks were to deny that i was your wife--say that i was an imposter--that i was trying to foist my boy on the estate of a dead man--in the name of god, then what could i do?' he went away; and he hasn't come back; and he hasn't written. i don't know who married us. i don't even know the house where it happened. i don't know who the driver was. i don't even know who the apostle was that told mother it would be all right. he made her promise under a covenant not to tell. "i don't know where to go. a friend of mine told me you would advise me. he said perhaps you could make them give me a certificate. i don't want to expose my husband. i only want something so that my boy, when he grows up, won't be"-- what could i do? what could anyone do for this unfortunate girl, seduced in the name of religion, with the aid of a church that repudiated her for its own protection? she had to suffer, and see her boy suffer, the penalties of a social outcast. her case was typical of many that came to my personal knowledge. at the sunday schools, in the choirs, in the joint meetings of mutual improvement associations, young girls--taught to believe that plural marriage was sacred, and reverencing the polygamous prophets as the anointed of the lord--were being seduced into clandestine marriage relations with polygamous elders who persuaded their victims that the anti-polygamous manifesto had been given out to save a persecuted people from the cruelties of an unjust government; that it was never intended it should be obeyed; that all the celestial blessings promised by revelation to the polygamist and his wives were still waiting for those who would dare to enjoy them. if the tempted girl turned to one of her women friends, and besought her to say, on her honor, whether she thought that plural marriage was right, the other was likely enough to answer: "yes, yes. indeed it is. promise me you won't tell a living soul. tell me you'll die first.... i'm married to brother i,----, the leader of the ward choir." if she asked her mother: "tell me. is plural marriage wrong?" the mother could only reply: "oh--i don't know--i don't know. your father said it was right, and i accepted it--and we practiced it--and you have always loved your other brothers and sisters, and it seems to me it can't be wrong, since we have lived it. but--oh, i don't know, daughter. i don't know." the man who is tempting her knows. he has the word of an apostle, the example of the prophet, the secret teaching of the church. he courts her as any other religious young girl might be courted--with little attentions, at the meetings, over the music books--and he has, to aid him, a religious exaltation in her, induced by his plea that she is to enter into the mystery of the holy covenant, to become one of the most faithful of a persecuted church, to defy the wicked laws of its enemies. she is just as happy in her betrothal as any other innocent girl of her age. even the secrecy is sweet to her. and then, some evening, they saunter down a side street to a strange house--or even to a back orchard where a man is waiting in a cowl under a tree (perhaps vulgarly disguised as a woman with a veil over his face)--and they are married in a mutter of which she hears nothing. such a case was related to me by a horrified mother who had discovered that the marriage ceremony had been performed by an accomplice of the libertine who had seduced her daughter and since confessed his crime. but whether the ceremony be performed by a priest of the church or by a more unauthorized scoundrel, the girl is equally at the mercy of her "husband" and equally betrayed in the world. even in this case of the pretended marriage, the elders of the ward hushed up the threatened prosecution because the authorities of the church objected to a proceeding that might expose other plural marriages more orthodox. hundreds of mormon men and women personally thanked me by letter or in interviews at the tribune office, for our editorial attacks upon the hierarchy for encouraging these horrors. strangers spoke to me on railroad trains, thanking me and telling me of cases. three mormon physicians, themselves priests of the church, told me of innumerable instances that had come to them in their practice, and said that they did not know what was to become of the community. one mormon woman wrote me from mexico to say that she had exiled herself there with her husband and his two plural wives, and that she felt she had worked out sufficient atonement for all her descendants; yet she saw girls of the family on the verge of entering into plural marriage--if they had not already done so--and she begged us to continue our newspaper exposures, so that others might be saved from the bitter experiences of her life. president winder met me on the street in , towards the close of the year, and said: "frank, you need not continue your fight against plural marriage. president smith has stopped it." "then," i replied, "two things are evident: i have been telling the truth when i said that plural marriage had been renewed--in spite of the authorized denials--and if president smith has stopped it now, he has had authority over it all the time." to me, or to any other well-informed citizen of utah, president winder's admission was not necessary to prove smith's responsibility. in the april conference of , smith had read an "official statement," signed by him, prohibiting plural marriages and threatening to excommunicate any officer or member of the church who should solemnize one; and this official statement was carried to the senate committee by professor james e. talmage, and offered in proof that the church was keeping its covenant. for us, in utah, the declaration served merely to illuminate the dark places of ecclesiastical bad faith. we knew that from the year down, there had never been a sermon preached in any mormon tabernacle, by any of the general authorities of the church, against the practice of plural marriage, or against the propriety of the practice, or against the sanctity of the doctrine. we knew, on the contrary, that upon numerous occasions, at funerals and in public assemblages, joseph f. smith and john henry smith and others of the hierarchy, had proclaimed the doctrine as sacred. we knew that it was still being taught in the secret prayer meetings. practically all the leading authorities of the church were living in plural marriage. some of them had taken new wives since the manifesto. none of them had been actually punished. all were in high favor. and though joseph f. smith denied his responsibility, every one knew that none of these things could be, except with his active approval. perhaps, for a brief time, while smoot's case was still before the senate, some check was put upon the renewal of polygamy. but, even then, there were undoubtedly, occasional marriages allowed, where the parties were so situated as to make concealment perfect. and all checks were withdrawn when smoot's case was favorably disposed of, and the church found itself protected by the political power of the administration at washington and by a political and financial alliance with "the interests." today, in spite of the difficulty of discovering plural marriages, because of the concealments by which they are protected, the salt lake tribune is publishing a list of more than two hundred "new" polygamists with the dates and circumstances of their marriages; and these are probably not one tenth of all the cases. during president taft's visit to salt lake city, in , senator thomas kearns, one of the proprietors of the tribune, offered to prove to one of the president's confidants hundreds of cases of new polygamy, if the president would designate two secret service men to investigate. i believe, from my own observation, that there are more plural wives among the mormons today than there were before . then the young men married early, and were chiefly monogamists. now the change in economic conditions has raised the age at which men marry; it has made more bachelors than there were when simpler modes of life prevailed. the young women have fewer offers of marriage, and more of these come from well-to-do polygamists. the girls are still taught, as they have always been, that marriage is necessary to salvation; and they are betrayed into plural marriage by natural conditions as well as by the persuasions of the church. a perfect "underground" system has been put in operation for the protection of the lawbreakers. if they reside in utah, they frequently go to canada or to mexico to be married; and the whole polygamous paraphernalia can be transported with ease and comfort--the priest who performs the ceremony, the husband, sometimes the legal wife to give her consent so that she may not be damned, and the young woman whose soul is to be saved. and this "underground" is maintained against the reluctance of the mormon people. they aid in it from a kindly feeling toward their fellow-believers--and with some faint thought that perhaps these wayfarers are being "persecuted" but all the time with no personal sympathy for polygamy. by one sincere word of reprehension from joseph f. smith every "underground" station could be abolished, the route could be destroyed, and an end could be put to the protection that is, of itself, an encouragement to polygamous practice. he has never spoken that word. recently, the way in which the new polygamy is perpetrated in utah has been almost officially revealed. a patriarch of the church, resident in davis county, less than fifteen miles from salt lake city, had been solemnizing these unlawful unions at wholesale. the situation became so notorious that the authorities of the church felt themselves impelled about september, , to put restrictions upon his activity. in the course of their investigations they discovered that he did not know the persons whom he married. they would come to his house, in the evening, wearing handkerchiefs over their faces; he sat hidden behind a screen in his parlor; and under these circumstances the two were declared man and wife, and were sealed up to everlasting bliss to rule over principalities and kingdoms, with power of endless increase and progression. he refused to tell the hierarchy from which one of the authorities he had received his endowment to perpetrate these crimes. he refused to give the names of any of the victims, claiming that he did not know them! it is probable that for a long time plural marriage ceremonies were not solemnized within the salt lake temple. now, we know that there have lately been such marriages in it, and at manti, and at logan, and perhaps also in the temple at st. george. there are cases on record where a man has a wife on one side of the utah-colorado line and another wife across the border. no prosecutions are possible in utah; for, as joseph f. smith told the senate committee, the officers of the law have too much "respect" for the ecclesiastical rulers of the state. similarly, in the surrounding states, the officers show exactly the same sort of "respect" and for the same reason. they not only know the church's power in local politics, but they see the national administration allowing the polygamists and priests of the church to select the federal officials, and they are not eager to rouse a resentment against themselves, at washington as well as at home, by prosecuting polygamous mormons. some few years ago, irving sayford, then representing the los angeles times, asked mr. p. h. lannan, of the salt lake tribune, why someone did not swear out warrants against president smith for his offenses against the law. mr. lannan said: "you mean why don't i do it?" "oh, no," mr. sayford explained, "i don't mean you particularly." "oh, yes, you do," mr. lannan said. "you mean me if you mean anybody. if it's not my duty, it's no one's duty.... well, i'll tell you why.... i don't make a complaint, because neither the district attorney nor the prosecuting attorney would entertain it. if he did entertain it and issued a warrant, the sheriff would refuse to serve the warrant. if the sheriff served the warrant, there would be no witnesses unless i got them. if i could get the witnesses, they wouldn't testify to the facts on the stand. if they did testify to the facts, the jury wouldn't bring in a verdict of guilty. if the jury did bring in a verdict of guilty, the judge would suspend sentence. if the judge did not suspend sentence, he would merely fine president smith, three hundred dollars. and within twenty-four hours there would be a procession of mormons and gentiles crawling on their hands and knees to church headquarters to offer to pay that three hundred dollar fine at a dime apiece." mr. lannan's statement of the case was later substantiated by an action of the salt lake district court. upon the birth of the twelfth child that has been borne to president smith in plural marriage since the manifesto of , charles mostyn owen made complaint in the district court at salt lake, charging mr. smith with a statutory offense. the district attorney reduced the charge to "unlawful cohabitation" (a misdemeanor), without the complainant's consent or knowledge. all the preliminaries were then graciously arranged and president smith appeared in the district court by appointment. he pleaded guilty. the judge in sentencing him remarked that as this was the first time he had appeared before the court, he would be fined three hundred dollars, but that should he again appear, the penalty might be different. smith had already testified in washington, before the senate committee, to the birth of eleven children in plural marriage since he had given his covenant to the country to cease living in polygamy; he had practically defied the senate and the united states to punish him; he had said that he would "stand" his "chances" before the law and courts of his own state. all of this was well known to the judge who fined him three hundred dollars--a sum of money scarcely equal to the amount of smith's official income for the time he was in court! a leader of the church, not long ago, asked me, in private conference, what was the policy of the american party with regard to the new plural wives and their children. i replied that as far as i knew it, the policy was to have the church accept its responsibility in the matter and give the wives and children whatever recognition could be given them by their religion. the church was guilty before god and man of having encouraged the awful condition. it was unspeakably cowardly and unfair for the church leaders to put the whole burden of suffering on the helpless women and children; and, moreover, this course was a justification to polygamists in deserting their wives, on the ground that the church had never sanctioned the relation. this church leader, himself a new polygamist, answered miserably: "the church will not let itself be put in such a light before the country. that would be to admit that it has been responsible all the time." i asked: "has the church not been responsible?" he replied--equivocating--: "well, not the church. the church has never taken a vote on it." "that," i said, "answers why you have never got redress and never will get it because you are all liars, from top to bottom. you know you would never have entered the polygamous relation--nor could you have induced your wife to enter it--except with full knowledge that the church did authorize it. the church is one man, and you know it. the whole theory of your theology collapses if you deny that." he shook his head blankly. "i don't know what is to become of us. i don't see any way out." i could only advise him that he should join with other new polygamists in demanding that the church authorities make all possible reparation to the women and children who were being crushed under the penalties of the church's crime. but i knew that such advice was vain. he could not make such a demand, any more than any other slave could demand his freedom. and if the non-polygamists demanded it, the prophets would deny that polygamy was being practiced. the children could not be legitimized--for the church cannot obtain legitimizing statutes without avowing its responsibility for the need of them; and the gentiles can not pass such statutes without encouraging the continuance of polygamy by removing the social penalty against it. so the burden of all this guilt, this shame, this deception, falls upon the unfortunate plural wife and her innocent offspring. she is bound by the most sacred obligations never to reveal the name of the officiating priest--even if she knew it--nor to disclose the circumstances of the ceremony. she has justified her degradation by the assumption that god has commanded it; that her husband has received a revelation authorizing him to take her into his household; that her children will be legitimate in the sight of god, and that eventually the civilized world will come to a joyous acceptance of the practice of polygamy. when the trials of her life afflict her and she finds no relentment in the world's disdain, she sees no avenue of retreat. to break the relation is to imply at once that it was not ordained of god, and to cast a darker ignominy upon her unfortunate children. her only hope lies in her continued submission to her husband and his church, even after she has mentally and morally rejected the doctrine that betrayed her. a more pitiably helpless band of self-immolants than these mormon women has never suffered martyrdom in the history of the world. heaven help them. there is no help for them on earth. chapter xviii. the prophet of mammon in an earlier day among the mormons, the ecclesiastical authorities collected one-tenth of the "annual increase" of the faithful into "the storehouse of the lord;" and this was practically the entire assessment made by the church; although, by the same law of tithing, every mormon was held obliged to consecrate all his earthly possessions to "god's work" on the demand of the prophet. the common fund was used, then, to promote community enterprises and to relieve the poor. the tithe-payer saw the good result of the administration of the church's moneys, and was generally satisfied. he was promised eternal happiness if he paid an honest tithe, but he was also given an earthly reward--for the church admitted him to many opportunities and enterprises from which the niggardly were adroitly excluded. he was spiritually elevated and enlarged by giving for a purpose that he considered worthy--the fulfillment of a commandment of god and the relief of his fellow-creatures--and the community benefited by having a part of its yearly surplus administered for the common good. but by the time the church had reached its third generation of tithe-payers, the "financial prophets" had made a change. on the theory that since the mormons were paying the bulk of the taxes, they should share in the distribution of the public relief funds, the mormon poor were denied assistance from "the storehouse of the lord," and were compelled to enter the poorhouses, to seek shelter on the "county farms," or to take charity from their neighbors. the resulting degradation of a sublime principle of human helpfulness is strikingly shown in the fact that in some cases, where the county relief funds are distributed through a mormon clerk of paupers for out-door relief, the mormon bishop even collects one-tenth of this money, from the wretched recipients, as their contribution to god almighty! nor is the greed of the present hierarchy satisfied with one-tenth of a mormon's income. said joseph f. smith, at the april conference of (according to the church's official report): "if a farmer raises two thousand bushels of wheat, as the result of his year's labor, how many bushels should he pay for tithing? well, some go straightway to dickering with the lord. they will say that they hired a man so and so, and his wages must be taken out; that they had to pay such and such expenses, and this cost and that cost; and they reckon out all their expenses and tithe the balance." to smith's inspired financial genius this was "dickering with the lord." he wished to collect ten per cent of the farmer's entire yield--a tithe that would have bankrupted the farmer in three years! nor is the tithe any longer the only exaction demanded by the prophet. a score of "donations" have been added. there is the stake tabernacle donation, which is a fund collected from the mormons of each "stake" (corresponding usually to a county) for the building of a house in which to hold stake conferences. there is the ward meeting-house donation, which is a fund collected from the mormons of every "ward" for the erection of a local chapel. there is the fast day donation, made up of contributions gathered on the afternoon of the first sunday of each month, at what is called "a fast meeting," for the support of the local poor; and this is supplemented by the relief society donation, solicited by the members of the ladies relief society, in a house-to-house canvass, from mormons and gentiles alike. a light and heat donation is collected by the deacons of the ward, under direction of the bishop, to pay for the lighting and heating of the ward meeting house; a missionary donation is collected at a "missionary benefit entertainment," to help defray the expenses of a member of a ward sent on a mission; and since a missionary must necessarily be an elder, a quorum missionary donation is also taken from his fellow members of the quorum, to assist him. so far as the church is concerned, he travels "without purse or scrip," by order of "revelation;" but this inhibition does not extend to the use of his own money--if he has any left after paying the other exaction's--nor does it prevent him either from receiving contributions from his impoverished fellows or accepting charity from "the enemies of god's people," whom he labors to redeem. and on these terms about ninety per cent. of the adult male mormons perform missionary services for the church. all priesthood quorums have monthly quorum dues collected from their members. on one sunday of each month, called nickel sunday, the sunday school members pay in five cents each for the purchase of new books, etc. on dime tuesday, once a month, the members of the young men's and the young women's mutual improvement associations pay in ten cents each for the purchase of books, etc. on nickel friday, once a month, the infant members of the primary association pay in five cents each to the association. religious class donations are paid once a month by the mormon public-school pupils for the support of the week-day religious classes. amusement hall donations are collected from the members of a ward whose bishop finds them able to build a place of amusement. when a temple is to be erected, temple donations are collected, continuously, until the work is finished and paid for; and when members of the church "go through the temple," they are required to pay another form of temple donation in any sum that they can afford. should a need arise, not provided for by the specific donations given above, a special donation is collected to meet it. yet in the face of all these exaction's of tithes and donations, the ecclesiast still boasts: "we are not like the 'preachers for hire and diviners for money.' we never pass the plate at our sacred services. our clergy labor, without pay, to give free salvation to a sinful world!" in addition to doing missionary service, paying tithes, and contributing donations, the latter-day mormon, if he be obedient to the counsel of the church's anointed financiers, must support the commercial and financial undertakings of the hierarchy. these are officially designated "the church's institutions" by the authorities; but they are in no way the property of the church. they are advertised as community enterprises, but they are such only in the sense that the community is commanded by "the voice of god" to sustain them. there is no voice of god to command a distribution of their profits. and they are no longer conducted for the benefit of the community but to exploit it. the good mormon must purchase his sugar from "the church's" sugar company (joseph f. smith, president), which is controlled by the national sugar trust and charges trust prices. he must buy salt from "the church's" salt monopoly (joseph f. smith, president), which is a part of, and pays dividends to, the national salt trust. he is taught to go for his merchandise to the zion's co-operative mercantile institution (joseph f. smith, president), where even whiskey is sold under the symbol of the all-seeing eye and the words "holiness to the lord" in gilt letters; and joseph f. smith, at the april conference, of (according to the church's official report), scolded those "pretendedly pious" mormons who "were shocked and horrified" to find "liquid poison" sold under these auspices--for, as smith argued, with characteristic greed, if the mormon who wanted whiskey could not get it in the church store, "he would not patronize z.c.m.i. at all, but would go elsewhere to deal!" the farmers are "counselled" to buy their vehicles from "the church's" firm, the consolidated wagon and machine company (joseph f. smith, president); to take out their fire insurance with the church's "home fire insurance company" (joseph f. smith, controller); and to insure their lives with the church's "beneficial life insurance company" (joseph f. smith, president). the salt lake knitting company (of which joseph f. smith is president) makes, among other things, the sacred knitted garments that are prescribed for every mormon who takes the "endowment oaths," to be worn by him forever after as a shield "against the adversary;" and these garments bear the label: "approved by the presidency. no knitted garment approved which does not bear this label." by which ingenious bit of religious commercialism, the sacred marks on the garments (accepted as a sort of passport to heaven) have been increased by the sacred smith trademark that admits the wearer to the smith heaven. the church's banking institutions, of which joseph f. smith is president, are recommended as safer than others because the money goes into the hands of "the brethren." church newspapers must be subscribed for, because all others are "unreliable"--although the church's deseret news (joseph f. smith, president) is one of the most dishonest, unjust and mendacious organs that ever poisoned the public mind. and so on, through the whole list of business concerns by which the church authorities are to profit. the mormons, having learned of old the value of a solid, community support for community enterprises established in the interests of the community, are still kept solidly supporting ecclesiastical enterprises administered for the benefit of the hierarchy or its favorites, at the community's expense! the utah light and railway company (joseph f. smith, president), which was supported by the tithes of the mormon people, was charging $ . per thousand cubic feet for fuel gas and $ . for illuminating gas, just before the company was sold to the "harriman interests." (the supreme court of the united states has fixed a rate of cents a thousand as a fair price for gas in new york city.) the salt lake street railway (operating under a fifty-year franchise, obtained from the city council by, the power of the church while joseph f. smith was president of the company) charges a five-cent fare, gives but one transfer, allows no half fares for children, and pays the city nothing for the use of its streets. before the transfer of the church's sugar stocks to the trust, the sugar factories paid the farmer $ . a ton for his beets and sold him sugar for $ . a hundred pounds; today beets are bought for $ . a ton, and sugar sold at $ . a hundred. the price asked for salt in utah, where it should be "dirt cheap," is the same as everywhere under the salt trust. and so on--through the rest of the list. to maintain this system of sanctified gain joseph f. smith invokes all the power of his "divine" authority as "the mouthpiece of the lord." he protects the sugar trust by preventing the establishment of independent sugar factories (as for example in sanpete and sevier counties in ), just as he protects the salt trust by preventing the competition of independent salt gardens (as in the case of smurthwaite and taylor.) he issues his edict of protection as "the vicegerent of god on earth" to the mormons; and he excommunicates and ostracizes, in this world and the next, the mormon protestant who dares rebel against commercial monopoly. he receives between two and three million dollars a year in tithes, gives no accounting of them, and has no responsibility for them, except to god and his own conscience. he is able to use this sum, in bulk, at any given point, with a weight of financial pressure that would overbalance any other such single power in the community. as "trustee in trust" for the church, he has the added income from stocks and previous investments; and he has practical control of the wealth of all the leading men of the church to assist him, if he should call upon them for assistance. he uses his financial dictatorship to support monopoly against the assault of gentile opposition, and he compels the gentile to pay tribute as the mormon does. he backs his financial power with his control of legislation. he can not only prevent the passage of any laws against his favored monopolies, but (as in the case of the smelters) he can reduce independents to submission by threatening them with procured laws to penalize them. he largely controls the "labor troubles" of the state by controlling the obedience of the mormon laboring men. he can influence judges, officers of the law and all the agents of local government by his power as political "boss," and the same influence extends, through his representatives at washington, to the local activities of federal authority. he can check and govern public opinion among his subjects by announcing "the will of god" to them through the officers of the church in every department of religious administration. he is, therefore, at once the modern "money king," the absolute political czar the social despot and the infallible pope of his "kingdom!" just as men fight for the retention of a throne and the maintenance of a dynasty, so he and his courtiers defend his rule and maintain his autocracy with every weapon of absolutism. and just as royalty, while possessed of unlimited wealth, has never lacked mercenaries, press bureaus, and all the sycophantic defenders of a crown, so smith is able to command an array of service as great as any ever brought to the defense of a social system. this singular and enormous power stands solidly against any movement of domestic reform; and, by its alliance with the national rulers in finance and politics, it is saved from the danger of "foreign" intervention. like every other such absolutism, it is crushing out the life of its subjects; for, in spite of the industry, the thrift, and the abstemiousness of the mormon people, they are sinking under the burden of imposed exaction's. although utah became a territory in , and had its well-settled towns at that time, and was organized in a compact social body for the upbuilding of its material prosperity before any of the surrounding states had received an organic act as a territory, utah has now lost its leadership, and the individual initiative and enterprise of the typical western community have been relatively lost. in this process of degeneration, one of the most promising modern experiments in communism has been frustrated and brought to ruin. in the early nineties, dr. josiah strong, of new york city, viewed the mormon system with an interested admiration. he saw that by contribution, and co-operation, and arbitration, the energies of the people were conserved and the products of their prosperity more equally distributed than under the conditions of economic war then prevalent elsewhere. he thought he saw in utah a possible solution of some of the social problems of our civilization. but, a few years ago, he confessed that the mormon system was no longer worthy of study. it had been destroyed by the greed of its rulers. community contributions were being used for individual commercialism and the aggrandizement of leaders. the aged and infirm poor, who had contributed through all the working period of their lives, were being thrust into poor houses. the ambition of the earlier prophets, to make the people great in their community prosperity and happiness, has been lost in the new desire of the head of the church to exhibit that greatness only in his own person. the mormon people had become the working slaves of a financial and political and religious autocracy, and mormonism was no longer anything but a hopeless failure as a social experiment. it is difficult to say how much of this failure was due to the character of the present prophet, and how much to the national conditions that are threatening the success of democracy in every state of the union. it would seem that the conditions were ideal for the production of just such a man as smith, and that smith was by nature fitted for the greatest growth under just such conditions. he came to power with none of the feeling of responsibility to his people which the earlier leaders showed. he considered that the people lived for him, not that he lived for the people. he regarded the mormon system as an establishment of his family, to which he had the family right of inheritance; and he waited with a sulky impatience for the deaths of the men who stood between him and the control of his family's church. it was as if he accepted his predecessors as exercising their powers, during an inter-regnum, by the consent of the mormon people, but saw himself acceding to the throne by family right and the order of divinity. he had no financial ability; he had no considerable property when he became president of the church at sixty-three. nor did he need any such ability. the continuous inflow of money--to be used without accountability to anyone--and the wealth of opportunity offered by the men who wished his aid in exploiting his people, made it unnecessary that he should have any creative financial vision. he needed only to move, with his opportunity, along the line of least resistance which was also, with him, the line of choice. he had, through all his years, shown an obvious envy of any member of the church whose circumstances were better than his own. it was apparent in his manner that he regarded such success in the community as an encroachment upon the smith prerogatives. as soon as he came to power, he accepted every opportunity of self-aggrandizement as a new smith prerogative. and the system of modern capitalism appealed at once to his ambition. by the older method of tithes and conscription's, he could collect only from the devotees of the church; by the larger exploitation he could levy tribute upon the gentiles too. and he was aided by the mormons themselves. they had been brought together, in obedience to "a command of god," in order that the community, by avoiding the sins of the world, might be saved from the plagues that were to descend upon the world because of its injustice. they were a credulous people, ignorant of the sins of modern finance, and prepared by industry and isolation to be exploited. their previous leaders had observed, as a warning only, the modern aspiration for vast wealth obtained by economic injustice; but that aspiration made an instant appeal to smith's ambition; and it is the peculiar iniquity of conditions in utah today that his ambition has betrayed his people to the very evils which they were originally organized to escape. in an earlier time it was the pride of the leader that the community in the large was advancing and the average of conditions improving. today the leader assumes that as he grows richer the people are prospering and "the revelations of god" being vindicated in practice. he speaks with pride of "our" growth and wealth under "the benign authority of the almighty" and his "temporal revelations"--because he himself has been enriched by the perversion of these same laws--very much as the "captain of industry" elsewhere boasts of the "prosperity" of the country, because the few are growing so rich at the expense of the many. along with this strain of commercial greed in smith, there is an equally strong strain of religious fanaticism that justifies the greed and sanctifies it, to itself. he believes (as apostle orson pratt taught, by authority of the church): "the kingdom of god is an order of government established by divine authority. it is the only legal government that can exist in any part of the universe. all other governments are illegal and unauthorized.... any people attempting to govern themselves by laws of their own making, and by officers of their own appointment, are in direct rebellion against the kingdom of god." smith believes that over this kingdom the smiths have been, by divine revelation, ordained to rule. he believes that his authority is the absolute and unquestionable authority of god himself. he believes that in all the affairs of life he has the same right over his subjects that the creator has over his creatures. he believes that he has been appointed to use the mormon people as he in his inspired wisdom sees fit to use them, in order the more firmly to establish god's kingdom on earth against the powers of evil. he believes that the people of the american republic, "being governed by laws of their own making and by officers of their own appointment," are in direct rebellion against "his kingdom of god." he believes that the national government is destined to be broken in pieces by his power; that it has only been preserved from destruction by the concessions recently made by the federal authorities; and that it can only continue to save itself so long as it shall recognize smith's ambassadors at washington--and so allow him to work out its destruction in the fullness of time. but with all this insanity of pretension he has a sort of cowardly shrewdness, acquired in his days of hiding "on the underground." on the witness stand in washington he denied that he had had any direct communication with god by revelation; and then he returned to utah and pleaded from the pulpit that on this point he had lied in washington in order to escape saying what his "inquisitors" had wished him to say in order to "get him into a trap." he preaches in utah that to deny the doctrine of polygamy is to reject the teaching of jesus christ; before the senate committee he was coward enough to put the blame of his polygamous cohabitation upon his five wives. in washington he claimed that the gentiles of utah condoned polygamous cohabitation and had a liberal sympathy for the church; but at st. george, utah, for example (in september, ), he was reported by a church newspaper as saying: "the gentiles are coming among us to buy our homes and land. we should not sell to them, as they are the enemies of the kingdom of god." he is that most perfect of all hypocrites--the fanatic who believes that he is lying in the service of the almighty. in the early spring of , i was in washington, where measures of proscription were then being prepared against our people; and, early in the morning, as i walked up massachusetts avenue, i saw joseph f. smith approaching me. for several years he had been "on the underground" under the name of "joseph mack"--now in the hawaiian islands with one wife; now hidden, with another, among the faithful in some mormon village; or again with a third, in washington (which was probably as safe a place as any) presiding secretly over the church lobby. as he passed me, with his head down, preoccupied, i said: "good morning, president smith." he jumped as if i had been a deputy marshal with such a sudden start of fear that his silk hat rolled on the pavement and his umbrella dropped from his hand. he drew back from me as if he were about to take to his heels. then he recognized me, of course, and was quickly reassured; but his embarrassment continued for some time, awkwardly. but a short time ago the president of the united states stood in the salt lake tabernacle (which is "joseph mack's" capitol and vatican) and addressed a multitude that had assembled not more to honor the chief executive of the nation than to pay their almost idolatrous tribute of devotion to the head of their church, who was reigning there in the pulpit with president taft. "joseph mack" no longer fears deputy marshals--he appoints them; and the present united states marshal of utah would refuse to serve a paper under the direction of the entire power of the united states government if "joseph mack" forbade the service. he no longer fears the proscriptions of legislators at washington; they come to him, through the leaders of their parties, and arrange with him for the support of the trans-mississippi states in which the influence of his church control is determinative. he no longer hides his wives, at the ends of the earth, and visits them by stealth; they occupy a row of houses along one of the principal streets of salt lake city, and the pilgrim and the tourist alike admire his magnificence as they go by. he is still a law-breaker. he stands even more in defiance of the authority of the nation than he did in , and he hates that authority as much as ever. but he is today not only the prophet of the church; he is the prophet of mammon; and all the powers and principalities of mammon now give him gloriously: "all hail!" chapter xix. the subjects of the kingdom but what of the mormon people? how can such leaders, directing the church to purposes that have become so cruel, so selfish, so dangerous and so disloyal--how can they maintain their power over followers who are themselves neither criminal nor degraded? that is a question which has given the pause of doubt to many criticisms of the mormon communism of our day. that is the consideration which has obtained from the nation the protection of tolerance under which the prophets flourish. for not only are the mormon men and women obviously as worthy as any in the united states: there is plainly much of community value in their social life; there is manifestly a great deal of efficiency for human good in their system and in the leadership by which it is directed; and this good is so apparent that it appeals easily to the sympathetic conscience and uninformed mind of the country at large. let me try, then, to exhibit and to analyze the causes that keep such a virtuous and sturdy people loyally supporting the leadership of men so unworthy of them that if the people were as bad as the ends to which they are being now directed, modern mormonism would be destroyed by its own evils. in the first place, the average mormon chief is sincere in his pretensions and self-justified in his aims. usually, he has been born, in the church, to a family that sees itself set apart, in holiness, from the rest of humanity, as the direct heirs of the ancient prophets or even as the lineal descendants of christ. from his earliest age of understanding, he is taught the divine splendor of his birth and impressed with the high duties of his family privilege in being permitted to bear a part in preparing the earth for the second coming of the savior. he is taught that, though all the world may be saved and nearly all the people of this sphere will in some eternity work out a measure of salvation, he and , others are to be a band of the elect who shall stand about the savior, on mount zion, in the final day. he is taught that, next to christ, joseph smith, the founder of the faith, has performed the largest mission for the salvation of the world; that in the councils of the gods, when the creator measured off the ages of the human race on this earth, to the savior was apportioned "the meridian of time," and to joseph smith, the prophet, was given the "last dispensation," which is "the fullness of times," in order that the world, having apostatized from the atonement and the redemption, might be saved to heaven by joseph, "the choice seer." he is taught that the disciples of the mormon prophet are literally the disciples of jesus christ; that the laws of right and wrong are within the direction and subject to the authority of the prophet, to be changed, enlarged or even revoked by his commandment; that all human laws are equally subject to his will, to be made or unmade at his order; that he can condemn, by his excommunication, any man or any nation to the vengeance of the almighty here and hereafter; and that he can pronounce a blessing upon the head of any man, or the career of any people, by virtue of which blessing power shall be held in this world righteously and the man elevated to sit at the right hand of god in the world to come. he is taught that the greatest sin which can be committed--next to the denial of christ--is to raise hand or voice against "the lord's anointed," the mormon prophets. and, for morality, he is taught from his infancy, that he must scrupulously practice those special virtues of his cult, industry, thrift, purity (except as in later life he shall be inducted into the practice of the new polygamy) honesty in business, and charity toward his needy fellow-men. formed in character by this teaching, as a steady inculcation throughout his youth, he comes to manhood strong of body, determined of mind, practicing rigidly and intolerantly his petty virtues of abstinence from the use of tobacco, tea and coffee, proclaiming with fanatical zeal the gospel as it has been proclaimed to him, and self-justified in all that he says or does by the large measure of sincerity in his delusions. and that is, in some degree, the common training of all mormons. every mormon boy attends sunday school as soon as he is old enough to lisp his song of adoration to joseph, the kingly prophet, and to the savior with whom joseph is early associated in his childish mind. at six years of age, he enters the primary association; at twelve he is in the young men's mutual improvement association; at fourteen or even earlier, he stands in the fast-day meeting and repeats like a creed: "brethren and sisters, i feel called upon to say a few words. i am not able to edify you, but i can say that i know this is the church and kingdom of god, and i bear my testimony that joseph smith was a prophet and that brigham young was his lawful successor, and that the prophet joseph f. smith is heir to all the authority which the lord has conferred in these days for the salvation of men. and i feel that if i live my religion and do nothing to offend the holy spirit i will be saved in the presence of my father and his son, jesus christ. with these few words i will give way. praying the lord to bless each and every one of us is my prayer in the name of jesus christ. amen." at fourteen he becomes a deacon of the church. between that age and twenty, he becomes an elder. very soon thereafter he becomes "a seventy" and perhaps a high priest. he takes upon himself "covenants in holy places." he becomes "a priest unto the most high god"--frequently before his eighteenth year. usually before he is twenty he is sent on a mission to proclaim his gospel--the only one he has ever heard in his life--to "an unenlightened nation" and "a wicked world." for, in addition to being taught that the mormons are the best, most virtuous, most temperate, most industrious, and most god-fearing of all peoples--a thing that is dinned into his ears from the pulpit every sunday in the year--he has been convinced by equal iteration that the rest of the world is a festering mass of corruption. often he goes abroad, to some country whose language and customs he must learn and upon the charity of whose toilers he must depend for his maintenance. he goes with an implicit reliance upon god, strong in the small virtues that have been taught him from the time he knelt at his mother's knee. he sees, probably for the first time, the afflictions and the sins among mankind; and he keeps himself unspotted from them, congratulating himself that these grossnesses are unknown to his sheltered home-life and to the religion which he holds as the ideal of his soul. he proclaims his belief that god has spoken from the heavens, through the mormon prophet, in this last day, to restore the gospel of christ from which the peoples of the earth have wandered. he "bears testimony" to the whole world, and he binds himself to the authority of his church by proclaiming his belief in it. when he returns home, after years of service, he is called to the stand in the tabernacle to give a report of his work. he finds waiting for him a ready advancement in the offices of the church, according as he may show himself worthy of advancement or as the power of family or the favor of ecclesiastical authority may obtain it for him. he marries a girl who has had a training almost identical with his own. she, too, has borne her testimony before she reached years of responsibility. she has taken her vows as a priestess at the age when he was dedicating himself a priest. she may even have performed a foreign mission. they have both been promised that they shall become kings and queens in the eternal world. they are bound by their covenants to obey their superior priests. they cannot disregard their church affiliations without recanting their vows. the only way they can adhere to their covenants with their almighty father--the only way they can demonstrate their acceptance of the atoning power of the redeemer's sacrifice--is by yielding such obedience to the prophet as they would pay to the father and the son if they were on earth in their proper persons. to deviate from this faithfulness is to be marked as a judas iscariot by all the latter-day saints. as soon as the mormon becomes the head of a family--in addition to all the testimonies and performances which he must give as proof of his continued adherence--he must submit himself and his household to the examination and espionage of the ward teachers, who invade his home at least once a month. they enter absolutely as the proprietors of the house. if the husband is there, they ask him whether he performs his duties in the church; whether he holds family prayer morning and evening; whether he "keeps the word of wisdom"--that is, does he abstain from the use of alcohol, tobacco, tea and coffee--whether he pays a full tithe and all the prescribed donations to the church; whether he has any hard feelings against any of his brethren and sisters; and finally, does he devoutly sustain the prophet as the ruler of god's kingdom upon earth. these questions, so far as they apply, are put to each member of the family above the age of eight years. should the husband be away, all the inquiries concerning him are made of the wife. if both parents are absent, the questions concerning them are put to their children! this one branch of the ecclesiastical service is sufficient of itself to mark the mormon church as the most perfectly disciplined institution among mankind. the teachers' quorum in any neighborhood consists of some tried elders, usually of considerable ability and experience. with these are associated numerous young men, many of them returned missionaries. the fact that they have countless other duties in the church and many other and weightier responsibilities, is not permitted to excuse them from performing strictly this important labor. perhaps a dozen or twenty families are assigned to a couple of teachers. they are required to visit each of these families once every month. and if they discover any lapse of fidelity, they report at once to the bishop. no one who has not seen them on their rounds will believe with what an air of divinely privileged authority they enter a home and force its secrets of conscience--with what an imposing and arrogant zeal--with what a calm assumption of spiritual over-lordship and inquisitorial right. some few years ago after my public criticisms of joseph f. smith had been followed by my excommunication, two teachers, on their monthly rounds, came to my home in the evening and made their way calmly to the library where i was sitting with some members of my family. i had just returned from a long absence abroad, and the visit was an untimely intrusion at its best; but we observed the obligations of hospitality with what courtesy we could, and merely evaded the familiar questions which they began to put to us. finally, the elder of the two teachers, a man of some local prominence in the church, undertook to "bear testimony" to the wickedness of anyone who opposed the divine rule of joseph f. smith; and when i cut him short with a request that he leave the house, he was as shocked and surprised as if he had been milton's archangel michael, after "the fall," and i, a defiant adam, showing him the door. in addition to the visitations of the ward teachers, some members of the ladies relief society call upon every family usually once a month, not only to gather donations for the poor, but to have a little quiet talk with the wife and mother of the household. these women of the relief society are genuine "sisters of charity." in most cases they have themselves plenty of household cares, yet they give much of their time to visiting the sick, supplying the wants of the needy or ministering to the miseries of the afflicted; and if it were not for them and their noblework, the mormon poor would fare ill in these days of mormon church grandeur. outside of their monthly visitations, they have definite preaching to do. at the meetings of their organization, they "bear testimony" that joseph was a prophet--and so on. they have the quarterly stake conferences to attend. their traveling missionaries go from salt lake to the four quarters of the globe to institute and maintain the discipline of the organization and to teach the methods of its practical work in nursing schools, mother's classes and the like. they make up one of the noblest bodies of women associated with any social movement of humanity. and in their zeal and submissiveness they are so innocently meek and "biddable" that they can listen with reverence to young hyrum smith publicly lecturing the grandmothers of the order for occasionally partaking of a cup of thin tea. under such a system of teaching, discipline and espionage, how can the average mormon man or woman develop any independence of thought or action? at what time of life can he assert himself? before he has attained the age of reason he has declared his faith in public. if he shall then, in his teens, express any doubt, the priests are ready for him. "you have borne your testimony many times in the church," they say sternly. "were you lying then, or have you lost the spirit of god through your transgressions?" if he reveals any doubt to the ward teachers, they will overwhelm him with argument, and either absolutely reconvert him or silence him with authority. the pressure of family love and pride will be brought to bear upon him. the ecclesiastical authorities will move against him. he knows that every one of his relatives will be humiliated by his unfaithfulness. his "sin" will become known to the whole community, and he will be looked at askance by his friends and his companions. after he has taken his vows as a priest, how shall he dare to violate them? he knows that if he loses his faith on a mission--in other words, if he dares to make any inquiry into the authenticity of the mission which he is performing--he becomes a deserter from god in the very ranks of battle. he knows that he will be held forever in dishonor among his people; that he will be looked upon as one worse than dead; that he will ruin his own life and despoil his parents of all their eternal comfort and their hope in him. while i was editing the salt lake tribune, a son of one of the famous apostles came to me with some anxious inquiries, and said: "frank, i have been working in the church and teaching this gospel so assiduously for nearly forty years that i have never had time to find out whether it's true or not!" if the mormon, in his later years of manhood, dares to doubt, he must either reveal his disloyalty to the ward teachers or continue to deny it, from month to month, and remain a supine servant of authority. if he reveals it, he knows that the news of his defection will permeate the entire circle with which he is associated in politics, in business and in religion. if his superstition does not hold him, his worldly prudence will. he knows that all the aid of the community will be withdrawn from him; every voice that has expressed affection for him will speak in hate; every hand that has clasped his in friendship will be turned against him. and into this very prudence there enters something of a moral warning. for he has seen how many a man, deprived of the association and fraternity of the church, feeling himself shunned in a lonely ostracism, has not been strong enough to endure in rectitude and has fallen into dissipation. every instance of the sort is rehearsed by the faithful, with many exultant expressions of mourning, in the hearing of the doubter. and finally, it is the prediction of the priests that no apostate can prosper; and though the mormon people are charitable and do not intend to be unjust, they inevitably tend to fulfill the prophecy and devote the apostate to material destruction. the great doctrine of the mormon faith is obedience; the one proof of grace is conformity. so long as a man pays a full tithe, contributes all the required donations, and yields unquestioningly to the orders of the priests, he may even depart in a moral sense from any other of the church's laws and find himself excused. but any questioning of the rulership of the prophets--the rightfulness of their authority or the justice of its exercise is apostasy, is a denial of the faith, is a sin against the holy ghost. the man who obeys in all things is promised that he shall come forth in the morning of the first resurrection; the man who disobeys, and by his disobedience apostatizes, is condemned to work out, through an eternity of suffering, his offense against the holy spirit. at the first sign of defection--almost inevitably discovered in its incipiency--the rebel is either disciplined into submission or at once pushed over "the battlements of heaven!" by such perfect means, the leaders, chosen under a pretense of revelation from god, maintain an unassailable sanctity in the eyes of the people, who are themselves priests. these people implicitly believe that the voice of the leader is the voice of god. they follow with a passionate devotion that is made up of a fanatical priestly faith and of a sympathy that sees their prophets "persecuted" by an ungenerous, impure and vindictive world. we love that for which we suffer; and it has become the inheritance of the mormons to love the priesthood, for whose protection their parents and grandparents suffered, and under whose oppressions they now suffer themselves. joseph smith, the original prophet, was slain in the carthage jail; to the mormon mind this is proof that he was the anointed of god and that he sealed his testimony with his blood, as did the savior. john taylor, afterwards president of the church, was not slain at carthage, but only wounded; and this to the mormons is proof that he was of the eternal kindred of the prophets, because, under god's direction, he gave his blood to their defense. but willard richards, a companion of smith and taylor, was not even injured at carthage; and this is accepted as proof that god had charge of his holy ones, and would not permit wicked men to do them harm. when the people left nauvoo and journeyed through iowa, some of the citizens of that state would not harbor them; and this is argued as evidence that the mormon movement was god's work, since the hand of the wicked was against it; but in some localities of iowa the emigrants were aided, and this also is proof that the mormon movement was god's work, since the hearts of the people were melted to assist it. when johnston's army was sent to utah, it was proof that the mormon church was the true church, hated and persecuted by a wicked nation; when johnston's army withdrew without a battle, it was a new guarantee of the divinity of the work; and it is even believed among the mormons that the civil war was ordained from the heavens, at the sudden command of god, to compel johnston's withdrawal and save god's people. in the same way the persecutions of "the raid," and the cessation of those persecutions--the early trials of poverty and the present abundance of prosperity--the threat of the smoot investigation and the abortive conclusion of that exposure--are all argued as proofs of the divinity of a persecuted church or given as instances of the miraculous "overruling" of god to prosper his chosen people. no matter what occurs, the prophets, by applying either one of these formulae, can translate the incident into a new proof of grace; and their followers submissively accept the interpretation. on the night of april , , joseph f. smith and some eight of his sons sat in his official box at the salt lake theatre to watch a prize fight that lasted for twenty gory rounds. the salt lake tribune published the fact that the prophet of god, and vicegerent of christ, had given the approval of his "holy presence" to this clumsy barbarity. a devout old lady, who had been with the church since the days of nauvoo, rebuked us bitterly for publishing such a falsehood about president smith. "how dare you tell such wicked lies about god's servants?" she scolded. "president smith wouldn't do such a wicked thing as attend a prize fight. and you know that no man with any sense of decency would take his young sons to look at such a dreadful thing!" some time later, when the facts in the case had come to her, in her retirement, from her friends, the editor called upon her to quiz her about the incident. she said: "i'm sure i don't see what business it is of the outside world anyhow what president smith does. he has a right to go to the theatre if he wants to. i don't believe they would have anything but what's good in the salt lake theatre. it was built by our people and they own it. and if it wasn't good, president smith wouldn't have taken his boys there." and this was not merely the absurdity of an old woman. it is the logic of all the faithful. the leaders cannot do wrong--because it is not wrong, if they do it. no criticism of them can be effective. no act of theirs can be proven an error. if they do not do a thing, it was right not to do it; and it would have been a sin if it had been done. but if they do that thing, then it was right to do it; and it would have been a sin if it had not been done. this reliance upon the almighty power and prophetic infallibility of the leaders prevents the mormon people from truly appreciating the dangers that threaten them. it keeps them ignorant of outside sentiment. it makes them despise even a national hostility. and it has left them without gratitude, too, for a national grace. before these people can be roused to any independence of responsible thought, it will be necessary to break their trust in the ability of their leaders to make bargains of protection with the world; and then it will still be necessary to force the eyes of their self-complacency to turn from the satisfied contemplation of their own virtues. "you will never be able to reach the conscience of the mormons," a man who knows them has declared. "i have had my experiences with both leaders and people. if you tell them 'you're ninety-nine-and-one-half per cent. pure gold,' they will ask, surprised and indignant: 'what? why, what's the matter with the other half per cent?'" chapter xx conclusion of the men who could have written this narrative, some are dead; some are prudent; some are superstitious; and some are personally foresworn. it appeared to me that the welfare of utah and the common good of the whole united states required the publication of the facts that i have tried to demonstrate. since there was apparently no one else who felt the duty and also had the information or the wish to write, it seemed my place to undertake it. and i have done it gladly. for when i was subscribing the word of the mormon chiefs for the fulfillment of our statehood pledges, i engaged my own honor too, and gave bond myself against the very treacheries that i have here recorded. we promised that the church had forever renounced the doctrine of polygamy and the practice of plural marriage living, by a "revelation from god" promulgated by the supreme prophet of the church and accepted by the vote of the whole congregation assembled in conference. we promised the retirement of the mormon prophets from the political direction of their followers--the abrogation of the claim that the mormon church was the "kingdom of god" re-established upon earth to supersede all civil government--the abandonment by the church of any authority to exercise a temporal power in competition with the civil law. we promised to make the teaching and practice of the church conform to the institutions of a republic in which all citizens are equal in liberty. we promised that the church should cease to accumulate property for the support of illegal practices and un-american government. and we made a record in proof of our promises by the anti-polygamy manifesto of and its public ratification; by the petition for amnesty and the acceptance of amnesty upon conditions; by the provisions of utah's enabling act and of utah's state constitution; by the acts of congress and the judicial decisions restoring escheated church property; by the proceedings of the federal courts of utah in re-opening citizenship to the alien members of the mormon church; by the acquiescence of the gentiles of utah in the proceedings by which statehood was obtained; and finally, and most indisputably, by the admission of utah into equal sovereignty in the union--since that admission would never have been granted, except upon the explicit understanding that the state was to uphold the laws and institutions of the american republic in accordance with our covenants. of all these promises the church authorities have kept not one. the doctrine and practice of polygamy have been restored by the church, and plural marriage living is practiced by the ruler of the kingdom and his favorites with all the show and circumstance of an oriental court. there are now being born in his domains thousands of unfortunate children outside the pale of law and convention, for whom there can be entertained no hope that any statute will ever give them a place within the recognition of civilized society. the prophet of the church rules with an absolute political power in utah, with almost as much authority in idaho and wyoming, and with only a little less autocracy in parts of colorado, montana, oregon, washington, california, arizona and new mexico. he names the representatives and senators in congress from his own state, and influences decisively the selection of such "deputies of the people" from many of the surrounding states. through his ambassadors to the government of the united states, sitting in house and senate, he chooses the federal officials for utah and influences the appointment of those for the neighboring states and territories. he commands the making and unmaking of state law. he holds the courts and the prosecuting officers to a strict accountability. he levies tribute upon the people of utah and helps to loot the citizens of the whole nation by his alliance with the political and financial plunderbund at washington. he has enslaved the subjects of his kingdom absolutely, and he looks to it as the destiny of his church to destroy all the governments of the world and to substitute for them the theocracy--the "government by god" and administration by oracle--of his successors. and yet, even so, i could not have recorded the incidents of this betrayal as mere matters of current history--and i would never have written them in vindication of myself--if i had not been certain that there is a remedy for the evil conditions in utah, and that such a narrative as this will help to hasten the remedy and right the wrong. except for the aggressive aid given by the national administrations to the leaders of the mormon church, the people of utah and the intermountain states would never have permitted the revival of a priestly tyranny in politics. except for the protection of courts and the enforced silence of politicians and journalists, polygamy could not have been restored in the mormon church. except for the interference of powerful influences at washington to coerce the associated press and affect the newspapers of the country, the mormon leaders would never have dared to defy the sensibilities of our civilization. except for the greed of the predatory "interests" of the nation, the commercial absolutism of the mormon hierarchy could never have been established. the present conditions in the mormon kingdom are due to national influences. the remedy for those conditions is the withdrawal of national sympathy and support. break the power at washington of joseph f. smith, ruler of the kingdom of god, and every seeker after federal patronage in utah will desert him. break his power as a political partner of the republican party now--and of the democratic party should it succeed to office--and every ambitious politician in the west will rebel against his throne. break his power to control the channels of public communication through interested politicians and commercial agencies, and the sentiment of the civilized world will join with the revolt of the "american movement" in utah to overthrow his tyrannies. break his connection with the illegal trusts and combines of the united states, and his financial power will cease to be a terror and a menace to the industry and commerce of the intermountain country. the nation owes utah such a rectification, for the nation has been, in this matter, a chief sinner and a strong encourager of sin. president theodore roosevelt, representing the majesty of the republic, stayed us when we might have won our own liberties in the revolt that was provoked by the election of senator apostle reed smoot. misled by political and personal advisers, the president procured delays in the smoot investigation. he seduced senators from their convictions. he certified the ambassador from the kingdom of god as a qualified senator of the united states. he gave the hand of fellowship to joseph, the tyrant of the kingdom. he rebuked our friends and his own, in their struggle for our freedom, by warning them that they were raising the flag of a religious warfare. he filled the mormon priests with the belief that they might proceed unrestrainedly to the sacrifice of women and children upon the polygamous altar, to the absolute rule of politics in the intermountain states, and to the commercial exploitation of their community in partnership with the trusts. the one policy that president taft seems to have accepted unimpaired from his predecessor is this same respect for the power of the mormon kingdom. in his placid but wholehearted way he has encouraged his co-ordinate ruler, the mormon prophet, and extended the executive license to the support and inevitable increase of these religious tyrannies of the mormon hierarchs which now the people of utah, unaided, are wholly unable to combat. and the nation owes such a rectification not only to utah, but also to itself. the commercial and financial plunderbund that is now preying upon the whole country is sustained at washington by the agents of the mormon church. the prophet not only delivers his own subjects up to pillage; he helps to deliver the people of the entire united states. his senators are not representatives of a political party; they are the tools of "the interests" that are his partners. the shameful conditions in utah are not isolated and peculiar to that state; they are largely the result of national conditions and they have a national effect. the prophet of utah is not a local despot only: he is a national enemy; and the nation must deal with him. i do not ask for a resumption of cruelty, for a return to proscription. i ask only that the nation shall rouse itself to a sense of its responsibility. the mormon church has shown its ability to conform to the demands of the republic--even by "revelation from god" if necessary. the leaders of the church are now defiant in their treasons only because the nation has ceased to reprove and the national administrations have powerfully encouraged. as soon as the mormon hierarchy discovers that the people of this country, wearied of violated treaties and broken covenants, are about to exclude the political agents of the prophet from any participation in national affairs, the advisers of his inspiration will quickly persuade him to make a concession to popular wrath. as soon as the "interests" realize that the burden of shame in utah is too large to be comfortable on their backs, they will throw it off. the president of the united states will be unable to gain votes by patronizing the crucifiers of women and children. the national administrations will not dare to stand against the efforts of the gentiles and independent mormons of utah to regain their liberty. and utah, the islam of the west, will depose its old sultan and rise free. with this hope--in this conviction--i have written, in all candor, what no reasons of personal advantage or self-justification could have induced me to write. i shall be accused of rancor, of religious antagonism, of political ambition, of egotistical pride. but no man who knows the truth will say sincerely that i have lied. whatever is attributed as my motive, my veracity in this book will not be successfully impeached. in that confidence, i leave all the attacks that guilt and bigotry can make upon me, to the public to whom they will be addressed. the truth, in its own time, will prevail, in spite of cunning. i am willing to await that time--for myself--and for the mormon people. the end three new beavers from utah by stephen d. durrant and harold s. crane university of kansas publications museum of natural history volume , no. , pp. - , figs. in text december , university of kansas lawrence university of kansas publications, museum of natural history editors: e. raymond hall, chairman, a. byron leonard, edward h. taylor ~volume , no. , pp. - , figs. in text~ ~december , ~ university of kansas lawrence, kansas printed by ferd voiland, jr., state printer topeka, kansas - [transcriber's note: words surrounded by tildes, like ~this~ signifies words in bold. words surrounded by underscores, like _this_, signifies words in italics.] three new beavers from utah by stephen d. durrant and harold s. crane the subspecific identity of beavers from utah seems never to have been carefully investigated. with the exception of the name _castor canadensis repentinus_ applied to animals from zion and parunuweap canyons by presnall ( : ), all other writers from until the present time, have used for animals from utah, the name combination _castor canadensis frondator_ mearns, the type of which is from sonora, mexico. study of specimens of beavers from utah, accumulated in the collections of the museum of zoölogy, university of utah, proves these animals to be far more variable than formerly supposed, and discloses the existence of three hitherto unnamed kinds, which are named and described below. we recognize the need for caution in proposing new names for american beavers, because the transplanting of these animals from one watershed to another may have permitted the animals of a given area to change genetically, say, through hybridization, and may also have altered the geographic distribution of the several kinds. the officials of the utah state fish and game commission have assured us that such transplants have not occurred in the areas where these three new kinds are found, and further that nowhere in the state have transplants been made from one major drainage system to another; such transplants as have been made were only within the same major drainage system. the capitalized color terms used in this paper are after ridgway, color standards and color nomenclature, washington, d. c., . all measurements are in millimeters. we are indebted to the officials of the united states national museum for the loan of comparative materials. ~castor canadensis pallidus~ new subspecies _type._--female, adult, skin and skull, number , museum of zoölogy, university of utah; lynn canyon, , ft., boxelder county, utah; september , ; collected by w. w. newby. _range._--known only from the raft river mountains. _diagnosis._--size small; tail and hind foot short (see measurements). color (type): pale, upper parts uniformly ochraceous-buff; underfur snuff brown; underparts uniformly light buff, grading to light ochraceous-buff at base of tail; underfur light drab; front and hind feet light ochraceous-buff. skull: rostrum short; nasals broad (breadth averaging per cent of length), constricted posteriorly and barely projecting posteriorly beyond premaxillae; zygomatic arches robust, but not widely spreading (zygomatic breadth per cent of basilar length); mastoid breadth per cent of zygomatic breadth; anterolateral margin of orbit narrow ( . ); occipital condyles visible from dorsal view; condylobasal length greater than occipitonasal length; upper incisors narrow (orange chrome in color); coronoid processes high and wide; cheek teeth narrow. _measurements._--measurements of the type are as follows: total length, ; length of tail, ; length of hind foot, ; length of ear, ; occipitonasal length, . ; basilar length, . ; mastoid breadth, . ; interorbital breadth, . ; length of nasals, . ; zygomatic breadth, . ; breadth of nasals, . ; alveolar length of upper molariform teeth, . . _comparisons._--from topotypes and near topotypes of _castor canadensis taylori_, _c. c. pallidus_ differs as follows: size smaller; tail and hind foot shorter. color: markedly lighter throughout. skull: nasals shorter and wider (breadth of nasals averages per cent of length of nasals, as opposed to per cent); nasals barely projecting posteriorly beyond premaxillae; rostrum shorter; zygomatic breadth relative to basilar length less; mastoid breadth actually as well as relatively greater; interorbital breadth greater; occipitonasal length shorter rather than longer than condylobasal length; tympanic bullae smaller; coronoid process higher and wider; cheek teeth narrower. from specimens of _castor canadensis baileyi_, from miles north northeast of elko, elko county, nevada, _c. c. pallidus_ differs as follows: body smaller; tail longer; hind foot shorter; ears shorter: color: markedly lighter throughout. skull: larger; nasals shorter and wider (breadth of nasals averages per cent of length of nasals as opposed to per cent); nasals barely projecting posteriorly beyond premaxillae; rostrum broader; zygomatic breadth relative to basilar length less; mastoid breadth actually as well as relatively greater; occipitonasal length less rather than greater than condylobasal length; tympanic bullae smaller; coronoid process higher and wider; cheek teeth narrower. from one topotype and two specimens of _castor canadensis repentinus_, from the colorado river at yuma, yuma county, arizona, _c. c. pallidus_ differs as follows: tail and hind foot shorter. color: lighter throughout. skull: narrower; nasals shorter and wider (breadth of nasals averages per cent of length of nasals as opposed to per cent); nasals barely projecting posteriorly beyond premaxillae; rostrum shorter; zygomatic breadth relative to basilar length less; mastoid breadth actually as well relatively greater; tympanic bullae narrower and smaller; coronoid process higher and wider; cheek teeth narrower. from one specimen of _castor canadensis concisor_, from trappers lake, garfield county, colorado, and from the original description of that subspecies (warren and hall, : ), _c. c. pallidus_ differs as follows: size smaller. color: markedly lighter throughout. skull: smaller, narrower; nasals shorter and wider (breadth of nasals averages per cent of length of nasals as opposed to per cent); rostrum shorter; zygomatic breadth relative to basilar length less; mastoid breadth relative to zygomatic breadth greater; tympanic bullae narrower and smaller; jugals narrower; distal end of meatal tube smaller; coronoid process shorter and wider; angular process shorter and rounded rather than nearly pointed; cheek teeth narrower. from the type and near topotypes of _castor canadensis rostralis_, _c. c. pallidus_ differs as follows: size smaller; tail and hind foot shorter. color: markedly lighter throughout. skull: smaller and narrower; rostrum shallower and narrower; posterior end of nasals more constricted and barely projecting posteriorly beyond premaxillae; zygomatic breadth relative to basilar length less; mastoid breadth actually as well as relatively greater; dorsal surface of lacrimal bone larger; tympanic bullae narrower; coronoid process higher and wider; angular process not projecting so far caudad; cheek teeth narrower. from the type and near topotypes of _castor canadensis duchesnei_, _c. c. pallidus_ differs as follows: size smaller; tail and hind foot shorter. color: lighter throughout. skull: shorter, narrower and less massive; nasals shorter and wider (breadth of nasals averages per cent of length of nasals as opposed to per cent); nasals barely projecting posteriorly beyond premaxillae; rostrum shorter and narrower; zygomatic breadth relative to basilar length less; mastoid breadth actually as well as relatively greater; tympanic bullae narrower and smaller; coronoid process higher and wider; angular process not projecting so far caudad; cheek teeth narrower. _remarks._--the raft river mountains of extreme northwestern utah, where _c. c. pallidus_ occurs, are the only mountains of the state within the drainage of the snake river. the snake river proper lies miles to the northward in idaho and contains another kind of beaver, _c. c. taylori_ (davis, : ). although occurring within the same drainage as _c. c. taylori_, _c. c. pallidus_ is as distinct from it as from any other named kind. the relationships of _c. c. pallidus_, as indicated by the short rostrum and short, wide nasals, are rather more with _c. c. rostralis_ of the wasatch mountains, than with _c. c. taylori_. the pale color of the animals belonging to _c. c. pallidus_ was noted at the time of capture, and is the same in the young specimen ( mm. total length) as in the type, an adult. _specimens examined._--total, , distributed as follows: _boxelder county_: raft river, mi. s yost, raft river mountains, , ft., ; lynn canyon, raft river mountains, , ft., . ~castor canadensis rostralis~ new subspecies _type._--male, young adult, skin and skull, number , museum of zoölogy, university of utah; red butte canyon, fort douglas, , ft., salt lake county, utah; october , ; collected by harold s. crane and clifton m. greenhalgh, original number of crane. _range._--known from the western streams of the wasatch mountains; probably occurs in all streams draining westward into the basin of pleistocene lake bonneville. _diagnosis._--size large; tail and hind foot long (see measurements). color (type): upper parts snuff brown, purest on head; underfur brownish black ( ); base of tail cinnamon buff; hind feet carob brown; ears blackish brown ( ); underparts auburn, grading posteriorly to cinnamon buff; underfur light drab. skull: large, massive; nasals short and broad (breadth averaging per cent of length) and moderately convex transversely; rostrum deep and broad; ventral surface of rostrum moderately concave dorsally; dorsal surface of lacrimal bone small; frontal region generally flat; zygomatic arches robust and widely spreading (zygomatic breadth averaging per cent of basilar length). _measurements._--measurements of the type and average and extreme cranial measurements of unsexed adults from charleston, are, respectively, as follows: total length, , ; length of tail, ; length of hind foot, ; length of ear, ; occipitonasal length, . , . ( . - . ); basilar length, . , . ( . - . ); mastoid breadth, . , . ( . - . ); interorbital breadth, . , . ( . - . ); zygomatic breadth, . , . ( . - . ); length of nasals, . , . ( . - . ); breadth of nasals, . , . ( . - . ); alveolar length of upper molariform teeth, . , . ( . - . ). _comparisons._--from topotypes and near topotypes of _castor canadensis taylori_, _c. c. rostralis_ differs as follows: color: darker on upper parts owing to darker underfur, guard hairs actually lighter. skull: longer; nasals shorter and wider (breadth of nasals averages per cent of length of nasals as opposed to per cent); extension of nasals posterior to premaxillae less; rostrum shorter, broader and deeper; dorsal surface of lacrimal bone smaller; zygomatic breadth relative to basilar length greater; mastoid breadth relative to zygomatic breadth less; coronoid process shorter; coronoid and condyloid processes farther apart and space between them shallower. from one topotype and two specimens from the colorado river at yuma, yuma county, arizona, of _castor canadensis repentinus_, _c. c. rostralis_ differs as follows: size larger; tail longer. color: darker throughout. skull: longer; nasals shorter and wider (breadth of nasals relative to length of nasals averages per cent as opposed to per cent); extension of nasals posterior to premaxillae less; rostrum shorter, deeper and wider; zygomatic breadth relative to basilar length greater; mastoid breadth actually as well as relatively greater; dorsal surface of lacrimal bone smaller; coronoid and condylar processes farther apart and space between them shallower. from specimens of _castor canadensis baileyi_, from miles north northeast of elko, elko county, nevada, _c. c. rostralis_ differs as follows: size larger; tail and hind foot longer. color: darker throughout. skull: larger in all measurements taken; nasals markedly wider (breadth of nasals relative to length of nasals averages per cent as opposed to per cent); extension of nasals posterior to premaxillae less; dorsal surface of lacrimal bone smaller; mastoid breadth relative to zygomatic breadth less. from one specimen of _castor canadensis concisor_, from trappers lake, garfield county, colorado, and from the original description of that subspecies (warren and hall, : ), _c. c. rostralis_ differs as follows: color: guard hairs lighter; underfur darker (blackish as opposed to brownish). skull: longer and narrower; nasals broader and shorter (breadth of nasals averages per cent of length of nasals as opposed to per cent); dorsal surface of lacrimal bone smaller; distal end of meatal tube smaller; distal end of angular process rounded rather than pointed; coronoid process shorter; coronoid and condylar processes farther apart and space between them shallower. among known kinds of _castor canadensis_, _c. c. rostralis_ is most like _castor canadensis duchesnei_, from which the former subspecies differs as follows: tail and hind foot longer. color: darker throughout. skull: nasals shorter and wider (breadth of nasals averages per cent of length of nasals as opposed to per cent); nasals less arched transversely; rostrum shorter, deeper and broader; ventral surface of rostrum less concave dorsally; dorsal surface of lacrimal bone smaller. for comparison with _castor canadensis pallidus_, see account of that subspecies. _remarks._--animals from kamas, in the drainage of the weber river, are intergrades between _c. c. rostralis_ and _c. c. duchesnei_, but their short, wide nasals and wide rostra make them referable to _c. c. rostralis_. the available specimens of _c. c. rostralis_ are all from streams which ultimately empty into great salt lake, which is in the northern part of the basin of pleistocene lake bonneville. some streams drain into the lake bonneville basin without emptying into great salt lake proper. beavers from these streams, we suspect, when they become known, will be found to be related to _c. c. rostralis_. _specimens examined._--total, ( skins and skulls, skulls only), distributed as follows: summit county: kamas, , ft., . _salt lake county_: red butte canyon, fort douglas, , ft., ; millcreek canyon, mi. above mouth, , ft., . _wasatch county_: charleston, heber valley, , ft., . ~castor canadensis duchesnei~ new subspecies _type._--male, young adult, skin and skull, number , museum of zoölogy, university of utah; duchesne river, miles northwest of duchesne, , ft., duchesne county, utah; september , ; collected by dave thomas, original number of k. r. kelson. _range._--drainage of the duchesne and white rivers in utah and colorado. _diagnosis._--size large; tail long (see measurements). color (type): upper parts sayal brown, purest on head, grading to cinnamon buff at base of tail; underfur fuscous; hind feet burnt umber; ears fuscous black; underparts tawny olive; underfur smoke gray. skull: large, massive; nasals long, slender (breadth averaging per cent of length) and markedly convex transversely; rostrum long and attenuate; zygomatic arches heavy and widely spreading (zygomatic breadth averaging . per cent of basilar length); ventral surface of rostrum markedly concave dorsally, especially immediately behind upper incisors; nasals extend posterior to premaxillae. _measurements._--measurements of the type and average and extreme cranial measurements of unsexed adults, from currant creek, are, respectively, as follows: total length, , ; length of tail, ; length of hind foot, ; length of ear, ; occipitonasal length, . , . ( . - . ); basilar length, . , . ( . - . ); mastoid breadth, . , . ( . - . ); interorbital breadth, . , . ( . - . ); zygomatic breadth, . , . ( . - . ); length of nasals, . , . ( . - . ); breadth of nasals, . , . ( . - . ); alveolar length of upper molariform teeth, . , . ( . - . ). [illustration: figs. - dorsal views of skulls of _castor canadensis_. × / ] fig. . _castor canadensis rostralis_, male, young adult, no. (holotype), mus. zoöl., univ. utah. fig. . _castor canadensis pallidus_, female, adult, no. (holotype), mus. zoöl., univ. utah. fig. . _castor canadensis duchesnei_, male, young adult, no. (holotype), mus. zoöl., univ. utah. fig. . _castor canadensis concisor_, male, adult, no. , mus. nat. hist., univ. kansas, from trappers lake, garfield county, colorado, obtained by l. l. dyche, october , . _comparisons._--from topotypes and near topotypes of _castor canadensis taylori_, _c. c. duchesnei_ differs as follows: color: guard hairs lighter, underfur darker. skull: nasals narrower; rostrum narrower; mastoid breadth relative to zygomatic breadth less; zygomatic breadth relative to basilar length greater; tympanic bullae narrower and smaller; cheek teeth narrower. [illustration: figs. - lateral views of left side of skulls of _castor canadensis_. × / ] fig. . _castor canadensis rostralis_, male, young adult, no. (holotype), mus. zoöl., univ. utah. fig. . _castor canadensis pallidus_, female, adult, no. (holotype), mus. zoöl., univ. utah. fig. . _castor canadensis duchesnei_, male, young adult, no. (holotype), mus. zoöl., univ. utah. from specimens of _castor canadensis baileyi_, from miles north northeast of elko, elko county, nevada, _c. c. duchesnei_ differs as follows: size larger; tail and hind foot longer. color: guard hairs lighter, underfur darker. skull: larger in all measurements taken; nasals broader and longer (breadth of nasals averages per cent of length of nasals as opposed to per cent); rostrum broader and longer; mastoid breadth relative to zygomatic breadth less; tympanic bullae larger. from one specimen of _castor canadensis concisor_, from trappers lake, garfield county, colorado, and from the original description of that subspecies (warren and hall, : ), _c. c. duchesnei_ differs as follows: color: lighter throughout. skull: nasals more convex transversely; rostrum narrower; ventral border of rostrum more concave dorsally, especially immediately behind upper incisors; distal end of meatal tube smaller; angular process shorter and rounded rather than pointed; cheek teeth smaller. among known subspecies of _castor canadensis_, _c. c. duchesnei_ is most like _castor canadensis repentinus_, but differs from the latter as follows: size larger; hind foot shorter. color: darker throughout. skull: basilar length less; mastoid breadth greater; nasals shorter and narrower; extension of nasals posterior to premaxillae less; nasals more convex transversely; cheek teeth smaller. for comparisons with _castor canadensis pallidus_ and _castor canadensis rostralis_, see accounts of those subspecies. _remarks._--the extent of the range of _c. c. duchesnei_ within the drainage of the white river is not definitely known. three animals from - / miles southwest of pagoda peak, rio blanco county, colorado, from the drainage of the white river, are intergrades between _c. c. concisor_ and _c. c. duchesnei_. they are like the latter subspecies in shape and length of the nasals, less expanded distal end of the meatal tube and the rounded angular process, and it appears best, pending the acquisition of more material, to refer them to c. c. duchesnei. another specimen, number , museum of natural history, university of kansas, from trappers lake, garfield county, colorado, at the headwaters of the white river, and only miles distant from the three aforementioned animals, is, however, nearly typical of _c. c. concisor_. relying upon the original description (warren and hall, : ), this animal is like _c. c. concisor_ in size and shape of the jugals, in size of the distal end of the meatal tube and in the pointed end of the angular process. warren and hall (_loc. cit._) noted that animals assignable to _c. c. concisor_ occurred throughout the mountainous parts of colorado, and recorded them from the headwaters of nearly all the major rivers of that state. apparently _c. c. concisor_ also occurs in the headwaters of the white river, while the main part of the river is inhabited by animals referable to _c. c. duchesnei_. _specimens examined._--total, ( skins and skulls, skulls only), distributed as follows: utah: _wasatch county_: currant creek, strawberry valley, , ft., . _duchesne county_: duchesne river, mi. nw duchesne, , ft., . colorado: _rio blanco county_: - / mi. sw pagoda peak, , ft., (museum of natural history, university of kansas). literature cited davis, william b. . the recent mammals of idaho. the caxton printers, caldwell, idaho, pp., full page half-tones, figs. in text, april , . presnall, c. c. . mammals of zion-bryce and cedar breaks. zion-bryce mus. bull., : - , january, . warren, edward r. and hall, e. raymond. . a new subspecies of beaver from colorado. journ. mamm., : - , map, august , . _transmitted, may , ._ - http://bencrowder.net/books/mtp. volunteers: eric heaps with a little help from benjamin bytheway and ben crowder. _the_ mormons _and the_ theatre or _the history of theatricals in utah_ with reminiscences and comments humorous and critical _by_ john s. lindsay salt lake city, utah chapter i. in rather sharp contrast to other christian denominations, the mormons believe in and are fond of dancing and the theatre. so much is this the case that friday evening of each week during the amusement season is set apart by them in all the settlements throughout mormondom for their dance night. their dances are generally under the supervision of the presiding bishop and are invariably opened with prayer or invocation, and closed or dismissed in the same manner, with a brief return of thanks to the almighty for the good time they have enjoyed. the theatre is so popular among the mormon people, that in almost every town and settlement throughout their domains there is an amateur dramatic company. it is scarcely to be wondered at that salt lake has the enviable distinction of being the best show town of its population in the united states, and when we say that, we may as well say in the whole world. it is a well established fact that salt lake spends more money per capita in the theatre than any city in our country. such a social condition among a strictly religious people is not little peculiar, and is due, largely, to the fact that brigham young was himself fond of the dance and also of the theatre. he could "shake a leg" with the best of them, and loved to lead the fair matrons and maidens of his flock forth into its giddy, bewildering mazes. certain round dances, the waltz and polka, were always barred at dances brigham young attended, and only the old-fashioned quadrilles and cotillions and an occasional reel like sir roger de coverly or the money musk were tolerated by the great mormon leader. that brigham young was fond of the theatre also, and gave great encouragement to it, his building of the salt lake theatre was a striking proof. he recognized the natural desire for innocent amusement, and the old axiom "all work and no play makes jack a dull boy," had its full weight of meaning to him. keep the people in a pleasurable mood, then they will not be apt to brood and ponder over the weightier concerns of life. there may have been a stroke of this policy in brigham young's amusement scheme; but whether so or not he must be credited with both wisdom and liberality, for the policy certainly lightened the cares and made glad the hearts of the people. although salt lake city has been the chief nursery of these twin sources of amusement for the mormon people, to find the cradle in which they were first nursed into life, we will have to go back to a time and place anterior to the settlement of salt lake. back in the days of nauvoo, before brigham young was chief of the mormon church, under the rule of its original prophet, joseph smith, the mormon people were encouraged in the practice of dancing and going to witness plays. indeed, the mormons have always been a fun-loving people; it is recorded of their founder and prophet that he was so fond of fun that he would often indulge in a foot race, or pulling sticks, or even a wrestling match. he often amazed and sometimes shocked the sensibilities of the more staid and pious members of his flock by his antics. before the mormons ever dreamed of emigrating to utah (or mexico, as it was then), they had what they called a "fun hall," or theatre and dance hall combined, where they mingled occasionally in the merry dance or sat to witness a play. then, as later in salt lake, their prophet led them through the mazy evolutions of the terpsichorean numbers and was the most conspicuous figure at all their social gatherings. while building temples and propagating their new revelation to the world, the mormons have always found time to sing and dance and play and have a pleasant social time, excepting, of course, in their days of sore trial. indeed, they are an anomaly among religious sects in this respect, and that is what has made salt lake city proverbially a "great show town." mormonism during the nauvoo days had numerous missionaries in the field and many converts were added to the new faith. among others that were attracted to the modern mecca to look into the claims of the new evangel, was thomas a. lyne, known more familiarly among his theatrical associates as "tom" lyne. lyne, at this time, , was an actor of wide and fair repute, in the very flush of manhood, about thirty-five years of age. he had played leading support to edwin forrest, the elder booth, charlotte cushman, ellen tree (before she became mrs. charles kean), besides having starred in all the popular classic roles. lyne was the second actor in the united states to essay the character of bulwer's richelieu--edwin forrest being the first. the story of "tom" lyne's conversion to the mormon faith created quite a sensation in theatrical circles of the time, and illustrates the great proselyting power the elders of the new religion possessed. lyne, when he encountered mormonism, was a skeptic, having outgrown belief in all of the creeds. it was in that george j. adams, a brother-in-law of lyne's, turned up suddenly in philadelphia (lyne's home) where he met the popular actor and told him the story of his conversion to the mormon faith. adams had been to nauvoo, met the prophet and become one of his most enthusiastic disciples. adams had been an actor, also, of more than mediocre ability, and as a preacher proved to be one of the most brilliant and successful expounders of the new religion. elder adams had been sent as a missionary to philadelphia in the hope that his able exposition of the new evangel would convert that staid city of brotherly love to the new and everlasting covenant. in pursuance of the new testament injunction, the mormon missionaries are sent out into their fields of labor without purse or scrip, so elder adams, on arriving at his field of labor, lost no time in hunting up his brother-in-law, "tom" lyne, to whom he related with dramatic fervor and religious enthusiasm the story of his wonderful conversion, his subsequent visit to nauvoo, his meeting with the young "mohammed of the west," for whom he had conceived the greatest admiration, as well as a powerful testimony of the divinity of his mission. adams was so convincing and made such an impression on lyne that he at once became greatly interested in the mormon prophet and his new revelation. this proved to be a great help to elder adams, who was entirely without "the sinews of war" with which to start his great campaign. the brothers-in-law put their heads together in council as to how the campaign fund was to be raised, and the result was that they decided to rent a theatre, get a company together, and play "richard iii" for a week. lyne was a native of philadelphia and at this time one of its most popular actors. it was here that adams had met him a few years before and had given him his sister in marriage. the theatrical venture was carried through, lyne playing richard and elder adams, richmond. the week's business, after paying all expenses, left a handsome profit. lyne generously donated his share to the new cause in which he had now grown so deeply interested and elder adams procured a suitable hall and began his missionary labors. his eloquent exposition of the new and strange religion won many to the faith; one of the first fruits of his labors being the conversion of thomas a. lyne. such an impression had adams's description of the mormon prophet and the city of the saints (nauvoo) made upon lyne that he could not rest satisfied until he went and saw for himself. he packed up his wardrobe and took the road for nauvoo. with a warm letter of introduction from elder adams to the prophet, it was not long before lyne was thoroughly ingratiated in the good graces of the mormon people. he met the prophet joseph, was enchanted with him, and readily gave his adherence to the new and strange doctrines which the prophet advanced, but whether with an eye single to his eternal salvation or with both eyes open to a lucrative engagement "this deponent saith not." the story runs that after a long sojourn with the saints in nauvoo, during which he played a round of his favorite characters, supported by a full mormon cast, he bade the prophet and his followers a sorrowful farewell and returned to his accustomed haunts in the vicinity of liberty hall. during his stay in nauvoo, mr. lyne played quite a number of classical plays, including "william tell," "virginius," "damon and pythias," "the iron chest," and "pizarro." in the latter play, he had no less a personage than brigham young in the cast; he was selected to play the part of the peruvian high priest, and is said to have led the singing in the temple scene where the peruvians offer up sacrifice and sing the invocation for rolla's victory. brigham young is said to have taken a genuine interest in the character of the high priest and to have played it with becoming dignity and solemnity. here was an early and unmistakable proof of brigham young's love for the drama. mr. lyne, while relating this nauvoo incident in his experience to the writer, broke into a humorous vein and remarked: "i've always regretted having cast brigham young for that part of the high priest." "why?" i inquired, with some surprise. with a merry twinkle in his eye and a sly chuckle in his voice, he replied: "why don't you see john, he's been playing the character with great success ever since." there are still a few survivors of the old nauvoo dramatic company, who supported "tom" lyne, living in salt lake. bishop clawson, one of the first managers of the salt lake theatre, is among them. lyne played a winning hand at nauvoo. he made a great hit with the prophet, who took such a fancy to him that he wanted to ordain him and send him on a mission, thinking that lyne's elecutionary powers would make him a great preacher. but "tom" had not become sufficiently enthused over the prophet's revelations to abjure the profession he so dearly loved, and become a traveling elder going about from place to place without purse or scrip, instead of a popular actor who was in demand at a good sized salary. lyne had made his visit remunerative and had enshrined himself in the hearts of the mormon people, as the sequel will show: but he drifted away from them as unexpectedly as he had come. having become a convert to the new religion, it was confidently expected that he would remain among the saints and be one of them; but he drifted away from them and the mormons saw no more of "tom" lyne till he turned up in salt lake twenty years later, soon after the opening of the salt lake theatre. lyne was the first star to tread its stage and played quite a number of engagements during the years from ' to ' . he made money enough out of his engagements at the salt lake theatre to live on for the remainder of his days. for the last twenty years of his life, he rarely appeared in public except to give a reading occasionally. with his french wife, madeline, he settled down and took life easy, living cosily in his own cottage, and in at the advanced age of eighty-four thomas a. lyne passed peacefully away, a firm believer in a life to come but at utter variance with the mormon creed, which he had discarded soon after his departure from nauvoo. chapter ii. thus far into the bowels of the land have we marched on without impediment. --shakespeare. when the mormons came from nauvoo to salt lake they brought with them to this wilderness in the rocky mountains, the love of the drama, and as a consequence it was not long, only a few years from to , before they began to long for something in the way of a theatre. the pleasant recollections of the drama as interpreted at nauvoo by mr. lyne and his supporting cast, were still fresh in their memories, and almost before many of them had comfortable houses to live in they began to yearn for some dramatic amusement. as a result of this strong inclination for the play and a still more universal desire for dancing, it was but a short time before their wishes materialized. as early as the fall of they had formed a club called the musical and dramatic association. the name was a comprehensive one, intentionally so, for the organization included the celebrated "nauvoo brass band," a number of whose members also figured in the dramatic company. indeed it was from this musical organization that the dramatic company really sprang. the members of this original dramatic company were john kay, hyrum b. clawson, philip margetts, horace k. whitney, robert campbell, r. t. burton, george b. grant, edmond ellsworth, henry margetts, edward martin, william cutler, william clayton, miss drum, miss margaret judd, and miss mary badlam. miss badlam, in addition to playing parts, was very popular as a dancer and gave her dancing specialties between the acts, making something like our up-to-date continuous performance. the first public dramatic performances were given in the "bowery" (a very reminiscent name for a new york theatre goer of that day). "the bowery" in this case was a summer place of worship which stood on the temple block near where the big tabernacle now stands. in this place of worship as early as the year , with the aid of a little home-made scenery and a little crude furniture, were the first plays presented to a salt lake audience. the first bill consisted of the old serio-comic drama, "robert macaire, or the two murderers," dancing by miss badlam, and the farce of the "dead shot." judging by their titles, these plays were rather a gruesome selection to play in a church. as it is a matter of historic interest the cast so far as procurable is appended of "robert macaire:" robert macaire ................................. john kay jacque stropp ............................. h. b. clawson pierre .................................. philip margetts waiter .................................. robert campbell clementina ................................ margaret judd celeste ....................................... miss orum several other plays were given during this first dramatic season and were creditably performed, affording pleasure both to the audiences and actors; the only remuneration the actors received, by the way, for it must be remarked that these first dramatic efforts were entirely voluntary on the part of the company. the orchestra which played in connection with this first dramatic company deserves to be made a matter of record quite as much as the company itself, for it was also drawn from the ranks of the historic "nauvoo brass band." william pitt, the captain of the band, was the leader of the orchestra. he could "play the fiddle like an angel," handling the bow with his left hand at that. the associate players of captain pitt were william clayton, james smithers, jacob hutchinson, david smith, and george warde. the musical and dramatic association played in the bowery occasionally from to . the first amusement hall built in salt lake, which was used chiefly for dancing, was erected at the warm springs in the year . it was a good sized adobe building and served as a social hall until , when the social hall proper was completed. it was built at this out of the way place so as to combine the use of the warm springs for bathing with the social meetings held there. but it proved to be too difficult to get to, when the nights were dark and the roads were bad, so brigham young had the social hall built which was quite central and the warm springs music hall was converted into a roadside tavern and was run by jesse c. little for a time. the first string band to furnish music for dances played at this hall and was composed of hopkins c. (familiarly known as "hop") fender, jesse earl and jake hutchinson. these gentlemen deserve to be remembered in the musical history of salt lake city as the first to furnish the inspiring strains to which the worthy pioneers danced. in the fall of , the musical and dramatic association was reorganized and renamed the "deseret dramatic association." in this year the historic social hall was erected, and with a view to opening it with becoming brilliancy the original company was greatly added to, for the drama had become a popular amusement with the saints, and many of the chiefs of the church, including president young, held honorary membership in the "d. d. a." the social hall, which is still standing and in well preserved condition, is one of the old landmarks that are fast disappearing. it is a comparatively small structure about x feet. it was considered in its time a fine amusement hall but has long since become dwarfed by the greater buildings which have gone up around it. it has a stage twenty feet deep, two dressing rooms under the stage, an ample basement under the hall for banqueting purposes. this auditorium is about x feet with a level floor for dancing for the amusement of the play and dancing were fairly and considerately alternated by the managers of the d. d. a. in the early winter of this hall was opened with a dance to which the elect were invited, and it was a great crush. the first social gathering in the new hall formed a sort of punctuation mark in the social caste among the saints. of course, the hall being small, the invitations had to be limited and many there were who felt slighted because they were not among the invited. envy on the one hand and a supercilious superiority on the other gave birth to a feeling of caste which was altogether in bad taste among professing saints. the great event of this season in the amusement line was the dramatic opening. local artists had been employed for some time and had stocked the stage with excellent scenery. bulwer's classic play "the lady of lyons" was selected for the opening bill. the company had been so strengthened that the members could cast any of the great plays. to the original company had been added besides a long list of honorary members, the following named active male members: james ferguson, bernard snow, david candland (stage manager), john t. caine, david mckenzie, joseph simons and henry maiben; to the female contingent had been added mrs. cyrus wheelock, mrs. henry tuckett, mrs. joseph bull, mrs. john hyde, mrs. sarah cook. it will be observed that they were all married women. this is a very noticeable feature, as it is so unusual in a dramatic company nowadays, either amateur or professional. the explanation of it, however, is simple enough. at that time there were few if any unmarried women in utah that had arrived at the marriageable age. the only three women whose names appear in the original company were unmarried, miss judd, miss orum and miss badlam, which seems exceptional and they now seem to have all disappeared, or they are overshadowed by the married women, or perhaps they appear in the reorganized company under a new name with mrs. attached. the social hall theatrical opening was an event in the history of utah. it may be truly said that it marked an epoch in the development of civilization in the rocky mountain region and the growth of the drama in the far west. even san francisco had not up to this time made any such ambitious attempt in the dramatic line. i have not been able to procure a program of this opening performance but the cast of the principal characters was as follows: claud melnotte ........................... james ferguson monsieur beauseant ....................... david candland monsieur glavis ........................... john t. caine col. damas ........................ john d. t. mcallister mons. deschapples ..................... horace k. whitney landlord ................................ philip margetts pauline deschapples ....................... mrs. wheelock madame deschapples ................... mrs. m. g. clawson widow melnotte .......................... mrs. sarah cook the play was a pronounced success and the players covered themselves with glory. a number of plays were now put on in rapid succession, for the d. d. a. had caught the true dramatic fire, and the people were hungry for the play. in the great plays, a number of which were essayed, the characters were strongly filled. bernard snow, who had played with the elder booth in california, which gave him a brief professional experience, was easily in the lead of all the mormon actors. he played an othello that would have done credit to shakespeare anywhere, while ferguson as iago was scarcely less convincing. in "damon and pythias" also these players shone with more than ordinary brilliancy. snow's damon was pronounced a work of art, while ferguson looked and acted pythias to the admiration of all who witnessed it. mrs. wheelock as calanthe and mrs. tuckett as hermion made up a quartet of players that would have graced any stage in the country. "virginius" was also played here with snow in the title role, a favorite with him. when lyne came ten years later and played these same characters in the salt lake theatre, many of the old frequenters of the social hall ranked bernard snow as lyne's equal and they had to be brought to play together in the salt lake theatre to gratify the many admirers of both. "pizarro" was the play chosen for this event and it served to pack the theatre. lyne appeared as pizarro for the occasion although rolla was his favorite part. this gave snow the advantage as rolla is the star part. it proved a great hit both financially and artistically. the social hall orchestra was a feature at all the dramatic performances, and came in for its due share of praise and admiration. it was under the direction of domenico ballo, who had formerly been a band master at west point. he was a fine composer and arranger, and one of the best clarinet players ever heard. professor ballo was a graduate of the conservatory of music at milan. he served several years as band master at west point. he drifted into utah at an early day and cast his lot with the mormons. he organized a fine brass band here and built a fine dance hall which was known as "ballo's music hall." salt lake city has from a very early period in its history enjoyed an enviable reputation in a musical way. its first musical organization as already mentioned was the nauvoo brass band, organized originally in nauvoo in connection with the mormon militia known as the "nauvoo legion," of which joseph smith held the distinguished office of lieutenant general. the exodus from nauvoo and the formation soon afterwards of the "mormon battalion" demoralized to a great degree both the legion and the band. both organizations, however, were reconstructed soon after the settlement of utah, and each played a conspicuous part in its early history. at the laying of the corner stone of the salt lake temple as early as , the nauvoo brass band and ballo's brass band were consolidated for this occasion and increased to sixty-five players under the leadership of professor ballo, who gave the people of salt lake a musical treat that would have been a credit to any metropolitan city. ballo was a thorough and accomplished musician and his masterly work at such an early period had much to do with developing salt lake's musical talent. from to the social hall continued to be the principal place of amusement for the people of salt lake city, as well as those who came in from various parts of the territory. those living at a distance and visiting the city either on business or pleasure (which were generally combined) deemed themselves extremely fortunate if there chanced to be a play "on the boards" during their brief sojourn in the city. the fame of the social hall and its talented company of players, dramatic and musical, had spread abroad in the land and many of the smaller towns began to emulate salt lake city and organized dramatic clubs. in the year amusements as well as business of all kinds received a sudden and severe shock from which it took a year or more to recover. in this year a rupture occurred between the mormon chiefs and the united states judges, which resulted in president buchanan sending albert sidney johnson to utah with an army to crush the incipient rebellion. the heroes of the social hall stage now were cast to play more serious parts. the stage was now to be the tented field, their music, the roll of the drum and the ear-piercing fife. "jim" ferguson, one of the leading actors, was adjutant general of the "nauvoo legion," as the territorial militia was called, and all the other stage heroes were enrolled under its banners. the "legion" was sent out into the mountains to check the advance of the invading army. not only did all amusement and business generally come to a sudden stop, but so serious was the situation that a general exodus of the people to the south was ordered by the church authorities and salt lake city was abandoned. meeting houses, theatre, stores and nearly all the dwellings in the city were vacated, and the intention was to burn the city rather than this "hell born" army should occupy and pollute it. no occasion for carrying into effect this insane resolution transpired, for which the people have ever since been thankful. soon after its adoption a better understanding was reached between the refractory saints and uncle sam's government, and the people gradually came back to their homes in the city, glad indeed that the sacrificial torch had not been applied to them. "the invading army" had passed peacefully through the city and made its encampment forty miles away. things began to resume their normal condition, but the winter of - was a blank in the mormon amusement field. chapter iii. now is the winter of our discontent made glorious summer by this son of york, and all the clouds that lowered upon our house, in the deep bosom of the ocean buried; now are our brows bound with victorious wreaths, our bruised arms hung up for monuments, our stern alarums are changed to merry-meetings and our dreadful marches to delighted measures. --richard iii. the mormon war cloud that lowered so portentously during the winter of - had been dispelled without bloodshed, and peace once more brooded over the land. the soldiers of the "nauvoo legion" had "hung up their _un_-bruised arms for monuments" and resumed their old avocations, and the wheels of trade, "the calm health of nations," were once again running in their accustomed grooves. the people had set to work with redoubled energy to make up for the losses "the war" had entailed upon them, so that they had little time or inclination for amusement. the advent of johnson's army into utah, although encamped forty miles from the city, had its effect; it brought in its wake, as an army always does, a lot of camp followers,--hangers-on--a contingent that was thrown largely into salt lake, and not a desirable one. this made the mormon people wary and suspicious, and inclined them more than ever to isolate themselves from strangers. notwithstanding this condition of affairs, in the winter of ' they began to resume their usual amusements, and a number of plays were given that winter in the social hall. by this time the "army" having no active service, began to feel the need of some amusement, and some of the soldiers improvised a theatre in the camp. sergt. r. c. white, better known later among pacific coast theatricals as "dick" white, was the leading spirit in this affair. white was a scholar as well as a soldier; moreover, he had the poetic and dramatic instinct in him, and in common with all living creatures, he felt that he must exercise his faculties. so in order to give vent to his pent up love of the drama, he organized a dramatic company among the soldiers of camp floyd. the sergeant, or "dick" as he was called, was not only a clever amateur actor but a poet, and something of an artist as well. by his skill in this latter line he soon had the necessary scenery painted for the camp theatre. pigments were scarce in the camp and even in salt lake at that time, but white was resourceful, and equal to every emergency, so he made levy on the quartermaster's department for liberal supplies of mustard, red pepper, ox blood, and other strange materials with which to get in his color effects. the "camp floyd theatre" as it was called, was not a stupendous structure, only large enough to accommodate about two hundred persons, and the stage in proportion to the auditorium. it was built of rough pine boards and canvas--principally canvas--but answered all the requirements of a theatre for the amusement of the camp. white had but little trouble in organizing his corps dramatique, so far as men were concerned, but the female contingent gave him much concern and considerable trouble to secure. women in the camp were scarce, and female talent was at a premium. there were a few officers whose wives were with them and some "hired help" of the female persuasion, but none of the women of the camp had any experience in theatricals. several were willing, and even eager to try; so white made a selection and cast a play and put it in rehearsal, but "woe is me!" the women were all such tyros that he was almost in despair, until he suddenly conceived the project of engaging one of the social hall actresses to play the leading female character; if he could do that, then, he reasonably argued that he could get along, but could a mormon actress be induced to come to camp floyd? here was a dilemma; but the bold richard perhaps thought of the lines of his renowned namesake, richard plantagenet: "dangers retreat when boldly they're confronted, and dull delay leads impotence and fear," so he took courage. he opened up a correspondence with mrs. tuckett of social hall fame. white was an accomplished writer, and poetical, and there is no doubt he could write a winning letter. we have no knowledge of what inducements he offered, so can only surmise that a liberal salary was the temptation held out to her. suffice it to say that mrs. tuckett accepted the offer and joined the camp floyd theatre company, thus making a noticeable weakening of the social hall force, and creating a commotion among her fellow players in salt lake, and the people generally, as she went in opposition to the wishes of her husband and friends and the church authorities. it was regarded not only as an unwise step for mrs. tuckett to take, but a discreditable one. it was a reproach to the saints to have one of their number go and mingle with the ungodly soldiers who had come out here to destroy them. mrs. tuckett was looked upon from the moment of her departure as a lost sheep from the fold. these apprehensions were not unfounded, for mrs. tuckett, whether wearied of her mormon environment, or led away by the unusual attentions shown her by the officers and men of the camp (with whom her acting soon made her a great favorite), lost any former love she may have had for salt lake, and sundered all social and family ties there. "dick" white, poet, actor, artist, achieved another conquest; not only had he succeeded in getting mrs. tuckett away from the social hall company, but later on he won the affections of the mormon actress and took her completely away from her family, friends and church. in some way white severed his connection with the army before the breaking out of the civil war and had gone to california "taking the fair desdemona with him." he married her and they lived together in folsom, california; only a few years, however; mrs. tuckett-white died there in ' . mrs. tuckett, whose maiden name was mercy westwood, was of english birth, came to utah in the early ' s where she soon afterward married as a polygamous wife. the westwood family had a strong predilection for the stage; three of her brothers, richard, phillip and joseph westwood, figured conspicuously a little later on in the springville dramatic company. her desertion from the ranks of the social hall company had created a vacancy they found it difficult to fill. she had been playing the leading roles, filling the place of mrs. wheelock who also became disaffected and went to california in ' with a number of others, under protection of col. steptoe's command. what particular reason mrs. wheelock had for withdrawing from the mormon people, we do not know. she settled in sacramento where after a time she became mrs. rattenbury, and has never returned except for a brief visit and this quite recently. mrs. tuckett was the wife of henry tuckett who is still living in salt lake; and had four children by him at the time she left, and in abandoning husband and children to share the fortunes of the soldier actor dick white, she subjected herself to a vast amount of severe and apparently just criticism. there is little known of her life after she left utah even by her relatives; she probably regretted the step she had taken when too late. the mormons never forgave white for taking mrs. tuckett from them. he visited salt lake about four years after the death of his mormon wife, in the dramatic company of john s. langrishe, who had mr. c. w. couldock with him and was traveling by stage overland to the gold mining towns of montana; virginia city of vigilante fame being their objective point. the langrishe-couldock company opened in the salt lake theatre, august the first, , in the "chimney corner" with couldock in his favorite character of peter probity. r. c. white was the solomon probity of the cast. white was apprehensive of trouble if he should be discovered by the friends of mrs. tuckett, who regarded her peculiar "taking off" almost in the sense of an abduction. conspicuous among mrs. tuckett's friends were the managers of the theatre, h. b. clawson and john t. caine; so white discreetly kept himself secluded during the day as much as possible, and only put in an appearance at the theatre when it was time to dress for the play. white was not personally known to the managers, or any of the employees about the theatre. he had been little in salt lake during the army's occupation of camp floyd and consequently was scarcely known. trusting to these circumstances he hoped to escape recognition, and avoid the storm of abuse he felt sure would be showered on his guilty head; but unfortunately his name was on the program and although a common name and one that might easily escape especial notice, white was by no means a common man and his performance of solomon attracted special attention to him. some man in the audience who had met him at camp floyd recognized him, and quietly informed the managers who he was. the whisper spread about with amazing rapidity and he began to be pointed out as the "reprobate and unscrupulous scoundrel" who had enticed mrs. tuckett away from home and friends and people. to make sure that this was the veritable white, the manager made some inquiries regarding him of jack langrishe, his manager. this was sufficient to arouse the curiosity of the company with regard to white's previous experience in utah. white did not make a second appearance at the theatre. he had caught something of the buzz that was in the air about him, and quietly dropped out of the langrishe company for the remainder of its salt lake engagement. the langrishes remained two weeks and then moved on to montana. white had not been entirely idle in the interim. he had made the acquaintance of a second salt lake woman, whom he prevailed upon to join him soon after his departure, and they were married shortly after; the woman casting in her fortune with the langrishe troupe and doing such parts as they thought fit to cast her in. mr. and mrs. white eventually drifted into portland, oregon, and made that their home for many years. it was there the writer made their acquaintance some fifteen years later when he went to play leads for john maguire at the new market theatre. they appeared to be living harmoniously and had four lovely children, two boys and two girls, the eldest about twelve years of age and a promising young actress. white was then the editor of the "bee," an afternoon paper, and played on occasions in maguire's stock company. some years later white with his family removed to san francisco, where he became the stage manager of the tivoli. it was during his incumbency of this position that he made the first dramatization of rider haggard's "she," and gave it its first production on the stage, which proved to be a great success and started numerous other companies to play it. white has now "fallen into the sere and yellow leaf" and for the last dozen years has been affectionately called by the profession "daddy white." chapter iv. notwithstanding that during the winter of - a number of dramatic performances were given in the social hall, they were nearly, if not all, revivals of plays that had been performed there previous seasons. interest had declined from some cause or other. it was probably attributable in some measure to the departure of first mrs. wheelock and then of mrs. tuckett, the two leading actresses of the company; and then jim ferguson, one of the leading actors, was now engrossed in the publication of the mountaineer, a weekly paper he had started in connection with seth m. blair and hosea stout, and for which he wrote most of the editorials, so that he had little if any time to devote to the playhouse. bernard snow, too, was absent from the company that winter and as a consequence plays of a lighter character were selected that did not require snow and ferguson. "the golder farmer," "luke the laborer," "still waters run deep," "all that glitters is not gold," were the principal plays given. during the following winter, - , there was nothing doing in the dramatic line in the social hall. one reason for this was that a new company had arisen, which, if not exactly a rival, was a strong competitor for public favor. some of its principal members belonged to the deseret dramatic association, and had been conspicuous in the ranks of its performers. the new company was called the mechanics' dramatic association, and was headed by the favorite social hall comedian, phil margetts, who was president and manager of the new organization. the members of this new company were phil margetts, harry bowring, henry mcewan, james a. thompson, joe barker, john b. kelly, john chambers, joseph bull, pat lynch, william wright, bill poulter, william price, mrs. marion bowring, mrs. bull, mrs. mcewan, elizabeth tullidge and ellen bowring. harry bowring had in course of construction a new dwelling house; it was covered and the floors laid, but no finishing or plastering had been done, no partition walls had been put in, so that the entire lower story was one room, not more than x feet in dimensions, about one-third the size of the social hall. the stage occupied about one-third of the same, leaving an audience chamber of about x feet, not large enough, as it proved, to accommodate the numbers that were anxious to witness the new performances. for dressing rooms, they had the house at the back, in which mr. bowring and family resided, and which communicated with the stage by a doorway in the new structure. the scenery and drop curtain, which was necessarily of small dimensions, was painted by the sterling and versatile artist, william p. morris. the auditorium was seated a la circus, with board seats rising one above the other, with a row of chairs in front for the distinguished guests and patrons. such was "bowring's theatre," as it was called. whether the managers christened it that, or the name was given it by the patrons and guests, we do not pretend to know, nor does it matter; but this fact may be mentioned in relation to it, that it was first place in salt lake city to be called a theatre. the bowery being a place of worship (although the name was strongly suggestive of the new york bowery theatre), could not consistently be called a theatre and the social hall embracing all the social features--plays, dances and banquets--never came to be called a theatre, social hall fully covering its functions, so that the bowring was really the first place to be known distinctively as a theatre. although the theatre was so very small the company did not appear to be circumscribed in their histrionic efforts by any mere limitations of space or stage appurtenances, as the following list of plays will show: "the honeymoon," "the gamester," "luke the laborer," and "othello," and the farces of "betsy baker" and "mr. and mrs. peter white." in the dramas, mr. margetts, who was recognized as the comedian par excellence, chose to assume the tragic mask and appeared in the leading roles, leaving the principal comic parts to his friend and colleague harry bowring. it was somewhat of a surprise to "phil's" friends and admirers who knew his qualifications for comedy, to see him in these tragic characters, but he is said to have given everybody a pleasant surprise in them and harry bowring carried the comedy roles so successfully as to divide the honors with "phil." mrs. bowring, who played the "lady leads," also distinguished herself to such a degree that she took a prominent place in the salt lake theatre soon after its opening. it was during the performance of "betsy baker" in this place that "jimmy" thompson, who was playing the part of mr. crommie, won such distinction in that character that the name of "crommie" has attached to him among his acquaintances ever since. harry mcewan, joe barker, billie wright, bill poulter and dear old john kelly and mrs. bull and mrs. mcewan all achieved some celebrity in connection with the little playhouse--"bowring's theatre." manager margetts waited one day on president brigham young and invited him, with his family, to see their play. the president of course had heard of the new theatre, (what was there he didn't hear of?) but affected some surprise that phil and his associates should have started what might be considered a rival to the d. d. a. "when do you play?" inquired the president. "we have a play tonight," answered phil; "'luke the laborer,' but we could not accommodate your family tonight, president young, as the seats are mostly engaged, but we would be pleased to reserve the house for yourself and family for our next play, 'the honeymoon,' which will be on friday night." "well," says brigham, "i would like to see the play tonight. why can't heber (meaning heber c. kimball, his chief counsellor, who was sitting within hearing) and i come tonight, and the family can come the next night?" the president thought to catch them in a state of unpreparedness by going sooner than was arranged for him, but phil readily acquiesced in the president's wish, and he and brother kimball "took in the show" that night. they both expressed their pleasure and spoke words of encouragement to the performers. on the following day manager margetts sent ninety tickets, the entire seating capacity of the theatre, to president young for himself and family. the tiny theatre was packed to see "the honeymoon." the young family certainly was in evidence on that occasion, but there was quite a sprinkling of "heber's" folks and other friends to whom the president had given tickets from his wholesale reserve. "the honeymoon" was a pronounced success. after the play phil appeared before the curtain and in a happy way thanked the president and those of his family and friends present for honoring the company, and expressed regret that they had not a more commodious and comfortable theatre in which to entertain their friends. brigham, evidently pleased, made a return speech from his place in the audience and complimented the company. he encouraged them to go ahead and told them he intended before long to build a good big theatre, where they could have ample room to develop their dramatic art, observing in his characteristic way, that the people must have amusement. it will thus be seen that these performances led indirectly to the building of the salt lake theatre, for immediately after this the president instructed hyrum clawson to reorganize the deseret dramatic association and to unite it with the bowring theatre company, for he was going to build a big theatre. the idea had evidently entered his mind to stay. "brother brigham," as he was popularly and lovingly called, was quick to comprehend the financial results of a great theatre in a community whose members were all lovers of the drama, and two large dramatic associations, bursting with ambition and only too anxious for a good place and opportunity to air their talents. so he gave it out in meeting one sunday, much to the gratification of his congregation, that he was going to build a big "fun hall," or theatre, where the people could go and forget their troubles occasionally, in a good, hearty laugh. "we have a large fund on hand," said he, "for the erection of a seventy's hall, but not enough to build such a hall as i want for the seventies; so we will use that fund to help build the theatre, and when we get the theatre running we can pay back the seventy's hall fund with good interest, and in that way the seventy's will get their hall sooner than if they started to build it now." the seventy's hall has never been built! the big theatre was planned and erected. william h. folsom was the architect and personally superintended the construction of the building. this same gentleman, also, designed and built the big turtle-shaped tabernacle, proving that he was a constructive genius. on march the sixth, , the salt lake theatre, although far from being finished, was so far completed as to be used, and on this date it was opened with such ceremonies as would not only be deemed unique in any other community, but would be set down as sacriligious by pious people of other faiths. on this occasion the theatre was filled to its utmost capacity by invitation. no admission fee was charged, the invitations being extended by president young to the church authorities, state, county and municipal officers, the workmen who had erected the building, some two hundred with their families. some even who held invitations could not get in; it resembled a huge revival meeting. the president and his counsellors, a number of the apostles and other church dignitaries sat on the stage in front of the green baize drop curtain. the parquette was filled with the officials, church and secular, and the dramatic company and members of their families. the circles were filled principally by the men who had worked on the building and their families. there was a feeling of greatest expectancy pervading the large audience. the people were there to witness not a play on this occasion, but something deemed of still more importance, the dedication of the new theatre. the mormons dedicate all of their public buildings, whether temples, tabernacles, stake houses, ward houses, school houses, theatres, dance halls, or co-operative stores to the service for which they were erected. the ceremony is much like one of their religious meetings with the addition of the dedicatory prayer. on this occasion president brigham young occupied the center of the stage. there was a program of vocal and instrumental music, a special choir gotten together for the occasion, and the theatre orchestra, led by professor "charlie" thomas, furnished the music. president young called the large audience to order and the choir sang. then daniel h. wells, or "squire" wells as he was popularly called, offered up the dedicatory prayer. "squire" wells no doubt made a good city mayor and an efficient general of the nauvoo legion, but the worthy "squire" was not an orator, moreover, he had his piece written for this occasion and read it; his peculiar mode of delivery was tiresome even when at his best, when he had his choice of subject and all the latitude he could desire; but it was especially so on this occasion, when he was circumscribed to a most monotonous enumeration of everything that entered into the construction of the huge building. beginning with the ground on which it stood and going in systematic order up through it foundation, walls, floors, doors, windows, to the roof, particularizing even the timbers, nails and bolts, the laths and plaster, the glass and putty, no detail he could think of was omitted. each and all were especially dedicated to their particular purpose and use, and the blessing of the almighty invoked to be and continue with each of these materials, and with the structure as a whole. even to those who believed in dedications, who were the great majority of those present, the dedicatory prayer was just a little wearisome and the audience experienced a feeling of relief when it was over and william c. dunbar stepped to the front and assisted by the choir and orchestra, sang "the star spangled banner." brigham young then made an address on the mission of the drama and his object in building the theatre, which avowedly was to furnish innocent and instructive amusement to the saints. he inveighed somewhat extravagantly against tragedy and declared he wouldn't have any tragedies or blood-curdling dramas played in this theatre. this people had seen tragedy enough in real life and there was no telling the far-reaching and evil effects tragedies on the stage might have. he strongly opposed, too, the idea of having any gentile actors play in this theatre. we had plenty of home talent and did not need them. president heber c. kimball followed in a brief address, strongly supportive of what president young had said. apostle john taylor then gave a short address; then came selections by the orchestra, and more singing by the choir, and mr. dunbar sang another song written by apostle taylor for the occasion and set to music by professor thomas. for the grand finale an anthem written for the occasion by eliza r. snow and set to music also by professor thomas was sung by the choir, accompanied by the orchestra and and brass band consolidated for the occasion. the solo parts of the anthem were sung respectively by mr. dunbar and mrs. agnes lynch. the musical program ended, an announcement was made that the theatre would be formally opened on saturday evening, march the eighth, when the plays of "the pride of the market" and "state secrets" would be presented. the people anxiously awaited the opening night. the performance was advertised to begin at o'clock. at o'clock hundreds were at the doors waiting to get in and before the time of the beginning every available spot of both seating and standing room was taken. the prices of admission were c for parquette and first circles; upper galleries c. the plays, both drama and farce, were capitally acted. dunbar's song between the plays, "bobbin' around," made an immense hit. the merging of the m. d. a. into the d. d. a. made up a strong company. the roster of the deseret dramatic company as it stood at this opening performance and the cast of the initial plays cannot fail to be of interest after a lapse of more than forty-two years and so many of the original players have passed away. the members were: hyrum b. clawson, john t. caine, managers and both players; philip margetts, david mckenzie, william c. dimbar, john r. clawson, henry maiben, jos. simmons, horace k. whitney, henry e. bowring, r. h. parker, george m. ottinger, c. r. savage, george teasdale, henry mcewan, john kelly, richard mathews, john d. t. mcallister, sam sirrine, henry snell, mrs. marian bowring, mrs. s. a. cook, mrs. woodmansee, mrs. margaret clawson, mrs. alice clawson, miss maggie thomas, and miss sarah alexander. of the above-named the following have passed away: john r. clawson, henry maiben, jos. simmons, h. k. whitney, henry mcewan, john b. kelly, richard mathews, henry snell, mrs. bowring, mrs. alice clawson, and mrs. cook. bernard snow and james ferguson of social hall fame were on the roster, but not active members; they too are gone. the following is the opening bill: saturday evening, march , . a beautiful comedy in three acts, _the pride of the market._ cast of characters. marquis de volange ........................ john t. caine baron troptora ............................. henry maiben chevalier de bellerive ..................... jos. simmons ravannes ................................... r. h. parker dubois ................................... david mckenzie isadore farine ............................ h. b. clawson preval .................................... s. d. sirrine servants ..................... r. mathews and henry snell waiter .................................... john b. kelly mille de volange ........................ mrs. woodmansee norton (pride of the market) ......... mrs. m. g. clawson comic song, "bobbing around" ............... w. c. dunbar to conclude with the laughable farce _state secrets._ cast of characters. gregory thimblewell (the tailor of tamworth) .. h. e. bowring robert (his son) ............................... r. h. parker master hugh neville ........................... s. d. sirrine calverton hal ................................... w. h. miles humphrey hedgehog ............................. phil margetts maud thimblewell (tailor's wife) ............... mrs. bowring letty hedgehog (with song) ............... miss maggie thomas such was the superb comedy bill with which the salt lake theatre was auspiciously and successfully launched into the great dramatic sea on which she has made such a long and splendid voyage. the company played a few other plays between the opening date and the th of april, catching conference, which closed the first season of about six weeks' duration. they gave fifteen performances in this time. the company during this first short season scarcely found its bearings, much of the best talent was in the background and it took time and opportunity to discover it and place it to the best advantage. during the first season of the theatre, miss sarah alexander, in addition to playing many of the soubrette roles, was the _premiere danseuse_ of the company, and gave exhibitions of her skill in the terpsichorean art between the plays almost nightly; she was eventually superseded, however, by miss "totty" clive (a daughter of mr. claud clive, the costumer), who became so proficient in the art of dancing that before she was years of age she was an established favorite with the public, and a feature of the theatrical entertainments. chapter v. the isolation policy peculiar to the mormons at this period, found expression in a discouragement of all gentiles (as all non-mormons were called) and gentile enterprises in utah. this feeling also found expression to some extent, for a short time in the sphere of the theatre, and it was boldly announced by some who were close in the councils of the mormon chief, that he would have no gentile actors in his theatre. a policy which was much more strongly emphasized at the time, however, was as to the character of the plays that should be presented. president young set his foot down very firmly against the presentation of any tragedies, or plays of tragic character. the people he said had seen and felt too much of the tragic side of life; he wanted them to be amused, and not have their feelings harrowed up by tragic representations. this policy obtained for a short time only; gradually the general growing desire for the higher class of plays had to be taken into consideration by the managers, clawson and caine, who were running the house in the interest of the box office, chiefly, and this initial policy of the founder of the theatre was gradually abandoned, as well as the isolation policy which was to debar gentile actors from the stage of the mormon theatre. during the summer of ' the theatre was rushed to completion. on december , ' , the completed theatre was again formally dedicated and the following night, christmas, the stock company opened up for a regular winter season in the "honeymoon" under the direction and tutorship of our old nauvoo favorite, tom lyne, who had learned of the opening of brigham young's new theatre, and saw a chance to renew his acquaintance with his old friends, and do a little business with them in their new temple of the drama. after a lapse of nearly twenty years, during which his old friends and admirers had completely lost sight of him, he suddenly "bobs up serenely" at denver where he had been playing an engagement with j. s. langrishe; from here he corresponded with manager clawson with the result that he was engaged to come to the salt lake theatre as a tutor to the company. he was received with great kindness by the company and managers, and especially by brigham young, who treated him with marked consideration. he coached the company and directed several plays for them, but that was an irksome task for lyne; he wanted to face the public himself. he saw a great opportunity and did not rest content until he had secured a starring engagement with the managers. accordingly it was not long before the veteran tragedian (lyne was now fifty-six) was announced to appear in a round of favorite characters supported by the theatre stock company. he opened on january th in "damon" to a packed house and played in quick succession the characters of "richelieu," "othello," "richard," "william tell," "sir giles overreach," and rolla in "pizarro." in the latter play he could not expect to have any of the old nauvoo cast, especially brigham young for the "high priest," as he was now reigning as high priest in reality; but he found a very capable successor in the person of george teasdale, who since his experience in this part found promotion in the priestly line until he became one of the chief high priests of the church and a member of the twelve. there is certainly some charm in that character of the "high priest" in "pizarro." lyne's engagement was the first one made with any outside actor and broke almost in the very start the president's avowed policy of having no gentile actors in his theatre. it was a comparatively easy step, however, as mr. lyne was regarded as almost, and likely to be altogether, one of us again, which idea, however, proved quite erroneous for tom lyne, after playing several profitable engagements during his first years in salt lake, where he settled down to end his days, became unnecessarily cynical and bitter against the dominant party; and especially against the proprietor and managers of the salt lake theatre, when they decided that they had played him all that was profitable. lyne's first engagement had "let down the bars," broken the isolation policy to such an extent that other gentile actors soon followed. the truth is that the managers discovered even at that early period in salt lake's theatrical experience that the local stock company could not hold up the interest unaided and alone, especially after the lyne engagement had shown the public the difference between a past master in the art (as lyne was), and a company of comparative novices however talented they might be. another line of policy which had been laid down by the chief of the new amusement bureau (that he would not have any tragedies nor murder plays performed in the new theatre) was sadly tangled and demoralized, during the very first engagement of an outside actor. "virginius" was a favorite part of mr. lyne's and it went on, notwithstanding some discussion and protest, with mrs. alice clawson (brigham's prettiest daughter) as virginia. when virginius thrust the death dealing butcher knife which he purloins from the neighboring butcher stall into the trusting bosom of the fair virginia, exclaiming "it is to save thine honor," the rubicon was crossed the leap was taken, and the second cherished whim of the chief promoter of amusements for the saints was shattered; it fell a sacrifice to a worldly "box office" policy; and significant to relate, his favorite daughter alice was made the principal accessory to this disregard of his desires and counsel. the step once taken could not be retraced. mr. lyne's "virginius" like his "damon" and "richelieu" proved very popular, and justified several repetitions. it was found that tragedy had its votaries quite as numerous as those of the comic muse; and there were no more protests either against the gentile actors or the tragic plays, for the varied tastes of theatre patrons had to be considered and from this time on "box office" considerations wholly dictated the managerial policy of the salt lake theatre. during the early days of the salt lake theatre, that is to say, the first short season of and part of the season of ' - , the company was somewhat handicapped by the lack of a competent "leading lady." mrs. wheelock and mrs. tuckett, the two leading actresses of the social hall days, had both left the territory for california, and this left the d. d. a. weak in this respect. the comedy roles were well represented in the persons of mrs. margaret clawson, miss sarah alexander, miss maggie thomas, and the character parts and old women by mrs. sarah cook. mrs. marian bowring was good in heavies, while pretty alice clawson could make good in a walking lady or light juvenile but they were short a "leading" woman. in the classic plays which lyne put on: "virginius," "damon and pythias," "richelieu," etc., (mrs. alice clawson was cast for the leading juvenile roles; she filled all the requirements so far as looks were concerned, but was not at all convincing where any impassioned acting was required) the popular verdict was "she's pretty, but can't act." soon the managers discovered a very talented and promising actress to fill the place, in one mrs. lydia gibson. lydia was the young and pretty wife of elder william gibson, who had recently converted lydia to the mormon faith in the old country and brought her to salt lake and prevailed on her to become mrs. gibson number two. she was a very lovely woman and when she made her advent into the dramatic company soon became a general favorite both with the company and the public, and more than one fellow experienced a pang of envy when he learned she was the wife of elder gibson, a man old enough to be her father. mrs. gibson remained in the company only two seasons, long enough to establish herself thoroughly in the affections of everybody, when she sickened and shortly after died. she was buried in brigham young's private burying ground near where the prophet himself is buried. the entire dramatic company and many of the community followed her to her last resting place with every evidence of genuine sorrow. her dramatic career was brief but brilliant. there had been some trouble on the male side of the cast also. on lyne's first appearance the part of "pythias" was cast to the old social hall favorite "jim" ferguson he had played the part with snow in the social hall and was "accounted a good actor;" but on this particular occasion, one of no small importance, being his first appearance at the salt lake theatre as well as the first appearance of mr. lyne, mr. ferguson did not win fresh laurels. no doubt the fact of appearing alongside of a veteran like lyne, made "jim" more or less nervous. somehow he did not "screw his courage to the sticking place," whether from nervousness or other causes, and failed to give a satisfactory performance of the part; he was over-excited, and the calanthe complained that he was too realistic. he terrified the soldiers of dionysius to such a degree that they wanted to desert, and mr. lyne declared he was the most vigorous pythias who had ever played with him, but he could not rely on him; his stage business was so eccentric and uncertain. "jim" thought he was making a great hit, but the managers decided to make a change. at the following performance the character was essayed by mr. john r. clawson, who if not so brilliant as ferguson, proved to be less erratic and more steady and reliable. ferguson never again appeared on the stage but devoted his brilliant talents to his paper, the mountaineer, and the practice of the law. john t. caine was now nominally the leading man of the theatre. he had played with stately dignity the parts of "dionysius" in "damon and pythias" and "pizarro" to lyne's "rolla," and before the season was over a number of leading characters in plays such as "eustace baudin," "senor valiente," "serious family," "all that glitters," etc. each of lyne's characters was played twice or three times, and went far toward filling up the season as the company played but two nights in the week. the stock company filled out the season of ' - which closed after the april conference, ' . soon after the opening season of ' and ' , the irwins were engaged, and opening on november th played the entire season till april th, . when the irwin engagement began, november th, , this put mr. selden irwin in all the leading parts. early during this engagement mr. david mckenzie, who had already scored a success in "old man" parts, came strongly to the front in the play of "evadne" in which he was cast for the part of "colonno," a character of the "hotspur" type. he made a distinct and pronounced hit in this character, fairly dividing honors with irwin, who played "ludovico," a character of the "iago" type, and second only to that "great villain," perhaps, in the whole range of the drama. this performance brought mckenzie conspicuously to the front so that he was promoted to the leading position and held it with public approval for a number of years. a year or so ago a "write up" article in "munsey" claimed for george b. waldron the distinction of being the first gentile actor to play in the mormon theatre. how far astray from the historical record the writer was can be gleaned from the foregoing facts, and those which are to follow. mr. lyne's first engagement lasted into march, close up to the april conference, when a season of stock work was resumed with some special attraction in the way of spectacular effects for the conference season. it was the custom during the first regular season to play but two nights a week tuesdays and saturdays the other evenings of the week being devoted to the necessary rehearsals, as it was impracticable to get the company together in the daytime for that purpose, as they all had other occupations which demanded their attention. each play was given twice, this was the rule; it was the exception when a piece ran _three_ nights in succession. it was the custom to put up a new bill each week, so this gave the company about a week to get up in a new play and a new farce; with their daily occupations to attend to as well. actors today would consider it a task to get up in a new play and a farce each week with nothing else to attend to. it will readily be understood from this statement that the original stock company of the salt lake theatre had no sinecure, or "soft snap," to phrase it in the present vernacular, especially when it is made known that during all this season there was no such thing as salary attached to their positions. they were all working for honor and glory, and to help brother brigham pay for the theatre; but there was no grumbling; all went merry as a peal of wedding bells for "the labor we delight in physics pain," and the first regular season of the salt lake theatre closed after the april conference, , with a good financial showing, much of the indebtedness on the building have been wiped out, and everything in good shape for the ensuing season. this first long season's work had to a great extent disclosed the respective merits of the various members of the company, so that a number of changes were wrought out, some members gaining promotions in accordance with public voice and approbation. during the summer of , the interior decorations of the theatre were completed and preparations were made for opening the season of ' and ' a little in advance of the october conference, which always brings the people in even from the remotest settlements, and consequently makes a great harvest for the theatre. the stock company opened up the season without any assistance from the "gentile" dramatic world no second star had as yet appeared on our dramatic horizon. some additional interest, however, was lent to the stock company by the accession to its ranks of two new members, who had been selected from an amateur club called the "thespians," whose performances, given in a little crib, popularly known as "cromie's show," so designated because the manager, "jimmy" thompson, had acquired the nickname of "cromie" from an excellent performance he gave of that character in the farce of betsy baker. the new accessions were john s. lindsay and james m. hardie, whom the theatre managers had picked from the ranks of the young "thespians" as being of promise and worthy a place in the big theatre. the company presented a number of comedy dramas; did the usual s. r. o. business during the october conference and played well on into the month of november, when "the irwins" were engaged as stock stars for the remainder of the season. this engagement proved to be a wise move on the part of the management, for the strain on the stock company was becoming apparent, and it is questionable whether they could have held the public interest with them throughout the season; so the irwins were welcomed by both the company and the patrons of the theatre. selden irwin (or as he was familiarly called "sel") was at this time in the very flush of manhood, full of life and ambition, with a plethora of good looks and activity. he was essentially a dashing actor, and pleased the public immensely. mrs. irwin was even more of a favorite than "sel." if not great, she was very versatile, and they gave salt lakers a series of plays of very great variety, embracing classic tragedy, comedy and farce. everything from "camille" and the "lady of lyons" to "that rascal pat" and "in and out of place." with mr. and mrs. irwin was harry rainforth, a boy of sixteen years, a son of mrs. irwin by a former marriage, who in after years became a well-known manager, being a partner with bob miles in the grand opera house at cincinnati. harry was quite an actor as a boy, and helped out the cast on several occasions; his most conspicuous effort, however, was lord dundreary in "our american cousin," which was put up to give "sel" a chance at "asa trenchard." it is not of record that harry ever became a formidable rival of sothern's in this part, but on this occasion he filled the role very acceptably. the irwins remained as stock stars to the end of the season, which came to a close after the april conference, . they were well liked by the utahns, and came back for a short starring engagement the season of ' , after making a tour of idaho and montana with a small road company. the irwin engagement inaugurated the three night performances a week and saturday matinees. this increased the work of the company to such an extent that they had to neglect to a greater or less degree their regular business, that on which they depended for their living, for it must be understood that there was no compensation attached, beyond the honor of acting in the salt lake theatre. so there began to be some dissatisfaction with this part of the business, and complaints from some that they were neglecting their business for the theatre and ought to be made good, so it was arranged near the end of the season to give two benefit performances one for the gentlemen and the other for the ladies of the company, and then divide the results pro rata among the members of the company. this scheme was carried out and served to conciliate the players and smooth the way to another season's work for the managers. the writer at this time was probably the youngest member of the company and had attained but little prominence, hence his "divvy" was a very modest one, yet quite acceptable, as it was unexpected. the following autograph letter of brigham young's will show the method adopted by the management to carry on the business and make the company contribute liberally to the building of the theatre: salt lake city, april th, . _mr. john s. lindsay_. dear brother:--inclosed please find twenty dollars, being amount assigned you out of the proceeds of the benefit recently given at the theatre. appreciating your faithful services, and the alacrity with which you have contributed to our amusement during the past season, i pray god to bless you, and increase your ability to do good. your brother in the gospel, brigham young. this plan served to keep the company in a contented mood, and was repeated at the close of the following season with like result. the writer had made some progress in the company, and at the next benefit got seventy-five dollars for his pro rata; this was less than a dollar a performance during the season of seven months, but then we were doing good missionary work, in the way of amusing the people, and this company were engaged in a labor they delighted in; while they were assisting in a great measure to pay for the great thespian temple in which they were performing, they were enjoying the labor immensely and gave the same enthusiastic efforts to it they would have done to a mission, had they been called to go and preach the gospel. moreover, they were gaining an experience in art that would have been perhaps impossible for them, had not this splendid theatre been erected in the home of the saints. brigham young's comprehensive mind had grasped the advantage to his people of blending art with religion, and relieving the monotony of arduous pioneer toil with innocent and refreshing amusements. chapter vi. season of ' -' . _a metropolitan theatre in the wilderness_. the salt lake theatre was a source of wonder and admiration to all strangers visiting it. considering the time and the place of its erection, the isolated condition of the people, the meagre facilities within reach for so big a project, the quadrupled cost of everything that had to be imported, such as glass, nails, paints, cloth for scenery and everything in the shape of decorations, it was then, and remains today, a monument to the liberality, foresight and enterprise of brigham young. since its erection, forty-three years ago, theatrical architecture has been vastly improved, and in many respects the salt lake theatre is old-fashioned, but few theatres in the country, with all the improvements which have been introduced, surpass it in point of comfort and convenience, especially behind the curtain. when it is considered that not only the architectural designs, the mechanical construction, but all the interior decorations and the scene-painting was done by local talent, it speaks highly for the artistic and mechanical skill that was centered in salt lake even at that early period of its history. william h. folsom was the architect and personally superintended its construction. he was also the architect of the big tabernacle with its turtle-shaped roof spanning a stretch of feet without a supporting column. the first installment of scenery was painted by w. v. morris and george m. ottinger, both clever artists, and with their assistants they gave the theatre stage a very nice investiture in the way of scenery. as the seasons rolled around the stock of scenery was continuously growing, for every new play had to have something done for it in the way of scenery, so that the painters were always working, and as a consequence the salt lake theatre has probably a larger stock of scenery than any theatre in the country. the same may be said in regard to the stage properties. "charley" millard was the property man, and charley could manufacture anything in the shape of a "prop" from a throne chair to a cuspidor, from a papier mache cannon to a firecracker, from a basket horse to a baby; so that in the course of a dozen years the property room became a veritable museum, an "old curiosity shop" well worth an hour of anybody's time to examine. there was a wardrobe department, which was equal in importance if not superior to the scenic arid property departments. this was presided over by mr. claud clive, an expert tailor, who with his assistants, manufactured all the costumes for the male characters of the plays, while the female costume department was presided over by mrs. marion bowring. mr. robert neslen had general charge of the costume and wig department, and dispensed the necessary apparel and wigs to the company. there was also a tonsorial artist connected with the house, who was always there to curl a wig or put it on in good shape for the actors who needed such assistance. john squires was the tonsorial artist--he was a busy man in those days. he had his shop in a little adobe house that stood directly opposite the "president's office" on the lot where the amelia palace was afterwards erected. john was the president's barber, and had a large run of custom from the church and tithing offices, besides nearly all the actors patronized him, so that he was a prosperous man in the community. he continued to shave his share of the people up to within a recent date, when he was obliged to retire; "age with his stealing steps had clawed him in his clutch," so this knight of the razor was reluctantly compelled to lay down the implements of tonsorial art, the strong steady hand that once could clean a man's cheek in about three strokes had grown weak and tremulous, and but recently he passed peacefully away to that better land where it is to be hoped there is no shaving or need of hair-dye. his place is amply filled, however, for john has a numerous progeny--and all his sons and grandsons, so far as we know them, are barbers. here we find a true touch of heredity. after such a brilliant and successful season as the irwins had just concluded, it seemed like a daring venture to open up the ensuing season with the stock company unassisted by the strength of a star; but notwithstanding this seeming riskiness, the managers did not wait for the _ensuing season_, but bravely ushered in a supplemental season on may th. only five weeks after the irwins had closed their long and brilliant run, the stock were hard at it again, notwithstanding the summer days were come; they kept going till the th of june, when the "veteran tragedian" (lyne, at the time years of age) was engaged to reinforce the stock, and add to the box office receipts. he opened this, his second star engagement, on june th and played up to july th. he repeated all his former triumphs and achieved some new ones, notably in "sir giles overreach" in "a new way to pay old debts." in the meantime a new star had appeared in our dramatic horizon; by the time lyne had closed his engagement, it was in our ascendant, astrologically speaking, and by the time it had reached our zenith, or midheaven, it had shed another halo over the salt lake theatre and the drama in utah. this bright particular star was george pauncefort. "he was a scholar, and a ripe and good one," an actor of rare and varied accomplishments, and proved to be an invaluable instructor and model for the company. under his leadership a great progress was made. pauncefort was an english actor, who had acquired considerable celebrity on the london stage. he was a married actor, and his wife and several daughters, at the time of which i am writing, were quite popular on the stage, and their names appeared frequently in the london casts. pauncefort came to the united states as early as . he was the original "armand duval" in "camille," when matilda heron first produced that play in new york. after his new york engagement, pauncefort drifted west, and in came to salt lake for a brief engagement of a week or two. he had just concluded a stellar engagement with jack langrishe at denver. denver at that time was not so large as salt lake city, nor could it boast anything like so good a theatre. the great overland road had not been projected at this time, and people crossing the country from denver to salt lake or san francisco were obliged "to stage it," or travel with private conveyances. so george had to stage it, not a difficult thing for an actor to do. he was accompanied by mrs. florence bell who was featured with him as co-star during his first engagement. he opened on july th, , just four nights after lyne closed, in "the romance of a poor young man," in the character of "manuel," mrs. bell playing "marguerite." pauncefort's "manuel" made a great hit, and stamped him at once as an actor of superior parts. it was a new awakening. his style was so different from anything we had seen, either in lyne or irwin. mrs. bell, however, fell as far below public expectation as pauncefort went above it. she was not the equal of our own leading lady, mrs. gibson who in consequence of this engagement had to be retired from the leading roles, and bear with what grace she might to see an inferior actress usurping her place. the popular verdict was all in mrs. gibson's favor. mrs. bell was a pretty woman, but a very mediocre actress. the management would gladly have retired the lady after the first performance, but there was a contract, and she was allowed to play the leads in several plays, during this engagement. pauncefort played until september th, when the season closed. it no doubt cost the princely george a pang to realize that mrs. bell had not made a favorable impression with the public, as he had featured her on the bills. she had found great favor in his eyes, if not so fortunate in gaining the public favor. their admiration was mutual and so apparent that it was frowned upon by "the powers that be." george was given plainly to understand that although mormons believed in and practiced polygamy, they drew the line in morals at promiscuity, and he could not continue his present intimate relations with mrs. bell and his engagement at the salt lake theatre. george took the hint and severed the "entangling alliance;" all the easier, no doubt, as mr. bell had come closely on their heels from denver. bell was a good cornet player, and secured an engagement in the theatre orchestra, where he played until the end of the pauncefort season, and then drifted off to montana, "taking the fair desdemona along with him." that the bell alliance worked to pauncefort's injury there is no question. president young took great offense at it, and never attended the theatre during pauncefort's engagement after the opening performances, when he became apprised of the intimacy existing between george and florence. on brigham's first visit to the theatre after the pauncefort season, the writer met him on the stage near his box and took occasion to express his pleasure at seeing him occupy his accustomed seat after so long an absence, remarking, "it is a long time since you were here, president young." "yes," he replied. "i told john t. and hyrum (the managers of the house) that i would not come into the theatre while that man pauncefort was here." this showed how strong a prejudice he had conceived against pauncefort--and notwithstanding the very favorable impression his acting had made, it was quite a long time, nearly four months, before he again appeared. the lyne and pauncefort engagement following each other in such close succession and in an extra season, and that season a mid-summer one, had given the theatre-going public a very gratifying sufficiency of theatricals, and consequently it was not thought advisable to open the theatre again until the ensuing october conference; so the house was closed up for a period of five weeks and reopened on the th of october, just in time to catch the conference gatherings. although both lyne and pauncefort were in the vicinity, neither of them were engaged until after the conference dates were passed. the management could rely on full houses during the conference and could not see the policy of sharing up the profits with a star when the stock company could fill the house to its capacity. the conference over, the following week t. a. lyne opened his third engagement and played up to the th of december; a very long engagement, lasting eight weeks. pauncefort should naturally, according to all professional ways of looking at it, have filled this time; and no doubt would have had the preference over lyne if the managers had not been handicapped by the strong prejudice of the "president" against this actor; for he was the newer and more attractive star. lyne had already played two long engagements and exhausted his repertoire, besides pauncefort had introduced us to a more modern and popular school, and from financial considerations alone, any manager would have given him the preference, but he did not get back into the theatre for a second engagement until after lyne had played everything he knew; still he lingered in the vicinity. he went out through the provinces--played smaller towns, such as springville and provo, with their home companies--and dabbled in merchandising, shipping fruit to montana; it was bringing big prices just then. on the th of december, , george pauncefort began his second engagement in "a bachelor of arts" and "black-eyed susan." it was during this engagement that "hamlet" and "macbeth" had their initial performances in the salt lake theatre. both of these plays were marked events in the history of the theatre, more particularly "macbeth," which called into requisition the tabernacle choir to play the witches and sing the music of the play, which was ably conducted by prof. c. j. thomas. "macbeth" was the last play of this engagement and closed the second pauncefort season on january th, --a brief season of three weeks--after waiting around about four months. why this engagement ended so suddenly in the very height of its brilliancy is somewhat puzzling to understand, as there was no other star to follow, and the stock company played unassisted by any stellar attraction up till may th, which closed the season of ' and ' . pauncefort shortly after the closing of his engagement went to san francisco, where he remained for more than two years playing there at intervals. chapter vii. season ' and ' . the next star to appear at the mormon theatre was julia dean hayne, and a brilliant one she proved to be. she created on her first appearance an impression that was profound and lasting, and each additional character she appeared in only served to strengthen her hold on the admiration and affection of her audiences. the advent of such a well-known and popular actress into the heart of the rocky mountain region at such a time, years before the completion of the overland railroad, had in it a rich tinge of romance and wild managerial venture. julia dean came to salt lake city under the management and in the dramatic company of the veteran western manager, john s. potter. some time prior to this she had gone to san francisco from new york by way of the isthmus, had played a successful engagement there, and being "at liberty" after it was over, mr. potter, who was an old acquaintance of mrs. hayne, made her a proposition to organize a company and play her through the principal towns of california. this was done, and after the state had been pretty thoroughly toured, the fair julia appearing in many places that had very "queer" theatres, the tour was extended through the cities of oregon and then through the sparsely inhabited territories of montana, idaho and utah, finally arriving in salt lake july th, , on a regular old-time stage coach, a tired and jaded-looking party. there was in this company john s. potter, manager (then a man of sixty or more), julia deane hayne (the star), george b. waldron (leading man), mr. and mrs. o. f. leslie (juveniles), mr. a. k. mortimer (heavies), charles graham (comedian). mr. potter himself played the "old man" parts, miss belle douglas playing characters and old woman parts, and "jimmie" martin, property man and filling-in parts. the fame of brigham young's theatre had reached them in their travels, and they had traveled many miles to get the opportunity of playing in it. a week's engagement was soon effected, and on august th, , "the potter company" with julia dean hayne as the stellar character, opened up in the play of "camille." they were received by a packed house, and with every demonstration of welcome and approbation. mrs. hayne, who was no longer girlish in face and figure but a mature woman, verging on towards the "fair, fat and forty" period, was nevertheless so exquisitely beautiful and girlish-looking when made up for "camille" or "julia" in the "hunchback," that everybody sang her praises. the entire community seemed to have fallen irresistibly in love with the new star, and henceforward she had fair wind and smooth sailing while her lot lay cast among the saints. while the potter company were playing in the theatre, supporting mrs. hayne, the stock company were of course getting a needed rest, but their salaries (?) were going on as usual, and the management could not well afford to have two companies on its hands, so after the first week, the novelty being over, the potter company were let out, and the regular company reinstalled. the potter company, however, had lost its "star;" the theatre managers had effected an engagement with julia dean to remain with them for the rest of the season as stock star with george b. waldron, also to play her leading support, and direct the staging of her plays. this proved a severe blow to the potter company, who now had no place to play in in salt lake and could not well take to the road again, having lost their principal attraction. potter had not expected to have been so soon supplanted. he came to salt lake, expecting to find a company of amateurs, and thought no doubt the managers would be glad to supplant them, at least for a good long season, with the potter company and its distinguished star. outside of mrs. hayne and mr. waldron, however, the salt lake company was much more numerous, talented and capable than the potter company. it took but one or two performances for the managers to discover this, and they hastened to make the arrangements with julia dean and mr. waldron and to reinstate their own company. poor potter and his remaining company were in a sorry strait. their overland jaunt, through oregon, montana and idaho, had not been very lucrative, and now they were out in the fastnesses of the rocky mountains, a thousand miles from any metropolis with a theatre, and no railroad to get away on; nothing but the overland coach. potter was a resourceful manager, however; he was not easily daunted; with him richmond's admonition to his army was ever present. "true hope never tires, but mounts on eagle's wings. kings it makes gods, and meaner creatures kings." he found in "tom" lyne an old acquaintance, and a strong ally. lyne was by this time disgruntled and dissatisfied with the theatrical outlook in salt lake; he was not getting any more the plaudits and the "star's" share of the receipts. he wanted some place to play in. so he inspired potter with the notion of building an opposition theatre to that "monopoly" of brigham young's. potter drank in lyne's inspiration fervidly. the idea took a frantic possession of him, and plans were at once devised for getting up another house as speedily as possible, for the season was advancing and if the project was not hurried the potter company would be scattered beyond all recovery. so it was decided to erect a cheap frame building, and push it to completion as rapidly as possible. this decision served to keep the potter company in salt lake, as they all had faith in the scheme, and faith in themselves that they could win out. they argued that by the time the new play-house was ready to open that julia dean and waldron would be played out at the salt lake theatre, and something new would catch the people. poor, deluded actors, they did not know the people of salt lake; they knew them better after. how much money mr. lyne put into this scheme the writer never could learn from him, but i opine it was very little. he, however, secured the building site, by some kind of a deal with "tommy" bullock. it was about where dinwoodey's furniture store now stands. potter had little or no money with which to start such an enterprise, so lyne introduced mr. potter to such of the merchants and lumbermen as he wanted to do business with. potter played a bold game, and really accomplished a great feat in the building of this theatre. he got from sixty to ninety days' credit for everything nearly that went into the construction of the building. it was a cheap affair; built of poles, hewn to an even size and placed in the ground like fence posts; then boarded on both sides with rough boards, the space between the inside and outside boarding being filled in with sawdust and refuse tan bark from the tanneries, to make the building warm. the place was about half the size of the salt lake theatre; that is, it had about half the seating capacity and a stage about one-fourth the size of the theatre. the structure, including the lease of ground, cost about $ , . it was put up in about thirty days, so that potter had a month's more time in which to pay for the bulk of the material, but the merchants and laborers who did the building were worrying his life out long before he got it going, for their money. he proved to be an expert at "standing off" his creditors, however, so by hook and crook he got the building completed, his company reorganized, and the theatre started. some very amusing stories were related of him at the time; how he would cajole and stuff with promises the dissatisfied workmen as to what he would do as soon as he got the house open. one man went to him with the sorrowful story that his landlady had refused to credit him any longer, and he must have money to pay his board and lodgings. potter looked at him pityingly, and expressed his regret that he could do nothing for him till he got the theatre going. "it will soon be finished now; tell your landlady this, and if this will not appease her, change your boarding house." to such like desperate shifts and subterfuges was he obliged to resort to keep the men at work, doling them out a few dollars at a time, when they became unmanageable or threatened to quit. eventually the house was ready for opening and "tom" lyne had to have the first "whack" at the new box office receipts. with woeful shortsightedness they put up for the opening, "damon and pythias," with lyne starred as "damon," a character he had already played three or four times at the other theatre. lyne probably thought, however, with richard that "the king's name is a tower of strength, which they on the adverse faction want." such did not prove to be the case, however, as the "adverse faction" having in view the opening of the opposition house, put on a strong new bill with mrs. hayne in a new and powerful character, so that there was no apparent diminution of patronage, and the salt lake theatre kept on the even tenor of its way "with not a downy feather ruffled by its fierceness." potter and lyne had succeeded in getting "jim" hardie away from the other house by offering him the part of pythias and a larger salary than he was getting at the older house. "jim" at this time was the youngest actor in the salt lake theatre company, and had not yet made much advancement; he was ambitious, however, and this opportunity to play "pythias" to lyne's "damon" was very alluring to him, so he deserted the ranks of the d. d. a. and allied himself with lyne-potter, et al., with what poor judgment the sequel will show. the new theatre was christened "the academy of music," with what reason or consistency no one could ever conceive, unless it was to give it a big sounding name, to allure the unwary, for it was as utterly unlike an academy of music as anything could be. on the opening night, the novelty of the new theatre opening, and curiosity to see the academy and mr. lyne with his new support, sufficed to draw a fairly full house. several amusing incidents transpired on that eventful evening. first and most laughable was the following: "jim" hardie had a brother-in-law named "pat" lynch. pat had been clerk of the district court for a number of years and was well known for a big-hearted, generous man, his greatest fault being that he would indulge occasionally too freely in the ardent. "pat" had loaned "jim" ten dollars to help him get a costume for "pythias" the academy had no wardrobe department and "jim" could not with any grace attempt to borrow one from the salt lake theatre. it would appear he had promised to get an advance as soon as the box office had begun to take in money, and pat had expected the return of his money that day; at all events, he was present at the play, occupying a front seat in the parquette. he had been indulging freely, and his sight was not so clear as usual; besides, he had the character of pythias and dionysius mixed in his imagination. mr. potter was playing dionysius, and as he strode on at the rise of the curtain and began to speak, pat mistook him for hardie and bawled out at the top of his voice, "see here, dionysius, where's that ten dollars you owe me?" potter was filled with consternation; pat's friends who were with him succeeded in quieting him and potter made another start, this time without interruption. pat had discovered his mistake, that he had dunned the wrong man, and it took but little persuasion to get him to leave the theatre. hardie, behind the scenes waiting for his entrance, and fearing a second explosion when he should make his appearance, was immensely relieved to see from the side wings pat's companions lead him up the aisle and out of the theatre. potter, not aware but what it was one of his numerous creditors dunning him, when he made his first exit, threw up his hands in dismay, and said to lyne in the wings: "my g--d, they won't give me any peace! even dunning me from the audience." when lyne, who had caught the truth of the matter, explained to him, he was greatly relieved. another amusing incident, and one which nearly wrecked the scene, was furnished by the little girl they had for damon's boy. it has never been a difficult task to find in salt lake a pretty and clever child to play the child's part in this or any other play. on this occasion, the selection was probably limited to a small circle, owing to the feeling engendered by this opposition to the favorite theatre; at all events, the "damon's" child of the occasion was an uncultured looking little miss of about six years; she was so dark and tawny-looking that she might have had indian blood in her veins, and certainly she had a touch of the obduracy and stolidness that characterize that race; belle douglass was the "hermion" of the occasion, and she was obliged to improvise and speak most of the child's lines for her; when "damon" came on for the farewell interview with his beloved "hermion" and his darling boy, he strove in vain to get a response from his young hopeful; the child had become thoroughly nervous, and seemed apprehensive of some danger and when "damon" interrogated her, "what wouldst thou be, my boy?" instead of the cheerful response, "a soldier, father," there came only a frightened look, and the child put its finger in its nostril, and swayed to and fro, as if she would say, but dare not, "i want to go home." miss douglass, annoyed, pulled the little hand down testily from the child's nose, and "damon" repeated the question, "what wouldst thou be, my boy?" no answer, but up went the finger again to the nose. "hermion" again pulled down the hand, and rather harshly demanded, "come, say, what wouldst thou be, my boy?" the child by this time was nearly terrified, and only repeated the nose business with more emphasis and began to cry--and "damon" utterly disgusted with his youthful prodigy, hurried him off to pluck the flower of welcome for him. the child's queer action of sticking its finger up its nose sent the house almost into convulsions of laughter, and came near converting one of the greatest scenes of the play into a burlesque. lyne played all the other plays in his repertoire in rather rapid succession, as the aim was to keep the academy open every night (except sundays) and as each play would bear but one repetition, this repertoire was soon exhausted, and as there was no other "star" in the utah firmament to fill the place, the academy went into a rapid decline. as the business had not proved to be what the promoter and manager had calculated on, potter was daily besieged by creditors, until the poor man was almost driven frantic. the heavy creditors, those who had furnished material on sixty days' time, now began to grow troublesome, and one attachment after another followed, until the house fell into the hands of the sheriff--and brigham young, through t. b. h. stenhouse, as agent, made a deal by which the property came into his hands. he soon put a force of men to work who tore it down, hauled it away and fenced a farm with it. such in brief is the history of potter's academy of music. the merchants and lumbermen who had given potter such liberal credit were now sadder but wiser men. potter got away as soon as possible, for matters were very pressing and unpleasant for him. his company drifted off in various directions, except belle douglass, who got married to captain clipperton and settled down in salt lake, and after a while got into the salt lake theatre. hardie also got back after a time, long enough for him to become repentant and express his regrets for what he had done. the season, by the time the academy's brief career had ended, was well advanced into the spring. julia dean hayne had not only not played out, but had steadily grown in the affection of the people. mr. waldron continued to to be a favorite also; but julia dean was the bright particular star whose effulgence can never be effaced from the memories of those who attended her performances during that memorable engagement. she received many marks of personal favor from president brigham young; indeed, it was current gossip that the president was very much enamored of the fair julia and had offered to make her mrs. young number twenty-one. how much, if any, truth there was in this gossip will perhaps never be known; the fact that brigham did pay her unusual attention and gave several parties in her honor and had a fine sleigh built which he named the julia dean was quite enough to set the people talking. the probability is that the president was very much charmed with her, and sought to win her to the mormon faith; had he succeeded in this, he might then have felt encouraged to go a step further and win her to himself, for in spite of his already numerous matrimonial alliances, he did not consider himself _ineligible_. the fair julia was not ineligible, either, for she was divorced from her husband, dr. hayne, the son of a "favorite son" of south carolina. speculation was rife, and much surprise and wonder was excited in certain quarters that president young should go out of his way to show more marked attention to an actress than he had ever shown to any of his wives; but he was bent on getting julia into the fold; once there, he could have played the good shepherd, and have secured her an exaltation. she had another man in her eye. one she had set her heart upon, too. "as hers on him, so his was set on her, but how they met and wooed and made exchange of vows i'll tell thee as we pass." james g. cooper was at this particular time secretary of the territory of utah--an appointee of the united states government. he was a cavalierly man of southern birth and breeding--tall and handsome, and of courtly bearing, a great lover of the theatre. he was never known to miss a performance during julia dean's engagement. he was one of the most enthusiastic admirers she had; night after night, all the season through, he sat in front, early always in the same seat, and with eyes aglow and ears alert, he seemed to absorb every tone of her voice and catch, every gleam of her eyes--her every move was to him a thrill of rapture. out of her thousands of admirers he was the most devoted worshipper at her shrine. up to a certain time he worshipped in silence as if she were a deity. chance had made them neighbors: the secretary's office and mrs. hayne's apartments were in adjoining houses, and it was not long before an acquaintanceship was formed which rapidly grew into a friendship and friendship soon ripened into love. these lovers were discreet, however. many happy hours they passed in each other's company, but they did not parade their love, nor "wear their hearts upon their sleeves for daws to peck at." little did her audience suspect that often when she cast her most bewitching glances, and brightened their faces with her radiant smiles, that those smiles were mounted especially for him; but he knew--how could he help but know. cupid had drawn his bow and sped his dart. "where on a sudden one hath wounded me, that's by me wounded both our remedies within thy help and holy physic lie." so after the close of the season, much to the surprise of her numerous admirers, "these 'twain were made one flesh." they bade a rather hasty farewell to the land of the saints, and wended their way to the far east by stagecoach, the terminus of the pacific road being yet some hundreds of miles from salt lake. mrs. hayne's last appearance at the salt lake theatre was an event marked with quite as much if not more of interest than her first appearance. she had become endeared to the salt lake public, and they regarded her approaching departure with genuine regret. at her last performance, june th, , she appeared as "camille," the same character in which she opened her engagement, and was the recipient on this occasion of many tokens of kindness and appreciation. being called enthusiastically to the front of the curtain after the performance, she bade a loving farewell to salt lake and its people in one of the most delicately and tastefully worded speeches ever made in front of a theatre drop. during her long engagement, lasting from august th, ' , to june th, ' , she played all the great classic female roles that were then popular, a number of comedies, and even took a dip into extravaganza or burlesque, appearing during the holiday season in the character of alladin in "the wonderful lamp," which ran for eleven consecutive performances. her best remembered characters are "camille," "lady macbeth," "leah," "parthenia," "julia" (in the "hunchback"), "lucretia borgia," "medea," "marco," "lady teazle," "peg woffington," and "pauline" in the "lady of lyons." in her ten months' engagement, she played a great many plays besides those mentioned, each play being presented twice or three times, according to its popularity. among others, an indian play, entitled "osceola," written by e. l. sloan, then editor of the salt lake herald, in which mr. george waldron played the title role and mrs. hayne the chief's daughter. the piece had a fair success, but has never been heard of since. mr. sloan wrote another play a year or two later, about the time of the completion of the overland railroad, which he called "stage and steam." this was a melodrama with a stage coach and railway train in it, intended to illustrate the march of civilization. it had two presentations, and was never acted again that we are aware of. it was during mrs. hayne's engagement also that mr. edward w. tullidge made his first essay as a dramatic author--mrs. hayne and mr. waldron had exhausted the list of available plays and new plays were in demand. tullidge's play was entitled "eleanor de vere," or "the queen's secret," an episode of the elizabethan court--in which queen elizabeth was a secondary character. tullidge had written his play with various members of the company in his eye, and succeeded in fitting them very well. this play made a very favorable impression and was repeated several times to large and appreciative audiences. mrs. hayne's character, "eleanor de vere," was one of the queen's waiting women, in love with "rochester," and afforded the actress very good scope for her great talent, but the character of queen elizabeth, although a secondary part in the play, made such a favorable impression on mrs. hayne that she asked mr. tullidge if he could write her a play of elizabeth, making the queen a star character for her. she believed from what mr. tullidge had done in "eleanor de vere" that he could write a great play of elizabeth. tullidge felt that he had a great subject; it was a favorite theme, however, and one on which he was thoroughly posted, and encouraged by mrs hayne's faith in his ability, he at once commenced the task. "the labor we delight in physics pain," and elizabeth became a labor of love with edward tullidge, for he was very enthusiastic in his love of julia dean, both as a woman and as an artist; and so familiar with all the heroes of elizabeth's court, that his task, though herculean, was a pleasant one, and before julia dean was ready to leave salt lake, tullidge had completed a great historical play, "elizabeth of england." it was with a view of presenting it in new york that mrs. hayne (now cooper) went there soon after her departure. before she had concluded any arrangement for its production, however, ristori, the great italian actress, loomed up on the dramatic horizon in elizabeth. she had crowned all her former achievements in a great triumph in this same elizabeth of england. although the play was written by an italian author (giogimetta) and was not as true to history as the tullidge play, it filled the particular historical niche so far as the stage is concerned. ristori had a great success with this play, both in europe and this country. it must have broken julia dean's heart professionally. she might have been the first in the field, at least in this country, if she had not dilly-dallied. she was having a delightful honeymoon and was too indifferent in this important affair, and when the advent of the great italian in elizabeth awoke her from her reverie, her opportunity had gone and tullidge's elizabeth never saw the light. very keen indeed was the disappointment of the author. julia dean was his ideal for elizabeth, and when he found to his amazement that the italians (author and actress) had gained the field ahead of them, poor tullidge went crazy with grief, and for a time had to be confined in the city prison, there being no asylum in utah at that time. mr. lyne, who read the play to a large audience in salt lake, pronounced it one of the greatest historical plays he had ever read. whether the great disappointment had any effect in hastening mrs. cooper's death or not can not be known, but "it is pitiful, 'twas wondrous pitiful," that she did not live longer to enjoy her new-found happiness, and add a crowning glory to her brilliant career, for she was without doubt the greatest favorite of her day in america, and americans everywhere would have hailed her with delight in any new achievement. she only lived about a year after her marriage to mr. cooper. she died in new york, and was buried in greenwood cemetery. the news of her demise was received with profound sorrow by her numerous salt lake admirers, and many a silent tear paid tribute to her memory. "there is a destiny that shapes our ends, rough hew them as we will." through the courtesy of mr. c. e. johnson, our popular photographer, i am enabled to append the following information in relation to julia dean's death and burial: the unmarked grave of julia dean. new york, august , . _to the editor of the dramatic mirror_: sir:--while recently walking through the beautiful laurel grove cemetery at port jervis, new york, the aged caretaker called my attention to a good-sized circular burial plot overlooking a lake in the centre of which, surrounded by mountain laurel shrubs and lilac bushes, is a sunken mound under which the venerable keeper declared rested "as great and fine a looking actress as the country ever had," and further stated that "much of a time was made over her years ago in new york." also that "when her body was brought on here a big crowd of theatre folks came on to see her buried and they cried over her open grave." becoming thoroughly interested, i carefully noted the location of the actress' lot, and immediately visited the little cemetery office on the grounds, and in looking over the admirably kept records, i was astonished to find that it represented the grave of a fair member of the dramatic profession whose tomb had been entirely lost sight of, and dramatic historians and editors have been unable for years to enlighten those of their readers who sought to discover her grave rest. beneath this mound rests all that is mortal of the once lovely juliet of the american stage--julia dean. the complete record of the laurel grove cemetery reads: "name--julia dean-hayne-cooper. "place and time of nativity--pleasant valley, near poughkeepsie, n. y., july , . "names of parents--edwin and julia dean. "age--thirty-five years. "place and date of death--new york city, may , . "cause of death--childbirth. "second husband's name--james g. cooper. "buried in lot no. , section b, owned by her father-in-law, mathew h. cooper. "remains of deceased first placed in the marble cemetery general receiving vault, second street, new york city. transferred to laurel grove cemetery, port jervis, april , ." the lone cemetery official states all of julia dean's kindred passed away years ago, and together they are buried in the old clove graveyard at sussex, n. j. at the time of their deaths, they were in reduced circumstances, and while still well-to-do, years before julia dean's demise they acquired this port jervis burial lot that she might await the resurrection in the place where her childhood days were so pleasantly passed. at the foot of the eminent actress' grave slumbers the unnamed girl infant for whom julia dean surrendered her illustrious life. none of her relatives were ever able to erect a monument over her remains, and it seems a pity that this exquisite actress of another generation should forever sleep in an unrecorded sepulchre. having heard and read that the noble actors' fund of new york has caused' many a granite tombstone to be erected over the graves of their worthy comrades, and as julia dean was so sweet and accomplished an artiste, i thought that by calling attention to this forgotten and out of the way tomb through the columns of the most powerful of america's dramatic journals, _the dramatic mirror_, it might result in placing a modest memorial stone of granite at the head of the mound under which so peacefully reposes julia dean, whose splendid genius dion boucicault compared to that of another gifted and beautiful daughter of the drama, the ideal juliet, adelaide neilson, who awaits the final call in distant england, beneath an imposing mortuary memorial, thanks to the influence of the loyal william winter. lover of the stage. chapter viii. season of ' -' . after the close of this eventful season, mr. george waldron, who had played the leading support to mrs. hayne and become an established favorite, drifted away from salt lake, going into montana; returning a year or so later in conjunction with mrs. waldron. he had found his mate and brought her to salt lake to make her acquainted with his many friends there. george tried very earnestly to get a salt lake wife. it looked for a while as if miss sarah alexander was destined to fill that place; she certainly filled george's eye. he was very much enamored of the petite and lithesome sarah, but the expected union did not materialize, and george sought pastures new, and ere long returned, bringing a beautiful wife with him. meantime, sarah had drifted off to the east in company with a literary lady named lisle lester. they took with them sarah's little niece, her dead sister's baby, baby finlayson, then but two years old. miss finlayson, under her aunt's careful guidance and training, developed into a very clever and capable actress, and for many years now has been holding leading positions in prominent companies and theatres. she is known professionally as lisle leigh. the waldrons played a short engagement and then bade a long farewell to salt lake and the west. at this writing george waldron has been dead for ten years, his wife, a son and a daughter survive him; all follow the stage successfully. during the season of ' and ' , there were few changes in the supporting stock company. mr. waldron doing the leads, lightened considerably the labors of the "leading man," mr. d. mckenzie, who was quite content to escape the onerous study the leading parts would have imposed, and play something easier. before the beginning of this season, mr. h. b. clawson had retired altogether from the field as an actor, although still one of the managers of the house, and mr. phil margetts was the acknowledged premier comedian of the company. mr. john t. caine, too, clawson's associate manager, and also stage manager, yielded up his line of parts to john s. lindsay and devoted himself exclusively to the duties of stage manager, which in the old "stock" days meant far more than that office means today. "why, in the elder day to be a 'stage manager' was greater than to be a king," in any of the plays. briefly enumerated, his duties were: first, to _read_ carefully and then _cast_ all the plays. the casting of a play is a most important affair. it must be done with great care and consideration so as to get the best results, and at the same time each actor his "line" of parts as near as practicable; then he must write out the cast, and hang it up in the case in the green room--write out all "calls" for rehearsals, and hang them up in the case. then he must direct all rehearsals. to do this, he must study out all the "business" of the play in advance of the rehearsals, so he will be able to direct intelligently. when a "star" is rehearsing, he generally directs the rehearsal, thus relieving the stage manager of a great responsibility; but he must be around, and see what is required for the play in the way of scenery and properties and make out complete and detailed plots for scene-men and property-men, and in this particular case where the theatre furnished the actors with all wardrobes (except modern clothes), the stage manager had also to make out a _costume plot_. the costumer would then distribute the wardrobe for the play according to his best judgment, and the conceit or fancy of the actor, which often made the costumer's duty a perplexing one, for actors are so full of conceits and fancies that they are a hard lot to please. in the salt lake theatre a first-class copyist was constantly employed in copying out parts--books were not so easily procured in those days. it took from three to four weeks to get a book from new york, so where the manager had but one book all the parts had to be copied, and the stage manager had to have his plays selected well ahead, so as to give the copyist plenty of time to get parts ready for distribution. besides these duties, the stage manager had to write out all the "copy" for advertisements and posters and house programs, see to the painting of new scenes, and the making of new properties; also, any new costumes that had to be made. his decision was final in all these matters, so that the stage manager of the "old stock" days was no sinecure. mr. caine filled the position with rare ability, and his regime in the salt lake theatre was distinguished for its prompt executive alertness, and the utter absence of any trifling or inattention to business. one important accession there was to the company just before this engagement, that of miss annie asenith adams. miss adams made her debut on the th of july, , (the same night that julia dean-hayne and the potter company arrived in salt lake), in the character of grace otis in the "people's lawyer," w. c. dunbar being the "solon shingle" on the occasion. her maiden effort proved very successful and satisfactory to the management, and during julia dean's long engagement she proved to be a valuable acquisition to the stock company. she made rapid progress in the dramatic art, and before the close of the season had attained a prominent position in the company which she held with credit to herself and satisfaction to the public until , when the stock company was virtually retired to give place to the "combination" system which then came into vogue. on august th, , a little more than four years after her debut, miss adams was married to mr. james h. kiskadden. between the time of her debut and her marriage, asenith (she was always called "senith" in those days) was not only a favorite with the public, but she had a number of ardent admirers among the "opposite sex." there was quite a rivalry for her affections between several members of the company, but the most ardent of them were already married, and although _they_ did not consider that a bar to their hopes, in annie's case they were not eligible; so the chief rivalry existed on the outside of the theatre. mr. kiskadden, or "jim," as he was universally called by his acquaintances, was cashier in his brother william's bank (the location is the identical room where walker brothers' bank is today). jim was a dashing sort of fellow, big and manly, with a determined kind of air, that seemed to say, "things must go my way." he drew a good salary, dressed well, and always wore immaculate linen, his shirt front always illuminated with a large diamond. he was inclined to "sporting," and was recognized as the champion billiard player of the town in those days. how much apprehension "jim" endured regarding "senith's" married suitors in the theatre we have no means of knowing, but it is probable she set his doubts at rest on that score by assuring him that she would never marry an already married man. she had seen enough of that to make her dread it. however this might be, "jim" had a rival and a dangerous one in the person of mr. jack o'neil. jack was beyond question the handsomer fellow of the two; indeed, he was handsome as a prince, always dressed superbly and was one of the most attractive looking men in salt lake. jack was very much infatuated with the rising young actress and missed no opportunity to make known to her his appreciation of her talents and his admiration and adoration of herself. the rivalry between jack and jim was at white heat for a spell, and it would not have been very much of a surprise to their intimates if there had been a challenge sent and accepted, and a duel fought over the young mormon actress. unfortunately for jack and his aspirations for the lady's affections, he was a _professional_ sport, and that was against him. he had no other profession, and handsome and cavalierly as he could be, he was classed as a gambler; while jim could flip the pasteboards just as skillfully, and lay them all out at billiards, he did not follow it for a "stiddy liven," but held the cashier's box in his brother's bank, for a steady job, and only sported on the side, and so it came to pass that in the course of time jim distanced his handsome rival and bore off the prize. many of "senith's" friends regretted this, as jim did not belong to the household of faith, but was a rank, out-spoken gentile, utterly opposed to mormon ways, and not afraid to say so. whereas all of "senith's" folks were staunch adherents of the mormon faith and were striving to live their religion in all its phases. so they did not rejoice over "senith's" marriage to a gentile (as all non-mormons were called--jews included). they regarded it as equivalent to apostasy from the faith in which she had been reared, periling her soul's salvation. she was not appalled, however, by the gloomy and hopeless pictures some of her friends were kind enough to paint for her, and bravely married the man she had set her heart upon and stuck by him through thick and thin, sunshine and storm, prosperity and adversity. on november th, , maude kiskadden was born, within a stone's throw of the salt lake theatre, and before she was a year old made her debut on the stage where her mother was a debutante some eight years before. it looks now as if it were fate, as if she was predestined for a great stage career. there was an emergency and maude, not yet a year old, was there to fill it. it happened in the following manner. in those palmy days of the profession, the old stock days as they are now called, it was customary to supplement the play with a farce--no matter how long the play--even if a five-act tragedy, the evening's performance was not considered complete without a farce to conclude with. on this particular occasion, the farce was the "lost child," a favorite with our comedian, mr. phil margetts. he played jones, a fond and loving parent, who goes distracted over his lost child. instead of providing a real baby, as the property man had been instructed to do, he had a grotesque-looking rag baby, not at all to the comedian's taste in the matter. millard, the property man, declared he had been unable to procure a live baby, nobody was willing to lend a baby for the part--older children he could get, but he could not get a baby, and the rag baby was the best that he could do under the circumstances, and on such short notice. margetts was in distress. "what, in utah!" he exclaimed. "the idea!" where babies are our best crop, to be unable to procure one for his favorite farce. it was simply preposterous, absurd, incredible; he objected to play with nothing but a miserable makeshift of a rag baby. in agony he appealed to the stage manager, mr. caine, to know if the farce was to be ruined or made a double farce by the introduction into it of a grotesque doll like that! it would be worse than a punch and judy show. sudden as a bolt from a clouded sky, while the altercation was still at its height, mrs. kiskadden appeared in the centre of the stage with her baby in her arms, and in a good-natured tone that ended all the trouble, exclaimed, "here's maude, use her!" maude was indeed a good substitute for the inartistic-looking "prop" the property man had provided. phil was happy and played the distracted parent with a realism and a pathos he never could have summoned for the rag baby. when the cue came, maude was ushered into the mimic scene, making her first entrance on a large tray carried by a waiter. then she was taken from the tray into somebody's arms and tossed from one nurse to another throughout the farce, until finally, as it ends, she is lodged safely in the arms of mr. jones, her distracted father. to her credit, be it recorded, she never whimpered or made any outcry or showed any signs of alarm, but played her first part bravely, though perhaps unconsciously; winning the admiration and love of the entire company. it was a lucky accident that maude was in the theatre that evening, for her mother was not in the habit of bringing her to the theatre when she had any one at home to take care of her, but this evening was the "nurse's evening out," and "maudie" had to be toted to the theatre and carefully put to sleep before mamma could "make up" and go through her part. here she was safely stowed away in a safe and quiet corner of the green room, where she had been blissfully reposing all through the first play, and was now rather rudely awakened to fill the distressing emergency. it will be readily seen from this narration that maude adams was virtually "born to the stage," her mother studying assiduously and playing parts both before and after maude's birth, often taking maudie with her, both to rehearsals and performances, so that she became a familiar little object in the theatre before she could walk or talk, and long before she could ever essay a speaking part she was the pet of the green room. we had a green room in the salt lake theatre in those days, and a very capacious and comfortable one, too. such a commodious and luxurious adjunct is scarcely known in the theatres today. here the actors could retire between the acts or during the scenes they were not engaged in, and study over their lines, or if already easy in their parts, pass the time in reading or social chat. it was the prompter's business to send the "call boy" to the green room and all dressing rooms to "call the act," a few minutes before he was ready to "ring up." the act being called, each actor was required to be at his entrance on time; if he should be late and make a "stage wait," the stage manager might reprimand him, and impose a fine. fines were also imposed for being tardy at rehearsals. there was seldom any occasion for the enforcement of this penalty, except in the case of "jim" hardie. "jim" was a notorious laggard, and often kept the company waiting for him. on one occasion the company had been waiting his arrival for fifteen or twenty minutes, when he strode in very hurriedly and taking the centre of the stage, took off his hat and wiping the perspiration from his brow, began an apology to the stage manager for being late. he had only just begun to talk when a general laugh broke the gravity of the occasion. jim had just come from the barber's where he had his head shaved, and his entire scalp down to the hat line was as smooth as a billiard ball. his monkish appearance created much merriment, in which the stage manager and jim himself joined. jim at a very early age showed a tendency to baldness, and he had been told that shaving the head was not only a check to it, but would stimulate the growth of the hair, so he had to get his head shaved, even though he kept the rehearsal waiting. i think the fine was omitted on this occasion, owing to the fun the company had over it. in the fall of , after a connection of nine years with the salt lake theatre, mrs. kiskadden and her husband, no longer a cashier, the bank having been long a thing of the past, removed to virginia city, where miss adams was engaged with a number of others from the salt lake theatre company, including the writer, to form a stock company for mr. john piper, the virginia city manager. "maudie," now nearly two years old, formed one of the party. after playing a season with mr. piper, miss adams went to san francisco, where her husband had preceded her some months previous, and secured a good position as bookkeeper for the firm of park & lacy. here they made their home for about eight years, annie playing at the san francisco theatres whenever she could get an engagement, and making occasional excursions with dramatic companies into the neighboring cities. in september, , before she was five years old, "maudie" played her first speaking part with joe emmett in "fritz" at the bush street theatre. when the question of maudie playing in joe emmett's piece was under consideration by mrs. kiskadden and she informed mr. kiskadden she had an offer from mr. emmett for maudie to play the child's part, mr. kiskadden did not encourage the idea; he had a plenty of the theatre as it was, so he rather bluffly remarked: "no, indeed, we don't want maude to make a fool of herself; one actress in the family is quite enough." maude looked up with a touch of his own determination in her voice: "papa, i won't make a fool of myself." she was irresistible--her papa had to consent. her second part was crystal in herne and belasco's "hearts of oak," then played under the name of "chums." she afterwards played a part with oliver doud byron--and in , when six years old, played little "adriene" in "a celebrated case" at the baldwin theatre. in this character she made a decided hit. after the run of the play at the baldwin, it was taken to portland, oregon, and produced under john maguire's management at the new market theatre, with annie adams and little maude specially featured in the cast, the writer playing "jean renan" in this production. "ten nights in a bar room" was then put on, little maude being made a feature as mary morgan, the writer playing "joe." after the close of the season at the new market theatre, the company went out under the writer's management and played the puget sound circuit in those two plays, little maude being made a special feature. during this trip maude had her first "benefit" at walla walla, washington. she was "put up" for a "benefit," extensively advertised, and helped out the company's treasury--after netting something liberal for her. in this tour maude played in all the puget sound towns from portland to victoria and all the principal towns of washington. at its conclusion, she and her mother returned to san francisco, and she was not seen again in public for some years. mr. kiskadden died in san francisco in ' , and mrs. kiskadden took his remains to salt lake for burial. there she settled down for a time and sent maudie to school. here in the city of her birth she attended school for the next four or five years, but always had a yearning to get back to the stage; and eventually her mother secured an engagement for herself and maude in "my geraldine" and the "paymaster" under the manager of duncan b. harrison. from that she got into frohman's "lost paradise," and from that on her history is known to the theatre world. chapter ix. season of ' -' . _an interesting prayer meeting_. julia dean hayne's final appearance closed the fourth season of the salt lake theatre, counting the opening one which only lasted from march th, ' , to the end of april, about eight weeks, the irwin season of ' and ' , the pauncefort season of ' and ' , and the julia dean hayne season of ' and ' . up to this time the only compensation the stock company received was a pro rata dividend of the benefits given at the end of each season--no one had been put on a salary. the stars, of course, got good liberal percentages or salaries, but even the leading people of the stock company realized but a very meager compensation from the two performances that were gotten up as benefits, one for the ladies of the company and the other for the gentlemen--the two nights' receipts were aggregated and divided up among the company according to their respective merits or worth to the management. these two benefit performances alone probably aggregated twenty-five hundred dollars, which, divided up among about thirty performers, actors and musicians, did not prove satisfactory to a number of the company--more especially some of the orchestra. as a consequence, the ensuing season approaching, the salary question came to the front again very strongly, and the "management" found a well-grounded reluctance on the part of the company to enter upon a new season's work without a certain and satisfactory compensation. this feeling was even stronger among the orchestra than among the stage players, a number of them being quite outspoken in their sentiment: "no pay, no play." the principal agitator among the musicians was mark croxall, the brilliant young cornetist recently from england. mark could not see the propriety or consistency of playing to help pay for the theatre. he had not been used to that kind of thing in england, and although he had been playing but a very short time as compared with the majority, both of the orchestra and the dramatic company, he vowed he would play no longer without a stipulated salary. this, of course, aroused all the others to a certain show of opposition. the leader of the orchestra, prof. thomas, or "charlie," as he was affectionately called by his familiars, was probably as dissatisfied with the existing regime as croxall or david evans, the second violin, who was another britisher of recent importation and quite pronounced in his views about the way the theatre should be run. prof. thomas was not of the stuff that kickers are made of, and could doubtless have been managed with the majority of his orchestra had it not been for the recalcitrant croxall, and the equally pugnacious evans. the dissatisfaction spread rapidly and alarmingly to the management, until the entire dramatic company as well as the orchestra, was in a state of semi-rebellion. all the actors and most of the musicians had other occupations, as i have stated in a former chapter, and now the number of performances and rehearsals had increased their work to such an extent they could not see how they could give satisfaction to their various employers and keep up their work at the theatre too. some of these declared it had to be one thing or the other, the theatre now demanded the greater part of their time, and the employers had in several instances intimated that they would have to give up the theatre or be replaced in their employ by others. mr. david mckenzie, the leading man of the company, held a clerkship in president young's or the church office; "joe" simmons, our juvenile man, and horace whitney, the "old man" in the company, also held clerkships in the same office; mr. w. c. dunbar, the irish comedian, was a clerk in the "tithing office," so their time went on whether they were working in the "church offices" or at the theatre; of course all their night work at the theatre was extra work, but the day time they put in at the theatre they were not docked for at the office; but with the other leading members of the company it was quite different; the hours they spent at the theatre in the day time was a positive loss to them. phil margetts was a blacksmith, lindsay and hardie were carpenters, evans and kelly were printers, and so on. so that several hours each day spent in rehearsal meant a heavy tax when at the end of each week they were docked for time lost, so there was a committee appointed to wait upon the managers, clawson and caine, and present the situation. the managers being only employees of brigham young and not proprietors or lessees, passed the company's grievance up to their chief. the managers saw plainly that a crisis had come, and a new departure must be made. "the president," accustomed to having things his own way, and with confidence in his influence, thought he could effect a compromise, or adjust the matter without much trouble or cost, so in pursuance of this idea a notice was posted for all the company and orchestra to assemble in the green room of the theatre on a certain evening to consider the question of salary. there was no tardiness on that occasion, even "jim" hardie, notorious for being tardy, was on time. every employee of the theatre was there from the managers to the night-watchman. the orchestra was in full force, and the ladies of the company, even to the smallest utility, were there, all inspired with the hope of being put upon the theatre salary list. the green room was found to be too small to accommodate all the company, so the meeting was shifted to the stage, which afforded the necessary room. president young called the meeting to order, and requested the company to join him in prayer. it is customary in the mormon church to open all meetings with prayer, even political ones where those present are all of the household of faith. brigham offered up a fervent prayer, asking the blessing of the almighty upon that meeting, and each and every one present, that they might all see with an eye single to the glory of god, and the building up of his kingdom here on the earth. the prayer over, the president arose and in a brief but very adroit speech, told the object he had in view in building the theatre, the recreation and amusement of the people, thanked those who had contributed to that end, whether as actors or musicians, told them that they were missionaries as much as if they were called to go out into the world and preach the gospel, and the lord would bless their efforts just as much if they performed their parts in the same spirit. he understood there was some dissatisfaction, however, and some of the brethren thought it was too much of a tax upon their time to continue to do this without proper compensation. he called on the brethren to state their feelings in regard to this question that he might judge what was best to do in the matter. it seemed as if the prayer and speech had almost made them forget that they had any cause or grievance to present, or it had blunted the edge of their courage. every one was expecting to see mark croxall, the principal agitator, get up and make a statement in behalf of himself and the orchestra; but mark's courage, like that of many another agitator, seemed to have sunk into his boots, when the ordeal came; he opened not his mouth. so the second violinist, david evans, who was a shoemaker by trade and a cripple from birth, pulled himself to a standing position by the aid of his crutches and spoke to the question. he told how hard he had to work, and what a loss of time the rehearsals and plays occasioned him; being up so much at nights, he could not get up very early in the morning--and could not but lose several hours every day. besides, he said he did not think it right and just, when the theatre was taking in such large sums of money at every performance, that those who furnished the entertainment, whether in the art of music or the drama, should be expected to continue to do it gratuitously. it was a bold, fearless, manly speech and coming from a man who was obliged to sling himself along through life on a pair of crutches, and a recent comer from the old country, it sent a thrill of astonishment through the company and fired some of the others with a spark of courage, too. mr. phil margetts, the leading comedian, arose and made an explanation of his case; then a number of the other fellows followed suit. a sort of "no pay, no play" sentiment pervaded the entire company. president young saw here an end of the old method; he discovered that a new deal would have to be made with his actors if he wanted to continue in the amusement business, so he tried an expedient. he was evidently a little irritated at evans, the crippled shoemaker, who had presumed to take the initiative in the affair and express his views so fearlessly, inspiring the others with a little of his own courage, but brigham did not show the lion's paw but spoke in rather a patronizing way of brother evans's crippled condition, and said it was right that he should have some additional pay, owing to his misfortune of being a cripple. he told evans he could have anything he needed out of his private store; that if he would leave his flour sack there, it should be regularly filled, and whatever else was there he was welcome to what he needed of it. this savored a little too much of charity for evans, who although badly crippled in his limbs, was by no means a weakling in his brains; and hurt a little by the president's patronizing manner, he arose and said about as follows: "president young, i have had my flour sack at your store for more than a month, and every time i have gone in to try and get it filled, the clerk has told me the flour was all out." evans's unique relation of the flour sack incident injected a spark of humor into the proceedings; a suppressed titter ran through the crowd, and even brigham, although nettled at this unexpected sally, could not repress a grim smile. that the reader may better understand the flour sack incident it must be explained here that what little pay the actors and musicians had been receiving for their services through the benefits was not all in cash, but store orders mostly on the tithing store. the cash receipts of the theatre up to this time and indeed as late as were probably one-third of the gross receipts, the other two-thirds consisting of orders on various stores or tithing pay, which consisted of all kinds of home products--so that when the "benefits" were divided up among the company each member got about one-third of his "divvy" in cash and the other two-thirds in store orders and orders on the tithing office. evans was the possessor of an order on brigham young's private store, and he felt chagrined that he had been so often with that order and failed to draw it. flour was flour in those days, running as high at one time as twenty dollars per hundred, but the uniform church or tithing office price was six dollars per hundred, which was what the actors had to pay for it, but it was doled out very sparingly to them at times when it was commanding high prices in outside markets. with these orders they drew about all their provisions from the tithing store. artemus ward amused the world by telling how the salt lake theatre used to take in exchange for tickets cabbage, potatoes, wheat, carrots, and even sucking pigs through the box office window. it was perhaps nearer the truth than he himself suspected, for these tithing office orders were good for all these things. after the titter had subsided brigham arose again, and answered brother evans that he was sorry he had been disappointed so, but there really had been a great scarcity of flour during the past month or so, but he would see to it in the future that he would meet no more disappointments. to brother phil margetts he made an offer to come and work in his blacksmith shop (phil was running one of his own) and then he need not lose any time; his pay would go on whether working in the shop or in the theatre. brother lindsay could bring his carpenter tools to the theatre and he could find plenty of work for him to fill up the time between the rehearsals. to others he made similar propositions; but these suggestions were not in harmony with the feelings of the company, who thought they had given their time to brother brigham long enough, and now contended with brother evans, that as they were furnishing the amusements for the people, it was only right that they should be paid for their services, so the result of the meeting was that the company was put on salary. salaries ranged from $ . to $ . per week, one-third cash, the balance in store orders and tithing office pay. chapter x. season of ' and ' . the season of ' and ' opened on september th with alonzo r. phelps as the star attraction. mr. phelps opened in the character of "damon" and made a fairly good showing, although he appeared to much greater advantage in some lighter roles, and particularly as "crepin," the cobbler, in "a wonderful woman." his engagement lasted two weeks, when the irwins returned after an absence of over two years. they opened on september th, just in time to get well ready with a repertory of plays for the approaching conference. their engagement lasted up to november th, when they departed for the east and salt lake was never favored with a visit from them afterwards. "sel" irwin "died young in years, not service," after very intense suffering for several years from rheumatism, which virtually made a helpless cripple of him. he died in new york in , being only a little over fifty years of age. his widow, maria irwin, still survives, and up to a recent date was playing in a road company. harry rainforth, her son by her first marriage, who was a mere boy of sixteen when they played their first engagement in salt lake, has been for many years manager of the pike grand opera house, cincinnati, the associate and partner of "bob" miles. it was during this last irwin engagement that miss nellie colebrook, who later on became leading lady of the company, made her debut. her first appearance was in the comedy of "dominique, the deserter." the first line she had to speak was, "oh, i'm half dead with fear," which was literally true of miss colebrook on the occasion. she was shaking like an aspen leaf in a strong wind, but her nervous condition fitted the character remarkably well and the lady sailed at once into public favor. miss colebrook was tall and stately, with a very winning face and musical voice; she went rapidly to the front, being especially well suited to many of the leading roles. mrs. lydia gibson, the leading actress of the theatre, died on january th, , a little less than three years after her first appearance. this left a vacancy in the company difficult to fill, and afforded miss colebrook many excellent opportunities in leading roles, which she always filled satisfactorily, so that by the time pauncefort returned to play his third engagement--after an absence of more than two years miss colebrook was doing most of the leading female roles. after the departure of the irwins, the stock company finished out the season without the assistance of a star, playing from november th until after april conference. it was during the conference that our old friend george pauncefort, suddenly and unexpectedly to most of us, returned from san francisco after an absence in that metropolis of more than two years. he opened a return engagement on april th in "don caesar de bazan." the season was virtually over after the april conference, but notwithstanding he played to splendid business, he gave repetitions of his previous plays and won out splendidly on a production of "arrah na pogue," in which he had played "col. o'grady" during a successful run of this play in san francisco. "arrah na pogue" drew good houses for three or four nights, and closed the season of ' and ' . robert heller got in a three nights engagement, commencing may the th, while the company was getting up in "arrah na pogue." he was the first to introduce the mysterious second sight illusions and succeeded in bewildering and mystifying the patrons of the theatre to an unusual degree. during the last engagement of pauncefort most of the opposite roles to his own were assigned to miss colebrook, who had in the past year, since mrs. gibson's demise, divided honors with miss adams, and owing to her more stately appearance had been entrusted with many of the leading lady roles and was an established favorite. pauncefort, who had never met her before (her debut having occurred after his departure for the coast), was much surprised and pleased to find a new and attractive leading lady in the company. he took an especial interest in her, and she was cast for all the leading roles during his engagement, beginning with "maritana" in "don caesar," and including "lady macbeth" and "ophelia." pauncefort discovered that she had exceptional dramatic ability and encouraged her in every possible way; for "miss nellie" was not over-confident of her own abilities, and suffered keenly from nervousness or stage fright, especially on the first time in a part; and to receive encouragement and compliments from a star of pauncefort's acknowledged luster was doubtless sweet and flattering to the lady, who as yet was all unconscious of the impression she had made on the susceptible george. "the fair elizabeth has caught my eye, and like a new star, lights onward to my wishes." possessed of a sweet and loveable disposition and a musical voice added to her charms of personal appearance, miss colebrook was a general favorite, not only with the public, but with the company. she had numerous admirers, and several rival aspirants for her affections, both in the company and out. with what surprised and ill-concealed chagrin they viewed the growing attentions of the reigning star can better be imagined than described. the princely george had enrolled himself in the list of her devotees and it was very much in evidence that he was enamored of the lady, for george had a keen eye for the beautiful, and "a free and open nature, too," most susceptible to female charms, so he entered the race with the others for the fair "nellie's" hand. while he was considerably older than any of his competitors, being now close onto fifty, he probably had the advantage over them all in looks, being generally regarded as a handsome man, and most decidedly he had the advantage of experience, for george had been a gay lothario. he seemed in a fair way to carry off the much-coveted prize. notwithstanding the disparity of age, the fair "nellie" seemed strongly attracted to the princely george. playing "ophelia" to his "hamlet" and "lady macbeth" to his "macbeth," and a long series of opposite characters to him, he had not failed to make a powerful impression on her, and if she had been left to herself without guidance or counsel, there is little question but what pauncefort would have won her; but her mother had more penetration, and could see the objections which "nellie" either did not see, or care to raise, so the chief arbitrator of the church, president young, was appealed to by miss "nellie's" mother to decide the case for them. brigham decided very quickly and positively against an alliance between his fair leading lady and the "stock star," with a great big emphatic _no_. he had formed a strong prejudice against pauncefort during his first engagement, owing to his reputed intimacy with mrs. bell, which was rather flaunted in the face of the community on their arrival in salt lake. so this ended the pauncefort-colebrook romance. during this engagement, pauncefort played in addition to his previous repertory "the dead heart," "man with the iron mask," "lavater," and "arrah na pogue." the latter piece closed the season on june the th, being the fourth performance of the piece. very soon after, pauncefort purchased a horse and chaise, fitting himself out with gun and fishing tackle for a long jaunt. he headed for portland, giving readings by the way--hunting and fishing by day--and evenings entertaining the towns along his route. how far he got with his one horse chaise is not exactly known, but the probability is he traded it off before he passed the utah border line, and took the stage for virginia city, nevada, where he played for a short time and then drifted over to the coast, and finally got lost to view. a dozen years later he was discovered by some american actors in japan, keeping a roadside tea house for travelers with a set of pretty japanese girls for waiters. he married a japanese girl and latest reports credited him with a fine young japanese colony of his own. a picture of himself and japanese wife and three children in the possession of jack langrishe's widow at wardner, idaho, was shown to the writer there recently, and was a strong verification of what had been told by parties who had seen pauncefort in japan. george had let his beard grow and was quite a patriarchal looking man when joseph arthur met him there in . pauncefort died in japan in , leaving a japanese wife and four semi-jap children. george pauncefort missed the greatest opportunity of his life by not joining the mormon church; he had all the natural endowments to make a great patriarch. chapter xi season of ' -' . on the first of august, this same year, ' , c. w. couldock made his first appearance at the salt lake theatre, supported by jack langrishe and his company from denver, where they had been running a stock company. it was an unfavorable time for opening, in the hottest nights of summer, but there were no resorts in those days and it was not so hard to get them into the theatre as it would be now. langrishe had a full road company and was traveling through to montana in his own teams, the union pacific railroad not being nearer than rawlins at that time. the company comprised mr. couldock and his daughter, eliza couldock, john s. langrishe and mrs. langrishe, richard c. white (he of camp floyd fame, referred to in a previous chapter). the langrishe company played a week, then went to virginia city, montana. couldock and his daughter returned later and played a long engagement as stock stars. on the th of september, amy stone, supported by her husband, h. f. stone, began a stock star engagement which lasted a little more than four months. opening the regular fall season on september th, by the time the fall conference came on, october th, the stones had the stock company up in a very attractive repertoire of plays to present to "our country cousins" attending the conference. fanchon, pearl of savoy, "little barefoot," "french spy," "wept of the wishton wish," were leading favorites in the stone repertory, and proved to be very popular, serving to keep the exchequer in a satisfactory condition. their engagement lasted until january the th, . amy, if not a great actress, was at least a fascinating one. she was blessed with a superb form and an attractive face; she fairly reveled in parts where she could wear tights and display her shapely form, and it must be frankly confessed that "the folks" loved to see her in that kind of attire. she was more at home in it than in an evening dress with a bothersome train; there was a freedom of movement and a candor of expression about amy that was positively refreshing, and we all liked her and got along with her with very little trouble. "harry," as her husband was always called, was not a brilliant but a good, useful actor, and had a good knowledge of her plays, and could direct the staging of them. besides, he attended to the making of engagements, and the financial end of the business, and as he was devoted to amy, they were apparently one of the happiest couples i have ever met in the theatrical business. the stones were a very prudent and saving couple, and by the time they had finished a four months' stock star engagement, they had a very handsome deposit in the local bank, and they left zion feeling a very warm affection for the saints, and so went on their way rejoicing. on the night immediately following the close of the stones' engagement, january th, mr. james stark opened in john howard payne's play of "brutus, or the fall of tarquin." this was the first presentation of this play in salt lake. mr. stark made a fine impression as brutus. he followed it in quick succession with richelieu, damon, jack cade, alfred evelyn in "money." his engagement lasted two weeks and closed with the play of "victorine, or married for money." stark was a very talented tragedian of the forrest school, and his engagement proved quite popular and successful. he went to san francisco, and played an engagement there, and returned to new york by the isthmus, the overland railroad not yet being completed. mr. stark had a brother, daniel stark, a pioneer mormon, who settled at provo among the earliest settlers of that place. james, who had not seen him for many years, availed himself of the opportunity his salt lake engagement afforded him, and arranged a meeting with his "long lost brother" (?). he paid daniel and his family a visit, and was most hospitably received and entertained. the family made much ado over him, and daniel, like his namesake of old, "prophet-like," sought to show james the error of his ways, pointing out to him the emptiness and effervescence of dramatic fame, and the poor illusive thing that was as compared with the real joys and blessings of the latter-day gospel. "jim" accepted it all in good part, but he could not see "eye to eye" with his elder brother daniel, but he promised to consider seriously what he had heard and bade them a loving goodbye till they could meet again. he rather expected to play a return engagement when he left here, and see the folks again, but he never returned. stark died in new york before the close of the year , in his th year. after the stark engagement, the stock company continued the season, starting off with a series of annual benefits which by this time were given the leading actors of the company in addition to salaries. january the rd, d. mckenzie "benefits," playing "huguenot captain," with an olio and a farce to conclude. february th, john s. lindsay "benefits" and essays hamlet for the first time. the farce that followed hamlet was "boots at the swan;" think of it, "ye modern school actors." a five-act play and a farce, this meant being in the theatre from seven o'clock till midnight, but the people stayed to see it all, and many of them would have stayed till morning, if we could have kept on playing pieces for them. j. m. hardie "benefits" with "jack cade," miss colebrook with "leah," etc., and so the season ran along without a star from january rd till april the rd, when the company was stiffened up again by the accession of mr. and mrs. george b. waldron, who played up till may th. on may the th, madam scheller opened in "pearl of savoy," gave us "pauline" in "lady of lyons," "enoch arden," "lorlie," "the phantom" and "hamlet." madam scheller was edwin booth's "ophelia" during the one hundred nights' run of hamlet at winter garden theatre, in new york. very naturally the salt lakers conversant with the facts were anxious to see her in "ophelia," so lindsay who had recently played "hamlet" for his "benefit," was admonished to prepare himself for another go at the melancholy dane with the new "ophelia;" and in due time we had the novelty of scheller's "ophelia." she was irresistibly charming in it, in spite of her german accent, which in moments of unusual excitement was quite pronounced. madam scheller proved to be a pleasing and accomplished actress and filled a long engagement at the salt lake theatre. she was accompanied by her husband, mr. methua, who was a skillful scenic artist, and put in a lot of new scenes for the theatre during his wife's engagement. here was a model couple, courteous and refined; they left many warm friends in salt lake at their departure, whose best wishes for their success went with them. unhappy to relate, this worthy and respected pair died of yellow fever during the deadly siege of that disease at memphis in . "united in life, in death they were not separated." on january th, after playing three weeks madam scheller was rested for a week to give an opening to charlotte crampton. crampton was a genius and in her younger years had astonished the dramatic world by her histrionic gymnastics. she affected the male characters almost exclusively--"hamlet," "richard iii," "shylock," "don caesar," and in "lady macbeth" and "meg merrilles" she rivaled the great charlotte cushman. the writer remembers seeing her when a boy at the old bates's theatre, st. louis, which was her home. she was erratic as a comet, and her eccentricities were the town's talk. how often she was married this deponent saith not, but remembers that at the time he saw her playing in st. louis in , she was the wife of a mr. istenour. when she appeared here in salt lake city in , she was far past the meridian of life and was accompanied by her husband, "mr. cook," young enough to be her son. the novelty of a woman essaying those characters was a strong one, and served to draw out good houses. she played "hamlet," "shylock," "richard iii," and "don caesar," which with two repeats, filled up her week. crampton was a woman rather below the medium height, and looked insignificant dressed up for those male characters, but when she got animated she made you forget her size, and at times she seemed to fill not only the center of the stage but the entire stage. she had passed the zenith of her fame some years before she made this trip to the coast. she bore all the evidences of an erratic life and premature age; her sun had nearly set when she played with us here; and after her departure for the east, we heard but little of her. charlotte crampton's engagement was like the flashing of a meteor across the dramatic firmament. like the elder booth, she was notorious for her eccentricities, and in genius was akin to him. "how close to madness great wits are allied." after the passing of this meteor, the steady star, madam scheller, resumed her reign, reappearing as "laura courtland" in "under the gas light." this was the first production of this play in salt lake city, and it had an unprecedented run, going for an unbroken week to full houses. as an index to the personnel of the company at this time, june th, , we append the cast of "under the gas light." "under the gas light." ray trafford ............................ john s. lindsay de milt ..................................... mark wilton wilton ..................................... bert merrill byke ...................................... phil margetts joe snorkey .............................. david mckenzie bermudas ................................. john c. graham peanuts ................................... johnny matson station man ................................. mark wilton police judge ............................... j. m. hardie o'rafferty ................................ john e. evans martin .................................... john b. kelly police patrol ........................... richard mathews laura courtland .......................... madam scheller pearl courtland ........................ miss annie adams mrs. van dam ........................... nellie colebrook sue earlie ................................ alice clawson peachblossom ........................ miss sara alexander judas ................................ mrs. m. a. clawson summer heat had but little affect on the business of the salt lake theatre in those days of which i am writing. madam scheller played from may th to august st, excepting the one week allotted to charlotte crampton, all through the hot nights of june and july and there was no perceptible or serious diminution in the attendance. this can only be accounted for in the fact that there were no resorts in those days, and the theatre was the coolest place in the city. we naturally looked for and expected a rest through august after the long season we had put in, but there was no respite. on the th of august, annette ince opened in "julia" in the "hunchback" and gave in rapid succession "evadne," "medea," "ion," "mary stuart," "elizabeth," "as you like it," "camille," and other pieces filling a three weeks' engagement. she was followed by e. l. davenport, who opened on august the th in "richelieu," supported by annette ince as "julia de mauprat," and the full strength of the company. mr. davenport gave us his "richelieu," "julian st. pierre," in "the wife," "hamlet," "william" in "black-eyed susan," "rover" in "wild oats" and "sir giles overreach" in "a new way to pay old debts." mrs. davenport (fanny vining) appeared in conjunction with mr. davenport in this engagement, playing the "queen" in "hamlet" and kindred parts, and with miss ince in the leading female roles, mr. davenport had a supporting company in every way worthy of him. his engagement was a memorable one, as mr. davenport was thought by many to be our greatest american actor. he was certainly a worthy rival of edwin booth and had he, like that actor, confined his brilliant talents to the great shakespearian roles, he would undoubtedly have made a greater name for himself, but he was too versatile and he scattered his efforts on the "williams" and "rovers" and the other trifles that he should have dropped as he advanced in years and concentrated his efforts on a repertory of his greatest characters only. when he played this salt lake engagement he had declined into "the vale of years." as hamlet, he looked older than the "queen" but he possessed all the fire and animation necessary; as "st. pierre" in the "wife," he was at his best, and fairly lifted the audience into enthusiastic demonstrations of applause. it was not long after this that davenport was pitted against the english tragedian barry sullivan in new york. an exceedingly interesting and able criticism and comparison of these two great actors appeared in wilke's "spirit of the times," headed "the two rossi." this was davenport's last memorable engagement. he was already an old man and failing fast. he died in . "ay, but to die and go, we know not where, to lie in cold obstruction and to rot, this sensible warm motion to become a kneaded clod, and the delighted spirit to bathe in fiery floods, or to reside in chilling regions of thick ribbed ice, to be imprisoned in the viewless winds, and blown with restless violence about the pendant world. 'tis too horrible! the weariest and most loathed worldly life, that age, ache, penury, and imprisonment can lay on nature, is paradise to what we fear of death." it will be observed that there was no summer vacation this year of . the davenport engagement carried us into september, the time for opening the season of ' and ' . miss ince's engagement following the davenports was really the beginning of the season ' and ' . chapter xii. season of ' and ' . davenport's engagement ended, miss ince resumed and played from september the th to the th, then departed for the golden shores of the pacific. now again, after this brilliant succession of stars, the stock company was left to its own unaided efforts, and from september the th to november the th they kept the wheel turning with a steady stream of stock pieces, and the old mill grinds, and the box office does business and the actors get their salaries. "stars may come and stars may go, but the stock keeps on for aye." this was a good long stretch of stock work from september the th, through the october conference and away to nearly the end of november, ten weeks of it; broken only by a rest of three nights, when perepa rosa gave us a series of operatic concerts, november the th, th and th. salt lake even then had a great love of music and turned out large audiences to hear the famous prima donna and her talented support, including her husband, the brilliant violinist and conductor, carl rosa. now we arrive at another important event in our theatre's history, the first engagement of john mccullough. for several years lawrence barrett and john mccullough had been the lessees and managers of the old california theatre in san francisco, and in spite of barrett's known sagacity as a manager and notwithstanding the succession of brilliant stars presented at the california and the magnificent stock company kept to support them, the venture was not a financial success, and barrett and mccullough were forced to succumb. then it was that mccullough began his career as a star; what reputation he had made up to this time was as edwin forrest's leading man. "larry" barrett had "starred" some in the character of elliott gray in "rosedale," now they were both out of a job and looking for engagement. barrett went east and resumed his starring in "rosedale" and gradually drifted into the shakespearian roles. mccullough went to virginia city, nevada, with a picked-up company, and played his first star engagement. they took to the "genial" john very kindly there, and worked him him up a rousing big benefit; those were the palmy days of the comstock and everybody had money, actors were at a premium in the camp and the old theatre was packed at every performance. the "benefit" netted mccullough over two thousand dollars and "john" was glad he was an actor. he knew we had a fine theatre and a good company in salt lake, so he made arrangements to come and play with us a spell. on november the th, he opened in "damon" and followed it in quick succession (playing nightly) with "richelieu," "hamlet," "othello," "shylock," volage in "marble heart," "richard iii," "robbers," "macbeth," "brutus," "romeo and juliet," etc., etc. this was a very notable engagement, in more ways than one. it was notable for its length, covering a stretch of twenty-three nights; likewise for its strength, as george b. waldron and madam scheller, who had both returned from a montana tour, were added to the company to stiffen the cast--here we had really three stars and a strong, capable, self-sustaining stock company in the cast of all the plays during mccullough's first salt lake engagement, which lasted three weeks, terminating on september th. again the stock company was left to its own strength and resources and even after this brilliant trio of dramatic artists, mccullough, scheller and waldron dropped away from us, the managers, with never-failing confidence and temerity, put forward the stock once more to plough through the billowy christmas time, past the new year and on to february th, when we welcomed another acquisition to the ranks in the person of miss annie lockhart. miss lockhart was an english lady of liberal education, refined and cultured; and although she had not posed as a "star actress," she had an extended and varied experience on the stage. she had been for several years in australia in the stock companies of melbourne and sidney, where she had met, loved and married an actor by the name of harry jackson. harry was a talented character man, but the flowing bowl was his weakness and annie in time wearied of his indiscretions and indulgences, "shook him off to beggarly divorcement," left him in san francisco and came to salt lake in quest of an engagement. she must have made a very favorable impression on the managers, for they put her in as stock "star" up to march st, and she continued a member of the company up to her fatal illness in the following november. annie lockhart was at this time about thirty-two years of age, a woman of comely appearance and gentle mien, and if not great like julia dean, annette ince, or charlotte crampton, was always pleasing and satisfactory. she delighted in such characters as "matida" in "led astray," the dual role in "two loves and a life," "janet pride," "peg woffington" and kindred light comedy characters. miss lockhart was a very tasteful dresser; she always made a good appearance in her part. during her long stay with the stock company a number of stars appeared. the first after her engagement was james a. herne, who opened on march st, , in "rip van winkle." herne's "rip" made a great hit and had an extraordinary run of five nights. herne played ten nights doing "solon shingle," "captain cuttle," and some other characters. then he was joined by lucille western who appeared as the leading stellar attraction supported by herne and the stock company. miss western opened in her original character of "lady isabel" in "east lynne." it was undoubtedly a great performance of the character, but the recollection of julia dean hayne in the part was still fresh in the public mind, and she had made such a powerful impression in this character that lucille western was compared with her only to her disadvantage, notwithstanding she was the original "lady isabel." we had now in rapid succession western's entire repertory which included "the child stealer," "green bushes," "oliver twist," "flowers of the forest," "don caesar de bazan" (with western as the don), and "foul play." miss western's engagement proceeded smoothly and drew large audiences. one of the herne-western performances created a genuine sensation in salt lake. it was "oliver twist." in the scene where bill sykes (herne) kills nancy (miss western), both herne and miss western sought to make the murder as realistic and blood curdling as possible. the murder is done off the stage in a room on the left; sykes is supposed to beat nancy to death with his ugly stick which he carries through the play. to carry out the realism of the beating a pad was made of a number of wet towels; these herne struck with a piece of board, making a sickening thud which lucille accompanied with a scream, each one growing fainter, until it became a groan, then bill steals across the stage and off at an outer door and nancy, almost dead, drags herself on till she gets to the centre of the stage, her face completely hidden by her dishevelled hair when she gets to position centre she turns her face which has been covered from the audience, throws her hair back and reveals her face covered with stage gore. on this occasion the picture was so revolting that several women in the audience fainted--everybody was shocked. the actress had made it as revolting as possible, thinking to make a sensation. she succeeded, but had she been a woman of finer feelings, instead of seeking to make the picture as horrible and repulsive as she could she would have studied how to make it effective without being repulsive. president young was very angry over it. the picture was very abhorrent; there is no knowing what the physiological results were; it was rumored afterwards that a number of children were birthmarked as the result of it. the president gave orders that the piece should not be played again and sent messengers all over the city to tell the people not to go and see it if it was put on again. of course the managers withdrew it in deference to his wish, but there is no doubt the house would have been crowded had it been repeated, for the prohibition only aroused a greater curiosity to see it; forbidden fruit, you know, is generally most hankered after. the play has been done here several times since president young's death, but never in such a shocking manner. on the night of the "benefit" lucille chose to show us what she looked like in male attire, so she put up "don caesar" and appeared in the role of the ragged cavalier. before the play was over it was very apparent that lucille had been indulging in the ardent, but she managed to get through without materially marring the play. the next night, however, was charles reade's "foul play." this piece was entirely new to the company, never having been done in the theatre before, so that the stock company was hard pushed with study to get their lines, but with their accustomed industry and regularity they were all _au fait_ on this first occasion, and the play might have scored a genuine success if the "star" had done her part towards it; but she repeated her indulgence of the night before and to such a degree that by the opening of the fourth act she was in a very sorry plight. this act is on an uninhabited island; there has been a shipwreck and the hero and heroine have been washed or driven or blown onto this island and with a few of the ship's crew are the only survivors. as the act opens robert penfold (lindsay) and helen rolleston (miss western) are discovered on a high cliff looking for a sail. the few survivors of the crew have gone in search of fresh water and something to eat, and the two leading characters have the entire act between them until the finale when a rescuing party arrives with a boat. here was a dilemma; never was a stage lover placed in a more embarrassing position. it was quite apparent to him as they ascended to the cliff before the rise of the curtain that the stalwart lucille was not in proper condition for climbing cliffs, more particularly stage cliffs, which are generally pretty shaky affairs, and the probability of a sudden and unlocked for descent was anything but a pleasing prospect to mr. lindsay. to still further embarrass him he discovered that lucille's tongue was decidedly thick, in fact she could scarcely articulate. the curtain should never have gone up; it would have saved the management, the actors, and particularly miss western, a vast amount of humiliation; miss western should have been suddenly ill; or an announcement made to that effect and the audience dismissed and their money refunded if necessary; they should have been spared the agony of witnessing a really great artiste rendered imbecile and helpless by an uncontrollable appetite for liquor. but the curtain did go up and down went lucille. at the very first step she made to descend she staggered, and in spite of all that her stage lover could do to steady her she made a sudden unsteady descent and landed in a kneeling position on the stage. oh! the agony of that moment! with assistance she staggered to her feet, and now as she attempted to speak her first speech in the act, a new terror seized me. her words were thick and inarticulate--not heard at all by the majority of the audience, who now began to realize the true condition. it was evident to everybody on the stage that she could never get through the act, and so the stage manager, after another abortive attempt on her part to say her lines, sent on the boat with the rescue party and the finale of the act was reached. never was such a scene between a pair of stage lovers so horribly mutilated as this; never was an act so fearfully and unintelligibly abbreviated as this one, and never did a rescue party arrive more opportunely. it plucked the "star" from immediate disgrace, an embarrassed actor from despair. it was no wonder the audience remained for the last act, for they had before the end of the fourth act divined the true state of affairs and they stayed, curious to see how it would or could end. the last act was a court room scene and the star had to sit on the witness stand. she did not make a very intelligent witness but sat there with a bright green silk gown, with a face flushed to redness, and looking the picture of helplessness. how we got through that act, i don't think anyone engaged in it could have told, but with the prompter's assistance reading most of miss western's lines, we blundered through and the final drop came on the most inglorious and trying performance i ever had part in. the manager promptly cancelled miss western's engagement, although she had one more night to play. the following night "arrah na pogue" was put up with mr. herne in the part of "shaun the post," but as if the fates had decreed that this herne-western engagement should end disgracefully, if not disastrously, this last night went on record as losing one for the managers and a discreditable one to the solitary remaining star. owing to the fiasco of the night before, a rather slender audience was in attendance to witness mr. herne's last appearance. whether this fact had to do with the sudden indisposition and collapse of mr. herne on this occasion, there is no means of knowing, but the writer has ever been of the opinion that it was the very perceptible falling away of the patronage and his chagrin and vexation over miss western's conduct of the night before that wrought upon the actor's nervous system to such a degree that he declared himself unable to appear. the writer's dressing room was so situated that he could not hear what was transpiring on the stage. when the curtain time arrived and i came down to the stage all made up for "michael feeney," to my great surprise i was informed there was to be no performance; the audience had been dismissed owing to the sudden illness of mr. herne. herne was seated on the big curtain roller and a number of the company around him, offering sympathy and assistance to the disabled star who appeared to be in great agony. i returned hastily to my dressing room and divested myself of michael feeney's habiliments, and resuming my own attire, was soon back to mr. herne's side and proffered my assistance to help him to his hotel. in the meantime a doctor, who kept his office a few doors west of the theatre, had been called in and he requested us to bring herne to his office. there were few hacks or gurney cabs in those days, and so with the assistance of mr. hardie and myself, mr. herne managed with difficulty to reach the doctor's office. this doctor was one of the old school of practitioners and like felix callighan, in "his last legs," he proceeded to "cup" or bleed the patient. after he had relieved herne of a quart or so of superfluous blood, he bandaged the cupping; gave the patient a dose of regulation stimulant and directed the patient to be taken to his hotel and placed comfortably in bed. it was a quarter of a mile to the white house and there was not a hack or vehicle of any kind available, so hardie and i formed a seat for the sick actor by locking our hands together and getting the patient's hands over our shoulders, we carried him to the white house. by the time we got him up a long flight of stairs to his room, we were tired and winded, although margetts and mckenzie, who had accompanied us, took turns at the carrying business. scarcely had we got the sick actor in bed before a knock at the door (a sort of frightened knock) was heard, and as we said "come in" the door opened and miss western, clad in her night gown, with a shawl around her, timidly entered and inquired with great anxiety what the matter was. on being informed that mr. herne had been taken so ill that the audience had to be dismissed, and he carried home to his room, she became hysterical. bursting into tears she exclaimed, piteously, "oh, my god! this is awful! oh, jimmie!" addressing herself passionately to herne. "i wish we were home with mother!" she evidently had not fully recovered from her carousal of the night before, and in her half stupid, half hysterical condition, moaned and prayed as if some terrible calamity had befallen her. herne rapidly recovered from his illness and the co-stars left salt lake. lucille never returned, but herne came back early in and hovered between salt lake and ogden for a long time, and finally drifted to san francisco, where he became the stage manager of the bush street and afterward of the baldwin theatre when tom maguire, "the napoleon" of the pacific coast, as he was called at the time, opened that popular theatre. that was before any of the eastern managers had invaded san francisco. the herne-western engagement closed on april th and was closely followed by fannie morgan phelps, who played from april th to may th, appearing in a new line of plays for the diversion of the stock company as well as the public. she opened in "meg's diversion," and proved to be a prime favorite. "the deal boatman," "black eyed susan," she seemed to have a partiality for nautical pieces and succeeded in making the seashore heroines very attractive. fanny stayed four weeks with us, then went to montana. she never paid us a second visit although salt lake treated her very handsomely in the way of patronage. mrs. phelps was a widow; her husband, ralph phelps, a popular actor, was killed by a blow from a tackle block on board of the steamer coming from australia. our next stellar attraction was charles wheatleigh, who opened on may th in "sam," supported by annie lockhart and the stock company. wheatleigh gave nine performances, the pieces presented being "sam," "lottery of life," "arrah na pogue," "after dark," and "under the gaslight." charley wheatleigh was rather a brilliant comedian. his plays proved very popular and he played a memorable engagement. the next engagement was one that eased the labors of the stock company, giving most of us a rest. it was the howson opera company. it was quite a family affair. the company consisted of pere howson, mere howson, john howson, frank howson, clelia howson, and fannie howson. they were a very talented musical family and played light opera very well indeed. they opened in the "grand duchess," their cast being filled up with members of the stock company who could sing. they played from january st to the th, each opera being played twice or three times. the howsons were well liked and made many friends, both in and out of the theatre. prof. hartz, a magician, followed the howson engagement, holding the stage from january st to the th. on june th, , george d. chaplin made his first appearance at this theatre in "hamlet," playing thirteen performances, closing july th in "armadale." chaplin made a very favorable impression and later played a longer engagement. he had been leading man for ben debar in st. louis, and was a versatile actor, fond of playing "hamlet" and "macbeth," in which, if not great, he was always pleasing. then, as if to prove his versatility, he would put on a burlesque called "the seven sisters," and appear as the principal sister. george had a handsome face, and a very plump physique, and made up for a woman, he was a study. on july th, lotta opened in "little nell," and played during the week "captain charlotte," "firefly," and "topsy" in "uncle tom's cabin." george chaplin resumed on july th, opening in the burlesque of "the seven sisters" and filled out a week with "ten nights in a barroom," "money," and the burlesque of "pocahontas," in which he played "powhattan" very cleverly. july th, kennedy's scottish entertainment held the boards, and on the th a new star was ushered in that gave the stock company more work, just as we were expecting a brief summer vacation--geraldine warden. she played four nights and a matinee. this engagement closed the season as far as the stock company was concerned. it was now july st and the company had the month of august in which to rest from study and rehearsals, for the fall season would open early in september. the theatre was not entirely closed, however, in august. on the th of that month, murphy and mack's minstrels opened and continued until the th giving eleven performances. this was joe murphy's first visit to salt lake, when he was a black face artist, and before he had dreamed of becoming an irish comedian. the fact of this company giving eleven performances in the theatre in august shows how very popular they were, and how salt lake liked minstrelsy. chapter xiii. season of ' - . the season of ' and ' opened auspiciously on september th with the now recuperated stock company in a new play. "the captain of the vulture" was played one week and another new star dawned on the horizon. september th mr. neil warner was the star attraction. warner was an english actor and had been in the supporting company of the late lamented gustavus brooke, who gave promise of becoming england's greatest tragedian, but whose already resplendent career was unfortunately cut short by the loss of the steamship london. brooke was making a second visit to melbourne and sidney in ' , where he had achieved a remarkable triumph a year before, but alas! for the irony of fate, he was doomed to be cut off in the very unfolding of the most brilliant talents the english stage had yet seen. the unfortunate london went down in the bay of biscay and some two hundred souls perished in the wreck and among them the brilliant gustavus brooke. a friend of the writer, now in this city (salt lake), mr. jack cooey, had a brother who was one of the very few survivors of that ill-fated ship, there being but sixteen in all. so america never got to see brooke, who was regarded by his countrymen generally as the greatest of all their tragic actors. neil warner was said to be a copyist of brooke; undoubtedly he had played with him, and learned much from him, and if not as great as his acknowledged tutor, warner was not unworthy to be called great. he had a splendid physique and a magnificent voice, which he could use with magnetic effect. its transitions were at times marvelous and in this writer's opinion, he was the superior of all our american tragedians, with the exception of davenport, whom he very much resembled both in the majesty of his presence and in mental superiority. warner opened in "richard iii" and made a most decided hit in the character, notwithstanding he had several notable predecessors in the part, notably mccullough and stark. he played twenty-four performances, embracing a wide range of legitimate plays--"hamlet," "macbeth," "richelieu," and his "macbeth" was the greatest of all his fine performances. he went to new york from here and we quite expected to hear great things about him, but for some cause or other he never played a stellar engagement in new york, and the following year the writer, much to his astonishment and disappointment, saw him playing a second heavy part in support of charles wyndham the english comedian at a theatre in brooklyn. warner did not make a go in new york, and drifted over to montreal, canada, where he stayed for many years; but a few years ago he toured california in connection with a rising young actress of that state, in a round of his favorite characters. annie lockhart played the leading female characters in all warner's performances here. they had known each other in australia, and there seemed to be a very warm friendship between them and it was certain that annie was an ardent admirer of her talented countryman, and some of us rather feared she would go with him when he took his departure from salt lake; but something occurred between them that must have angered him, for a day or two before his engagement closed, he spoke to miss lockhart at a rehearsal in words and tones so heartless and insulting that the company were amazed at him, and poor annie sought the seclusion of her dressing room to have a good cry. conjecture was rife and pointed to a rival in the lady's affections as the cause of his tirade. warner departed, leaving annie with us, very much to the gratification of the company and public, but it was not for long; poor annie lockhart had received a wound from which she never recovered. she only lived five weeks after this and the cause of her sudden decline and death was more or less of a mystery, for up to this time she was a hale, hearty woman, in the very prime of life. she was laid away tenderly by loving hands and hearts, whom she had never known until eight months before, but whom she had endeared to her by her sweet, womanly ways. many a tear was shed and genuine sorrow was felt when annie lockhart was laid away in olivet. the night after warner's engagement closed, sunday, october th, stephen massett lectured. october th, madam scheller opened her second engagement, playing six nights, and gave "roll of the drum," "child of the regiment," "enoch arden," etc. the theatre closed from the th to the rd on account of the militia muster. the nauvoo legion, as the territorial troops were called, had a big encampment on the banks of the jordan river and of such importance was it that the theatre had to close, as every able bodied man was expected to drill and all the women and children, of course, had to go and see them. the late george q. cannon and other high church dignitaries fell into the ranks on this occasion and carried muskets, whether from the love of exercise or a keen love of duty, or for the effect of example, this deponent saith not. nearly all the dramatic company were in the big drill, so, of course, there could be no theatres until it was over. it was intended to be a great demonstration, and it was; almost every mormon man was in the ranks. the theatre resumed business with the rest of the town, saturday the rd inst., when one of madam scheller's pieces was repeated. this was madam scheller's last appearance at this theatre. she and her husband, methua scheller, went east from here, and died in memphis in , during the yellow fever contagion of that dread disease. on october th, the stones, amy and harry, opened up a return engagement in "french spy." they played twelve nights, giving "fanchon," and "little barefoot," etc. their engagement closed november th, after a very satisfactory engagement. on the th the stock company resumed, and played "waiting for the verdict." annie lockhart, who had rested during the stones' engagement, resumed and was playing the leading female character in this play when she was taken very ill. with the aid of kind attention she got through the night's work, but she went home so ill that she took to her bed, and on the th of november, died. three days previous to her death, on the th of november, john wilson and kate denin were ushered in as stock stars, and continued until january th, , when they withdrew for a week to give place to charlotte thompson, who played a six nights' engagement, playing "julia" in the "hunchback," "leah, the forsaken," "sea of ice," and "court and stage." miss thompson was a pretty woman and a pleasing actress--a favorite in the south where she belonged. from the th to the th, the stock company held down the business without stellar assistance, when kate denin and john wilson returned and played another engagement. as stock stars they remained until february th. then came another siege of stock work without any star, broken intermittently by lectures and concerts. ole bull gave concerts march th and th; alf barnett's entertainment, march nd and rd; satsuma's japanese troupe from march th to th. these attractions, of course, gave the company some respite from their arduous studies, but it was only brief, and we were already rehearsing for the ensuing conference dates. so the stock company resumed their labors and played all through april and up to may th when the season of ' and ' closed. chapter xiv. season of ' -' . the theatre did not reopen until august the th when the season of ' and ' was ushered in with a "benefit" to miss colebrook. this was really the first summer the theatre had remained closed and given the company a needed rest. the stock company played one week only when the veteran tragedian, t. a. lyne, began an engagement which ran from september the rd to the th. this was lyne's fourth engagement since the opening of the theatre, and it proved what a remarkable hold he had upon our theatre goers when he repeated his well known and well worn repertoire to splendid business. as there was no other star in the dramatic firmament when lyne's engagement expired, the stock company was put on its own resources once again and continued successfully up to the th of december, when the monotony was in some measure broken by the accession to the company of mr. and mrs. john s. langrishe, and the following week c. w. couldock and his daughter, eliza, floated the stellar flag for the third time, repeating a portion of their old repertoire. they played from the th to the st. mr. couldock went east, leaving eliza (who was in poor health) here to recuperate. they were succeeded by george w. thompson and sallie hinckley, who played a week's engagement, presenting "man and wife" and the "persecuted dutchman," filling dates january nd to the th, of . the stock company then played along again until february th, when mckee rankin, kitty blanchard and w. h. power opened a stellar engagement, playing two weeks to february th. everywhere else the rankins were playing "the danites," but owing to the odious light in which that play presented the mormon leaders, they did not dare to produce it at the salt lake theatre. of course the managers would not consent, and the great wonder is that rankin could secure dates at all at brigham young's theatre while he was starring through the country in a play so well calculated to stir up prejudice against the mormons. "the danites" had to be eliminated while the rankins fell back onto some old plays in which the stock company was up in. "rip van winkle," "little barefoot," and "colleen bawn" were given. it may be of interest to note the fact here that "the danites" has never been played in salt lake or anywhere in utah. about this time george b. waldron turned up again in salt lake, and was installed as leading man to strengthen the company and ease somewhat the labors of david mckenzie. rose evans, a lady who was enamoured of "hamlet," and made a specialty of playing it, was introduced to salt lake soon after waldron's accession to the company, and we had during her engagement which ran through the april conference, "hamlet," "twixt axe and crown," "ingomar;" miss evans as "parthenia" and waldron as "ingomar;" "lady audrey's secret," "romeo and juliet;" waldron as "romeo." rose evans established herself very strongly in the favor of the salt lake theatre goers. her "hamlet" was liked, and she played it intelligently and perhaps as well as a woman could play it, but no woman can ever play "hamlet" satisfactorily to the critical mind; and very few men out of the thousands of actors ever reach and handle it satisfactorily. her "juliet" was very acceptable, but waldron's voice was' too basso profundo for "romeo." it was hard to imagine him as the youthful love-distraught romeo with his deep set vocal organ. miss evans closed on april th and was closely followed by mlle. marie ravel, who opened on the th, supported by waldron and the stock company and played an engagement of twenty nights. on may th herr daniel e. bandmann and his wife (his first one) opened an engagement of five nights, presenting "macbeth," "hamlet," "merchant of venice," "narcisse," and "richard iii." bandmann, at this time, was a very popular tragedian. he had played as early as ' in san francisco a very successful engagement. he was now returning from his second visit to san francisco. he spoke with a decided german accent, which was, however, not disagreeable to the ear, his voice being musical and his reading very artistic and finished. bandmann bought a ranch near missoula, montana, some ten or twelve years ago and went into semi-retirement. he had a curious advertisement in the dramatic mirror, about as follows: "daniel e. bandmann, tragedian and breeder of fine horses and cattle." he also bred a large family of children on that same ranch. when he went into retirement he took with him his latest "leading lady," mary kelly, as his wife, and they have a number of heirs to succeed to the tragedy and breeding business. his first wife, millie palmer, still figures in london theatricals, and she has a son who is conspicuous in theatrical management. herr bandmann still makes spasmodic incursions into the surrounding country with an improvised dramatic company and plays his favorite characters. the next star to shine in our firmament was j. k. emmett. "joe," as he was familiarly called, was just at the zenith of his fame about this time, and he filled the theatre from pit to dome. the character of "fritz" appealed strongly to nearly all theatre goers, and "joe" emmett with his bewitching voice and catchy lullabies, had an easy road to fame and fortune. emmett played from the th to the th. the couldocks, father and daughter, now played a return engagement, covering two weeks, from may nd to june th, repeating mostly old repertoire. they were followed closely by mr. and mrs. ida hernandez, a polish couple, who came to this country with madam modjeska, and were now working their way to the east. they were clever performers, but being unknown, they did not draw heavy houses. june th to the th. the lingards followed hernandez in a brief engagement of three nights, june th to th. the following week was filled in by the hernandez and the carter-cogswell contingent of the salt lake stock company. j. m. carter and his wife, carrie carter (nee lyne-cogswell) had recently arrived from denver and had been added to the stock company, which had been weakened materially by the loss of several of its prominent members. hardie had gone to the virginia city theatre; lindsay had gone on a visit to england and had withdrawn from the company for a time; miss alexander had also drifted away to the east, so that when the carters arrived and sought engagement, the managers readily availed themselves of their services. they played here for a few weeks and at the close of the season went on to california. on july rd, edwin adams made his first appearance at this theatre. he opened in the character of "rover" in "wild oats" and played in addition, "extremes," "enoch arden," and "william" in "black eyed susan." mr. adams filled out a week with great satisfaction to our theatre goers, the managers, and the company, and with very satisfactory financial results to himself. he was a gratification to both eyes and ears a brilliant actor with a melodious voice, and in appearance the ideal actor. the following week john mccullough, who had with him helen tracy as a leading female support, played a notable engagement, rendered more so by the fact that edwin adams was retained to appear in conjunction with mr. mccullough. they gave "damon and pythias," with mccullough as "damon" and adams as "pythias," and notwithstanding mccullough made an excellent "damon," so convincing was adams as "pythias," that the critical salt lakers declared it was "pythias" and "damon" on that occasion, putting the brilliant adams ahead of mccullough in their admiration. adams played "iago" to mccullough's "othello" and even strengthened the favorable opinion of him. for their closing performance together, "hamlet" was given with adams as the prince and mccullough as the king. miss helen tracy lent some lustre to the triple alliance and this engagement is remembered as one of the most notable ever given in the now historic theatre. just how it chanced that mccullough and adams got dates so close together, the one immediately succeeding the other, i have forgotten, but as adams was going to the pacific coast and mccullough and miss tracy were going east, i presume that their meeting here was purely accidental. they were very glad to see each other, "john" and "ned," and decided to have a good time while they were together; to that end adams, who was in no great hurry to get to san francisco, decided to stay over during mccullough's engagement and play in some of his pieces with him, which he did as stated above. the combination was a strong one, and no doubt helped mccullough's engagement, as this was his second visit; but the primary object of the combination was evidently to have a good time. we had an actors' club here at that early day which must not be forgotten. on january th preceding, milton nobles played the "marble heart," appearing as raphael. nobles was then a young actor, comparatively unknown. he was on his way to the east, where some years later he became widely known through his plays of "the phoenix," "from sire to son," etc. there was at this time residing in salt lake a gentleman by the name of bentham fabian. fabian was widely and favorably known for certain peculiarities. he was extremely fond of the theatre, and every actor was his friend. he was one of those versatile fellows that could turn his hand to many things. he organized a public library here, which he called "the salt lake exchange and reading rooms," and he was the librarian. it was while milton nobles was here that fabian worked up a "benefit" for this library, at which governor vaughn, (then governor of utah), recited poe's "bells," and nobles and the writer gave the third act of "othello" (in evening dress), nobles reading "iago," and the writer "othello." there were several other numbers by fabian and others, and music by the military band from fort douglas. one of fabian's strong peculiarities was that he loved his pipe and glass and occasionally his courtly bearing and chesterfieldian manners would get a little lopsided and obscure. this benefit, being a sort of royal occasion with bentham, he had a fresh keg of beer in his den behind the library, and after the entertainment was over he invited all the performers (except the "band") to go and help drink it. governor vaughn having a prior engagement, declined, but the rest of us adjourned to the library. fabian, eager to treat "the boys," made haste to tap the keg, but there was a decided uncertainty about his manipulation of the mallet and tap, which plainly indicated that he had already been tapping something. so cyrus hawley (judge hawley's son) rather impatiently and dramatically exclaimed, "give me the daggers!" (the mallet and tap), and taking them from fabian with the air of an expert tapster, he proceeded to drive the tap; he made a misslick, and in an instant he was covered from head to foot in foamy beer. his nice clothes were apparently ruined, and he was roundly sworn at for wasting so much good beer. after stopping the flood, there proved to be sufficient left to make all hands merry and happy. about this time fabian, who was a great projector of schemes, succeeded in organizing an actors' club, to which he made us all pay tribute, not only the actors, but a number of other professional men and good fellows were made members, and when the transient "stars" came along, we generally contrived to give them a good time, although our quarters were not so pretentious as those of the alta or comcial clubs of today. during the adams-mccullough engagements these actors were the guests of "the club," and dear old fabian was in his glory. fabian was the president of the club, and he certainly wined and dined mccullough and adams to their hearts' content. on their closing night we had a great carousal, even miss tracy did not escape. it was a memorable night truly. everybody present seemed determined to give "john" mccullough and "ned" adams a royal time, and they had it. "care mad to see a man sae happy; e'en drowned himsel among the nappy. kings may be blest, but tam was glorious, o'er all the ills of life victorious." _burns' "tam o'shanter"_. the stock company played one week, even after this brilliant triumvirate had united its course, with mr. and mrs. carter doing leads. that they could hold the interest of the public after such a combination of talent as adams, mccullough and tracy dropped away from them was not to be expected. in looking back at it from this distance, the wise thing for the managers to have done would have been to close the season with that extraordinary engagement, but the carters were here and had a play or two to exploit, and struggled through a week when the management were glad to close the season, with the pioneer holiday, july th. here was another case of playing all summer, for the theatre only remained closed about ten nights, opening on the th of august. the advent of the carters into salt lake and their engagement at the salt lake theatre was not devoid of interest. it was well-known to many that mrs. carter (carrie cogswell) had been the wife of the veteran tragedian, mr. t. a. lyne, who was very much perturbed at their presence here. he declared that she had come here expressly to annoy him, and nothing could convince him to the contrary, so when after a short stay here, mr. and mrs. carter and their son, lincoln j., now the celebrated chicago playbuilder and manager, took their departure for california, lyne's heart was joyful. there were two children, a boy and a girl, the offspring of the lyne-cogswell marriage. the court, in giving lyne the deliverance which he sought on the grounds of desertion, gave him the custody of the two children, and he had them in salt lake attending school, and he was very apprehensive that the mother might kidnap them. so when she had departed without any signs of having molested the children the veteran was happy, for he never dreamed they would return, but alas! for the contrariness of human nature, in this he was doomed to disappointment. lyne had been for the second time a widower when he met miss carrie cogswell. she was about sixteen and he about fifty. lyne at this age was an active, fine-looking man with hair as dark as a raven's wing and a very commanding presence. miss cogswell was enamored of the stage and soon became not only mrs. lyne, but "leading lady" for lyne. after some years of married life, and two children had been born to them, there came a cloud in their sky. in the same company chanced a young man by the name of carter, whose father, jared carter, had been a leading light in the mormon church in the nauvoo days. disparity in age and incompatibility of temperament between mr. and mrs. lyne gradually brought about a separation and divorce. by this time both had sought and found new matrimonial alliances. mrs. lyne had some years now been mrs. carter and mr. lyne had found consolation in a french widow whose christian name was madeline. such was the situation at the time when the carters made their first visit to salt lake, and the veteran tragedian having settled down in salt lake to end his days, was in mortal dread of the carters fixing their future home here too. chapter xv. season of ' -' . the season of ' and ' opened on august the th, only two weeks after the closing of ' and ' . the lingards were the opening attraction; they played only two nights. the lingards consisted of horace w. lingard, alice lingard, his wife, and "dickie" lingard, a sister to horace. they played short cast pieces and did not require many members of the company. the repertoire included "caste," "the weaver of spitaefield," "morning call," "a happy pair," etc. they were followed closely by kate newton and charlie backus of minstrel fame, who stayed two nights; and these were succeeded by the hyers sisters, a colored concert troupe, who gave five concerts, opening august the th and playing up to the th. on the st joseph and mrs. murphy made their debut in drama--the medium being a hash-up of improbable incidents put together to string joe's specialties on. he played a sort of stage detective and disguised variously as an irishman, a swede, a dutch girl, and a nigger. this was the first performance of "help" on any stage, and should have been the last, if merit alone counted. the salt lake theatre was made the bridge to carry a number of new dramatic ventures across the quicksands of dramatic speculation. afraid to make the trial of a new play in san francisco or new york, they have brought them to salt lake to "try them on the dog." "help" ran three nights, st to the th, and was fairly launched on the dramatic sea, and joe murphy was no longer a blackfaced comedian but a versatile actor of the irish comedy persuasion. "help" served joe faithfully for several seasons and put him on easy street, financially. august th the stock company, strengthened with the cogswell-carter troupe, resumed. j. w. carter was engaged to play leads for a time; mckenzie was absent, lindsay was gone, hardie had deserted, and the management were in sore straits for a leading actor. the stock played from august th to september th, when mrs. lander opened a star engagement in "mary stuart," continuing one week, during which she gave, in addition to "mary stuart," "camille," "the hunchback" and "marie antoinette." mrs. lander was at this time one of the bright particular stars of the american stage. she was a woman of superior intelligence and rare dramatic talent and played a fine engagement. after the lander engagement, the house closed for a few nights, to give the stock company a chance to prepare for the approaching october conference. the management could always count on packed houses during these conferences, and it was like giving money away to engage any stellar attractions at these times, so the stock company was up against their work once more. on october rd they opened and played through conference, to the th. on the th robert mcwade made his first bow to a salt lake audience, in "rip van winkle." mcwade had a very good reputation through the west in this character, and drew a very good house for his first night. if we had never seen "jim hearne" as "rip van winkle" we might have thought more of mcwade, but the impression hearne made in the character was so strong and still so fresh in the public mind that mcwade's "rip" did not become a favorite. he played some five nights and then the stock had to go alone again for a while, so on the th they resumed and played up to november , only relieved a little by the japanese jugglers, who put in an hour each evening for a week, from october rd to th. on november th, johnny allen and alice harrison opened a four nights' engagement, closing on the th. on the th the stock resumed the even tenor of its way, and played unassisted up to december th, when j. m. ward came in with "through by daylight," and got through by gaslight in two nights. jim ward was a very versatile and capable actor with a racy irish brogue, that was suggestive of the "ould sod." he has had rare experiences in theatrical life, and they would make a volume of interesting reading, but as he is still having them, being yet upon the stage, it is too early to add his experiences to the general history of the stage, especially his matrimonial ones. an entire troupe of juvenile actors followed jim ward's advent into salt lake city. whether jim was in any way accountable, we are not advised; they were called "the nathan juvenile troupe," and put in one week from the th to the th. oliver doud byron followed them, opening on december st, and playing till january rd, "across the continent," being his piece de resistance. ben mccullough filled out the week. eliza couldock, who was in delicate health, and had been left here by her father after their last engagement, was now called in for a week to assist the stock in a production of "uncle tom's cabin." miss couldock was cast for the character of eliza. the writer, who was playing george harris and legree, well remembers how nervous and poorly the lady was during this week's engagement. she was over ambitious and worked beyond her strength, and it was evident she was in a decline. this was her last appearance, poor girl, and it was not long before we were paying the last respects, and with loving hands laying her gently i' the earth, alongside of dear annie lockhart, whom we had performed the same service for only a short time before. "lay her i' the earth and from her fair and unpolluted flesh may violets spring." rose evans came to us for a second engagement, after the "uncle tom" week, and played from january th to the th, repeating her former repertory. stock company put in the following week alone, then followed e. t. stetson for a week in his melodramas, "neck and neck" and "old kentuck." this puts us along to february th, ' , when the stock played another week without any star; then the stock got a week's rest, the time from the th to the th being filled by purdy, scott, and fostelle's minstrels. refreshed with a week's vacation, the stock company started in afresh on february nd--great george's birthday--and played till april th, getting through another conference without the aid of a star. here the company had another brief respite while "the child american concert company" filled time from april th to the th, when the company resumed their labors and played up to the th. on april nd, mr. and mrs. f. m. bates began a stellar engagement which ran three weeks, up to may th. mrs. bates was the lead horse in this team, and the repertory was selected to give her prominence as the principal star, and the announcement should have been _mrs._ and mr. f. m. bates. she played "pigeon the torment," "camille," "leah," and "lucretia borgia," and all the great popular roles for tragediennes, and was the first to introduce to us the great historic play of "elizabeth." the bateses made a very good impression and were so pleased with the result of their engagement that they remained in salt lake during the ensuing summer. blanche bates, now a very successful star under david belasco's management, was with the bateses then, and as she had not been christened blanche, she was just called baby bates. may th to th was filled by berger's swiss bell ringers, and sol smith russell, who was then doing specialties with the bergers little dreaming of his "poor relation" or "peaceful valley." a few nights of stock followed this, and not proving strong, the bateses were re-engaged and put in another week, from the nd to the th, introducing some new plays of lighter caliber. may th the majiltons put in a date, and the stock then played a lone hand up to june th. billy emerson's minstrels held the boards june th, th and th, and joe murphy came and gave us some more of his "help," th, th, th. stock put in another week alone, th to nd, when charles wheatleigh opened a return engagement, th and played till july st. wheatleigh gave "lottery of life," "flying scud," "after dark" and "arrah na pogue." that was charley wheatleigh's farewell, we never saw him more. the bergers and sol smith russell had swung around the circle and came back for a second engagement. they found salt lake a congenial and profitable place and put in another three nights with us, th, th and th. james m. hardie, who had just returned from a long professional engagement in san francisco, played a two nights' engagement, opening in a play called "early california." season closed june th. "jim" hardie left salt lake for the east soon after this his last appearance here, as it proved, for he has never since returned. after playing in support of stars several seasons, "hoey and hardie" starred for several seasons in "a child of the state," but it was not a money maker, and after several losing seasons the firm of hoey and hardie dissolved, and jim cast about for a new "angel." hoey's "old man" had been the angel in the "child of state" venture and it was understood at the time that after making up some rather heavy deficits, he grew weary and refused to put up any longer for "the child of the state." hardie had some money which came to him through his wife, who had an annuity, but "jim" had a strong touch of the "canny scot" in him, that always impelled him to let someone else "put up," in time he found a new "angel," and one more to his taste, for this one was of the female persuasion, and jim always was a favorite with the ladies. he caught a society woman who was stage struck and wanted to star; she had the money to pay for the privilege, and this was just such a snap as "jim" wanted. so the lady put up the money to put out the show, and she was starred in conjunction with jim. the firm name stood "hardie and von leer." "a brave woman" was the name of the play they chose for the venture; there was a great significance in that title. the show went out with a stock of $ , worth of special printing, so hardie himself informed me in new york. they went into the south, but in six weeks the company was disbanded and hardie and von leer were back in new york. then they got up a cheaper company and went into the dime museums, where they made a little money. the dime museums were very popular just then and a number of good attractions played them. the play of "a brave woman," however, was not an unqualified success, although sarah von leer seemed to be, and held onto her partnership through thick and thin. after a while hardie got a play called "on the frontier," and conceived the idea of getting a brass band made up of real indians. it proved a ten strike, and, after doing a big business with it in this country for two seasons, he took it to england in ' and made a barrel of money with it. sarah is still his partner and still stays by him. they built a fine theatre in manchester, which has been their headquarters for the last twenty years. mrs. hardie and her daughters have been back in salt lake for a number of years. they have never crossed the ocean to join the husband and father. it must be acknowledged that the dramatic profession is altogether too prolific of this sort of thing. its tendencies are to draw even well mated couples apart--a hundred cases could be cited; but we will let the reader think the matter over and divine the cause. on july st jim mcknight, a young fellow of ambition and talent, put on a play of his own writing, which he called "the robbers of the rocky mountains," with an exclusive amateur company. young mcknight drew on his imagination for his robbers; had he written years later he could have taken his characters from life, with butch cassidy and the whole robber's roost gang in the cast. chapter xvi. season of ' -' . the season of ' and ' opened on august th with george chaplin and clara jean walters as stock stars. they opened in the classical drama of "buffalo bill." this was a long time before cody started his wild west show and probably this play was what put him in the notion of starting in the show business. chaplin made a fine buffalo bill, and if cody saw him in the part it must have made him envious to see another fellow stealing his thunder. the combination ran two weeks, when stetson came in "neck and neck" with us and played a week, presenting also "daring dick" and "the fatal glass." chaplin had a decided objection to supporting male stars of mediocre ability, and second class repertory, and so he generally laid off on such occasions as the stetson engagement; besides it was a matter of economy with the management; they did not need him, so george laid off during stetson's week, and then came with his "seven sisters" the following week. george was immense as the big sister and was just a trifle vain over the fact that he could outshine all the women in the company in female apparel. on september nd ada gray opened a week's engagement in "article " and gave besides, "jezebel" and "whose wife." ada was a pleasing actress, of fine appearance, but didn't seem to quicken the pulse of her salt lake patrons, after their seeing some of the greater ones. on the th chaplin and walters resumed as stock stars and played continuously up to the rd, t. a. lyne taking a benefit on the th instant and playing "richelieu." on the rd chaplin dropped out of the company, closing in "school," and on the th the stock company kept right along with clara jean walters featured through the october conference and up to the th. on october st w. t. harris made his initial bow to the salt lake public; he came from one of the omaha theatres, accompanied by annie ward and miss blanche de bar, a sister of the popular manager and actor, ben de bar. miss de bar had already grown old in the profession, but proved nevertheless a very useful member of the stock company. she played old women and characters and on more than one occasion proved her agility in spite of years and gray hairs, by doing an irish jig or a "dolly varden" lilt. the rag time had not yet come in vogue or miss de bar could have done a cake walk with the best. "jimmy" harris, as he was familiarly called, cut quite a figure in the future history of the theatre as manager and deserves more than a passing notice. he was featured on his opening night in an irish farce, "that rascal pat," and made a very fair impression. miss annie ward, who accompanied harris to salt lake, and who at first was supposed to be "jimmy's" wife or _fiancee_ (from all appearances), was a young woman who had been beautiful, but her face was now so deeply pitted with small pox that she invariably in public kept it covered with a veil, except when on the stage, where she could veil the blemish under a thick coat of grease paint, and, this artistically done, she presented as fair a face as one could wish to look at. "annie," 'twas said, had been the _fiancee_ of the great african explorer, henry stanley, before he caught the african fever, which tore him away from her and all his early associations. annie found consolation for her bereavement in a close friendship with "jimmy." so close was their alliance that on their joining the stock company here together, everybody judged they were man and wife, or ought to be. they had taken a room together in old man mcdonald's house, just under the shadow of st. mark's church, and everything went well for a little while--but by some inadvertence the good mr. mcdonald discovered that they had not secured the necessary license for rooming together, and he very promptly and perhaps rudely gave them notice to vacate. they thought the old man was a crank and quite unreasonable, to turn them out of his house for such a slight offense, in a community where many of the men were living with a plurality of wives. they had an idea it was a sort of oneida community here; free love, etc. they secured another lodging house, but the lady who ran that was a very strict mormon also, and so soon as she found out how matters stood she served them with a notice to quit. "jimmy" got a "hunch" from some one that he would have to _marry_ annie or sever the alliance altogether, as the mormons would not stand for anything of this kind. it was even intimated to him that he might be indicted for _lascivious cohab_, which so terrified him that he suddenly ceased his relationship with annie altogether, and left her to paddle her own canoe. those who were acquainted with the circumstances have always blamed harris for his treatment of annie ward; he should have married her, was their thought, but he turned away from her in this time of mutual trouble. his offense was condoned, and gradually he worked himself into favor until he became quite an object of interest with the ladies about the theatre, while those same ladies turned up their noses at miss ward, and made it so unpleasant for her, that she was glad to terminate her engagement long before the season was over, and go back to her former haunts. poor girl! she went down hill rapidly after returning and died wretchedly in st. louis a year or so later, while harris remained here, married one of brigham young's daughters and was given the management of the theatre, which he held for several years. harris and his wife went to new york in about ' , where they have resided ever since. "jimmy," who has wealthy relatives there, has a good easy position and raised a nice family of four or five children, to whom he has bequeathed his real name of ferguson, that of harris being merely adopted to hide him from his relatives while he was a profane stage player. so runs the wheel of fortune. hamlet. i did love you once. ophelia. indeed, my honored lord, you made me believe so. hamlet. you should not have believed me; for virtue can not so inoculate our old stock but we shall relish of it. i loved you not. ophelia. i was the more deceived. hamlet. get thee to a nunnery. --shakespeare. on november th mr. al thorne was added to the stock company and made his first appearance in the play of "maud's peril." al thorne came to utah as a soldier in johnston's army. he was a member of the camp floyd theatre company and played with dick white, mrs. tuckett et al. he contrived in some way to remain in utah when the civil war broke out, instead of following "the uncertain chance of war." he had married and settled in the north part of the territory, and was associated with the richmond dramatic company for several years and now found a place in the salt lake stock, where he remained for several years, doing excellent work in "heavies" and "old men." thorne joined the mormon church and got more family than he could take care of--two families in fact, which proved his ruin. he became estranged from them both, and for the last twenty years of his life was practically an exile, living a solitary life in the mining camps of nevada. he died three years ago at de lamar, nevada, a prematurely old man, with no relative near. but al always had friends, for he was a good natured, generous hearted man--his own worst enemy. "requiescat in pace." george chaplin having exhausted his extensive and variegated repertory, and taken his departure for pastures new, the stock company, with clara jean walters, played through the october conference. the very palpable weakness occasioned by chaplin's retirement was filled by f. m. bates, who with his wife and baby blanche had been rusticating in the vicinity ever since their engagement in the previous may. bates opened on the th of october, as joint star with miss walters, and continued until november st, the only interruption being a three nights' engagement of the australian actor, james j. bartlett, who gave "david garrick," "new magdalen," and "married for money." on november th mrs. bates opened her second engagement at this theatre, supported by her husband (frank), miss walters and the stock company. she played two weeks, repeating mostly her favorite roles, "elizabeth," "lucretia borgia," "camille," etc. mrs. bates during the time her husband, frank, had been playing with the stock company, had played an engagement with john piper, the virginia city manager. returning here she sent ahead of her to exploit her return engagement mr. john maguire, who has since made a name as a theatrical manager, but who was then a very enthusiastic disciple of thespis, and was ambitious to make a mark in the histrionic art. maguire by his own confession had been educated for the catholic priesthood, and certainly a good priest was spoiled when john turned thespian, but the stage fever caught him, and struck in so deep that he was irrevocably lost to a profession which he was capable of adorning, and exposed "to the slings and arrows of outrageous fortune" that are generally in quiver to be hurled at the unfortunate actor or manager who does not achieve an unqualified success. at the time of which i write, , john maguire was young (about , eh, john?), and handsome; he was often mistaken for lawrence barrett, the tragedian, which was a flattering compliment to john, as he was a very great admirer of "larry" barrett. we don't know just how it came about, but he was cast in mrs. bates' opening performance of "elizabeth" for the part of the young scottish king, james vi, unless it was that he had played it in virginia city with the lady, and she thought he looked the part so well. any way the company was numerous and the managers let john out after his performance of king james. the week following the bates engagement, there being no star attraction booked, the managers gave it to the writer, who had not been playing in the stock company that season. i arranged a repertoire for the week which included "the duke's motto," "macbeth," "louis xi," "the stranger," "jack cade," and "the three guardsmen." a very ambitious attempt, as i view it now, but all parts that i was "up" in, having played them in the company before. while rehearsing before i opened, maguire, who was out of a job and evidently out of money, come to me and in a very friendly and confidential way informed me that he had just received the bells. "the bells?" i inquired, "what bells?" "why henry irving's bells, that has just completed a year's run in london." "take my advice, john," said he, "take down some of those 'old' chestnuts you have billed and put on 'the bells' for two nights in their place and you'll be money in by it." "oh, that's impossible," i objected, "my plans for the week are arranged and cast, besides i know nothing about the play of the bells.'" maguire was earnest, however, for he had a point to make, so he urged me to make a change. "i have two printed copies of the play," says he, "and will let you have them and copy the remainder of the parts for you for $ . i want to get to pioche; things are booming there and i am short of money; you can advertise the wonderful run the play has had in london, and you'll be the first to play it west of new york, where studley is playing it now." john arguments prevailed with me and i took down "louis xi" and "the strangers" and put up "the bells" for the wednesday and thursday nights. maguire delivered the goods, got his money and took the stage for pioche. bidding me good bye and good luck, he says, "there's a theatre down there, and if i can secure it, you will hear from me before long." "the bells" gave me the hardest day's study i ever did; playing "macbeth" the night before and staying out later than was discreet, i was reading "mathias" at rehearsal next morning to play that night, but we got through it fairly well, and to my surprise the local papers praised the performance highly next morning, but "the bells" did not prove the great drawing card maguire had so sanguinely predicted, the older and better known plays drawing better. on friday evening, while playing "jack cade," a few of my admirers sent up a request to have me play "othello" on the following night instead of "the guardsmen," with mr. f. m. bates as othello, mrs. bates as emelia and myself as iago. i should have promptly decided not to make the change, but nothing in the way of work seemed too onerous for me, and too willing to oblige, i sent back word that if they could get mr. and mrs. bates to volunteer i would make the change. some of them waited on the bateses with the result that mrs. bates declined to be emelia, and mr. bates had never played othello, but would play iago if i would do othello. i was in mr. bates' fix, having played iago several times but never othello. however, i consented to try it and gave myself another hard day's study to get perfect in othello. next morning sloan, in the herald, roasted me for playing a "star" part like othello in stock costumes, notwithstanding i had been wearing stock costumes all the week. he spoke rather favorably of my acting, however, which was more than i should have expected. i would not be nearly so accommodating now. this my first "stellar" engagement closed on december th, . the record shows that the farce of "the spectre bridegroom" was played after othello, with phil margetts in his great part of diggory. in those "palmy days of the drama," it was quite usual to have a farce after a five-act tragedy. on benefit occasions not infrequently there would be a long play, then an olio of singing and a fancy dance, and a farce to close the "evening's entertainment." during this engagement clara jean walters played the leading female roles, and rendered effective support, as indeed she always did. she was the most capable and versatile "leading lady" the stock company ever had and remained with it for several seasons a well-established favorite. carl bosco, a very clever magician, put in two nights following the lindsay engagement, th and th, and mrs. chanfrau opened the th inst. for two nights and appeared in "a wife's ordeal" and "the honeymoon." on the th john t. raymond opened a two weeks' engagement, giving "toodles," "only a jew," "rip van winkle," and "the cricket on the hearth." johnny allen and alice harrison and "little mac" for three nights. these parties put in from january th to the th. johnny allen and alice harrison were a great attraction in those days; how many remember them now? and "little mac," that homely dwarf, what wonderful stunts he could do with those stunted legs of his!--a circus in himself was little mac. on the th of january william j. cogswell joined the stock as leading man, miss walters still retaining position of leading lady. a miss florence kent (mrs. mccabe) had been added to the company, and being petite and good looking, as well as talented, miss walters saw a chance to gratify a long-cherished ambition, which was to play romeo. (she would show some of us men folks how to make love.) so the piece was put up with miss walters as romeo and kent as juliet; they made a pretty couple. miss walters looked very dashing, being a nice size for romeo, but making love to one of her own sex was not such an easy task as she imagined and although it was a very fair "romeo and juliet," it did not make so great a mark as many of her female performances. the stock with the new leading man, cogswell, played along till february rd, when yankee robinson came in for a week in "sam patch" and "the days of ' ," february rd to the th inst. chapter xvii season of ' -' .--continued. before this time john maguire had been heard from; he had found on his arrival at pioche that there was some sort of a theatre there. it had been built for a minstrel company of whom harry larraine, formerly of the fort douglas band, was the leader. at the expiration of the minstrel engagement, maguire secured the theatre when he immediately set about to put a dramatic company in there. he telegraphed for mr. and mrs. bates, offering them a strong inducement to go there. he also telegraphed for the writer, offering him a salary that was sufficient inducement for him to go. john w. dunne, a young californian, who had been in the salt lake theatre company, was also engaged. our fares were arranged for and about the middle of january this nucleus for a dramatic company left salt lake city for pioche for a six weeks' engagement. our party consisted of mr. and mrs. bates, baby bates (blanche), the now famous actress, who was then about a year and a half old; mrs. bates' sister, miss wren, who acted as the chief nurse, and mr. john w. dunne. it is a matter well worthy of record that mr. dunne was married the night before he left for pioche, to miss clara decker, a niece of brigham young, a very pretty and attractive girl, who had been assistant costumer in the ladies' department of the theatre for some time. it was of course, a great trial to the young couple to have to part so soon, after one brief night of married life, but the exigencies of the theatrical business are at times merciless. as they had been engaged for some time, it was decided when mr. dunne accepted the pioche engagement, that it would be best for them to get married before he went away lest absence and distance might cause one or both to change their minds. how wise a precaution this proved the sequel will show. this proved to be a memorable trip. every member of the party will remember that trip to their dying day except blanche, and she was too young to remember anything about it. the schedule time from salt lake to pioche was fifty-five hours. we were five days and nights, or one hundred and twenty-five hours making that journey. the utah southern was then running only as far as york, about seventy-five miles south of salt lake. this left two hundred and seventy-five miles to be traveled by stage. our stage was not a concord, but a rather dilapidated specimen of the "jerkie" or "mud wagon." it had seating accommodations for nine persons, and two could ride on the "boot" with the driver. there were two male passengers in addition to our party of six--six counting baby bates, who must be figured in as one, for although quite small, she was very much in evidence throughout that journey. one of the gentlemen rode most of the time on the "boot" and occasionally one or another of the men would take a spell on the driver's seat so that we were never crowded uncomfortably; yet, oh, how tired we did get and especially the ladies, before that ride was ended. it was the th of january, the weather very pleasant but very cold nights, and our first night on the stage was decidedly uncomfortable. we reached the terminus of the railroad, york, about noon, ate dinner in a shack of a restaurant and started on our stage ride about two p. m. we were not long in discovering that there was something the matter with the horses. the driver, in answer to our queries, informed us that they were all suffering from the epizootic; it was getting awful bad, he explained, "don't believe we've got a horse on the line that is free from it." we agreed with him that it was awful bad. the poor beasts coughed and sneezed continuously, throwing off effluvium, the odor of which was disagreeable in the extreme. on our second day out a regular january thaw set in and the snow melted so rapidly that the roads got very bad; a number of times the men had to get out and walk, and on several occasions the well named "mud wagon" got mired so deeply and the horses were so weak, we had to get a fence pole from the neighboring fence and lift the wheels out of the holes, the horses being unable to budge the old coach. the further south we got the worse the roads got. we had to change the horses about every twenty miles, but they were all alike, weak and dispirited, and the stench about the stables at the different stations was nauseating. on the fifth day out we arrived at the last station. between it and the mining camp there was a hard mountain to climb and the snow was falling thick and fast. it was then well on to sunset and to our keen disappointment the station man and driver decided it would be folly to try to get over the "divide" in that storm, and that we would have to remain at the station until morning. here was an unlooked for and unpleasant predicament, but there was no help for it, and it was better than getting stuck on the "divide" in a heavy snowstorm. the hostler was a good natured fellow and tried in his homely way to reconcile us to our fate. "i ain't got so very much grub here and what there is ain't very dainty, i 'low, especially for the ladies, but such as it is you're welcome to, and you can have a good fire, and if youse want to stretch yourselves out after supper, i can rake up quite a few blankets and laprobes, and ye can lie down when youse tired of settin' 'round the fire." the odor of the stable from the epizootic was almost sickening and the thoughts of eating there was anything but cheering, but we were all hungry, almost famished, having had nothing since breakfast. so we made the best of it. the hostler hustled in great shape, the presence of the ladies and the baby inspiring him to extra exertions in our behalf. he soon had a big pot of coffee and a pan full of bacon cooking, and he had to make some bread too, in which mrs. bates and her sister lent him their assistance. the quickest thing he suggested was slapjacks, and we all agreed to the quickest thing, and so before long we were all partaking with what relish we could of the hostler's coffee, slapjacks and bacon, and, notwithstanding the disagreeable odor of the stable, we all contrived to satisfy our hunger. after the hostler cook had cleaned away the few tin plates and cups, he proceeded to strew the end of the little "hostler's room" farthest from the stove with a diversity of blankets and laprobes, all of which were permeated with the odor of the stable, and suggested in his rough but kindly way "that we had better stretch ourselves on the floor as it was a long time till morning" and he knew "we must be pooty darn tired a ridin' so long in the coach." mrs. bates and her sister would have preferred sitting up if they only had comfortable chairs, but there was nothing but a rough bench and a couple of rough stools in the place and the majority of the men had been standing about or sitting on the floor all through the supper function and sleep gradually overpowered the party, and one by one they "knit up the raveled sleeve of care" and were glad to bunk down on the uninviting bed the kindly hostler had improvised for the occasion. in less than an hour after our sumptuous repast, the entire party were in the arms of morpheus. the women and the baby blanche were in the most secluded corner, then frank bates, john dunne and myself stretched out on the hospitable blankets. these took all the space and the two strangers and the driver wrapped up in their overcoats and betook themselves to the portion of the floor unoccupied; this was close around the stove. the floor of that hostler's room was literally covered with the sleepy travelers. it was a change of position and measurably restful, but our sleep was broken and anything but sweet, even though it was the "innocent sleep." the constant coughing of the poor, afflicted horses and the peculiar and disagreeable odor of the epizootic, rendered sleep anything but delightful, but "necessity knows no law," and in spite of all the disadvantages we managed to snatch some repose from the "chief nourisher in life's feast." unenviable as was our position in the hostler's room on this memorable night, it would have been much worse had we undertaken to cross the mountain. snow was falling thick and fast, and the wind blowing hard enough to be very disagreeable. after we were all asleep, or apparently so, the hostler shoved a stick of wood in the stove which was getting cold, and then turned into the hayloft to get a little sleep himself, for he had to be astir before daylight. before daybreak the storm had spent itself and the sun rose bright and cheerful, mountain and vale deeply covered with snow. our breakfast, which the hostler prepared while the driver was feeding and watering the horses, was exactly the same as we had for supper: coffee, slapjacks and bacon, with the addition of some tea which one of our fellow passengers prepared for himself and the ladies. it was a sample package he had and cost him, he solemnly declared, $ . a pound. this gave an extra flavor to it no doubt, at all events the ladies declared it was fine and we did not doubt its being more to their taste than the coffee the good hostler provided. breakfast over, we once more clambered into the shaky old jerkie with the admonition from the driver that we men would have to walk when we came to the steep places. we thanked the kindly hostler and invited him to come to the show when we got to playing in pioche. the snow was six or eight inches deep and even on the gradual ascent, as we started up the grade, it was all the horses could do to pull us, and the snow soon began to melt and the road to get steeper. it was evident we men would have to foot it, and most of the way to the top, and so we got out one or two at a time till we were all walking and occasionally we had to give a shove on the coach to help the willing but weakly horses get to the top. once there we were all very glad to get in; we were not long in rattling along the down grade into pioche, all very glad to get there. maguire, who had been impatiently expecting us for two days, was overjoyed to see us, for he was full of expectations as to the business we were going to do. he had secured us the best hotel accommodations the camp afforded, and they were duly appreciated after our recent experience at the station. after dinner we all took a walk with maguire at his invitation, to see the theatre where we were to play our six weeks engagement. the building stood back from the principal street which was built right in the ravine, the stage entrance facing the street, and the entrance for the audience facing the street above. we had ventured various conjectures in reference to this theatre that the always over sanguine maguire had secured a lease of. we had not expected very much and yet we were disappointed. we all entered at the stage door which opened directly from a flight of steps onto the back of the stage, and as we beheld the wonderful temple of thespus, where we were to do honor to his art, the exclamations that escaped us were not well calculated to enthuse john maguire, but rather to make him feel a little shaky about the venture he was making. ye gods! what a transition from the salt lake theatre to this shack! the theatre was about x feet, the stage occupying twenty-five feet. the orchestra floor for reserved seats ran from the stage towards the front about feet. the rest of the space was fitted with rough board seats a la circus, the natural declivity of the ground giving the seats the necessary pitch for the audience to see the stage. the walls of the building were of rough pine boards about ten feet in height and the entire auditorium was roofed in with ducking or light canvas. the stage part was roofed with shingles so as to preserve the scenery from the rain. of scenery there was a very limited supply and that not very artistic, being painted by an amateur. the stage projected beyond the curtain some six feet and on each side of this apron or projecting stage was a private box, finished off with cheap wall paper similar to the interior scenes on the stage. these boxes were well patronized. every night they were filled with the fair, frail denizens of the camp at the rate of $ a box. the opening play had already been announced, but owing to the lateness of our arrival, was necessarily postponed for a few nights. maguire had gotten together some people of more or less experience (mostly less) to fill up the minor parts in the cast. he also took a hand himself and rehearsals were started the same night we arrived. the opening night came around and the opera house (that's what john called it) was packed to suffocation. the boxes were filled to overflowing with the swellest looking women in the town. the play was "camille" and mrs. bates had them all shedding tears. the girls in the boxes were deeply affected. most of them were "like niobe, all tears," but we received no intimation that this powerful sermon of dumas was instrumental in turning them from their life of shame. pioche was a camp of about eight thousand people and was "booming." we played four weeks to good paying business. this fairly exhausted the bates repertoire, and business began to fall off appreciably. so a farewell benefit was worked up for mrs. bates and she made her final appearance at pioche in a blaze of glory, chiefly emanating from a diamond ring with which she was presented on the memorable occasion as a token of regard to a distinguished actress from a few of her pioche admirers. the bateses were fortunate. they had been playing on a large percentage of the gross receipts and had cleared up quite a nice little stake in the four weeks they had played and they struck out at once for san francisco, and from there went to australia where, in ' , frank bates died, after which mrs. bates and blanche, now a girl of eight, returned to san francisco in . maguire still kept myself and dunne and the rest of the company, thinking that with some new and lighter plays we could still do a paying business. the results were not very satisfactory. we played several weeks in a sort of spasmodic way, and then organized a little traveling company in which a clever young girl, maggie knight, whom maguire had discovered, was a feature, and we played back to the c. p. r. r. on one of these occasions in pioche, a very ludicrous thing happened which should not go unrecorded. we were playing the burlesque of "pocahontas." maguire was playing captain john smith, the writer powhatan, and johnny dunne, as we were short of ladies, was playing pocahontas. in the scene where smith is brought in a prisoner and is about to be executed, a catastrophe happened to john maguire, so sudden and appalling, should he live to be as old as methusaleh, i doubt if he would ever forget it. where smith says, after viewing the stone on which he is to be decapitated, "it's a hard pill, but a harder piller, life's a conundrum," and powhatan replies: "then lie down and give it up." just at this point a sudden scream emanated from one of the boxes, which were well filled on this occasion with the demi monde, then several screams of laughter, then the whole audience began to roar with laughter. i knew something had gone wrong for there was nothing in the text to extort such screams and peals of laughter. i glanced over the group on the stage, and to my amazement i saw mac's trunks had dropped down to his feet, and he, all unconscious of the fact, was standing there in a pair of thin cotton tights. his knee pants or trunks, were of very light material and the drawstring with which they were fastened around his waist, had given way and they dropped to the floor, and so excited was he in his character he did not notice it. i said to him in _sotto voce_, "your pants are down." then he cast his eyes down, and the look of abject despair that came over his face as he said in a subdued tone, "oh, my god!" and stopped and pulled the gauzy things up to their place and walked off the stage to readjust them, we can never forget. the girls at this resumed their screams of laughter and the audience roared until they were tired. when the noise subsided, maguire, with his costume adjusted, came back to finish the scene, but it was several minutes before we could proceed, so much did the audience enjoy this simple accident. maguire remained in pioche some time after i left there, and finally left the place worse off by far than when he went there, and i did not see the genial john again till i went to portland in ' to play in the new market theatre of which he was the manager. just before the departure of mr. and mrs. bates, john dunne and myself for pioche, the cogswell-carter company arrived in salt lake, having traveled by stage and team from california, playing the towns en route. this company consisted of j. w. carter, carrie carter, w. j. cogswell (carrie's brother), ed. harden, lincoln j. carter (then a very small boy), and probably one or two others, minor people who did not come into publicity here. on arriving here the party waited upon president brigham young to pay their respects, and to inform him that they had been commanded by the spirit world, with which they had been having communications (by the "planchette" route), to go to salt lake and join the mormon church as that was the true church and the only one that could save them. this told in all apparent sincerity, with the request to be baptized, was altogether a pleasing surprise to brigham and his counsellors, and the cogswell-carter company were warmly welcomed. they were baptized and confirmed into the church without delay, and within a few days they were all engaged at the salt lake theatre. their coming was very timely for the theatre managers, for they had lost several of their leading people. "jim" hardie had gone for good, mckenzie, who had been playing steadily since the opening of the theatre in ' and was wearied with study, had been released and sent on a mission in the belief the change would benefit him; john lindsay was off on a "fool's errand" playing for john maguire in pioche, and the cogswell-carter-marden accession filled the gap very nicely, and the season progressed to its close without much friction. during the absence of mr. dunne and myself from salt lake the following attractions appeared at the theatre. jean clara walters, w. j. cogswell and the stock company from february th to march th, on which date a new play by edward l. sloan (then editor of the salt lake herald) was produced. it was entitled "stage and steam." it was intended to show the advance of civilization. it had a railroad scene and a stage coach in it and a sensational saw mill scene, where a man was placed on the log carriage to be sliced into boards, but was rescued just in the nick of time. jos. arthur's saw mill scene in "blue jeans" is exactly the same thing, although it is scarcely probable that mr. arthur ever saw sloan's play. the play only had two performances. march th to th, frank hussey and blanche clifton held the boards in "hazard" and some other plays. marion mordaunt was the next stellar attraction and gave "the colleen bawn" and "hearts are trumps" the th to th. on the th a star of the first magnitude appeared. it was augusta dargon. she opened in "camille" and played also "deborah (leah)," "lady macbeth," "meg merrilles" and "lucretia borgia." miss dargon was one of the greatest actresses our country ever produced, but she was not financially successful. she is the only american actress who has ever played tennyson's "queen mary." mrs. john drew made a costly production of this play at the arch street theatre, philadelphia, with augusta dargon as the star during the centennial. but it was not a financial success. the writer did not meet miss dargon till , when she came to the new market theatre in portland and played a two weeks' engagement under the management of our old friend john maguire. here i had the pleasure (and hard work) of playing the opposite roles to her in her extensive repertory, changing the bill nearly every night during her engagement. toward the close of it she put up tennyson's "queen mary" in which i had to play king phillip of spain on two days' study, a very long, arduous part, that put me on my mettle to master it; also studied and played "cardinal wolsey" for the first time during this engagement. miss dargon, who was under the management of henry greenwald, after her portland engagement, made a tour of the "sound" playing tacoma, seattle, port townsend and victoria, supported by the new market theatre company, and returning, played a few more nights in portland, then took steamer for australia. under mr. greenwald's management she had played successful engagements both in san francisco and portland, and when she opened in melbourne she just captivated the city, playing extraordinary engagements both there and in sidney. the press of australia printed volumes in her praise. she made a great triumph, and in the very flush of her victory, some wealthy australian captured her. she got married and retired from the stage, and greenwald was forced to return without her. she never came back to us. her return engagement here was played before she went to australia. mr. "bill" cogswell seemed to have dropped out of the company before miss dargon's engagement and consequently david mckenzie was her principal support. after the dargon engagement, which closed march th, jean clara walters, florence kent and the stock company played through the april conference without a star attraction, and filled up time to april th when for some reason the season closed but was reopened on may rd with the stock company who played up to the th. on the th of may, augusta dargon began a return engagement which lasted till the th. she opened in the new play "unmasked," and repeated "deborah," "camille," and "lady macbeth," and closed in a new piece "the rising of the moon." it speaks highly of miss dargon's popularity in salt lake that she should play a return engagement in five weeks after her first one. blind tom, the musical prodigy, was the next attraction. he played but one night, may th. on the th annette ince began a return engagement of six nights and a matinee and the record shows a change of play for each performance. she gave "elizabeth," "mary stuart," "medea," "the hunchback," "the stranger," "the honeymoon," and the "lady of lyons." this repertory in one week undoubtedly kept the company right busy. miss ince was a sterling actress, and always gave satisfaction, but she did not possess the faculty of making your blood thrill in your veins and your hair rise occasionally that miss dargon had. it is just a little singular how she came so close on miss dargon's heels this time. it seems like poor management to play two lady stars, so nearly alike in repertoire, so close together, but these accidents would happen once in a while. frank hussey and blanche clifton came back for two nights, may th and th. then the stock had to take up the burden again and carry it from may th to june st. by june st john dunne and the writer had returned from the pioche trip and were back in their old positions in the company. dunne had a surprise party in store for him on his return. instead of being received with open arms and loving embraces by his bride of a night, she coldly repulsed him and refused ever to live with him, and she kept her word. this was owing to things she had heard about john and his freedom with other females while he was at pioche. this did not discourage dunne, however, from trying again. he has had several wives since, the best known being patti rosa, a talented actress whom he managed and married. clara, on the other hand, was not inconsolable, and her enchantment with the stage and stage actors having been rather rudely dispelled, she sought "surcease from sorrow" in the affections of a well to do farmer, who has proven more constant, and with whom she has raised a representative mormon family. madam anna bishop put in a week of high class concert from june the th to th. on july nd john w. dunne took a benefit, on which occasion we repeated one of our pioche performances with an important change of cast. "theresa, or the cross of gold" and "pocahontas" was the bill. dunne did not find the atmosphere of salt lake so congenial to him as it had been and did not remain for the next season. i next met him in cheyenne in ' . he was married and apparently contented, working at his trade of printer. the business, after dunne's benefit, seems to have been spasmodic. the stock kept on playing, however, during the month of july. that it did business at all was remarkable, but there being no "resorts" and the theatre the coolest place in town, in some measure accounts for its keeping open during the torrid heat of the summer. weiniawska, the polish violinist, gave a concert on the th. george waldron and his wife drifted in and played a few nights up to the th. then w. o. crosbie and his wife, arrah crosbie, and james a. vinson, drifted in from the northwest and were given a few nights. "jim" vinson was featured in the play of "quits" and "billie" crosbie in some favorite farce, supported by arrah and the stock company. both vinson and crosbie made a very favorable impression which resulted in them being engaged by the management for the following season. it looked as if all the other theatres in the west had closed and the actors had come trouping to salt lake to get summer engagements. now comes carrie cogswell-carter and the available stock to the front. they opened on the th and played till the th, and the season closed. chapter xviii. season of - . the season of and ' was somewhat later than usual in opening. the reasons were, clawson and caine had renewed their lease of the theatre, and having done so well with it financially, they were not content to "let well enough alone," but felt that they should make certain imaginary improvements that different wise-acres had suggested, and embellishments commensurate with the liberal patronage they had received during their previous lease of the house. accordingly some radical changes were made which cost a plenty of money and made the managers scratch their heads many a time before they were all paid for. as an example of how much costly mischief one interfering "know-it-all" can accomplish, the managers were persuaded by their prospective new stage manager, "jim" vinson, that the stage of the theatre did not have sufficient pitch or slope from back to front. it had a slight pitch one-eighth of an inch to the foot, or about eight inches in its entire depth, which was just perceptible, but not sufficient to be particularly noticeable or to render it uncomfortable to walk on or to dance on. but the wisdom of the new stage manager was paramount, and that immense stage whose huge supports were built into the solid stone walls, had to be cut loose from its bearings and the front of it lowered until it had three-eighths of an inch fall to the foot, a slope that made it uncomfortable to walk on, indeed, entering in a hurry, one was quite inclined to slide on. it made it awkward too for stage settings. every piece of scenery that was set up and down the stage or at any angle save that paralleling the front curtain, was thrown out of the perpendicular that is so essential to make the scenery look well. at the very time that this alleged improvement was being made, the pitching or sloping stage (once thought to add perspective to the scenery) was obsolete and all the new theatres in the country were being built with level stages. it cost hundreds of dollars to make this change and instead of being an improvement it was a positive detriment, is still, and always will be. so much for the advice of a stage manager. the proscenium doors that had been used for coming in front of the curtain, were done away with and the present boxes put in their stead, a very sensible and profitable improvement. something like $ , was expended in these and other improvements--a costly experiment the sequel proved. the managers, clawson and caine, had in contemplation a very profitable season and engaged an unusually large and expensive company. the old stock members had been now so many seasons constantly before the public that it was thought their drawing powers were waning, and it was considered necessary to get some new blood into the stock. accordingly, while nearly all the old stock was retained, a number of new people were added to the company, vastly increasing the salary list. first in prominence was kate denin (mrs. john wilson) who was featured as a stock star. mr. w. j. cogswell, who had been playing leads during the latter part of the previous season, was retained as leading man. "jim" vinson, who had put into salt lake before the close of the last season, was retained as stage manager and to play "old men." "billie" crosbie was engaged for the principal comedy roles, thus displacing the local favorites, margetts, graham, and dunbar from the choice comedy parts. arrah crosbie, billie's wife, had to have a place and she made a good utility woman; or she could play irish characters. from the mere force of assimilation "billie" was a good irish comedian. mr. "al" thorne, who was added to the company in the previous november, was retained especially for the "heavies." "buck" zabriske was engaged as prompter at a good fat salary, because the prompter was a very essential feature in the makeup of a stock company and generally earned his salary, for he often had a hard part to play behind the scenes on a first night. then there was dear old frank rea, with his face and head of antique beauty; always full of forrestonian reminiscences, and his wife of blessed memory, who had grown old in the service, along with her husband. then there was carrie cogswell-carter, and ed marden was there. j. w. carter had parted company with theatrical business and accepted an engagement to preach the gospel for a while. he succeeded in making one convert that we know of whom he brought to utah later and made mrs. carter no. . this was a bitter pill for carrie carter and she revenged herself in time by becoming the fourth wife of bishop herrick of ogden. apropos of this latter event, about a year later, december, , miss carrie cogswell was playing julia in the "hunchback" to the writer's "master walter" at ogden. there was a gentile paper there at the time called the ogden freeman. it was published by a man named freeman, who came to ogden with the advent of the union pacific railroad. freeman had published his paper at each successive terminus of the road until it reached ogden, and then he settled down there and ran the "ogden freeman" as a rabid anti-mormon paper. we had journeyed northward and were in the town of franklin. phil margetts, "jimmy" thompson and myself were seated in the hotel parlor when carrie came in with a paper in her hand, and in her lively, good-natured way, said "boys, i met freeman of ogden, in the co-op. store just now, and he gave me a copy of his paper. he says it has a long notice of the 'hunchback' in it. let us see what he says." with that she threw herself into a chair, turned over the paper and found the notice. it was generally favorable but criticised her julia rather adversely, at which she said rather petulantly, "well, i know i'm not an adelaide neilson, but i guess it was good enough for ogden." on further examination of the paper she came across a "personal" which read as follows: "we understand that miss carrie cogswell, now playing here with the salt lake company, is the fourth polygamous wife of bishop herrick, having herself had three husbands: first, thomas a. lyne, the tragedian; second, j. a. carter, and third, bishop herrick." she read this notice to us and as she did so she grew very angry. she strode out of the hotel like an enraged tigress. we all wondered what she was going to do, but in about five minutes she strode back in again with a handful of poor freeman's whiskers in her clenched fist and her parasol broken to smithereens over the offender's face and head. in explanation she said, "i don't care how much he criticises my acting but he mustn't meddle in my family affairs." freeman took revenge for this upon the writer several years later in montana, by giving him a red hot roast while playing in a neighboring town. he evidently thought that i had prompted her to the castigation act, which was not true, and totally unnecessary. the season was ushered in very auspiciously with the "school for scandal," with miss denin as lady teazle and mr. j. h. vinson as sir peter; mr. cogswell playing charles surface and mr. crosbie, benjamin backbite, and the full force of the stock company in the cast. stock played through conference dates as usual and up to the th when laura alberta and george w. harrison hoisted the stellar flag, which they floated for two weeks, opening in "uncle tom's cabin," which ran for three nights, and then gave place to other pieces in laura's repertory. then followed fanny cathcart and george darrell for a week, presenting "man and wife," "woman in red," "masks and faces," "black eyed susan," "stranger," "happy pair," "mysteries of stage," and "mexican tigress." eight different plays in one week must have kept the stock company out of mischief, one would naturally think. the reverse proved true, however, in this case, for the leading man, "bill" cogswell, from over-study (we had no understudies in those days), was driven to drink; bill got on a jamboree and didn't care whether school kept or not, and the managers were in a dilemma. their next star was may howard, who opened on november rd for a three weeks engagement of legitimate. it was essential to have a good, reliable leading man to help may through such a long engagement. both mckenzie and lindsay were away and a new leading man was considered an all important factor in this emergency. so a chicago dramatic agent, arthur cambridge, was wired to and he sent out the "brilliant young american actor, j. al. sawtelle." sawtelle opened on miss howard's second night, playing "armand duval" in "camille." it was a part well suited to him and he made a satisfactory impression. miss howard played "the new magdalen" (opening night), "guy mannering," "romeo and juliet," and "east lynne." harry eytinge rendered support in most of her plays--he being the lady's husband this was a very fitting and graceful thing to do. after three weeks of howard and eytinge, fanny cathcart and george darrell came back as "man and wife," doing "dark deeds" and filling in four nights with a "woman in red," and doing funny things in "masks and faces." on november th and th, an original historical play by edward w. tullidge, entitled "oliver cromwell," had its initial performance. sawtelle was cast for the title role. "jim" vinson, the venerable stage manager, was greatly impressed with the merits of cromwell and cast and staged it to the best of his ability, with the resources available, but it was far from being an ideal cast. sawtelle, tall and slender, looked as little like cromwell as he did napoleon, and he was as far from the character in temperament as he was in stature. the play with so many historical characters, cromwell, charles i., ireton, milton, vane, bradshaw, harrison, et al., was very exacting in its mental requirements, and was easily greater than the company, yet notwithstanding this drawback and the fact that nothing was done for the play in the way of special scenery or costuming, it met with very fair success. a strong local interest was exhibited and the house was well filled to witness the first performance of a great play by a local author. mr. vinson said it was the greatest play that had been written since bulwer's "richelieu" and told john mccullough on his next visit, that if he would take tullidge's "oliver cromwell" and play it there was a fortune in it for him. mccullough would have made an ideal cromwell, and vinson recognized the fact that he was the man to make a success of it, but mccullough, like davenport, who read the play and made a contract with tullidge to produce it, had already passed the meridian of his fame and had not ambition sufficient left to engage in a new and venturesome undertaking; so cromwell dropped back into oblivion. it was revived a dozen years later with the writer in the title role. the play this time was costumed correctly and the cast, although still weak in places, was somewhat better than the original. it was played again in the salt lake theatre, at ogden, logan and provo, and met with a hearty endorsement by the press of those towns, but it needed more money to tide it to a financial success than the promoters had to invest, and so oliver cromwell has rested in honorable repose, waiting for some enterprising manager to unveil him on the stage as lord roseberry unveiled his statue facing westminster hall only a short time ago; a late but fitting tribute to the genius of the uncrowned king. following oliver cromwell, shiel barry, a clever actor of irish character, filled the week, december st to th. on the th and th oliver cromwell was repeated, this making four performances in all, which spoke well for the popularity of tullidge's play. on december th, kate denin took a farewell benefit and made her last appearance for this season. mrs. frank rea took a benefit on the th and on the nd jean clara walters reappeared after an absence of about three months in the "french spy." miss walters had not appeared this season until now, on kate denin's retirement. they were both stock stars and two lady stock stars keep not their course in the same orbit. denin had been shining refulgently since the opening of the season, and walters, although in the city, had not appeared, but now she burst again into public view resplendent in green tights and spangles. on the th eliza newton, as the bright particular star, appeared in the "nymph of the luleyburg," a beautiful spectacular piece well suited for the holidays. close following the holiday production with its nymphs and fairies our old friend "jim" herne opened a three weeks' engagement on january th, , in the now familiar rip van winkle, following it up with a variegated repertoire, including "bombey and son," "rosina meadows," "wept of the wishton wish," "people's lawyer" or "solon shingle," etc. herne, during his previous engagement, established himself as a great favorite with salt lake audiences, and now he added new laurels to his wealth of fame. herne was a great actor. he excelled in eccentric comedy all the actors i have known. on january th, john mccullough began a three weeks' engagement in "jack cade." annie graham, herself an attractive legitimate star, was especially engaged to play the opposite roles to mccullough. this made a remarkably strong company and mr. john mccullough had every reason to be satisfied with his support and proud of the engagement he played. in addition to "jack cade," a long list of legitimate plays were presented, including "the gladiator," "damon and pythias," "virginius," "hamlet," "macbeth," "romeo and juliet," "merchant of venice," and "othello." he exhausted his legitimate repertoire and drew on his comedy resources, playing "dr. savage" in "playing with fire" and "a party by the name of johnson" in "the lancastershire lass." this was a notable engagement and was followed by another great celebrity, dion boucicault, the author of so many successful plays. boucicault appeared as "miles na copaleen" in his own popular play, "the colleen bawn;" also as "shaun the post" in "arrah na pogue," and on his third and last night in "kerry." his dates were february th, th and th. on the th maggie moore and johnny williamson of california theatre fame, opened a nine nights' engagement. we have no record of what pieces they played except one. they had a new play to exploit. they had feared to make the venture with it at the california theatre in san francisco where they had been favorites, so they brought it to salt lake to "try it on the dog." this is a phrase thoroughly understood among theatrical people although it may savor of ambiguity to the uninitiated. it means simply that when a manager is at all dubious about the merits of a new production, he sends it into some comparatively obscure town to try its qualifications for pleasing in the metropolis. the origin of the phrase is obscure, but probably sprang from the similarity of trying a collar on a dog. inferentially the play is a collar and the obscure town the dog. in this particular case "struck oil" was the collar and salt lake the dog. the collar happened to fit; the play was a howling success (no suggestion of dog intended here) and it ran three consecutive nights in the salt lake theatre, and then with the salt lake stamp of approval on it the williamsons, johnny and maggie, took it out into the theatrical world and made a fortune with it. joe murphy had the collar on us before with his "help" and was successful, and that encouraged the williamsons and others that have since come, until salt lake has won a reputation among dramatic people for being an easy and gentle canine on which to try the collar. now comes the prince of comedians, john t. raymond, back again and stays a short week, during which he sprung on the actors and the confiding and admiring community the following plays: "our american cousin," "everybody's friend," "toodles," "serious family," and "only a jew." in "our american cousin," raymond starred as asa trenchard, the "american cousin," and not in lord dundreary, the part sothern won both fame and fortune in. in this instance my old schoolmate and present colleague, john c. graham, was intrusted with the character of "dundreary" and did himself and the company credit by his humorous and artistic rendering of it. raymond was so thoroughly american (a yankee in fact) that dundreary was not in his way, while asa trenchard fitted like "ze paper on ze vall." raymond as major wellington de boots was immense, but it scarcely gave him the scope he was looking for so he was playing a half dozen different plays, none of which were making him any great fame or money. when "the gilded age" was ushered in by mark twain, people who knew john t. raymond, on reading col. seller's peculiarities, were quick to recognize in raymond the living counterpart of mark twain's imaginary hero. it was not long before raymond was the only authorized stage edition of col. sellers and his popularity increased rapidly until it seemed "there was a million in it" for the genial comedian, but before he had time to amass a million or two "atropos came with her shears and clipped his thread." "alas, poor yorick! i knew him, horatio. a fellow of infinite jest, of most excellent fancy." miss m. e. gordon followed, playing from the th to the th, opening in "divorce." miss gordon was closely allied to raymond. whether they divided evenly the profits of the two engagements we cannot tell, but we know that in many other places they played in conjunction. katherine rogers opened a two weeks' engagement on march th, playing "galatea," "leah," "hunchback," "unequal match," "lady of lyons," "as you like it," "masks and faces," and "love's sacrifice." a series of "benefits" followed this engagement, beginning with w. h. crosbie, april rd. on the th, belle douglass reappeared in the stock after a long absence. on the th carrie cogswell had a "benefit," and j. h. vinson on the th. on the th mr. and mrs. rea "benefited" with the play of "rob roy," and gave out satin programs as souvenirs of the occasion. on the th miss annie graham commenced an engagement of eight nights in the "lady of lyons," and played legitimate repertory. on the th asenith adams (now mrs. kiskadden) had a benefit and played "elzina." this was some seventeen months after maude was born, a. j. sawtelle had a benefit on april th. on the th h. f. and amy stone opened a two weeks' engagement in "under two flags," producing besides "elfie," "pearl of savoy," "fanchon," "french spy." on may th t. a. lyne had a benefit, giving scenes from "hamlet" and "macbeth." on the th victoria woodhull lectured. on the th william hoskins and fannie colville opened four nights' engagement in "the heir at law," "a bird in the hand," and "the critic." on the th inst, there was a revival of edward tullidge's historical play, "eleanor de vere," with jean clara walters in the title role, the character originally played by julia deane hayne, and on the nd another play from the pen of mr. tullidge had its first production. the play was entitled "david ben israel." as the title indicates, the play is jewish and commemorates the return of the jews to england in the reign of charles ii. after a banishment of four centuries. john s. lindsay played the title role, and miss walters, rachel the jewess. the play made a very pronounced hit and placed another plume in mr. tullidge's cap as a dramatic author. on the th, w. a. mestayer opened a week's engagement in "on the slope," and with "the octoroon" and "an odd trick" gave much satisfaction. "bill" mestayer for years was the heavy man at the old california theatre in its palmy days. as jacob mcclosky in the "octoroon" he was simply great. on his last night he appeared as don caesar for the benefit of the ladies' library association. on june st, george chaplin made his regular summer appearance in the comedy of "school," from which he graduated in one night and appeared on the following evening as count monte cristo. he played monte again on the th. on the th george took a layoff as the lingards, horace and dickie, got in on that date with "the spitsefields weaver," and gave one performance. chaplin resumed with the stock company on the following night, june th, and played the week out, giving his services on the last night for the benefit of the theatre corporation. the following week the stock company gave a liberal proportion of their salaries to the series of performances for the benefit of the corporation. seven performances were given for this benefit. james a. herne appeared in four of them, chaplin in one, the company in all seven. although clawson and caine were the nominal lessees and managers, they had associated with them before opening this season, several partners in the venture and the concern was known as the salt lake theatre corporation. mr. thomas williams was the treasurer and presided over the box office during this regime, and with such peerless _bonhomie_ as made "tom" (everybody called him "tom") the acknowledged prince of ticket sellers. it was evident from this benefit business that the corporation had not had the profitable season's business they had expected when they opened with such flying colors in the previous october. the truth was the corporation was very much in the hole, and this series of benefit performances were designed to lighten their financial burdens and did to some extent, yet the close of the season found them heavily in debt, and there were serious results threatening, but the leniency of the creditors averted disaster. the summer was now on but the stars kept on coming. salt lake was a regular resort for them. when they could do no business elsewhere, owing to heat, they made for the salt lake theatre. it was the coolest place in the city in those days and before we had any summer resorts the people would go and see these midsummer night performances. our old hibernian friend, joe murphy, was the next in line, opening on the th inst. with more "help," which he worked for all it was worth three nights and filled out the remainder of the week with a new irish drama, "maum cree." this was joe's debut in irish character work and he had come to salt lake city again to "try it on the dog." he had good support and "maum cree" received a favorable verdict from the salt lake theatre goers and joe murphy was successfully launched onto the dramatic sea as an irish comedian. following mr. murphy came the coleman sisters for a week. they opened on the nd of june in charles xii and played besides this piece, "day after the fair," "the deal boatman," and "pouter's wedding." in common with many others the colemans flitted across our dramatic horizon and never returned. on the th inst. john s. lindsay had a benefit on which occasion he appeared in the character of rolla in the play of "pizarro." the farce of the "lottery ticket" was played after "pizarro" to make up a good full evening's entertainment. "billie" crosbie was the star comedian in "the lottery ticket." the stock played only a few nights after this, closing the season on the th of july. on july th, victoria woodhull drew a large audience to hear her lecture on "the beecher scandal." the beecher trial at that time was the sensation of the day. the lecture drew a crowded house and victoria took occasion to fire red hot shot at beecher and the clergy in general, getting in some hard blows on the perfidy of the men in general and the advantage they took of poor, confiding women. it seemed impossible to keep the theatre closed for more than a few weeks even in the hottest portion of the summer, owing more to the anxiety of the "strolling players" to put in a portion of their summer in salt lake than any feverish desire on the part of the theatre patrons to see them. companies going to and from san francisco were always glad to get in a few nights at the salt lake theatre as it broke the long jump between the coast and denver and was pretty sure to be profitable. accordingly the theatre was reopened on august rd with the vokes family for one week. the vokeses were great favorites here and did a very fair business despite the hot weather prevailing. chapter xix. season of ' -' . to open this season the stock company were brought into requisition again and played up to the th of september. on the th and th howarth's hibernica, a panoramic show with specialties filled in the time. the vokeses returned on the th and filled out the remainder of the week, making ten nights and two matinees they got in during the heated term which was sufficient proof of their popularity. close on their heels came the hoskins-darrell combination, consisting of william hoskins, his wife, fannie colville, george darrell and his wife. they were supported by the stock company and played from the th to the rd inclusive. hoskins was an english actor of great and varied experience, and in high comedy roles was greatly admired. he was a man of sixty years of age and had been in australia for a good many years. his wife, fannie colville, was very much his junior, in fact, it was a may and december alliance and apparently bore the usual kind of fruit. fanny was not a great actress but was very pretty and attractive, in fact, too much so to prove comfortable to her much senior lord and master. the darrells were clever and talented. the combination proved fairly successful. they toured about the country for a year or so and then returned to australia with more experience than money, wiser if not richer. they wooed content in their former home. the october conference approaching, the stock company were put in rehearsal for some suitable plays and the "royal marrionettes" were put in as an additional attraction for the conference season and continued for nine nights from october th to the th inclusive. the marrionettes proved to be highly amusing and interesting entertainment and combined with the efforts of the stock company in drama gave the conference visitors the worth of their money and replenished the treasury to a considerable extent. the next attraction also worked in conjunction with the stock company. this was laura honey stevenson (now mrs. church), a lady of some celebrity as a reader. she was assisted in her entertainments by a brilliant young baritone singer, mr. john mckenzie, whose singing proved to be quite taking and this conjunction lasted for eight nights. it was during this last engagement that there occurred quite an exodus from the salt lake stock company to john piper's theatre at virginia city, nevada. mr. j. a. sawtelle and wife and daughter, a girl of twelve or fourteen years, miss adams (mrs. kiskadden), her daughter maude, now two years old, accompanied by mr. kiskadden, miss carrie cogswell-carter with her son lincoln j., then about ten years of age, and the writer went to virginia city, all with the exception of mr. kiskadden and the children being under engagement to play with piper for the ensuing season. there is much of interest connected with this exodus from salt lake. it materially weakened the stock forces, taking away the leading man, mr. sawtelle, the leading heavy (the writer), and leading juvenile lady, miss adams, and miss cogswell, the principal heavy woman; but their places were filled in a little while and the stock pushed along in the same old way. the combination system, however, was now gaining ground and the stock companies throughout the country began to suffer correspondingly, their engagements becoming more and more intermittent as the traveling combination became more numerous. at the opening of the season of ' and ' there were so many combinations booked that the managers of the salt lake theatre could not offer the stock company a season's engagement, but only brief periodical engagements between the dates of the various combinations. it was in consequence of this that the above mentioned members of the company took a season's engagement with mr. piper of virginia city. the comstock was booming in those days and the theatre ran every night, sundays included. at the close of the piper season, miss adams went to san francisco taking maudie with her. there they made their home; mr. kiskadden having preceded them there and obtained a good situation as a bookkeeper with the firm of park & lacy. mrs. kiskadden played occasional engagements at the san francisco theatres and there in due time little maude made her first voluntary appearance on the stage, her first appearance which occurred at the salt lake theatre when she was yet in long clothes, having been an involuntary one in which her feelings or inclinations were not consulted. the writer's stay in virginia city was brief. receiving an offer from james a. herne, who was managing stage at the bush street, san francisco for tom maguire, and being anxious to visit the golden gate city, i got mr. piper to honorably release me by showing him how he could get along without me and save my salary. so, after playing a week at sacramento during the state fair, i left the piper company and went to san francisco by steamboat which was running opposition to the railroad, giving very low rates--only fifty cents from sacramento to san francisco. mr. kiskadden, who had been with his wife and baby maude since leaving salt lake, decided to take advantage of this low excursion rate on the steamer and go to san francisco also in the search of a situation. "jim," as he was familiarly called, was always ready for a little sport in the way of a game of cards or billiards, so as soon as the boat got under way, he got into a game of cards with some kindred spirits and although a crack player and usually a winner, on this occasion he lost every cent he had moreover he likewise lost his hat, a nice new summer one he had recently purchased. the wind was blowing strong upstream and a sudden puff took his hat into the river, leaving "jim" bareheaded and dead broke; not a very desirable plight to be in going a stranger into a strange city. moreover, to add to his discomfort, he was wearing a summer suit and as we approached san francisco the weather was cold and foggy, and "jim's" clothes were decidedly unseasonable when we reached our destination. fortunately he had his trunk along and as soon as he got located he effected a change of costume, but he was in a dilemma for money to live on till he could find a job and he appealed to me to lend him a certain sum, which i was unable to do, having barely enough to see me through till i would have a week's salary due, but i let him have enough for immediate necessities, and he was not long in finding friends and a good situation. my engagement at the bush street did not last very long. the house was doing a struggling business when i went there. emerson's minstrels just across the street were doing a phenomenal business, turning people away every night, while "jim" herne at the head of a good company, was playing to very meager houses. "zoe the cuban sylph" was the reigning star when i opened there and my opening part was an indian--conanchet, chief of the naragansetts, in the "wept of the wishton wish." the bush street theatre season ended rather ingloriously soon after the new year holiday. i had on the very morning preceding our closing night, received a telegram from mr. piper of virginia city, offering me the leading business for the remainder of the season, but declined it, believing the bush would struggle along. that night we had a new piece on, "the circus queen," and it proved such a failure that tom maguire decided to close, which he did without any previous notice, so the entire company were out of a job. next morning i lost no time wiring to piper to know if the engagement was still open to me and in a few hours i had received the agreeable answer "yes" and took the train the same day for virginia city. i had been there about three weeks when i met t. b. h. stenhouse, who was there writing up the comstock mines for the new york herald. he said to me, "they need you in salt lake badly; why don't you wire them? katherine rogers opens there monday night for a two weeks' engagement and they have no competent leading man to support her." "well," i said, "they know where i am. if they want me why don't they wire me?" "will you go," said he, "if i wire for you and get you the engagement?" "yes," i replied, "i shall be glad to go, for i am tired of this." so he went right off and wired, and the next day i left for home, but did not arrive in time to open with miss rogers in the opening bill, but got in on the second night and played throughout the rest of the engagement. i had been absent from october th, , to january th, , a little over three months, during which time the following attractions appeared at the salt lake theatre: the wheeler comedy troupe, october th to st. on november nd, risley's panorama "mirror of england" opened for a week. on the th and th the infantry combination. on the th frank mayo and rosa rand opened a week's engagement presenting "davy crockett" and "streets of new york." on the th agnes booth and joseph wheelock opened in "much ado about nothing," and filled out a week with "king john" and the comedy "engaged." on december nd r. h. cox, familiarly known as "daddy cox," among professionals on the coast, opened a four nights' engagement with "the detective," which went for two nights. the other two nights he gave "the bells that rang nellie a bride." daddy cox had recently left piper's theatre in virginia city, where he had been stage manager for a time. on the th, harry rickards, an english comic singer of great spread and self importance, opened for a week's engagement in conjunction with the stock company. rickards was recently from australia and put in a week at the bush street during the writer's engagement there. his singing and style did not catch on with the san franciscans. he was too "awfully english, yer know." he did not prove any great attraction in salt lake. on the st a grand concert was given for the benefit of the catholic church. on the nd, w. j. florence opened for a week, supported by the stock company. his opening play was "dombey and son." he gave besides "no thoroughfare" and the "colleen bawn." each piece ran two nights, carrying the season through the christmas holidays and the house closed with his last performance on the th until new year's day. january st, , the theatre reopened with the stock company, who, without the assistance of any stellar attraction, played two weeks when the house closed again until the th inst. of the people who had comprised the stock company the previous season, the following members had drifted away: j. al. sawtelle, leading man; mrs. sawtelle, general utility; john s. lindsay, leading heavy; asenith adams (mrs. kiskadden), leading juveniles; w. s. crosbie, comedian; arrah crosbie, characters; j. h. vinson, first old man and stage manager; buck zabriske, prompter. the uncertain and spasmodic nature of the engagements this season, which had caused this strong contingent of the company to seek other engagements, also prevented the accession of new people to the ranks of the stock company, so that it was in a rather dilapidated and weakened condition, especially for the support of legitimate repertoire, such as katherine rogers presented for the patrons of the drama. on january th she opened in "romeo and juliet." mr. "mike" foster was the romeo for the occasion. the "leading men" were all out of the way and this was sudden promotion for foster one of those opportunities that come but rarely to the ambitious young actor, and nearly always bring new honors and distinction. "mike" struggled manfully with his task, but he did not make an ideal romeo. on the following evening the writer made his reappearance with the company, after an absence of three months. he played master walter in the "hunchback" on the occasion and was warmly welcomed by the audience. miss rogers played in addition to "romeo and juliet" and the "hunchback," "as you like it," "love's sacrifice," "pygmalion and galatea," "lady of lyons," "leah," in which the writer played the following characters respectively: jacques, matthew elmore, pygmalion, claude melnotte, lorenz. such a repertory, where each play ran for but two performances, put the company on high tension. those who had new parts, and particularly if they had never played in the pieces, found it very exacting work. fortunately for the writer, he had played most of the parts before, yet it was a busy time for him during that engagement. following closely on miss rogers with her legitimate plays, came the english comedian known professionally as willie gill and his wife, rose bain. these co-stars had recently been associated with the writer at piper's theatre at virginia city, where they played for a month or so in stock and it was a little of a surprise to me to find they had suddenly materialized into stars and were billed for a week at the salt lake theatre. with sublime assurance, especially for a play writer, which willie even then professed to be (as well as a comedian), he put up mark twain's "a gilded age." the piece had been but recently dramatized and had made a marked success with john t. raymond as col. sellers. raymond had played several engagements with us at the salt lake theatre and was a great favorite, and was looking forward to another visit in the near future with his greatest success, col. sellers. some one apprised him by telegram that gill was billed to play the piece here and he promptly wired a well known law firm to enjoin gill from playing it. the managers, clawson and caine, were also warned not to play it, so an emergency bill was prepared in the event that they should be stopped. the law firm had taken the necessary proceedings and just before "ringing up" time, as no change of performance had been announced, they appeared on the scene with the necessary officer and papers and the performance of "a gilded age" was formally and effectually enjoined. "all that glitters is not gold" was substituted. this was a lesson to the english comedian late from australia which he possibly never forgot, especially as a few years later he retired from the stage and settled down in new york as a professional writer for the stage. he was a clever adapter and dramatizer, as his version of "a gilded age" bore witness, and he no doubt found plenty of materials to use in his craft, whose authors were not so well known as mark twain nor so particular in regard to their copyrights. willie learned the truth of the axiom that "all that glitters is not gold," even _"a gilded age"_ on that memorable night, for it materially injured the business during the remainder of his engagement. "built on sand" was the next evening's offering and it was probably too suggestive of willie's hopes in respect to "a gilded age" to be a good drawing card, so it only went the one night. the company had their work cut out here also; the next play was a new one with them; he called it madge of elvanlee; it was a dramatization of charles gibbons "for the king," a very powerful story of the restoration period, and gave rose bain, his wife, the chance of her life to make a hit as a leading actress; but she failed to score any marked success, giving only a passable rendition of the character. fortunately again for this individual, he had during his absence played in this play at the bush street theatre. jim herne used it as the vehicle for the debut of a talented san francisco' lady, who created a little ripple of excitement by her advent on the stage. i afterwards played the leading character in it at virginia in conjunction with miss bain and mr. gill, so that it was comparatively easy for me in regard to study. this play was forced two nights, meantime the company had another new play sprung on them for friday night. miss rose bain was evidently bent on being the bright particular star of this engagement. willie had failed in his col. sellers scheme, and rose saw her opportunity and pushed it to the utmost. "the sphinx," a mythological play, taxing the powers of no less an actress than annette ince (one of the greatest of her time) was the next offering to the public, and an exacting task for the company. here again i was lucky, as i had only about six weeks before played a week in the piece with miss ince at the bush street theatre, and although i had now a different part, i was sufficiently familiar with the play to make my task easy, as compared with the rest of the company. "the sphinx" did not prove popular, owing largely to miss bain's inadequacy. so "madge of elvanlee" was restored for saturday night, and so ended a very unprofitable week, both for "stars" and management. willie gill afterwards acquired fame as the writer of several successful comedy sketches. rose bain we have never heard of since. from the th to the nd of february, the theatre was dark, which gave the overworked stock company a rest they no doubt enjoyed, but cut off their salaries, which they did not relish. on the nd, washington's birthday, the theatre was used as a ball room--the firemen gave a "grand ball" and for the occasion the theatre was transformed, as it had been a number of times before, to accommodate an enormous crowd of dancers. the entire parquet was covered with floor made in sections, making the stage and the auditorium into one vast dancing hall. hundreds who did not participate in the dance paid admission fees to sit in the circles and watch the dancers go through the bewitching and bewildering figures to the strains of a fine orchestra secured for the occasion. by the following evening, the floor was removed, the chairs back in place, and the theatre had resumed its normal appearance. on this date, the rd, the alleghanians, a company of swiss bell ringers and vocalists, opened and played throughout the remainder of the week, five nights and a matinee. the company had now had a three weeks' rest and were anxious to be doing something again, so a series of "benefits" were put on. commencing on march th, clara jean walters took a benefit, playing edward tullidge's "ben israel," a very powerful play commemorative of the return of the jews to england. on the th mr. lindsay "benefited," played "jack cade," and on the th e. b. mar den, who had been in the stock for several years, took a benefit, playing featherly in "everybody's friend." the theatre was again closed until the nd inst., when the lingards came in and, supported by the stock, stiffened up business to some extent; continued until the st. the april conference being close at hand, it was decided to play the stock through the conference in some of the old favorites, and they continued right along after the lingards left. that is the marvelous part of it that they could do _any_ business after dropping out a strong stellar attraction, but on they played through the conference and on up to the st of may, when the _season_ closed and with the season the management under the "salt lake theatre corporation" closed. their second season had not proved sufficiently profitable, although they had severely curtailed expenses by cutting down the company, to clear them of indebtedness, and the corporation quit badly in the hole. the close of the clawson and caine management and the end of the salt lake theatre corporation was virtually the retirement of the stock company, which had been playing from the opening of the theatre in ' up to the present date, may st, , a period of years. of course a great many changes had taken place during those years in the personnel of the company, but a few of the original members remained, and the organization or _ensemble_ of the company had been kept intact. now, however, the gradually encroaching combination system made it impracticable for the managers to offer a season's engagement to those who were willing and anxious to engage. the necessity for a stock company became rapidly less from this time on, until in the year it had become defunct altogether. two entertainments were given after the closing of the stock company, before the corporation relinquished the house--on may th, petroleum v. nasby lectured, and on the th mr. mark wilton rented the theatre and put up "the ticket of leave man" for a benefit. to show the status of the company at this particular time, the program for the benefit performance is here appended: salt lake theatre. salt lake theatre corporation ............... proprietors clawson and caine .............................. managers saturday evening, may th, . mr. mark wilton has engaged the theatre for this night and will produce the great drama of "the ticket of leave man." supported by the following cast of characters: bob briefly, a lancashire lad ....... mr. john s. lindsay james dalton (the tiger) ................ mr. m. forester hawkshaw (a detective) .................. mr. mark wilton melter moss (a crook) .................. mr. j. c. graham mr. gibson (a bill broker) ............. mr. harry taylor sam willoughby ...................... miss dellie clawson maltby ................................... mr. logan paul burton ................................... mr. h. horsley may edwards ..................... mrs. clara jean walters mrs. willoughby ...................... miss belle douglas this was the last performance given under the corporation managers and for some time the theatre remained without a manager; if any one wanted it, they had to rent it from president brigham young through one of his clerks. my record shows that the writer, on july th following, rented the house at the modest sum of one hundred dollars for the bare house. we gave bulwer's five-act comedy of "money" besides the farce "a fish out of water" and a musical interlude, by laura honey stevenson and john w. mckenzie, a popular young baritone from san francisco. the total expense of this performance was $ . , so it was a risk for an individual to take, but we pulled through clear and had a little left for our trouble. about this time mr. w. t. harris or "jimmy" harris, as he was familiarly called, was installed as "business manager" of the theatre; he had succeeded in winning one of brigham young's daughters, miss louise young, affectionately called by her friends "punk." the annie ward episode was forgotten or condoned, and jimmy had ingratiated himself so strongly in the president's good graces as to receive the hand of his favorite daughter, and in order that he might provide liberally for her, he was given the business management of the theatre. he assumed no financial responsibilities in accepting the position, but simply acted as the agent for brigham young, to whom he submitted matters of importance. he held down his job for two years or more, until some time after the death of brigham young, when the salt lake theatre, which had been appropriated by the late president, (although built with church means) in the settlement of brigham's estate reverted to the church. this brought a change of management and mr. harris was superseded by h. b. clawson, one of the former managers. chapter xx. season of ' -' . in the following chapter, no attempt will be made to give a consecutive and complete list of the attractions which appeared during the season, but a running notice will be made of the most important engagements, and especially of the new stars that appeared. the combination system was gradually forcing the stock company from the theatre. engagements with the stock people were now intermittent and uncertain, and for that reason the company kept dwindling until eventually it became a thing of the past. during this season, however, they were called in to support a good many stars. it took several seasons for the combination system to completely supersede the stock system. on august th, jennie lee, who had been a favorite soubrette in the california theatre, san francisco, and her husband, j. t. burnett, opened a week's engagement in the play of may blossom, supported by the stock. immediately following, opening on the th of august, came augustin daly's company on their way to san francisco. they played three nights, presenting "saratoga," "the big diamond" and "divorce." fanny davenport was the "leading lady" of this company. it was the first dramatic company to cross the continent direct from new york to san francisco. the fame of daly's company had preceded it, and as a result they played to big businesses both here and in san francisco. on the th and th, the english opera company played to good houses. on september th, the stock company reopened the theatre which had been dark for several weeks. charley vivian, who afterwards organized the order of elks, opened in conjunction with the company, giving his clever entertainment, and this combination pulled through the october conference, when there was another intermission. in december, the stock company made another spurt, headed by clara jean walters. they reopened with "cherry and fair star," a spectacular play which had an unusual run; with this and other pieces they managed to keep going until january th, ; from this date to april st, there were occasional attractions but none of great importance. on march st, john s. lindsay, who had been playing leads in the stock, was tendered a complimentary "benefit," on which occasion he appeared in the character of "jack cade." to show the personnel of the company at this particular period of its history, the following program of the performance is subjoined: salt lake theatre. w. t. harris ........................... business manager _grand complimentary farewell benefit_ tendered by the members of the dramatic profession, and prominent citizens of salt lake city to the popular actor john s. lindsay. on which occasion mr. lindsay will essay the great character of jack cade. wednesday evening, march , , will be presented judge conrad's celebrated tragedy in four acts, entitled "jack cade, the captain of the commons." the entire corps dramatique have generously volunteered. cast of characters: _nobles_. lord say ................................ mr. mark wilton lord clifford ........................ mr. emmett mousley duke of buckingham ..................... mr. gus m. clark duke of suffolk ........................ mr. b. w. wright courtnay ............................... mr. j. c. graham _commons_. jack cade } aylmere } ........................... mr. john s. lindsay friar lacy ........................... mr. john t. hardie wat worthy ............................ mr. phil margetts will mowbray ............................ mr. j. e. evans jack straw ............................... mr. e. mousley bondmen to lord say-- dick pembroke ............................ mr. h. bowring roger sutton ............................. mr. wm. wright cade's son ( years old) .............. miss edie lindsay marinanne (cade's wife) ............... miss lina mousley widow cade (cade's mother) ............ miss sarah napper kate worthy, betrothed to mowbray ..... miss lizzie davis lords, officers, peasants, bondsmen, etc. to be followed by a musical interlude. song--"give a poor fellow a lift" mr. phil margetts, jr. for the last time, the great specialty of the mulligan guards ................ by w. t. harris and h. e. bowring the performance will conclude with the side-splitting farce, "a bashful bachelor." hector timid ........................... mr. j. c. graham captain cannon .......................... mr. mark wilton dr. wiseman ........................... mr. h. e. bowring thornton ................................ mr. j. e. evans louisa ................................ miss lina mousley chatter ............................... miss sarah napper it would be unreasonable to expect an audience to sit through such a lengthy performance nowadays, but such was the dramatic pabulum with which we had to entice them into the theatre "_in that elder day_." the "cast" in the above program shows that the stock company had become decidedly weak, a number of amateurs were worked in, and the three comedians, margetts, bowring and graham, are playing parts altogether out of their line. the lady assigned the "leading lady's" part (miss mousley) was a clever amateur and this was about her first appearance at this theatre. the "leading ladies" "seem to have been all in retirement." mr. wilton, "a serio-comic," playing the "leading heavy," lord say, and mr. graham playing" the "second heavy," courtney, shows there was a great sparsity of "heavy men," and margetts and bowring both playing serious "character parts," plainly indicates the low ebb the company had reached. it was now a difficult, nay an impossible, task to adequately "cast" one of the great classical plays. such was the status of the stock company at this period, its efficiency having been gradually weakened by the steadily increasing innovation of the combination or traveling companies. many of the most popular stars had not up to this time surrounded themselves with their own supporting companies, but continued to flit to and fro across the dramatic firmament, pausing to shed their luster for a new nights wherever they could find a cluster of nebula (stock company) to shine among. on april st a bright and attractive star appeared in the person of mr. edwin adams. mr. adams made a splendid impression on his first visit to salt lake and a full house was on hand to greet him. the train on which mr. adams arrived was several hours late and the audience was kept waiting more than an hour after the specified time of commencing. it was nearly ten o'clock when the curtain rang up on "the marble heart," but the audience exercised great patience, and when at length mr. adams appeared as phidias from between the curtains that concealed the statues, exclaiming "the man whose genius formed them," he received such a warm and generous welcome as must have banished any doubts or misgivings he may have had as to how salt lake would receive him. as he had not rehearsed with the company, some apprehensions were felt as to how the play would go; but, after it was over, mr. adams warmly complimented everybody--especially the stage manager--and declared it went just as well as if he had been here to rehearse it with us. this was a notable engagement, mr. adams playing ten nights in all, his engagement running through the april conference. in addition to "the marble heart," he played "hamlet," "richelieu," "rover" (in "wild oats"), "narcisse" and "enoch arden." edwin adams was destined to a career as brief as it was brilliant. after leaving us he went to san francisco and played a successful engagement, then went to australia. when he returned from australia to san francisco he was a dying man. a benefit was given him there, and he was wheeled onto the stage in an invalid's chair to acknowledge his gratitude to the san franciscans for their kindness to him. this was the last seen of poor edwin adams by the public. only a few days later and that dramatic genius that was shedding luster on the american stage was extinct. he had contracted quick consumption in the antipodes, and by the time he got back to san francisco his friends realized he had not long to live and did what they could to show their love for him and ease his passing to the great beyond. the next important engagement was that of john t. raymond, who appeared on august th in "a gilded age," the play in which willie gill was enjoined more than a year before. as colonel sellers, raymond was simply inimitable; mark twain might have had him in his eye when he created the character. it ran three performances, and if there were not "millions in it," it was at least a profitable engagement both for mr. raymond and the manager. notwithstanding it was the hottest part of the summer, raymond filled out a week with major de boots in the "widow hunt," and caleb plummer in "cricket on the hearth." raymond's engagement virtually closed the season of ' and ' , and there was nothing of importance until the commencing of the next season. chapter xxi. season of ' -' . with the approach of the october conference, which is always a harvest for the theatre, mr. harris got together as strong a company as possible and revived some of the old favorite plays, opening the season of ' and ' a night or two before and continuing through the conference dates to satisfactory business. there was no "star" to share with, and the theatre reaped a handsome profit. the next engagement of importance was that of mr. george rignold, an english actor, who was starring in "henry v." rignold had come from england and under the management of jarrett and palmer, "henry v." was given a fine production in their new york theatre. for some reason or other, after a short but successful run of the play, a disagreement arose between those popular managers and mr. rignold. they decided to supersede mr. rignold with lawrence barrett. they notified him accordingly and at the expiration of the time for which he had been engaged mr. barrett stepped into rignold's place and the run of the play was extended for several weeks. it was the intention to take the play to san francisco after the run in new york. this change of stars threw rignold out of the san francisco engagement, much to his chagrin and disappointment. not to be out-generaled the english actor quietly hastened to san francisco. the california theatre having been secured for the jarret and palmer company, with as much dispatch and secrecy as possible rignold got a company together. soon as it was known that rignold was in san francisco and was preparing to give the play of "henry v" at the grand opera house, the news was duly wired to jarrett and palmer; not only were they surprised, but greatly chagrined, on learning that the english actor had gotten the start of them and was in a fair way to eclipse their western engagement. mr. barrett and the managers, after a rather excited consultation, decided to close the run of "henry v" with the end of the current week, and have everything in readiness to leave new york for san francisco on the following sunday. the manager of the california was telegraphed to announce the play for the following thursday night. this gave scarcely a week for advertising, and it seemed incredible that the company could reach san francisco by the time, but jarrett and palmer had at great expense made arrangements with the railroad company for a special train, that was to rush them through from new york to san francisco in four days. barring accidents, they would arrive in san francisco on thursday morning, in time to get their scenery in place and play that night. it was taking desperate chances, but it was at the same time a great advertising scheme, for never before had such a flying trip been made across the continent, and every paper in the country had an account of it. "from ocean to ocean eighty-three hours." rignold had arranged to open the following monday, but learning to his amazement of the great coup that jarrett and palmer were performing to get in ahead of him, he got a move on too and decided to keep the lead, and open up at least one night ahead of them, which was as soon as he could possibly get ready. the fast train was the sensation of the hour, everybody was talking of it and awaiting its arrival with keen expectancy. this national advertisement gave the jarrett and palmer company a great advantage over rignold; besides, they had much the better production, and the best company, as rignold had to gather what support he could and very hurriedly in san francisco. this was very sharp managerial practice; what especial reason lawrence barrett and the jarrett and palmer management had for this extraordinary coup to down the english actor we never learned. the rivalry of the two henrys served to throw theatrical circles in the golden gate city into a feverish excitement, and the result was that both houses did a good business, as every theatre-goer felt in duty bound to see both actors, and then compare their respective merits. until rignold played "henry v" in new york no american actor had ever attempted the character; barrett who had in conjunction with john mccullough managed the california theatre during the first three years of its career, saw an opportunity to do some business there and win some fresh laurels in a new part. this in a measure explains the _haste_ with which the thing was done. the rival henrys, however, did not succeed in giving the play a permanent abiding place in popular favor. we think no other american actor has ever had the temerity to try it, until the bold and undaunted richard mansfield gave a superb production of it a quarter of a century later-- .[a] [footnote a: the above account of the "henry v" excursion is written entirely from the writer's recollection of the affair, having no available data. it may contain some slight inaccuracies, but the main facts were about as here related.] after the rignold date here, when "the lady of lyons," "black-eyed susan," and "henry v" were given with such support as was available, the stock played fitfully, interrupted by occasional novelties, such as panoramas and concert companies, minstrels and the like, along the holiday season and into the spring. on february rd, john s. lindsay was the recipient of another "benefit," on which occasion he exhibited his strong predilection for shakespearian roles by appearing as hamlet, a character in which he had already won some local distinction. as on a previous benefit occasion, there were several first appearances, and the cast as a whole was not very satisfactory, but our friends were inclined to overlook many shortcomings on those benefit occasions. as if "hamlet" was not enough for a benefit performance, we had to tack on the farce of "the trials of tompkins," in which mr. graham was wont to shine. on the rd and th of february, mr. e. a. sothern, the world renowned dundreary, filled his first engagement at the salt lake theatre. he exacted a certainty of one thousand dollars in gold coin for the two nights. mr. harris very naturally had some hesitancy about closing an engagement with him on such exorbitant terms, so he made a canvass of his patrons, and after a careful consideration, "closed the deal" with mr. sothern. the prices were advanced from the usual scale of twenty-five cents to one dollar, to fifty cents to two-fifty. the house was well filled on both nights and the management, not having a very expensive company or any production to pay for out of its share, came out all right. there was much dissatisfaction, however, that such exorbitant prices should be charged for what at best was but an ordinary "show," especially the last night when david garrick was presented, and by ten o'clock the play was over, and the general expression of the patrons of the theatre was "sold!" indeed so outspoken was the dissatisfaction with david garrick, and so severe were the strictures of the press the following morning, that mr. sothern could not have gotten fifty cents a ticket for a third performance. as a natural consequence, it was a long time before he came to salt lake again. on march th, miss annie adams (mrs. kiskadden) who had recently returned on a visit to salt lake after an absence of three years in san francisco, assisted by the stock company, gave a production of "the two orphans," miss adams appearing as louise and miss colebrook as henriette, the writer in the character of pierre. this was the first presentation of this play at this theatre and it proved a great drawing card. the next star attraction was one of more than ordinary interest. the anniversary of shakespeare's birth (and death) on april rd, adelaide neilson, the world acknowledged juliet, was announced to appear in that character. miss neilson was well-known to our theatregoers by reputation as the greatest juliet of the age, and the demand for seats was extraordinary. the prices were advanced, but not to exorbitant figures, the prices ranging from c to $ . . every seat in the house was filled, and numbers were glad to stand on both evenings rather than miss seeing the beautiful and popular actress. there was no dissatisfaction with this engagement; everybody was pleased and delighted, and adelaide neilson's praises were on everybody's lips. she could have remained a week and played to full houses, but engagements ahead precluded a longer stay; she only gave two performances, "as you like it" being the second bill. there was only one opinion as to her juliet, that it was the perfect embodiment of the character, her rich beauty of face and form, her exquisite grace, her melodious voice, and the marvelous power of expression in her soft tender eyes, equipped her completely for the part. as rosalind she was equally as charming if not as brilliant as in juliet. the playing of romeo to her juliet, the writer cherishes as one of the pleasantest memories of his long professional career. a year later the beautiful neilson was dead. alas! for the mutability of all that is mundane: "she should have died hereafter; there would have been a time for such a word. tomorrow and tomorrow and tomorrow, creeps in this petty pace from day to day to the last syllable of recorded time. and all our yesterdays have lighted fools the way to dusty death. out, out, brief candle! life's but a walking shadow, a poor player, that struts and frets his hour upon the stage and then is heard no more. it is a tale told by an idiot; full of sound and fury; signifying nothing." --_macbeth_. "the boast of heraldry, the pomp of power, and all that beauty, all that wealth ere gave await alike the inevitable hour; the paths of glory lead but to the grave." --_gray's elegy_. the next stellar attraction was ben de bar. ben was the manager of one of the st. louis theatres when the writer was a boy, and my first introduction to the stage was at de bar's theatre. a young fellow who was our neighbor in st. louis induced me to go with him and go on as a super. the play was "sixtus v., pope of rome." mr. and mrs. farren were the stars. i made my first acquaintance with the stage in that play, as one of the mob, little dreaming that i would one day be cast to play sixtus v., which i was some years afterwards in the salt lake theatre. ben de bar was a popular comedian as well as manager at the time of which i am telling, but for some half dozen years now he has been starring in the character of sir john falstaff. he was very stout, and well suited to the character and confined himself to it exclusively, varying the monotony, however, by playing both the plays in which sir john is so prominent, "henry iv" and "the merry wives of windsor." ben had been to san francisco and had just played an engagement there, before coming to salt lake. he opened here on may th in "the merry wives." he complained of not feeling well and it was quite perceptible that something was the matter; he was uncertain and forgetful. on the second night in "henry iv," his lapses of memory were still more perceptible. in short, it was palpable to all the company, if not the audience, that mr. de bar was suffering from some derangement of memory to such an extent as to in places mar the scenes, and very much embarrass those who had dialogue with him. the writer was playing hotspur on the occasion, and had but little to do with the boastful sir john, but noticing his lapses of memory in several places and his consequent and apparent distress, kindly inquired as to his trouble, when he feelingly told me he had suffered in san francisco the same way, and he felt no confidence in himself whatever. he said his memory was deserting him and he feared his professional career was at an end. after the play was over he called me into his dressing room, and said: "mr. lindsay, i have made my last appearance on the stage. i am done, sir. i feel that i have subjected the entire company tonight to a great deal of embarrassment, and my lapses of memory must have been quite apparent to the audience. no, sir, i can no longer rely on my memory, and i shall never attempt to play again. i feel my career is ended." his words were pathetic, and as it proved, _prophetic_; he never did appear on the stage again. in less than a year dear old ben de bar died of softening of the brain. ben de bar was about sixty years of age when he died. "what old acquaintance! could not all this flesh keep in a little life? poor jack, farewell! i could have better spared a better man." prince hal in "henry iv," part first. salt lake seemed to be an attractive summer resort for a certain class of attractions, and quite a number found their way here during the very hottest of the weather. on july th robert heller, a very clever magician and an excellent pianist, assisted by miss helen (his sister), entertained the patrons of the theatre for a week with his very clever tricks and fine piano playing. his second sight business, in which he was ably assisted by miss helen, was wonderfully clever, and mystified the beholders very much indeed. he was the first to introduct a second-sight business here, and was as much of a wonder as anna eva fay has since been. on august th, rose eytinge, then in the zenith of her fame, opened a three nights' engagement in the play of "rose michel" and followed it with "miss multon" and "macbeth." the writer had some hard work during this brief engagement, the two first plays being entirely new to him, in both of which he had very long and arduous parts, and on the third night he had to do macbeth. rose eytinge at this time was one of the best actresses and most beautiful women we had on the stage. good gracious! that is twenty-eight years ago, and she is still acting! but she has to play the old woman now. when i played with her two years later in portland, oregon, she was married to an english actor named cyril searle, who insisted on playing macbeth, but made me study antony in "antony and cleopatra" on very short notice as the san francisco papers had criticised his antony so severely he declared he would never play it again. on august th, the richings-bernard opera company played one night. played again on the th. on the following night, the th, tony pastor with a fine vaudeville company, gave a great show the first company of that kind to cross the continent and play in the salt lake theatre. he had a packed house, for his show was a great novelty. it was a little surprising that with the love of the drama so universal in utah so few contributions to dramatic literature were offered by local authors for representation on the stage. those thought worthy of presentation by the managers we have already recorded. mr. e. l. sloan's "osceola" (an indian play), in which julia dean and george waldron played the leading characters, and his "stage and steam," a later production, contrasting the old stage coach with the locomotive methods and results. by far the most important local contributions to the stage were the plays of edward w. tullidge: "eleanor de vere," played by julia dean and stock company, "ben israel" and "oliver cromwell," played by the local company. now comes john s. lindsay with "under one flag," a drama of the civil war. this play was presented for the first time on september th and made so favorable an impression as to hold the boards for three nights. it was repeated on october th, during the conference season, and has been played by the author and his company in nearly all the towns and cities of the northwest. these performances of "under one flag" virtually closed the season of ' and ' , which had run intermittently all through the summer. chapter xxii. season of ' -' . on october th, the fall conference was provided for. the house opened for the season of ' and ' on this date with a reproduction of "under one flag." the stock played through the conference date, reviving some of the old favorite plays, and continued playing until november th. on november th the kellogg-cary concert company opened a three nights' engagement and sang to big houses. miss louise kellogg was one of the greatest singers of her day, and miss cary was equally popular, their concerts being very well patronized and highly appreciated by the music lovers of salt lake. on november rd, mrs. d. p. bowers and mr. "jim" mccollom (who was mrs. bowers' second husband) opened a week's engagement in giogametti's play of "elizabeth," which was played for three nights, and the week was filled out with "lady audley's secret," "married life" and "camille." mrs. bowers was beyond question one of the greatest actresses our country had ever produced. she was the first american actress to play the character of elizabeth. after ristori, the great italian actress, had played this great character in a few of the principal cities of our country only, mrs. bowers took it up and starred the country with it, making a great success. mr. james mccollom was a very efficient support to her in the characters of essex in "elizabeth," armand in "camille" and robert audley in "lady audley's secret." mrs. bowers achieved her celebrity as mrs. bowers and never changed her name to mccollom on the stage. mrs. bowers was supported by the stock company in this engagement. on december th, j. k. emmett opened a three nights' engagement in "fritz," supported by the stock. on december - - , the lilliputian opera company. christmas day the stock resumed operations and played through the holidays and up to the th of the month; they were temporarily retired again to make room for ilma de murska and her concert company, who gave scenes from "ii trovatore," "martha," "crispina," and other operas, remaining three nights, th to th, inclusive. de murski was not only a great singer but a great actress as well, and her singing and acting were received with unusual enthusiasm. january th and th, mr. and mrs. frank frayne were the attraction in the play of "si slocum." frayne "was the fellow who won renown" by shooting an apple from his wife's head (a la william tell), only frayne split the apple with a rifle bullet instead of an arrow. after performing this and other dexterous feats with rifle and revolver many hundreds of times without accident, he did it once too often; he finally missed his aim and shot his wife dead. how confiding women are! poor mrs. frayne! thank heaven that did not happen _here_! whether frank ever found another woman so confident of his skill as to hold that apple on her head, we know not and hope not. he had a bull dog that played a star part in the show; he may have trained the dog to hold the apple after his wife's awful fate. sad to relate, the stock company supported mr. and mrs. frayne and the bull-dog. on the nd and rd, mile. rentz's female minstrels gave salt lake another exhibition of musical extravaganza, the chief attraction being the free and lavish display of beautiful female shapes. a whole phalanx of voluptuous, rotund forms encased in a dazzling and bewildering variety of colors--moving in splendid harmony--keeping time, time, time, in a sort of runic rhyme. why no wonder the baldheads crowded into the front rows and outrivaled all other spectators in applauding the bold and beautiful amazons. on february nd the community having recovered somewhat from the excitement of amazonian marches, rentz minstrel choruses, and the bewildering effect of so much female beauty, the present writer having accepted an offer to go to denver to play a star engagement at the denver theatre, summoned sufficient courage to take a "farewell benefit." the plays given on this occasion were "evadne" and the farce of "nan, the good-for-nothing." soon after the "benefit" the writer departed for denver, accompanied by mr. harry emery, who had played with him in the recent benefit bill and on some previous occasions; his work being so satisfactory as to secure him an engagement in the denver company that was to support me. denver at this time had but one theatre; it was not nearly so large or so good a theatre as the salt lake theatre; in fact, denver was not then ( ) as large a city as salt lake. nick forrester was the manager, and his wife was the "leading lady" of the company, and insisted on playing all the leading lady parts whether suited to them or not. this caused nick and the company a whole lot of trouble as she was already fair, fat and forty, and not suited to many of the parts. my opening bill was "hamlet," and she was my ophelia, much to my dissatisfaction, as there was a juvenile lady in the company, miss baker, who should have been cast for the part; but with a woman's persistent inconsistency, in spite of my demurrer, she would be ophelia, and miss baker had to do the queen, which she was quite as unsuited to as mrs. forrester was for ophelia. this was the "leading lady's" reward: "not all the artifices of the stage would suffice to make mrs. forrester look young enough for ophelia, or miss baker old enough for the queen."--rocky mountain news. after "hamlet," "richelieu" was given (my first appearance in the character), then "jack cade," bulwer's comedy of "money" and my own play, "under one flag." after filling in three more weeks with the forresters on their circuit, mr. joe wallace, the comedian of mr. forrester's company, made a contract with me to play me through the state of colorado, supported by the forrester stock company. the season was over in denver, so we went _en tour_. before the tour ended we went to leadville with teams from canon city, and gave the first dramatic performance ever given in leadville. this was in the summer of ' ; the boom did not strike leadville till ' . we were there too early to do much in the theatrical way--the population was not there. emery and i got back to salt lake about the first of august. the next attraction at the salt lake theatre after "evadne" was the union square theatre company with charley thorne at the head of it. on february th, this company opened in the russian play, "the danicheffs," following it with "the two orphans" and "pink dominoes." it was the foremost company of the time, and of course gave great satisfaction. on february nd, washington's birthday was celebrated by a big masquerade ball in the theatre, given by the l. h. b. society. this was a big affair, this masquerade. hundreds of maskers were on the floor and the grand march, led by our late lamented friend ned wallin, and the writer, was a very fine pageant--and it was altogether a very successful revel. next came fanny louise buckingham and her finely trained horse, james mellville. they starred in conjunction for three nights in the play of "mazeppa," supported by the stock company. this was the last performance the writer took part in before leaving for his denver engagement. there was much more satisfaction in supporting fanny and her horse than there was in supporting frayne and his bulldog. fanny was a beautiful creature, so also was her horse james; and although fanny couldn't act mazeppa very well, james did his part splendidly, and fanny could stick on him in good shape, and james carried her through all right. the following week we were in denver together, she playing, i rehearsing, so we saw a good deal of each other, and when she parted from us at denver, she had established a reputation among us for a "jolly good fellow." she loved her horse james mellville, and she loved a jolly crowd. next came j. al. sawtelle, who had been touring around in utah and montana, and put his name up for a performance at the salt lake theatre. as he had only played there one season and had not been there since ' , he was almost a stranger. he played "rosedale" on march nd. on march th, denman thompson opened a three nights' engagement in "joshua whitcomb." the th and th, signor eduardo majeroni, a very clever italian actor, played "the old corporal" and "jealousy." on the th, ada richmond opened for a week, supported by the stock, which also supported the three preceding attractions. on april th, th and th, haverly's minstrels filled the time, giving the conference visitors a taste of genuine minstrelsy. the last nights of conference, th and th, were filled by the stock, who kept it going until oliver doud byron came in on the th and th to crave their help "across the continent." on the th frank c. bangs, one of the _big four_ in the "julius caesar" production at booth's theatre, gave a reading entertainment. why he didn't give a play i don't know, the same old reliable stock was here and had just supported oliver doud byron. the only reason i can assign is that he hadn't time to stay. april th and th ada gray appeared in "whose wife?" and "miss multon." may nd prof. la mar, leader of the fort douglas band, gave a band concert. la mar was a very clever musician and had a fine band; he deserved to be well patronized for he was very accommodating, and volunteered the services of his band on numerous "benefit occasions." on the th and th dick roberts in "humpty dumpty;" th and th, sol smith russell and rice's evangeline combination. on the th and th harrigan and hart in "doyle brothers," "old lavender" and "sullivan's christmas." june th and th, salisbury's troubadores. july th, joseph jefferson in "rip van winkle." september th, henry ward beecher in lecture, "wastes and burdens." this was after the notorious beecher-tilton scandal and henry had been studying social economy. the mormons didn't like henry very much, but he had a big house. september th and th, entertainments were given for the benefit of the yellow fever sufferers in memphis and vicinity. these entertainments did not "pan out" very well, and the theatre managers decided to get all the dramatic talent they could get to volunteer and give a popular play, in hopes to materially increase the charity fund. the "school for scandal" was selected and given with a pretty strong cast, embracing miss colebrook as lady teazle, david mckenzie as sir peter, john t. caine as charles surface, john s. lindsay as joseph surface. phil margetts and john c. graham were in the cast, and a number of others, i cannot remember. the play was given on september th, and netted a very tidy sum for the sufferers. on the th, th and th, calender's georgia minstrels held the boards, and business was light. the writer and harry emery had but recently returned from their colorado tour, and both were anxious to be doing something, so i got a cast together and put on "richelieu," which i had recently played in denver, and received flattering notices for, from the press of that city. i had given away my first appearance for the "benefit" to the yellow fever sufferers, so there was no other attraction than to see me in a new part and that did not prove sufficient to save me from disaster. i had a losing game of it, the receipts being some $ less than the expenses of the performance. this was the only time i ever failed to make something when i had rented the theatre and taken chances, which was quite often. this performance, given on the th of september, virtually closed the season of ' and ' . chapter xxiii. seasons of ' -' and ' -' . the season of ' and ' was opened on october th by haverly's minstrels, who filled the night of the th also, when the stock company stepped to the front once more, and filled out the remainder of the conference dates with the "lancashire lass" and the "hidden hand." on the rd susie spencer was a beneficiary, playing "the little rebel." susie's life was not without a spice of romance, and its chapter of sorrow. susie spencer was a very pretty little girl and talented; the managers found her very useful in parts where her petite stature was suited to the character, and such occasions were not infrequent. miss spencer was progressing nicely in her art and had already become a favorite with the patrons of the drama, when she met her fate in the person of mr. ed marden. marden was one of the cogswell party who came from california by way of southern utah, and waiting on brigham young, informed him they had received a revelation (via the planchette route) instructing them to come to salt lake and join the mormon church, as it was the only true and authorized church. the party were duly baptized and confirmed into the church, and at once installed as members of the stock company. marden became on very short acquaintance infatuated with the pretty susie and laid siege to her young and guileless heart with that adroitness and dexterity which come from much experience, with the result that susie soon became mrs. marden. marden was a member of the stock here all during the "jimmy" harris regime. he and "jimmy" were fast friends, they both came to utah gentiles, joined the church and married mormon girls. soon after the close of the harris management in ' , marden drifted off and left his susie a heart-broken little woman. he was through with utah, and through with the mormon church, and through with his little mormon wife, and cast them all aside as he would a worn-out suit. he never came back, and susie, after a year or two of repining, found consolation in the affections of a better man. she became the wife of mr. rice, a well-to-do banker of the mining town of frisco, utah, where she lived happily in her new alliance until a few years ago, when she passed away from earth, still young in years. the next stellar attraction was mrs. scott siddons, a niece of the great sarah siddons, who appeared on november nd in a dramatic recital; with what success the writer cannot tell, as he was away again at this time. this lady had just closed a week's engagement at portland, oregon, when i arrived there. i met her at the hotel before her departure, and she impressed me as being an extraordinary woman and a brilliant actress. december th, nat goodwin and eliza weatherby opened a four nights' engagement in "hobbies;" they gave on the following evenings "under the rose" and "cruets." this was goodwin's first engagement in salt lake. on january th and th, , alice gates' comic opera company played to exceptionally large houses. barney macauley in "the messenger from jarvis station" was the next stellar attraction. there was a dearth of star attractions along about this time and the stock company had plenty of time to fill in, but it had become so depleted as to be unable to keep up the interest for more than two or three nights at a time. on may nd, "buffalo bill," col. wm. f. cody, gave an exhibition, assisted by the stock company. he called it "a knight of the plains." on may th, annie adams (mrs. kiskadden) and her daughter maude, who were in salt lake on a visit, created some interest in her reappearance here, and that of maude who on this occasion played her first _speaking part_ in salt lake. miss adams assisted by the stock (what remained of it) and some amateurs, gave on the th, "a woman of the people." this was the old french play of "madeline, the belle of the faubourg," which julia dean had played some years before. like many another good play since, it was made to do double duty by appearing under a new title. for the second night's bill, the comedy of "stepmother" and the farce of "little susie" were given. in the farce little maude played the name part, "little susie." maude was then six years and six months old, and had already played several parts in san francisco, the most notable one, little adrienne in "a celebrated case," which she played in the baldwin production of the play, and afterwards in portland with john maguire's production of it, for which she and her mother were especially engaged. afterwards with the maguire company _en tour_ through oregon and washington, when "little maude" was featured in "the case" and also in "ten nights in a bar room," her mother and the writer playing the leading roles in these plays. this second bill was repeated on the th inst., the probability being that maude had caught the public favor at that early day. the next attraction of note was lawrence barrett, who opened on july th (midsummer nights--no dream) for four nights, opening play "richelieu" followed by "hamlet," "a new play" and "julius caesar." how the fastidious and exacting barrett managed to cast these great plays here has never been explained to me. he must have carried his principal support with him. in the fall of this year miss annie adams revived "the two orphans" with a complete cast of amateurs, excepting herself and jimmy harris. the cast included mr. laron cummings as the chevalier, heber m. wells as the doctor, orson whitney as jacques, john d. spencer as pierre, john t. white as picard, w. t. harris played frochard, which fact certainly denoted a great paucity of female talent here about that time. annie adams played louise and delia clawson, heriette, which is as much of the cast as we can gather from miss adams' own account of this performance. so successful was the performance as a whole and so meritorious the acting of the numerous debutants on this occasion that mr. bud whitney who was managing the business end of the affair, proposed the organization of a "home club," which should comprise all of the amateurs who had taken part in "the two orphans." the proposition was readily adopted by those concerned, and out of this sprang "the home dramatic club." the time was most opportune, for there was a dearth of dramatic attractions at the time; the old stock had dwindled until there were but a few of its members left in salt lake, and some new blood and talent was needed to give renewed interest to home productions. "the home dramatic club," with great prudence and foresight, secured the ensuing april conference dates on which to make their initial bow to the utah public. it was a good long time to wait but they were sure of big results in a financial way, and it gave them plenty of time in which to perfect themselves in their opening play, which was "the romance of a poor young man." it was a good selection, well suited to the young people, and scored a success; only the older people in the community could remember george pauncefort opening in the same play in , and scoring a great triumph. the club had large and friendly audiences and their introductory play was pronounced a genuine success, both artistically and financially. it could not be otherwise than a good paying proposition, as conference nights are always a harvest time for the theatre. so well encouraged were they that the club continued in the business of playing _occasionally_, whenever they could secure favorable dates, such as conferences and other holiday times, for a number of years. "the home dramatic club" averaged about three or four plays a year during their career of about ten years. the club being more of a society affair than a professional theatre company, they picked their times and opportune ones, and playing so seldom they never were subjected to the tasks in study and rehearsals and dramatic work which characterized the busy years of the old stock company. it was a talented company, however, and no doubt could have made good under different and more exacting conditions. in march, , the writer was back in salt lake after a two years' absence, principally in portland and san francisco. on my return there was nothing doing in the theatrical line. the "club" had been organized nearly a year, yet had given only a very few plays. there was a dearth of theatricals, and the writer with the acquiescence and assistance of mr. clawson, who was again manager of the theatre, got up occasional performances with such assistance as he could procure. the first of these was "a celebrated case," in which he had the assistance of manager clawson's daughters, miss edith clawson and mrs. ardelle cummings. other performances were given in connection with david mckenzie, philip margetts and john c. graham, with such support as we could muster from the depleted ranks of the old stock, and what new aspirants were in the field for dramatic honors. the "gallery gods" honored the three gentlemen and myself with the somewhat flattering appellation of the _big four_, the same title the new yorkers bestowed on booth, barrett, davenport and bangs when these four stars formed the great constellation in the play of "julius caesar." these performances, however, like those of "the home dramatic," were few and far between, and to a person depending on acting for a livelihood, did not prove very remunerative. about this time another project which interested the writer hove into view. dr. d. banks mckenzie, a temperance lecturer and reformer, had succeeded after a considerable effort in organizing a temperance club in salt lake city (a prodigious task to accomplish at that time). he had succeeded in raising a fund of some thirty thousand dollars in contributions towards the erection of a first-class lecture hall, with library, and various other nice accommodations for the society. the walkers brothers had contributed a building site where the atlas block now stands, x feet. this was put in at $ , , making nearly one-half of the $ , contributed. on being informed by one of the walker brothers of what was projected, the writer with some self-interest suggested that inasmuch as they were going to put up a building of such size and cost, that they might just as well make it a little larger, and make a theatre of it; that a theatre would answer all the purposes of the proposed hall, and often rent when the hall would not. the idea grew with them, and the walker grand opera house was the result. it occupied a year in building. it was opened on june th, , with a vocal and instrumental concert, with prof. george careless as conductor. as a matter of historical interest and to show the musical status of salt lake at that time, a copy of the opening program is here appended. opening of the walker grand opera house. monday evening, june th, . lessee ................................ d. banks mckenzie manager ................................. john s. lindsay program. . overture--"william tell" ..................... rossini . quartette--"the night before the battle" ....... white misses olsen and richards, messrs. whitney and spencer. . flute solo--"concert polka" .................. rudolph mr. george hedger. . aria--il profeta ........................... meyerbeer mrs. j. leviburg. . selection favorite ......................... donozetti orchestra. intermission. . overture--pique dame ........................... suppe . aria--e. puritane ............................ belline mr. robert gorlinske. . piano solo--trovatore ..................... gottschalk mrs. helen wells. . song--"my own dearest child" ..................... abt mrs. george careless. . selection ........................................... croxall's silver band. conductor ......................... prof. george careless thursday, june th--for three nights. louis aldrich company in his very successful play, "my partner." superb star company. in the spring of ' , when the walker was approaching completion, dr. mckenzie hied him to new york to secure attractions for the new theatre, for the erstwhile temperance lecturer had developed into the sole lessee and manager of a $ , theatre. he had already chosen me to attend to the local management, for which i was to have per cent of the gross proceeds of everything we played there, with the privilege of getting up local performances in the interims. i had worked eleven months, superintending the construction of the building and was quite in favor. "doc" was very successful in securing attractions, his somewhat extravagant and florid descriptions of the walker grand, as they chose to christen it, and its superiority to the old theatre, caught the agents and managers, and he secured so many of the attractions going to the coast the ensuing season that he virtually had the salt lake theatre out of business. the first dramatic performance given in the walker was the louis aldrich company in "my partner." the house was well filled but not crowded; there was a very strong prejudice against the walker among the mormon part of the community, and a malicious report to the effect that the galleries were not safe was put in circulation with a view to injure the new theatre. such mischievous whisperings, however, only had a temporary effect. one of the earliest attractions at "the walker" was haverly's minstrels, and the house was crowded to its utmost capacity; as the galleries did not give way on that occasion, the reports which had been so industriously circulated were seen to be "a weak invention of the enemy." the new house continued to get the attractions to such an extent, that the salt lake theatre was virtually out of the swim. this was accomplished by dr. mckenzie putting the walker under the direction of jack haverly. haverly at the time was one of the foremost managers of the country. he controlled more companies and theatres than any one in the field of amusement; so he booked everything in his control at the walker, and the house during his _regime_ was called haverly's walker grand opera house. "what's in a name?" in theatrical business much; it is everything. so serious indeed was the situation for the salt lake theatre that mr. david mckenzie, who was at this time the acting manager of the house, found it necessary to go to san francisco and have a business interview with mr. fred bert, who was haverly's san francisco manager. the result of his visit was an agreement on the part of haverly to play his attractions alternately between the two theatres, thus giving the salt lake theatre one-half of their salt lake bookings. in the agreement it was stipulated that the salt lake theatre must also float the haverly flag, and while this contract lasted the old house was called "haverly's salt lake theatre." here was an interesting situation; both theatres flying the haverly flag. haverly's name at the head of every bill and program. it was not at all pleasing to the mormon people to have their theatre, in which they took so much pride, pass under the direction and management of a gentile manager. many of them didn't know but what haverly had bought it. the walker brothers did not relish the idea either of their house being called haverly's; but such were the exigencies of the theatrical business. to the walker it was a great advantage, as without haverly's prestige the new house would have had a hard time in getting first-class attractions. these circumstances go to show what an immense influence jack haverly wielded in the theatrical business of this country at that time. he was almost as potent then as klaw & erlanger of the syndicate are today. these conditions did not last very long, as the managers and agents came to learn that the salt lake theatre was the only one that the mormon people would patronize, and they being so largely in a majority of the theatre-goers, the older theatre gradually won back the great bulk of the traveling combinations, and the haverly agreement having expired, his flag was hauled down, much to the relief of a great many, to whom it had always seemed a reproach to have _brigham young's_ theatre called haverly's. jack haverly had too many irons in the fire; his numerous theatrical enterprises were managed by a corps of lieutenants, too numerous for mr. haverly to keep in line. some of them proved shrewder, more adroit, and less principled than their general. he trusted them too implicitly, and this was his undoing. some of them managed his enterprises into their own hands, while he was giving his personal attention very largely to his mining interests. these, too, turned out disastrously, and haverly's star, which had been so prominent and bright in the theatrical firmament, began to wane and in a very few years was totally eclipsed. after all his great enterprises, he became a bankrupt in , and he died poor in in a salt lake hospital. he was reduced in health and circumstances to such a degree as to be unable during the last year of his life to manage even a minstrel company, and others paid him for the use of his name. chapter xxiv. retrospectively considered, the building of the walker opera house was premature. there was one good theatre here, and not half enough of business for that one; but it served to enliven things for a little while, and did its share toward liberalizing and metropolitanizing salt lake city. the walker had a brief and rather checkered career; it was destroyed by fire on july th, , after a performance of "held by the enemy." the audience were all home and the company had left the theatre; the stage hands were lowering a drop, when a gust of wind blew open the front door and sent the drop sailing against a gas jet; in a moment it was all ablaze. the stage hands lost their heads and made for the exit, when a little presence of mind would have saved the building. the house, especially the stage, was well provided with water plugs and hose, and it seems incredible that any effort was made to extinguish the fire. mr. will burgess was manager at the time it burned down. it is a remarkable fact that two other fine theatres burned under this same gentleman's management within a few years afterward. the farnham street theatre of omaha, where a number of lives were lost, and the auditorium of kansas city. notwithstanding these very serious drawbacks, mr. burgess is one of the wealthy managers of the west today. after the burning of "the walker," malloy's livery stable, directly opposite the walker, was converted into a theatre, when it was decided to build an office block on the ruins of the walker. for some time it was known as "wonderland," and was a two storied show; the upper story being a sort of curiosity shop--or wonderland with specialties and the lower story having a small stage was devoted to vaudeville, and short plays. afterwards the two stories were thrown into one room, and converted into a theatre with capacity for about six hundred people. it was called the lyceum. here a stock company was run for about a year with varying fortune. some actors who have since won high places in their professions were members of this stock, notably charles richman, ed hayes, victory bateman. the lyceum soon went into a decline struggled along for a few years against adverse fortune and finally yielded up the ghost. it was transformed into a handsome saloon and wholesale liquor house, from which a greater revenue is derived than it yielded as a theatre. before the lyceum went out of commission as a theatre another theatrical venture was launched. this was the grand. this theatre was built (or partly so) by mr. frank maltese and mr. "brig" pyper. the story of how they projected, planned and built this theatre is told as follows: "brig" and "frank" made a winning in a "policy drawing." they held between them a one-fourth interest in a fifty-dollar policy ticket. in a sporty manner they bantered each other as to what they should do with their big winning of $ . . one was in favor of reinvesting it in the next policy drawing, the other for trying their luck at the "faro-bank." finally, in a lurid flash of imagination one (which one we don't remember, but we believe it was frank), exclaimed: "let's build an opera house with it." the idea was so absurd, they had a good laugh over it; but the thought took hold of them, and one of them suggested, "let's figure up and see _how much more_ it will take." so on the back of the policy ticket they figured up roughly what it would take in addition to their winnings to build "the grand." the result was no doubt staggering; but undismayed they went about to see how they could accomplish such a herculean task. they owned some property, or their folks did, and this they decided to put in jeopardy in order to carry out their designs. they secured the building site, and got the walls up and the roof on--and then they were stuck. they had reached the end of their financial tether, and were forced to stop until they could make some new deal by which to complete the building. mr. alec rogers was the party who now came to the front and put up some $ , to complete the building. we don't know just how much interest the boys maltese and pyper had remaining in it when the theatre was completed, but we opine it was little if any. the grand opened with the house in the possession of alex. rogers and sons, and john rogers was installed as the manager. he secured a very good company for the opening, announcing a season of stock performances. the house was opened on christmas eve, december th, . the personnel of the company was as follows: jane kennark, blanche bates, madge carr cook, jean coy, howard kyle, tim frawley, charles king, harry corson clarke, h. d. blackmore, fred fjaders, mr. mannery. the opening play was "moths." it was a good performance, and the company made a very favorable impression. the axiom that "a new broom sweeps well" had a number of exemplifications in this theatre. it was so with this first company, notwithstanding it was a talented and capable one. after it had been seen in a few plays, and the _novelty_ of the new house, miscalled "the grand," was over, business began to drop off and it was more than the manager could do to keep ahead with the expensive company he had. why this theatre was called "the grand" we were never able to divine, as it was at the opening positively severe in its plainness. there is a great tendency in our country to buncombe, aside from the genuine patriotism that exists in it; this tendency leads many of our fellow citizens into silly extravagances, especially is this noticeable in the naming of theatres, hotels and restaurants; more particularly is this the case in the small towns. a man opens a little restaurant scarcely big enough to accommodate a dozen persons, and everything in it of the plainest and commonest kind, and he dubs it the "palace" restaurant. "opera house" is a much abused appellation. nearly every insignificant, dingy, dismal, inconvenient, and homely theatre and hall throughout the land is dubbed opera house. it is a dreadful misnomer--inconsistent and absurd in three-fourths of the houses to which it is applied. "the theatre" is dignified enough and much more consistent and suitable. "the grand" during the ten years of its existence has had a checkered career. we doubt if any of its half dozen different managers have made it pay. the first company, as already stated, was found to be too expensive, the business would not sustain the heavy salary list, not only was the salary list large, but mr. frawley made a demand for a percentage of the receipts in addition. this sprung a disagreement, and the company was after about four or five weeks superseded by another less expensive. the rogers management was able, liberal and intent on giving the public satisfaction. after a fair trial of the business, lasting three years, they disposed of the house on a lease to mr. garvey of pageantry fame, who spent a few hundred he had made on the "pioneer carnival" on the house in the way of improvements, and then called it "the new grand." _ad captandiun vulgas_. garvey's reign was brief and unprofitable. then mr. martin mulvey took a swing at it, and made things lively for two seasons, but the supposition is that he did not make money with it or he would not have given up the lease. the last management, messrs. jones and hammer, have seemingly had the most prosperous time with the house; they have profited by the experience of their predecessors, and yet it appears they have not realized their expectations, and so have re-leased the house to denver parties. having brought the history of the salt lake theatre through the first twenty years of its existence up to the time when the stock company was altogether disbanded, owing to the fact that the combination system had come so fully into vogue as to displace the stock system all over the country, i shall not attempt to give its history after this time, as my connection with it had altogether ceased. i shall only add that for the past twenty-three years it has kept the even tenor of its way, under able managers (notably mr. charles r. burton and later george pyper), playing the leading attractions of the country to a splendid patronage, keeping up the reputation of salt lake as "the best show town of its population in the world." more than twenty years ago several attempts were made to establish a vaudeville theatre in this city; two houses were built at different times for the purpose, but they were short-lived, dying out for lack of patronage. within the last three years, however, the city's population having greatly increased, no less than four have been started here, two of which survive and seem to be doing well. during the early years of the drama in utah, several of the towns besides salt lake had very talented companies. provo, springville, ogden, brigham city, and st. george each had fairly good theatres and many very capable players. it is somewhat remarkable, however, that out of the hundreds of persons who have "gone on the stage" in utah, so few have drifted into the profession and left their homes to follow it; the percentage is very small. miss sarah alexander was the first to drift off, and although she has not made much stir on the stage herself, she has chaperoned her niece miss lisle leigh to fine success. mr. james m. hardie was the next to break away; then miss anne adams, mr. logan paul and the writer complete the list so far as the salt lake stock company is concerned. later miss ada dwyer and mr. dewitt jennings. this is accounted for by the fact that, much as the mormons love the theatre, they love their homes and their religion better. the theatre is a pleasant pastime with them, but the staying at home and building up of their kingdom is a religious duty, and unless they are "called on a mission," they prefer to stay with home and church. chapter xxv. conclusion. a few reflections on the theatre and its work in concluding this little history may not be out of place. the cultivation and progress of the drama in connection with its kindred arts, poesy and painting, marks the progress of civilization, culture and refinement at any given period in any country. without the aid of the theatre and the actors' art, the great majority of mankind would remain in ignorance as to the works of the most gifted writers; without those great reflectors of human thought, how many thousands there have been and are who never would have heard or read the plays of shakespeare and other writers of genius, but who, by the assistance of the actor's delineations, have become familiar with the most sublime and beautiful thoughts and sentiments that adorn our language. i make mention particularly of shakespeare's plays, as they are beyond all question the greatest and grandest compositions ever written. among the thousands of plays that have been written during and since the great dramatic renaissance of elizabeth's reign, they still stand out incomparable as models _par excellence_ of dramatic composition, challenging competition, and as yet unrivaled after a lapse of more than three centuries. that the stage is a great factor in our modern civilization, for the education of the people, no reading, reflecting person would attempt to deny. it is true that some pernicious things occasionally creep in that would be better suppressed, but they are rare and exceptional. the great bulk of dramatic entertainment is uplifting in its tendencies. the infinite variety of plays presented, showing human life in all conditions, and under every variety of circumstances, can not be otherwise than educational in effect upon those who witness them. however crude or devoid of literary merit a play may be, there seldom is one, however bald in plot or uninteresting in sentiment, but what "points a moral and adorns a tale." in shakespeare's day the theatre was even more or an educational institution than it is today. books were scarce in that age, and the newspapers were an undiscovered medium of information, so that plays (especially historical plays) possessed a wonderful interest for the masses, who had little chance for schooling or the acquirement of knowledge from books. the old chronicles and legends were freely used by the dramatists of the elizabethan era, and the incidents of history were made so familiar to the habitues of the theatre that the common people acquired a good knowledge of history by witnessing the representation of those plays. to illustrate how much this was the case, ben jonson tells the story of a fellow who, having been taken to task on some question of history and the accuracy of his position being assailed and the authenticity of his assertions being called in question, replied by way of defense: "no, i confess i had it not from the histories but from the play books, and consider them the more authentic." many dramas have been written (and more especially by the poets) without perhaps having in view their exploitation on the stage, but like their other poetry, to be read, suitable only for the library, more poetical than dramatic. such are the plays of byron, shelley, keats, moore, and others. a still greater number have been written solely for acting purposes; and the majority of these may not lay claim to any permanent abiding place in literature. others still are admirably adapted to both the library and the stage. such are the plays of sheridan, knowles, bulwer, schiller, kotzebue, and later of heinrick ibsen. of such a character also are the plays of our gifted salt lake dramatist, the late edward w. tullidge. the present-day theatre-goers have little time to indulge in the reading of plays. the overwhelming mass of reading matter thrown from the press, keeps the general reader busy to keep abreast of the current literature of our times. so that plays form no part of the world's reading matter; here and there is one, some stagestruck soul who loves to get hold of and read a play, but the vast majority are content to let the actors read the plays for them, preferring to witness the acting of them. it is a fact and a very gratifying one that shakespeare's plays are about the only ones that are read nowadays, and these are by no means so universally read as they should be. the masses have not time for reading shakespeare, or other dramatists, so it is a fortunate thing for them that the theatres are so popular and accessible; here, they can hear the thoughts and sentiments, and see in literal action the characters of both ancient and modern times, and gather from the mimic scene suggestions of the tremendous throes and struggles through which the human race has passed. during the forty-three years that the salt lake theatre has been in existence, an almost infinite variety of plays have been presented and thousands of actors (as infinite in variety as the plays) have "strutted and fretted their brief hour upon its stage" and now are heard no more. it is a solemn reflection that in all probability more than three-fourths of all who have trod the stage of this theatre, both local and transient actors, in less than half a century of existence are "heard no more." the voices that have thrilled us, the animated and beautified forms that have called forth our admiration and praise, are stilled forever by the chilling touch of death; genius, mediocrity, incompetency, all alike go down, and the greatest names in a few brief years are forgotten; so transitory is the actor's fame. yet it is not more so perhaps than that of other professions, and certainly not quite so much of a "will o' the wisp" as "seeking the bubble reputation in the cannon's mouth." out of the multitudinous dramatic pictures that have been presented on the stage of this theatre during its forty-three years of existence, it is interesting to know which stand out in bold relief. we need not hesitate to reply, the plays of shakespeare, and those that are nearest akin to them, such as bulwer's "richelieu," knowles' "virginius," banim's "damon and pythias." the irish plays of dion boucicault, "colleen bawn," "arrah na pogue," "shaugraun," "kerry," and even his "london assurance," made very strong impressions, were very popular, and made money both for actors and managers. so with many other plays we might cite; but compared with shakespeare's plays they have proven to be short-lived and their fame but transitory. they have never found a permanent abiding place in the world of literature. there is a strange, a marvelous thing in connection with the plays of shakespeare. in his day the theatre was not popular, as it is in our times. the religionists held it in reprobation; actors were looked upon by the good church people as little better than vagabonds, and the occupation of play writing was scarcely reputable. the globe theatre, the best there was in london at that time, was little better than a barn. the art of scene painting was unknown. candles were the best artificial light they had, all the accessories of the stage were of the most primitive description. the art of costuming plays was crude in the extreme, and woefully inadequate and incorrect. in short, the facilities for staging plays were poor, extremely poor, as compared with those of our own time. the greatest drawback of all however was this. they had no women on the stage; all those beautiful female characters of shakespeare's were impersonated by men. woman had not yet asserted her independence and equality with man in this domain of art; and yet under these most adverse conditions, _the greatest plays the world has ever seen were written_. three centuries have winged their flight into the past, and in all that time no other dramatist has arisen that can rival shakespeare. the popularity of the theatre and the actor's art have steadily grown since his time until in our own day we have the most costly and elaborate theatres. in every city, and almost every town of the civilized world, there is some sort of a theatre; many of them are truly _temples_ of the thespian art; invention has racked its brains to supply original and costly adjuncts to the drama in the way of scenery and mechanical devices; realism has run mad in its efforts to produce novel illusions and startling stage effects. woman has long since demonstrated her equality with man in the arena of dramatic art, and for more than two centuries she has adorned the stage with her beauty, grace and talents. there is an eager and expectant world of theatregoers waiting for some new genius to come forth and give to the stage another halo, to shed a radiance over its flickering lights, and fill the world with wonder and delight; but alas! no other shakespeare has arisen; with the models he gave before them, in three centuries no dramatist has arisen that could write a "hamlet," a "macbeth," or a "lear;" nothing in all that time to equal "romeo and juliet," "as you like it," or "the merchant of venice." there have been hundreds of playwrights since shakespeare's time, thousands of plays have been written, the greater portion of them worthless to the stage, but a great number of excellent playwrights have flourished since then, and their plays have had a greater or less degree of success. we will just instance a few of the most successful ones. otway wrote "venice preserved;" massinger, "a new way to pay old debts;" addison his "cato," goethe his "faust;" schiller "the robbers;" kotzebue, "the stranger;" bellinghousen, "ingomar;" sheridan, "the school of scandal," "pizarro" and "the rivals;" knowles, "the hunchback," "virginius" and "william tell;" john howard payne, "brutus;" bulwer, "the lady of lyons," "richelieu" and "money;" dr. bird, "the gladiator;" judge conrad, "jack cade;" george f. boker, "francisca de rimini." i might instance many others, but these will suffice tor my purpose. now these are all noble productions, and have won fame and money for both authors and actors; but it is questionable if any of them will live indefinitely. already many of the plays i have named are waning in the dramatic firmament; some of them have already set. why is it, let us ask. what is there in shakespeare's plays that lifts them so far above the average of merit and sets them on a plane so distinctively their own? other authors have certainly equaled shakespeare in erudition, have even excelled him in the description of the sublime and terrible, surpassed him in glowing pictures of supernatural imagery. why, then, does the world attach so much importance to the work of shakespeare? why are they so highly prized? it is because shakespeare was the grand high priest of nature! he got closer to the human heart than any and all other authors. to him nature was an open book, and he was so thoroughly in love with it, that he left no page unturned or unobserved; from the primer page or the humblest creations of nature's lavish hand up through the countless and variegated specimens of her handiwork to the crowning production of her creative power, _man_--this son of genius penetrated all her secrets, delved all her depths, scaled her loftiest heights. the heart of man, that secret repository of so many contending passions; that cradle where the affections are rocked into life; that fountain whence so many varying emotions spring, that sea o'er which are swept the multitudinous passions of life, was also to him an open page; the last and greatest chapter in nature's wonderful volume. he understood life in all its phases. no plays afford greater opportunity for scenic splendor than shakespeare's, yet none are less dependent on the adjuncts of scenery and outward realism. shakespeare put his realism into his characters and no inadequate surroundings can rob them of their wondrous charms; they possess such range of mental vision, such tremendous power of thought, such depth and placidity, such glowing imagination; his characters are living, breathing, speaking types of the age in which they lived, and he their creator stands out wholly beyond question or dispute, the most transcendent genius our earth has ever produced. (mormontextsproject.org), with thanks to renah holmes and villate brown mckitrick for proofreading. representative women of deseret, a book of biographical sketches, to accompany the picture bearing the same title. compiled and written by augusta joyce crocheron, _author of "wild flowers of deseret;"_ and dedicated to _the originals of this picture and book, their co-laborers in the church, and every true heart that will receive their testimonies._ o, spirits dear! ye light the path that else were lone and dim; i follow where your sainted feet lead onward, up to him, and hear above life's discords, still,-- your heav'n inspired hymn. salt lake city: printed by j. c. graham & co. . introductory. in presenting this picture, representative women of deseret, before the public, an explanation may be appropriate that the object may be rightly understood. the picture is intended to represent the latter day saints women's organizations rather than to draw attention to those intellectual gifts and acquirements which in this connection are but secondary to the spiritual or missionary labors of those represented. as in salt lake city is the head of these organizations, so these spiritual laborers were selected by the precedence they hold. throughout our territory, indeed beyond, are many as sincere and faithful, noble women, well deserving of every honor contained herein, but there is of necessity a limit in the present work and that which would have been a pleasure to the author became an impossibility at this time, but it is the purpose in due season to present another work which will be of interest to our people. it is not the purpose of the compiler of these sketches to present a complete history of the subjects of the picture, to which this book is merely an accompaniment to acquaint the many who are strangers to them with their labors and their virtues, to show as it were, what manner of people these "mormons" are. to do full justice to the originals would require more space and ability than are mine. but if the eyes of the stranger may thereby be opened to a knowledge of their purity, integrity and faith in god, their heroic firmness and the trials they have endured without wavering in allegiance to their cause; if any may be convinced that this people are in earnest and in the right, and that god is with them; if they can realize that for men, mormonism is not a cloak, a subterfuge and a selfish system; that our women are not from the dregs of civilization, led and controlled by stronger minds without a knowledge within themselves for their course, it will prove a joy and delight, a sweet return for my humble but earnest efforts. o, that these truthful testimonies falling upon hearts that are as blocks of ice toward us, might, like burning bullets melt their way therein, until, like joseph's brethren, they should weep for injuries these have borne! and to the young of our people, if this work shall cause them to appreciate their honored parents more by the nobility they have proven; if it shall cause them to weigh the object for which these sacrifices were endured against the poor temptations of the present time; if they shall question themselves, shall my parent's sacrifices count for naught? shall their example and their labors be lost on me? their hopes meet disappointment? if that command, "honor thy father and thy mother" shall prevail, and the sweet testimony of the holy spirit convince and strengthen them in the same service and faith unto their god, still sweeter and richer shall be the reward. that this work may go forth from my humble home as a missionary, a silent worker of great good is my fervent hope. a. j. c. preface. in presenting the picture and book, representative women of deseret, to the public, i desire to first express my thanks to the ladies of the picture for their kindness and confidence. i thank sister eliza r. snow smith for her approval and sanction; sister emmeline b. wells for her steadfast encouragement, and bishop hiram b. clawson for his kind interest and advice. published, as it has been, in part by subscription, i thank also my generous patrons. through a disappointment, so many embarrassments occurred that at one time i felt that no inducement, however beautiful, could again tempt me to so great (in my circumstances) an undertaking; but for me the lord in his goodness opened the way; and towards james r. miller, dr. a. farr and zina d. h. young, each, my heart thus expresses itself: as hagar in her lone despair gazed hopeless o'er the desert drear, nor saw until her steps were led, the living waters, sweet and clear; so i who strove through tedious days 'mid hopes that fled and fears that frowned-- turned at thy name, and in thy heart, the boon i sought so long was found. not hers alone the story old-- the earth is thronged with hearts distressed that little dream how close beside the angel walks--to save and bless. in compiling the brief sketches of eliza r. snow smith, zina d. h. young, m. i. horne and prescendia l. kimball, i am indebted to the editor of the _woman's exponent_, their biographer. several autobiographies follow, and looking it all over, the thought rises--_how little i have done after all!_ i have scarcely more than furnished the thread on which their gems were strung. often i have paused, sorrowful that this work must be so brief: so much remains to be told. i have had sincerest joy in this labor, and if my efforts should be regarded as conferring any honor upon these ladies, it has been a greater honor to me to be accorded the privilege of tendering it, and of enjoying their acquaintance and friendship. in conclusion, i would again refer to our first lady, e. r. s. smith; in a short time will appear her latest and largest book, an autobiography and history with genealogical record of her family, and dedicated to her noble brother, apostle lorenzo snow. on her eightieth birthday, january , , sister eliza was the recipient of a large surprise party given in honor of the day, in appreciation, love and respect of herself and labors, in the social hall, a building of histrionic association in the annals of salt lake city. it is wonderful indeed to contemplate the still youthful spirit, energy and ability of this lady; ever serene, gentle, forbearing with others; so carefully hiding her own weariness and leaving unmentioned whatever might trouble her; that the idea would never suggest itself to those not _intimately_ associated with her, that she has anything to do but preside, receive and enjoy the loving expressions from her friends. hoping this volume may entertain and benefit the reader, and that all errors in _book-making_ may be graciously pardoned, i will subscribe myself, dear public--your servant and friend, augusta joyce crocheron. index. eliza r. snow smith zina d. h. young mary isabella horne sarah m. kimball prescendia l. kimball phoebe w. woodruff bathsheba w. smith elizabeth howard elmina s. taylor mary a. freeze louie felt ellen c. clawson emmeline b. wells romania b. pratt elvira s. barney emily hill woodmansee hannah t. king augusta joyce crocheron helen mar whitney zina y. williams louise m. wells explanatory eliza r. snow smith, president of the women's organizations of the church of jesus christ of latter day saints. "eliza r. snow was born in becket, berkshire co., mass. her parents were oliver snow of mass., and rosetta l. pettibone, of conn. they were of english descent, their parents having emigrated to america at an early period. in , the family removed to mantua, portage co., ohio." mr. and mrs. snow bestowed great care upon the education of their daughter, intellectual and domestic. she began her literary labors when quite young, her contributions over a _nom de plume_ receiving much admiration. her grandfather was a revolutionary soldier, and his reminiscences created impressions upon her youthful mind that became part of her nature, developing into an intense national devotion. "two volumes of her 'religious, historical, political' poems have been published, the first in liverpool, england, in , the second in salt lake city." her poems are life like and embody most of our church history. to select her best poems would make a volume. the one by which she is best known, perhaps, is, "o, my father, thou that dwellest," and ranks in its individuality and popularity as a latter day saints' doctrinal hymn, with "the spirit of god like a fire is burning." it is safe to say that these two hymns have wielded an influence beyond our power to estimate, in conveying the spirit of the gospel to the hearts of the hearers. i have witnessed throngs of people standing outside a "mormon" place of worship, listening to the singing forgetful for the time of their own personal affairs. they have fixed themselves upon the memory of all who ever heard them. "o my father" contains doctrine that was new to the world, it was the essence of mormonism. every mormon child is familiar with it and would recognize it in any country. it has been sung to many tunes, several have been composed for it. of these, i once heard pres. brigham young, in the st. george temple, designate his preference thus: "will the parowan choir please sing 'o my father,' to that sweet, gentle air i love so well?" the air was "gentle annie," a strange choice it sounded, but the effect proved the correctness of his taste. "sister eliza early devoted her attention to the scriptures and in her girlhood formed the acquaintance of the famous preacher and scholar, alexander campbell, and other noted divines. in , she went to kirtland, ohio, and boarded in the family of the prophet joseph, teaching a select school for young ladies. miss snow returned home to visit her parents but on the st of january, , bade farewell to her paternal home, to share the joys or the afflictions of the latter day saints. "she became a governess to the children of the prophet, and was a companion for emma, his wife, for a number of years. "from means she brought with her, miss snow gave freely toward building the kirtland temple. persecution soon arose and raged so that, with her family who had now joined the church, she left kirtland, going to davies co., mo. on the th of december, , miss snow with her father's family, left davies co., the mormons in that locality having been ordered by the governor to leave the county within ten days. "they passed through almost unendurable sufferings, and reaching far west found the prophet and many others had been dragged to jail leaving their families destitute. march , they left far west leaving much of their property behind. eliza and her sister stopped in quincy, ill., awhile. in july , miss snow went to commerce, (since called nauvoo) to teach school. during her seven years' residence there she wrote much and advanced rapidly in her knowledge of the principles of the gospel. here, the relief society was organized by joseph, march, , and sister eliza was chosen for secretary." there are now three hundred branches of the relief society. "eliza was at this time the wife of the prophet. in the latter part of july , mrs. smith, president of the relief society, proposed a petition to governor carlin, asking his protection of joseph. sister eliza, as secretary, wrote the petition which was signed by several hundred ladies, and in company with president emma and mrs. warren smith visited the governor at his residence in quincy, adams co., ill., where they were most cordially received by the governor. he replied to them, 'i believe mr. smith is innocent.' soon after their return home they learned that the governor in connection with missouri officials was plotting the destruction of the lives of those noble men. "the prophet and patriarch were massacred! for awhile, thought of all else was forgotten but this overwhelming woe. but god gave them his sustaining love, and eliza, widowed, turned again to the work joseph had established, consecrating even her life to its service. the temple was at length finished, and sister eliza then began another era, ministering in the temple in the holy rites that pertain to the house of the lord, as priestess and mother in israel to hundreds of her sex. "in feb., , she left nauvoo, on her way to the rocky mountains. at the middle fork of green river they stopped at one of the resting places. here sister eliza and friends with whom the latter traveled, lived in a log house laid up like children's cob houses, with cracks from one to four inches wide. a tent cloth stretched over the top, blankets and carpets hung up inside as protection against the inclement weather. on the th of august when they were leaving here, they were minus a teamster. sister eliza undertook to drive ox team, and after some experience became an adept. august th they crossed the missouri river, and on the th, arrived at winter quarters. from constant exposure and continued hardships sister eliza broke down. fever set in, chills and fever followed; heavy rains came on and she was wet nearly from head to foot. she felt that she stood at the gates of death, it was but a step beyond, and once inside the portals she would be free from pain and suffering. but the great lifework lay before her, and she summoned courage and supreme faith to her aid. they moved into a log house partly finished, no chinking, no chimney. the fire was built on one side, and the room which had no floor was always filled with smoke. the cooking had to be done out of doors, the intense cold being preferable to the smoke." about the close of the year she received the sad news of the death of her mother. "april th, , the pioneers under the direction of president brigham young started to find a gathering place for the pilgrim saints. in june sister eliza resumed her journey westward. nursing the sick in tents and wagons, and burying the dead by the wayside in the wild desert were indeed mournful, yes, pitiful. on the th of august, several of the mormon battallion returning to winter quarters, met the pilgrim companies, and joyful indeed was the meeting for they were husbands, fathers, brothers and sons of women who were in those companies. they soon met the returning pioneers and heard of the resting place found, and arrived safely in the valley in october. here sister eliza took up her abode with mrs. clara decker young. shortly after, the saints numbering six hundred arrived in the valley, a pole was erected and the _flag_ which had been preserved with the greatest care, was raised. * * as time passed on a place was selected and consecrated in which holy ordinances might be administered. sister eliza was called upon to take part, in which calling she has officiated up to the present. when the wards and settlements were pretty generally systematized, pres. young re-organized the relief society. he called on sister eliza to assist, and associate with her in the labor, zina d. young; this gave to them the precedence which they have since held. "at a mass meeting held in this city january th, , in the old tabernacle, (where the assembly hall now stands) by about , women to protest against the 'cullom bill,' sister eliza made a strong and brilliant speech. politically this was the turning point in the history of the women of utah. a few weeks later and the women of utah received the right of franchise. they will ever hold governor s. a. mann in special grateful remembrance. * * in - , the lion house was completed and sister eliza has ever since resided there. it was some years later before the domestic spinning, dyeing and weaving were discontinued, in these things sister eliza also excelled. "in , the retrenchment meetings were by the counsel of pres. young, organized. an association with a presiding board of seven officers. these meetings are still held in the fourteenth ward assembly rooms semi-monthly, at the same hour, the same ladies presiding, excepting sister m. t. smoot since removed to provo. here good instructions are given, and here the junior associations' secretaries bring the minutes of their respective wards' meetings, also the secretaries of the primary associations, (girls under twelve years of age, generally,) thus bringing together for mutual benefit an interchange of ideas, experience and suggestions, the aged veterans, the younger matrons and maidens, and little children. "october th, , sister eliza left salt lake city on a journey to the holy land, her brother, apostle lorenzo snow, joining her in ogden. pres. george a. smith and party met them in new york. they took the steamer for liverpool november th. in rome sister eliza spent five days, visited naples, corfu, alexandria, cairo, suez, joppa, the plains of sharon, the valley of ajelon became realized, and in due time they beheld jerusalem. this tour through the holy land was a mission pertaining to the latter day work. an account of the trip was published in book form, entitled 'palestine tourists.' sunday, march nd, , they ascended the mount of olives, and held service there after the manner of the holy priesthood as revealed in this dispensation. march th, embarked for constantinople. sister eliza had been enduring twenty-nine days of tent life, and twenty-one of riding on horseback. and this in her seventieth year! at athens they took tea with the american minister, and met the american consul general to constantinople. they visited munich then went to vienna and thence to hamburg. may th, , they took steamer for london, and met the saints in their conference, may th. embarked for home on the th. returning early in july, she visited many old scenes and friends of her early life, received with honors from place to place. so quiet was her return to utah, that four days elapsed before her many friends became aware of it. a brief rest sufficed, sister eliza could not be idle. she visited ogden and provo in august, cache valley in september, holding meetings in these and many other places. "just after the october conference of , sister eliza entered upon the superintendency of the 'woman's store,' a commission house for utah home made goods. officers and employees were women. during this year she prepared her second volume of poems for the press, also assisted in selecting and preparing the manuscript for the 'women of mormondom,' and in raising funds for its publication, and not least of all, gave the proof her attention. also still continued her labors in the house of the lord." at this time occurred the death of president brigham young. to one so disciplined in order, with such continuity of purpose, such adhesiveness to principle and friends, it would seem that to ordinary persons, the loss of one in whose house she had her place, and whose friendship and counsels she had shared for over twenty-five years, would be an overwhelming shock. but the same strength of mind which had risen from the martyrdom of the prophet and patriarch supported her again, and she "renewed her diligence, if it were possible, in her broad field of labor." political events and duties occupied her attention during december and january . during the ensuing summer she traveled hundreds of miles, holding generally two meetings a day wherever they stopped. while attending a meeting at farmington, davis co., the efforts of sister aurelia spencer rogers received her consideration and the primary associations, for children, became part of our system. "the first organization at farmington dates from september th, ; about this time an association was organized in the eleventh ward of this city, taking the lead." this new feature so suggestive of great benefit to the children so enlisted her feelings that she has visited most of the settlements and wards in this matter organizing associations. sister eliza returned from a long tour of missionary labor just in time to preside at a grand mass meeting of , women, held in the theatre, november th, , in reply to representations of the anti-polygamic society. the year was spent visiting the l. d. s. women's organizations, and the production of the childrens primary hymn book, soon followed by a tune book to accompany the above. on saturday, july th, fourteenth ward assembly rooms, president john taylor ordained sister eliza to the office to which she had been elected; president of latter day saints' women's organizations throughout the world, wherever our people are; also, sister zina d. h. young as her first counselor, elizabeth a. whitney (since deceased) second counselor, sarah m. kimball as secretary, and mary isabella horne as treasurer. "in august sister eliza visited sanpete co., and in thistle valley assisted the bishop in organizing a relief society, with an indian sister as a counselor; the first indian woman ordained and set apart to an office in this dispensation. november th, sister eliza accompanied by sister zina d. young, left home for st. george to do a work in the temple. they traveled over one thousand miles in carriages and wagons, doing missionary work among the saints. in st. george the anniversary of sister eliza's birthday was publicly celebrated, and on the same day the people of weber stake paid a delicate tribute to the honorable lady by a similar celebration at ogden city. "sisters eliza and zina returned from st. george march st, and were met at the depot by a party of thirty ladies who escorted them to the lion house, where a reception, a welcome home, awaited them. in , during the intervals of her many public duties, she prepared her new book bible questions and answers. in september, visited thistle valley, organizing a primary association with ten little indian children enrolled as members. april , the relief society was organized among the indians at washakie, an indian village in box elder co. after duly considering the long-felt necessity among our own people of an institution for the sick and injured, where the ordinances of faith might be administered freely and without restraint, in fact, one that we might term our own, and as one of the links in our system of organizations, the sisters took a course that led to the establishment of the deseret hospital, at which institution the dedication services were held, july th, , by the first presidency, stake presidency, apostles wilford woodruff and f. d. richards; mayor william jennings, c. w. penrose, editor _deseret news_, l. john nuttall and joseph horne being present. eliza r. s. smith, president, e. b. wells, secretary." i will conclude this brief sketch with one of her latest poems: bury me quietly when i die. when my spirit ascends to the world above, to smile with the choirs in celestial love, let the finger of silence control the bell, to restrain the chime of a funeral knell, let no mourning strain--not a sound be heard, by which a pulse of the heart is stirred-- no note of sorrow to prompt a sigh; bury me quietly when i die. i am aiming to earn a celestial crown-- to merit a heavenly; pure renown; and, whether in grave or in tomb i'm laid, beneath the tall oak or the cypress shade; whether at home with dear friends around; or in distant lands upon stranger ground-- under wintry clouds or a summer sky; bury me quietly when i die. what avail the parade and the splendor here, to a legal heir to a heavenly sphere? to the heirs of salvation what is the worth, in their perishing state, the frail things of earth? what is death to the good, but an entrance gate that is placed on the verge of a rich estate where commissioned escorts are waiting by? bury me quietly when i die. on the "iron rod" i have laid my hold; if i keep the faith, and like paul of old shall have "fought the good fight" and christ the lord has a crown in store with a full reward of the holy priesthood in fulness rife, with the gifts and the powers of an endless life, and a glorious mansion for me on high; bury me quietly when i die. like a beacon that rises o'er ocean's wave, there's a light--there's a life beyond the grave; the future is bright and it beckons me on where the noble and pure and the brave have gone; those who have battled for truth with their mind and might, with their garments clean and their armor bright; they are dwelling with god in a world on high: bury me quietly when i die. zina d. h. young, first counselor to the president of the l. d. s. women's organizations. "and he shall turn the hearts of the fathers to the children, and the hearts of the children to their fathers, lest i come and smite the earth with a curse." how fitting are these sacred words to the subject of this sketch and her family. in obedience to this command renewed in this dispensation, searching through their genealogical records for ten generations back, they have brought forth to light, and to eternal life in the celestial kingdom of god, the forgotten and unknown ancestry of their family, finding now and then some noble representative of their race linked with even a kingdom's honor, and at last, far back, upon the throne of england. sister zina's career of religious devotion and service is not a new feature in the huntington family, nor america a new field of labor to them. one hundred years ago lady salina huntington, saving to herself only sufficient for the real needs of life, devoted a great portion of her vast fortune to missionary service, for the introduction of christianity among the north american indians, by the founding of schools for the natives and the support of ministers and teachers. "she allowed herself but one dress a year. lady salina huntington was the second daughter of the earl of ferrars. she was born in , and was the co-laborer of whitefield and wesley. 'the pedigree of lady huntington and her husband, and of george washington, first president of the united states, (as traced by mapleson in his researches) meet in the same parentage.' 'lady huntington and her chaplains often journeyed during the summer, making their presence a means of religious revivals wherever they went. a church needed. with her, to resolve was to accomplish. her jewels she determined to offer to the lord. they were sold for six hundred and ninety-eight pounds, and with this she erected a house of worship in . her daughter, lady salina, was one of the six earls daughters chosen to assist the princess augusta to bear the train of queen charlotte on her coronation day." did it foreshadow an era of revelations dawning upon the world, when she prayed "that god would give us new bread, not stale, but what was baked in the oven that day." lady huntington built seven chapels, her private property, beside aiding sixty others. at the age of eighty-four a few hours before the last struggle she whispered joyfully, "i shall go to my father tonight," and so she went home, june th, . thus by birthright and by heritage is the land of freedom the huntingtons' field of religious labor. the mantles of lady huntington and remoter noble ancestors have at last been lifted from the silence and the shadows of departed centuries to the shoulders of worthy descendants and representatives, who are doing works of greater magnitude than they ever comprehended. superintended by dimock b. huntington, and assisted by the family, zina and her sister prescinda have been baptized for ten generations, numbering nearly five thousand. by permission i select from matter collected and published by emmeline b. wells, in _woman's exponent_ the following portions of biography: "zina diantha huntington was born january st, , at watertown. her father was william huntington, her mother zina baker, whose father was one of the first physicians in new hampshire. her grandmother on the mother's side was dorcas dimock, 'descended from the noble family of dimocks, whose representatives held the hereditary knight-championship of england; instance: sir edward dymock, queen elizabeth's champion.' "the father of mrs. zina d. h. young was also a patriot and served in the war of . samuel huntington, one of the signers of the declaration of independence, was the uncle of this old revolutionary soldier. she says: 'my father's family is directly descended from simon huntington, the puritan immigrant who sailed for america in . he died at sea, but left three sons and his widow, margaret. the church records of roxbury, mass., contain the earliest record of the huntington name known in new england, and is in the handwriting of the rev. john elliot himself, the pastor of that ancient church. this is the record: 'margaret huntington, widow, came in , her husband died by the way of small pox. she brought children with her.' 'my grandfather, wm. huntington, the revolutionary soldier, married prescinda lathrop, and was one of the first settlers in the black river valley, northern new york. the huntingtons and lathrops intermarried, and my sister prescinda lathrop huntington, bears the family name of generations.' the huntingtons embraced the gospel at watertown, new york, and zina d., when only fifteen years old was baptized by the patriarch hyrum smith, august th, , and soon after went to kirtland with her father's family. in this year she received the gift of tongues. on one occasion in the kirtland temple she heard a whole invisible choir of angels singing, till the house seemed filled with numberless voices. at kirtland she received the gift of interpretation. she was also at the memorable pentecost when the spirit of god filled the house like a mighty, rushing wind. zina was also a member of the kirtland temple choir, of whom but few are now living. sister zina experienced the persecutions in missouri, during which the mother died from fatigue and privation, and only two of their family were able to follow her remains to their resting place. she says; "thus died my martyred mother." sister zina was married in nauvoo, and had two sons, but this not proving a happy union, she subsequently separated from her husband. joseph smith taught her the principle of marriage for eternity, and she accepted it as a divine revelation, and was sealed to the prophet for time and eternity, after the order of the new and everlasting covenant. sister zina was a member of the first organization of the relief society at nauvoo, and when the temple was ready for the ordinances to be performed, received there her blessings and endowments. after the martyrdom of the prophet joseph and hyrum, she was united in marriage for time to brigham young, and with the saints left nauvoo in the month of february, crossing the mississippi on the ice. arriving at mt. pisgah, a resting place for the exiles, father huntington was called to preside and zina d., with her two little boys remained with him temporarily. sickness visited the camp, and deaths were so frequent that help could not be obtained to make coffins. many were buried with split logs at the bottom of the grave and brush at the sides, that being all that could be done by mourning friends. her father was taken sick, in eighteen days he died. after these days of trial she went to winter quarters, and was welcomed into the family of brigham young. with them, she in may , began the journey to this valley, walking, driving team, cooking beside camp-fires, and in september arrived here, living in tents and wagons until log houses could be built. here, april rd, , was born zina, daughter of brigham young and zina d. young. when the relief society was reorganized in utah by president brigham young, sister zina was one of the first identified with that work, as treasurer, and when sister eliza was called to preside over all the relief societies, she chose zina as her counselor. one of the most useful fields of her labor, has been sericulture. she has raised cocoons, attending to them with her own hands, and had charge of a large cocoonery and mulberry orchard belonging to president young. when the silk association was organized, june th, , she was chosen president. great good was accomplished, mulberry trees were planted and cocoons raised in every part of the territory where the climate would permit. a good article of silk was manufactured with home machinery." sister zina also took a course of medical studies, being perhaps the first to adopt the wish of president young, for as many of the sisters as would be useful for the practice in the many settlements, among their own sex; to qualify themselves. ladies came from different settlements, stimulated by her example. "in all departments of woman's labor for the public good, sister zina had been found at her post doing her share of active work in the best manner possible. she has traveled among the different settlements visiting organized societies, or assisting sister eliza or the local authorities in organizing. "at a mass meeting of ladies held in this city, november th, , sister zina delivered a very eloquent impromptu address." i was one of the reporters on that occasion, and noting the increasing earnestness in her voice and words, raised my eyes to her standing just before the table we were using. suddenly, as though her words struck home like an electric shock, several gentlemen sitting at my right hand, clutching the arms of their chairs, started as though they would rise to their feet; their faces burning with the truths they heard, their eyes fixed upon her fearless face and uplifted hands. i can never forget that moment. it was more than eloquence, it was inspiration. i will quote that portion of her address. "the principle of our religion that is assailed is one that lies deep in my heart. could i ask the heavens to listen; could i beseech the earth to be still, and the brave men who possess the spirit of a washington to hear what i am about to say. i am the daughter of a master mason! i am the widow of a master mason, who, when leaping from the window of carthage jail pierced with bullets, made the masonic sign of distress; but, gentlemen, (addressing the representatives of the press that were present) those signs were not heeded except by the god of heaven. that man, the prophet of the almighty, was massacred without mercy! sisters, this is the first time in my life that i have dared to give utterance to this fact, but i thought i could trust my soul to say it on this occasion; and i say it now in the fear of israel's god, and i say it in the presence of these gentlemen and i wish my voice could be heard by the whole brotherhood of masons throughout our proud land. that institution i honor. if its principles were practiced and strictly adhered to would there be a trespass upon virtue? no indeed. would the honorable wife or daughter be intruded upon with impunity? nay, verily. would that the ladies of america, with the honorable mrs. hayes at their head; would that the congress of the united states, the law makers of our nation, could produce a balm for the many evils which exist in our land through the abuse of virtue, or could so legislate that virtue could be protected and cherished as the life which heaven has given us. we in common with many women throughout our broad land would hail with joy the approach of such deliverance, for such is the deliverance that woman needs. the principle of plural marriage is honorable; it is a principle of the gods, it is heaven born. god revealed it to us as a saving principle; we have accepted it as such, and we know it is of him for the fruits of it are holy. even the saviour, himself, traces his lineage back to polygamic parents. we are proud of the principle because we know its true worth, and we want our children to practice it, that through us a race of men and women may grow up possessing sound minds in sound bodies, who shall live to the age of a tree." "during the summer of , sister zina decided to take a trip to the sandwich islands for her health, and was accompanied by miss susa young. she had the opportunity of meeting many persons of note to whom she imparted correct information regarding our people; distributing tracts and books. great respect was paid her and many ovations. she assisted the native members of our church in getting an organ for their meetings, and contributed liberally for other benevolent purposes." "on her return she spent most of her time attending meetings of the various organizations. sericulture was not forgotten or neglected. she also continued her labors in the house of the lord. in the fall of , sisters zina and eliza went to st. george, to labor in the temple, and visit the organizations of the women and children, wherever practicable. they held meetings by the way, often camped out over night, and traveled thus over one thousand miles. returning march st, , they were met at the depot by a party of thirty ladies, in carriages, who escorted them to the lion house where a reception of welcome home awaited them. august th, , sister zina, accompanied by her foster son, lieut. willard young, started for new york to gather up the records of her relatives. dr. e. b. ferguson was going to pursue her medical studies further in some branches, to be of greater service among the people. previous to their going, they were blest and set apart by the first presidency of the church, to speak upon the principles of our faith if opportunity presented. sister zina was cordially received by her relatives, and invited to speak in sunday school and temperance meetings. visited new york city, and listened to many celebrated divines. attended the woman's congress at buffalo, n. y., but was refused five minutes to represent the women of utah. visited watertown, n. y., then to vermont, and thence to albany co., and spoke in several meetings. sister zina returned to new york to attend the n. w. s. a. convention, without opportunity of addressing them. she however assisted the brethren in organizing a relief society in new york. with lieut. willard young she visited west point. mrs. young returned to this city march th, received by her daughters and many friends, the return being the occasion for a most delightful party. on the friday following, the relief society conference convened, and her many friends had the opportunity of welcoming her home. picture and words are alike powerless to convey the beauty of her face, her spirit and her life. each succeeding year adds a tenderer line to her face, a sweeter, gentler intonation to her voice, a more perceptible power to her spirit from the celestial fountains of faith; widens the circle of her friends, strengthens and deepens their love for her, and brings a richer harvest of noble labors to her name. could i say more? i could not say less of her who has for eighteen years been my most intimate friend, my counselor, my second mother. a mother, not to me alone, to her belongs in its sweetest, widest sense, the name--a "mother in israel." mary isabella horne, treasurer of the presiding board of the l. d. s. women's organizations. "i was born november th, , in the town of rainshaw, county of kent, england. i am the daughter of stephen and mary ann hales, and the eldest daughter of a large family. my parents were honest, industrious people. i was taught to pray when very young, to be honest and truthful, to be kind to my associates, and to do good to all around us. my early years were spent in attending school and in assisting my mother in domestic duties." "mrs. horne's father was a methodist, and her mother a member of the church of england. mrs. horne as a child, had very strong religious tendencies, and when requested by her sabbath school teacher to commit to memory two or three verses from the bible, she would learn a whole chapter or perhaps two, and recite without being prompted. "when only in her eleventh year, she became so fascinated with the bible that her leisure hours after the labors of the day were over, were employed in reading and studying the history and incidents, the sublime parables and teachings contained in that sacred work; thus prepared to receive in due time the gospel of the new and last dispensation. in , mrs. horne's parents decided to emigrate, and concluded to go to upper canada. april th, they left england with a family of five sons and two daughters. "one little boy died upon the way. on the th of june, they arrived in york, strangers in a strange land, where the cholera was making fearful ravages, but the lord preserved them all in health. the following spring, , the family removed to the country, about eight miles from york. mrs. hales' health was delicate and the care of the whole family devolved upon mary isabella, only fifteen years of age. "in the spring of , she attended a methodist camp meeting in the neighborhoood, where she first met mr. joseph horne, and two years afterward, joseph horne and mary isabella were united in marriage on the th of may, ." only about one month of their wedded life had passed when they heard a rumor that a man professing to be sent of god, to preach to the people would hold a meeting about a mile distant. mr. and mrs. horne attended this meeting and there they first heard the gospel, proclaimed by elder orson pratt, but little knew how the course of their life would be changed by receiving this great light. mrs. horne was baptized in july, , by elder orson hyde, and ever after her house was a home for the elders, and a place where meetings were held. in the latter part of the summer of , she first saw the prophet joseph, also sidney rigdon and thomas b. marsh." she says: "on shaking hands with the prophet joseph smith, i received the holy spirit in such great abundance that i felt it thrill my whole system from the crown of my head to the soles of my feet. i had never beheld so lovely a countenance, nobility and goodness were in every feature. i said to myself, 'o lord, i thank thee for granting the desire of my girlish heart in permitting me to associate with prophets and apostles.'" "in march , while the weather was still wintry, mr. and mrs. horne bade farewell to their home, and with a few saints started for the gathering-place of the people of god. "at huntsville, mrs. horne was introduced to father and mother smith; father smith was the patriarch of the church, and under his hands she received a patriarchal blessing. in august, with a babe less than a month old, they removed to far west, and were obliged to go into a log house without doors or windows. it was about this time that the excitement in missouri raged, and persecution was at its height. mrs. horne was alone much night and day, her husband being on guard. in the spring of , mrs. horne and family left missouri as exiles, and sought an asylum in quincy, ill., where for awhile they had peace. while in quincy, mrs. horne was one of those favored ones who had the privilege of entertaining and waiting upon the prophet joseph and hyrum, the patriarch. in the month of march, mr. and mrs. horne moved to nauvoo by wagon, over the then wild prairies. they lived in a lumber shanty for eight months, and in november mr. horne moved his family into his own house, still unfinished. here in 'nauvoo the beautiful,' mr. horne through diligent labor at last succeeded in establishing a flourishing business and his family were looked upon by the saints as quite well situated. on the nd of april, , mrs. horne received a patriarchal blessing under the hands of hyrum smith, the patriarch of the church." on the th of the june following, occurred the martyrdom of joseph and hyrum. mrs. horne says, "on the th day of june, i took my last look on earth of joseph and hyrum smith! may i never experience another day similar to that. i do not wish to recall the scene." on the th of july was born her fifth son. in january, , mrs. horne went into the nauvoo temple, receiving the ordinances of the house of the lord, and assisted in administering to others. in february mr. horne closed his business and bade adieu to their home and camped with the saints on sugar creek, iowa. in march moved on to garden grove, and then to mt. pisgah. here, mrs. horne had born to her a daughter, born in a wagon. when the babe was three days old, mrs. horne started again on her way, arriving at council bluffs about the last of june, moving into a log cabin. here she was so sick it was feared she would not recover. elder orson pratt administered to her and prophesied she would do a good work in israel. in june of the same year, she left with the first company across the plains that followed the pioneers to the valley of salt lake. that was indeed a remarkable journey and all those who traveled hither at that time deserve the title of pioneers. they opened the way and braved the perils of the desert and the experience of living in this sterile land. they ploughed and planted and fought against the fearful odds of crickets, grasshoppers and death. the company in which mrs. horne traveled, arrived here october th, , and as soon as the fort was completed she moved into it, and lived in a log cabin two years, enduring all the exigencies incident to the settling of a new indian country, among which were living on short rations, a part of which was roots and thistles. on the th of january, , another daughter was added to the family. as soon as possible after arriving in a new and destitute country, mr. and mrs. horne made themselves a home in the fourteenth ward, which they still retain. "in speaking of her first knowledge of the order of celestial marriage, she says, she has had strong testimony for herself that it is of god. mrs. horne has borne herself nobly in all the different phases of plural domestic relations." mrs. horne was a member of the relief society in nauvoo, and in the first organization of the fourteenth ward in this city, was a counselor to president phoebe w. woodruff. in may, , mrs. horne moved as far south as parowan, her husband being called on a mission still further south, in "dixie." against every disadvantage, mrs. horne performed this journey of two hundred and fifty miles, this mother with her ten children, the youngest a babe of six months. in september their mission was fulfilled and mrs. horne returned home, mr. horne returning from his mission soon after. december th, , mrs. horne was chosen by bishop a. hoagland, of the fourteenth ward, to preside over the relief society in that ward. it was a great surprise to her, she was at that time very timid. under the wise management of the president, the society increased in numbers, great good was accomplished in the relief of the poor and afflicted, and means multiplied in the treasury. a two story brick building has been erected by the society, part of which is rented for a store, and the upper story used for meetings. the society also own a good granary and a quantity of wheat. mrs. horne's success as a leader was so apparent and her course so consistent, president young had such confidence in her, he gave her a very important mission among the sisters; this was called retrenchment. in due time a meeting was held in the fifteenth ward schoolhouse, and from there adjourned to the fourteenth ward assembly rooms, and from that time until the present, mrs. horne has presided at these regular semi-monthly meetings of the ladies' general retrenchment associations. when president young instructed sister eliza to go through the territory and organize the young ladies into associations for mutual improvement, mrs. horne was called to assist. she has organized many of the young ladies associations, also primary associations. at the time of the passage of the cullom bill in january, , a grand mass meeting was called to convene in the old tabernacle, salt lake city. mrs. horne took an active part in the proceedings, being one of the committee to draft resolutions. in february following, the bill was passed, granting suffrage to the women of utah. mrs. horne was one of a committee of ladies who waited upon governor s. a. mann to express the gratitude of mormon women for his signing of the document. december , mrs. horne was chosen to preside over the relief societies of this stake of zion. she was elected a delegate from salt lake county, to the territorial convention held in this city, commencing october th, and was called upon to address them. mrs. horne was one of the committee appointed to wait upon the delegate nominated at the convention, and inform him of the honor conferred upon him. when mrs. horne was sixty years of age, upon the demise of her daughter-in-law, mrs. lydia weiler horne, she took the babe six weeks old to raise. this after rearing a family, and seeing each take honored places in the world. mrs. horne has been an officer and worker in the silk industry from the beginning. at the organization of the board of officers for the deseret hospital, may , mrs. horne was elected chairman of the executive committee. november th, , was the forty-sixth anniversary of mr. and mrs. horne's wedding day. at the reception they held, an elegant photograph album was presented from lady friends, each of whom was to contribute her picture. congratulations from children, mayor jennings and judge miner, with loving and sincere good wishes from all, for the future, made this a day long to be remembered." i am indebted to the pen of emmeline b. wells, editor of the "woman's exponent," for the points i have selected for this sketch, to whom the original referred me as possessing all i would wish to obtain. perhaps, it would be no more than justice to the author, to quote also from the same source, the record her family have so far, made, thereby reflecting credit upon their noble parents. it will also give to the world the history in brief of _one_ mormon family, reared in the teachings, examples and associations of mormonism, not omitting the system of celestial marriage. "by their fruits ye shall know them." "henry, the eldest son, was for eleven years bishop in paris, idaho, in , moved to arizona, to assist in colonizing there. "joseph, when about twenty years of age, was called on a mission to switzerland, where he obtained a thorough knowledge of the german language. returned, and was for ten years bishop of gunnison, sanpete co., again called to switzerland to preside over the swiss and german missions and edit the _stern_. in , he was called to the bishopric in richfield, sevier co., is also mayor of that city. "richard is a teacher; was superintendent of sunday-schools in beaver, and has filled several home missions. "john, the youngest son, was the first president of the young men's mutual improvement association in the fourteenth ward. her eldest daughter, mrs. elizabeth webb, lives in millard co., a lady who might grace any society. "nora married george, son of orson spencer, somewhat famous in church history for his valuable writings and great missionary work in america and europe. "julia married wm. burton, and died one year after marriage, leaving a baby daughter. she was the first president of the young ladies mutual improvement association of the fourteenth ward. "cornelia was later made the president. miss cornelia was also for three or four years business manager of the _woman's exponent_. she is the wife of james clayton. "minnie, her twin sister, was for several years secretary of the young ladies mutual improvement association and the sunday-school. since her marriage with wm. james, she is president of the seventh ward primary association. "mattie is a counselor to the president of all the young ladies mutual improvement associations of the church. when the _woman's exponent_ was first published, miss mattie was the first girl to go into the printing office and learn type setting. "clara, the youngest, is accomplished, gifted spiritually, and an active worker. as her mother is often called from home by public duties, the charge of the home rests much of the time with her, a position she fills with dignity and ability." three babes died in infancy. and the mother of these children now honored among men and women, drove team hundreds of miles, not one journey, but many, and nearly always with a babe in her arms. resting now in the afternoon of life with comforts, honors and love surrounding her, mrs. horne must look back with satisfaction and gratitude upon her life. a few years ago, when i, a timid secretary of the fourteenth ward meetings, used to steal a look at her noble face, i used mentally to compare it to that of washington, and i think still i was not mistaken; we, to-day, are struggling for "liberty to worship god according to the dictates of our own consciences," and the spirit of such as he and his co-laborers are with us and are ours, to counsel and to lead, through difficulties unto victory. sarah m. kimball, secretary of the l. d. s. women's organizations. "i am the daughter of oliver granger and lydia dibble granger, was born december th, , in the town of phelps, ontario co., new york. of my parents, eight children, only myself and two younger brothers, lafayette and farley, remain. my father, oliver granger, had an interesting experience in connection with the coming forth of the book of mormon. he obtained the book a few months after its publication, and while in the city of new york, at prof. mott's eye infirmary he had a 'heavenly vision.' my father was told of a personage who said his name was moroni, that the book of mormon, about which his mind was exercised, was a true record of great worth, and moroni instructed him (my father) to testify of its truth and that he should hereafter be ordained to preach the everlasting gospel to the children of men. moroni instructed my father to kneel and pray; moroni and another personage knelt with him by the bedside. moroni repeated words and instructed my father to repeat them after him. moroni then stepped behind my father, who was still kneeling, and drew his finger over the three back seams of my father's coat, (which my father felt very perceptibly) and said, 'a time will come when the saints will wear garments made without seams.' moroni told my father that he might ask for what he most desired and it would be granted. he asked for an evidence by which he might know when he was approved of god. the evidence or sign was given, and remained with him until his dying hour, being more particularly manifest when engaged in prayer and meditation. i love the memory of my father. he died in kirtland, ohio, august , aged forty-seven. i was married in kirtland, orange co., ohio, by warren cowdery, esq., september rd, , to hiram kimball, eldest son of phineas and abigail kimball, of west fairley, orange co., vermont. my parents had previously spent a year in nauvoo, hancock co., ill.; their present stay in ohio was considered only temporary; my father sickened and died there the next year. i returned with my husband to his home in nauvoo, ill., three weeks after my marriage. we boarded six months in the family of dr. frederick williams, then went to housekeeping. my eldest son was born in nauvoo, november nd, ; when the babe was three days old a little incident occurred which i will mention. the walls of the nauvoo temple were about three feet above the foundation. the church was in need of help to assist in raising the temple walls. i belonged to the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints; my husband did not belong to the church at that time. i wished to help on the temple, but did not like to ask my husband (who owned considerable property) to help for my sake. my husband came to my bedside, and as he was admiring our three days' old darling, i said, "what is the boy worth?" he replied, "o, i don't know, he is worth a great deal." i said, "is he worth a thousand dollars?" the reply was, "yes, more than that if he lives and does well." i said, "half of him is mine, is it not?" "yes, i suppose so." "then i have something to help on the temple." he said pleasantly, "you have?" "yes, and i think of turning my share right in as tithing." "well, i'll see about that." soon after the above conversation mr. kimball met the prophet joseph smith, president of the church, and said, "sarah has got a little the advantage of me this time, she proposes to turn out the boy as church property. "president smith seemed pleased with the joke, and said, "i accept all such donations, and from this day the boy shall stand recorded, _church property_." then turning to willard richards, his secretary, he said, "make a record of this, and you are my witness." joseph smith then said, "major, (mr. kimball was major in the nauvoo legion) you now have the privilege of paying $ and retaining possession, or receiving $ and giving possession." mr. kimball asked if city property was good currency, president smith replied that it was. then said mr. kimball, "how will that reserve block north of the temple suit?" president smith replied, "it is just what we want." the deed was soon made out and transferred in due form. president smith said to me, "you have consecrated your first born son, for this you are blessed of the lord. i bless you in the name of the lord god of abraham, of isaac and of jacob. and i seal upon you all the blessings that pertain to the faithful. your name shall be handed down in honorable remembrance from generation to generation. "your son shall live and be a blessing to you in time, and an honor and glory to you throughout the endless eternities (changes) to come. he shall be girded about with righteousness and bear the helmet and the breast-plate of war. you shall be a blessing to your companion, and the honored mother of a noble posterity. you shall stand as a savior to your father's house, and receive an everlasting salvation, which i seal upon you by the gift of revelation and by virtue and authority of the holy priesthood vested in me, in the name of jesus christ." "early in the year , joseph smith taught me the principle of marriage for eternity, and the doctrine of plural marriage. he said that in teaching this he realized that he jeopardized his life; but god had revealed it to him many years before as a privilege with blessings, now god had revealed it again and instructed him to teach it with commandment, as the church could travel (progress) no further without the introduction of this principle. i asked him to teach it to some one else. he looked at me reprovingly, and said, 'will you tell me who to teach it to? god required me to teach it to you, and leave you with the responsibility of believing or disbelieving.' he said, 'i will not cease to pray for you, and if you will seek unto god in prayer you will not be led into temptation.'" "in the summer of , a maiden lady (miss cook) was seamstress for me, and the subject of combining our efforts for assisting the temple hands came up in conversation. she desired to be helpful but had no means to furnish. i told her i would furnish material if she would make some shirts for the workmen. it was then suggested that some of our neighbors might wish to combine means and efforts with ours, and we decided to invite a few to come and consult with us on the subject of forming a ladies' society. the neighboring sisters met in my parlor and decided to organize. i was delegated to call on sister eliza r. snow and ask her to write for us a constitution and by-laws, and submit them to president joseph smith prior to our next thursday's meeting. she cheerfully responded, and when she read them to him he replied that the constitution and by-laws were the best he had ever seen. 'but,' he said, 'this is not what you want. tell the sisters their offering is accepted of the lord, and he has something better for them than a written constitution. i invite them all to meet me and a few of the brethren in the masonic hall over my store next thursday afternoon, and i will organize the sisters under the priesthood after the pattern of the priesthood.' he further said, 'the church was never perfectly organized until the women were thus organized.'" he wished to have sister emma smith elected to preside in fulfillment of the revelation which called her an elect lady. "in the wanderings and persecutions of the church i have participated, and in the blessings, endowments and holy anointings and precious promises i have also received. to sorrow i have not been a stranger; but i only write this short sketch to instruct and happify, so i will skip to salt lake city, september, , with my two sons, hiram and oliver, my widowed mother, lydia dibble granger, anna robbins, a girl that lived with me nine years and married my youngest brother, and my two brothers, lafayette and farley b. granger. my husband was detained in new york city, and had become financially much embarrassed. the next year he came to me financially ruined and broken in health. i engaged in school teaching in the fourteenth ward to sustain and educate my family. my salary was only $ . per month, but that was much to us at that time. "april st, , my youngest son was born. i discontinued school three months, then opened school in my home. i taught eight years. i should have stated that on arriving here i sold our fitout (team, etc.) for a comfortable little home, this i have always considered providential. the indian agent gave me a nine-year-old wild indian girl, whom i educated and raised. she died at nineteen. i named her kate. "my mother who had lived with me twenty years, died in , aged seventy-three. my husband was drowned march st, , in the pacific ocean by the wreck of the steamer, _ada hancock_, off the coast of san pedro, on his way to the sandwich islands; aged sixty-two. "i was elected president of the fifteenth ward relief society february th, . in december, , a little girl was brought to me whom i adopted. "november th, , a silver trowel and mallet were furnished me and assisted by a master mason, and surrounded by an assemblage of people, i had the honor of laying the corner stone of the first relief society building erected in this dispensation." sister sarah m. kimball possesses a tall, commanding figure, a face of remarkable dignity and sincerity in expression. her manner of speaking is original in its strength of reason, rare in its eloquence, precise and delicate in selection of words and tone of voice. a phrenologist once said of her, that "if she were seated in a railway carriage with parties on one hand discussing fashions, and politics to be heard on the other, she would turn to the discussion on politics." a statesman, a philanthropist, a missionary, in her very nature, she is none the less the noble mother and true, fond friend, to those who have known her longest and best. prescendia l. kimball. in attempting a brief sketch of this noble woman's life, it is not necessary for me to state in regard to her ancestry, more than to say she is the elder sister of mrs. zina d. young, the same genealogical references will suffice for both. "prescendia lathrop huntington was the fourth child of her parents, and was born in watertown, jefferson county, new york, september th, . mrs. kimball is said to be the exact counterpart of the eliza huntington whose likeness is in the book, the record of the huntingtons, as a type of the race. sister prescendia is a woman to see once, is to remember always. she reminds one of the dames of olden times, large, tall, grand and majestic in figure, dignified in manner, yet withal so womanly and sympathetic that she seems the embodiment of the motherly element to a degree that would embrace all who came under her influence." "prescendia huntington was married at the age of seventeen to mr. norman buell. their first child, george, was born in mannsville, december th, . soon after they moved to pinbury, lewis county, where they made a comfortable home. here their second son was born, december th, , and in november , by an accident was so severely burned that he died. in , her mother came to visit her, and brought her the first intelligence of the prophet joseph and the record from the hill cumorah. they sold their property the following winter and by spring reached kirtland, ohio. june st, , sister prescendia was baptized and confirmed by oliver cowdery, and on the th her husband received the same ordinance. april th, , her first daughter was born in a tumble-down dwelling on the fishing river, clay county, mo., but lived only four hours. here on two occasions she without protection, encountered an armed mob, but was saved from their hatred; they left her. her husband had by this time apostatized. the huntingtons were obliged to leave far west at the time of the driving of the saints from missouri in the spring of , and sister prescendia felt entirely alone and forsaken. she says, 'there was not at this time, one saint in missouri, to my knowledge.' about this time was born her son oliver, just after the dreadful outrages perpetrated against the saints in missouri. in the fall of mrs. buell moved from missouri and settled between quincy and nauvoo. during the ensuing five or six years she made frequent visits to the saints, among others the families of joseph and hyrum, and father and mother smith. joseph himself taught her the principle of plural marriage. the sisters who had entered into these covenants were in one sense separate and apart from all others. no tongue can describe, or pen portray the peculiar situation of these noble, self-sacrificing women, who through the providence of god helped to establish the principle of celestial marriage. the crisis came when the prophet and patriarch were foully murdered. "the time came for the performances of the ordinances in the temple at nauvoo. sister prescendia availed herself of the privilege to go and receive her blessings. hereafter we recognize her as the wife of the apostle, heber c. kimball. the next great event in the history of this people was the exodus from nauvoo. the saints had nearly all left for the west; sister prescendia felt as if she were at the mercy of the mob, and indeed, plans were laid to destroy her. as if in answer to her prayers, her brother, william, sent her a messenger telling her to leave all and come. on the nd of may, , she walked out of her house leaving all behind her, taking her little boy who was sick and not able to be up but she was flying for her life. with the help of her son, george, she got away. she traveled all night, and reached a friend, dr. spurgeon, by daybreak. took some refreshment and went into the woods with her little boy, staying all day, fasting and praying for deliverance. she says: 'i picked flowers for him and gave him water from the running stream. at night i went back to the doctor's, sleeping with my sick boy on a little bed on the floor. next day i hid in a wagon. when we arrived at nashville, i saw a man whom i knew, looking for me. i learned afterward he intended taking my child from me. my brother, dimick, sent his sons to see me safely out of illinois. i stayed in a deep ravine while some things were brought to me, and slept on a buffalo robe on the ground at night with my little child. no tongue can tell my feelings in those days of trial; but i had considered well, and felt i would rather suffer and die with the saints, than live in babylon as i had lived before. we arrived at bonaparte. the excitement and exposure brought on fever and i was very ill. we at last arrived at mt. pisgah; there i found my father, my sister, zina, and her children. they were in a log house without chimney or floor; sickness prevailed. very soon men were sent by the government to get volunteers to march to mexico; to fight for a government that had suffered us to be driven out at the point of the bayonet. * * i saw the five hundred men enrolled as volunteers to take up the line of march to mexico. my brother, dimick, brave-hearted and strong, with his family, among the number. his wife, fanny, had a daughter born under most trying and painful circumstances. i was left behind at what was then called cutler's park. my father and zina were at mt. pisgah. my brother, dimick, in mexico, my brother, william, in st. louis, my brother, oliver, on a mission in europe; then came the news that my father had died at pisgah; my friend, my counselor, my own dear parent, to whom i had looked for counsel for the future that stretched out before me like a great, unknown desert, unrelieved and barren. i had only my heavenly father left, and i reached out in faith to the one above to open the heavens for me and aid me in my loneliness. i was in a new, wild country without means. joseph and henry woodmansee wanted me to keep house for them. as soon as i was settled their father wrote for them, and i was left in charge of their house. i started a school which was a great blessing to the children. the house was built of logs and covered with dirt and straw, with a little straw upon the floor.' "here sister prescendia toiled with scanty fare, teaching the children, and when school was closed for the night her voice would leave her, from weakness, but she loved the children and gained their affection. it was an ague country, provisions were scarce, lack of vegetables and fruit caused sickness. after a painful and dangerous illness, sister prescendia recovered her health. about this time three brethren who went with the mormon battallion, came back to winter quarters, having been sent on special business from pueblo. says sister prescendia, 'i never saw such a pitiful sight before as these poor, worn-out travelers presented. their clothing hung in rags, their faces burned, and with sun and snow they were nearly blind. their feet were wrapped in rawhide from the buffalo. i sat and heard them tell how fearfully they had suffered crossing the prairies in the dead of winter, and all this in defence of a government that had driven us defenceless women and children into a strange wilderness. i could not refrain from weeping when i looked upon these my brethren and realized how they had suffered.' "early in the spring a few pioneers left to search out a haven of refuge for the saints. the sisters left almost alone, lived near to god. they used often to meet together and pray. the gifts of tongues, interpretation and prophecy were given them at this time for their consolation. in may, , sister prescendia and her little son, oliver, left winter quarters. she, like many others, had to drive team, yoke cattle, &c., though in delicate health. she arrived in salt lake valley september nd, and moved into the old fort. january th, , sister prescendia had born to her a daughter. the baby was a great comfort to the lonely mother who had left her home and come thousands of miles away. no daughter was ever more fondly loved than this little one. "she was named prescendia celestia, and was rightly named celestia, for she was more like a celestial being than a mortal one. president young once asked her name; quick as thought, he said, _'celestial prescendia.'_ coming here as the saints did provided with only the barest necessities, there was much privation to contend against. the families of brigham and heber shared in these respects equally with the others. when sister prescendia's babe was quite small, she had to put up an umbrella over them in bed to protect them from the rain. sister prescendia was patient and thanked her father in heaven that he had permitted her to gather to the rocky mountains, and also that she had been permitted to become a mother under the new and everlasting covenant of marriage." nothing could be more affecting than her story of the loss of this lovely child. she dressed her for a visit, and gave her in charge of her brother, while she finished her preparations. he took her to the family of president young, and as they were seated at table, each gave her a kiss, admiring her beauty, president young last. "returning to the mother, he sat her down a moment to cut a willow from the water's edge, and turning to her--she was gone. the sweet face, that going out smiled such a tender good-bye, was brought in cold in death. vilate, the first wife of heber, said, "the flower of the flock is gone." years have passed since then, but the beauty of that little face is undimmed in her mother's memory." sister prescendia was for fifteen years secretary of the sixteenth ward relief society. sister prescendia's labors have been in the house of the lord, and annointing and administering to the sick. hundreds have asked for her presence at their bedside--the name, prescendia--has been almost like that sweet word, _mother_. i reflect upon the lonely, trial path that she has trod, the wounds her heart has borne; and listening to the tender pathos of her voice, the sublimity of her words; the nobility of her life commanding my love and reverence. if i could choose the picture which should be historical, it should be as i have seen her; standing, her grand figure becomingly wrapped in a large, circular cloak, a handsome, large black bonnet shielding her venerable and beloved face from the falling flakes of snow. looking upon her i thought her the very picture of a puritan exile, a revolutionary ancestress, and a latter-day saint veteran and pioneer. i shall always remember her thus, it is an ineffaceable picture in my memory. since writing the above, the following appears in the _deseret news_ of september th: "manifestation of respect. "yesterday being the anniversary of the birthday of sister prescendia l. kimball, a party of ladies numbering about thirty, of her personal friends, mostly of very long standing, assembled at her residence. a lunch was partaken of about noon, and subsequently the gathering took the form of a meeting, at which all present expressed themselves appropriately to the occasion. the sisters also presented the venerable and respected lady, a handsome black satin cloak, trimmed with fur and lined with crimson plush, for winter wear. we are pleased to be able to state that sister kimball's health has considerably improved during the last few days." phoebe w. carter woodruff. wife of wilford woodruff, president of the twelve apostles, of the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints. "i, phoebe w. carter, wife of apostle wilford woodruff, was born in scarboro, in the state of maine, march th, . my father was of english descent, coming to america at about the close of the seventeenth century. my mother, sarah fabyan, was also of england, and of the third generation from england. the name of fabyan is ancient, and of a noble family. my father's family, also, much of the old puritan stamp. "in the year , i embraced the gospel, as revealed through the prophet joseph smith, and, about a year after, i left my parents and kindred, and journeyed to kirtland, ohio, a distance of one thousand miles, a lone maid, sustained only by my faith and trust in israel's god. my friends marvelled at my course, as did i, but something within impelled me on. my mother's grief at my leaving home was almost more than i could bear; and had it not been for the spirit within i should have faltered at the last. my mother told me she would rather see me buried than going thus alone into the heartless world, and especially was she concerned about my leaving home to cast my lot among the mormons. 'phoebe,' she said, impressively, 'will you come back to me if you find mormonism false?' i answered thrice, 'yes, mother, i will.' these were my words well remembered to this day; she knew i would keep my promise. my answer relieved her trouble; but it cost us all much sorrow to part. when the time came for my departure i dared not trust myself to say farewell, so i wrote my good-bye to each, and leaving them on my table, ran down stairs and jumped into the carriage. thus i left my beloved home of childhood to link my life with the saints of god.' "when i arrived in kirtland i became acquainted with the prophet joseph smith, and received more evidence of his divine mission. there in kirtland i formed the acquaintance of elder wilford woodruff, to whom i was married in . with him i went to the 'islands of the sea' and to england, on missions. here i will bear my testimony to the power of god which i have often seen manifested among the latter-day saints. the following is one notable instance: "when the saints were settling nauvoo, the unhealthy labor of breaking new land on the banks of the mississippi for the founding of the city, invited pestilence. nearly everyone was attacked with fever and ague. the prophet had the sick borne into his house and dooryard until the place was like a hospital. at length even he succumbed to the deadly contagion and for several days was as helpless as the rest of our people, who were all nearly exhausted by their extermination from missouri. but the spirit of the lord came down upon joseph, commanding him to arise and stay the pestilence. the prophet arose from his bed and the power of god rested upon him. he commenced in his own house and dooryard, commanding the sick in the name of jesus christ to arise and be made whole; and they were healed according to his word. he then continued to travel from house to house, and from tent to tent, upon the bank of the river, healing the sick as he went, until he arrived at the upper stone house, where he crossed the river in a boat accompanied by several of the quorum of the twelve, whom he had bade to follow him, and landed in montrose. he walked into the cabin of brigham young, who was lying sick, and commanded him in the name of jesus christ to arise and be made whole, and follow him, which he did. they came to our house next, and joseph bade mr. woodruff, also, to follow, and then they went to the house of brother elijah fordham, who was supposed by his family and friends to have been dying, for two weeks. the prophet stepped to his bedside, took him by the hand, and commanded him in the name of jesus christ to arise from his bed and be made whole. his voice, joseph smith's, was as the voice of god. brother fordham instantly leaped from his bed, called for his clothing and dressed himself, and followed the apostles into the street. they then went into the house of joseph b. nobles, who lay very sick, and he was healed in like manner. and when by the power of god granted unto him, joseph had healed all the sick, he recrossed the river and returned to his own house. thousands of witnesses bear testimony of the miracle. it was a day never to be forgotten. hearing of the case of brother fordham, whom i with the rest had believed to be dying, i thought i would go and see with my own eyes. i found him very happy, sitting in his chair. he told me he had been out to work in his garden. this was only a few hours after the miracle. from that day i never doubted that this was the work of god. "it will be expected that i should say something on polygamy. i have this to say. when the principle of plural marriage was first taught, i thought it was the most wicked thing i ever heard of; consequently i opposed it to the best of my ability, until i became sick and wretched. as soon, however, as i became convinced that it originated as a revelation from god through joseph, knowing him to be a prophet, i wrestled with my heavenly father in fervent prayer, to be guided aright at that all-important moment of my life. the answer came. peace was given to my mind. i knew it was the will of god; and from that time to the present i have sought to faithfully honor the patriarchal law. "of joseph, my testimony is that he was one of the greatest prophets the lord ever called, that he lived for the redemption of mankind and died a martyr for the truth. the love of the saints for him will never die. "it was after the martyrdom of joseph that i accompanied my husband to england in . on our return the advance companies of the saints had left nauvoo under president young and others of the twelve. we followed immediately and journeyed to winter quarters. the next year my husband went with the pioneers to the mountains while the care of the family rested on me. after his return and the re-organization of the first presidency, i accompanied my husband on his mission to the eastern states. in we arrived in the valley and since that time salt lake city has been my home. "of my husband, i can truly say i have found him a worthy man with scarcely his superior on earth. he has built up a branch of the church wherever he has labored. he has been faithful to god and his family, every day of his life. my respect for him has increased with our years, and my desire for an eternal union with him will be the last wish of my mortal life." at the first organization of the relief society in the fourteenth ward, in the spring of , mrs. woodruff was chosen by bishop a. hoagland as president, which position she held until by the "move" south, the society was discontinued. after their return she was invited to resume her position, but so much of the family care and management of business devolved upon her as her husband's faithful partner, that she felt she could not do justice to that object, and bishop hoagland asked her to nominate her successor. she chose her first counselor, mary isabella horne. mrs. woodruff is also one of the presiding board of six, over the general retrenchment meetings, held semi-monthly in the fourteenth ward. in may, , mrs. woodruff was elected one of the executive board of the deseret hospital. she often accompanies apostle wilford woodruff on his visits among the settlements, holding meetings with the sisters, who look upon her as one of the wisest women in the knowledge of the scriptures and in her counsels among her sisters in the _church_. the record of her life and labors would make a deeply interesting volume which could not fail to inspire the youth of zion with a desire to emulate her worthy example, and the hearts of older ones with admiration and reverence. the eighteen years of our acquaintance have served to strengthen and beautify my friendship for phoebe w. woodruff, as wife, mother and saint. it seems but fitting, to record here that the mother and father of sister woodruff were baptized by apostle wilford woodruff. thus ended all the fears of the puritan mother. quoting an historian of note (himself an occupant of part of the woodruff residence for a long period): "sister phoebe w. woodruff is one of the noblest examples of her sex,--truly a mother in israel; and in her strength of character, consistency and devotion, she has but few peers in the church." bathsheba w. smith. wife of apostle george a. smith, of revered memory, who was one of the first presidency of the church of latter-day saints. bathsheba w. smith is the daughter of mark and susannah bigler, and was born at shirnsten, harrison co., west virginia, on may rd, . her father was from pennsylvania, her mother from maryland. the school facilities in her vicinity were limited. the county of harrison was hilly, and the roads of primitive character; the mode of travel was chiefly on horseback riding, in which few could excel her. in her girlhood she was religiously inclined, loved virtue, honesty, truthfulness and integrity; attended secret prayers, studied to be cheerful, industrious and happy, and was always opposed to rudeness. during her fifteenth year some latter-day saints visited the neighborhood, she heard them preach and believed what they taught. she knew by the spirit of the lord, in answer to her prayer, that joseph smith was a prophet of the lord, and that the book of mormon was a divine record. on the st of august, , bathsheba w. bigler was baptized into the church of jesus christ, and the most of her father's family also, about the same time. they soon felt a desire to gather with the rest of the saints in missouri, her sister, nancy, and family sold their property, intending to go in the fall, and bathsheba was very anxious to go with them. her father having not yet sold out his property, she was told she could not go. this caused her to retire very early, feeling very sorrowful. while weeping, a voice said to her, "weep not, you will go this fall." she was comforted and perfectly satisfied, and the next morning testified to what the voice had said to her. soon after, her father sold his home and they all went to missouri, to her great joy, but on their arrival there found the state preparing to war against the saints. a few nights before they reached far west, they camped with a company of eastern saints, but separated on account of each company choosing different ferries. the company sister bathsheba and her family were in, arrived safely at their destination, but the others were overtaken by an armed mob; seventeen were killed, others were wounded, and some maimed for life. in a few days after their arrival there was a battle between the saints and the mob, in which david w. patten (one of the first twelve apostles,) was wounded, and he was brought to the house where they were stopping. sister bathsheba witnessed his death a few days after, and saw thousands of mobbers arrayed against the saints, and heard their dreadful threats and savage yells, when our prophet joseph and his brethren were taken into their camp. the prophet, patriarch and many others were taken to prison; and the saints had to leave the state. in the spring they had the joy of having the prophet and his brethren restored to them at quincy, illinois. in the spring of , the family of sister bathsheba moved to nauvoo, where she had many opportunities of hearing the prophet joseph preach, and tried to profit by his instructions, and also received many testimonies of the truths which he taught. on the th of july, , bathsheba w. bigler was married to george a. smith, the then youngest member of the twelve apostles, elder don carlos smith (brother of the prophet) officiating. george a. smith was own cousin to the prophet joseph. when sister bathsheba first became acquainted with george a. smith he was the junior member of the first quorum of seventies. on the th of june, , he was ordained a member of the high council of adam ondi ahman, in davis county, missouri. just about the break of day on the th of april, , while kneeling on the corner stone of the foundation of the lord's house at far west, caldwell county, missouri, he was ordained one of the twelve apostles, and from thence started on a mission to europe, from which he returned ten days previous to their marriage. as the th of july, , came on the sabbath day, they celebrated the anniversary on monday the th. there was a military display of the nauvoo legion, and a sham battle fought. george a. smith was in the general's staff in the uniform of a chaplain. sister bathsheba watched the proceedings with great interest. on the th of july a son was born to them; they named him george albert. two months after, george a., as the saints loved to call him, went on a mission to the eastern states. on his previous mission (to england,) he injured his left lung, causing hemorrhage. in the fall of , george a. and bathsheba received their endowments and were united under the holy order of celestial marriage. sister bathsheba heard the prophet joseph charge the twelve with the duty and responsibility of the ordinances of endowments and sealing, for the living and the dead. sister bathsheba met many times with her husband, joseph and others who had received their endowments, in an upper room dedicated for the purpose, and prayed with them repeatedly in those meetings. in the spring of , mr. smith went on another mission, and soon after he left persecution began in the city of nauvoo which ended in the martyrdom of our beloved prophet and patriarch. mr. smith returned about the st of august, and on the th a daughter was born, and they named her bathsheba. having become thoroughly convinced that the doctrine of plurality of wives was from god, and firmly believing that she should participate with him in all his blessings, glory and honor, sister bathsheba gave to her husband different wives during the year of his return home. she says of this; "being proud of my husband and loving him very much, knowing him to be a man of god, and having a testimony that what i had done was acceptable to my father in heaven, i was as happy as i knew how to be." it would be in vain to describe how they traveled through snow, wind and rain, how roads had to be made, bridges built and rafts constructed, how our poor animals had to drag on day after day with scanty food; nor how we suffered from poverty, sickness and deaths, but the lord was with us, his power was made manifest daily. quoting from her, "my dear mother died on the th of march, , and on the th of april i had a son born who lived but four hours." they arrived in salt lake valley (now city) in october, , after traveling over sterile deserts and plains, over high mountains and through deep canyons, ferrying some streams and fording others, but all was joy now. sister bathsheba went to her sister's house, and o, how delightful it did seem to be once more in a comfortable room with a blazing fire on the hearth, where the mountain's rude blasts nor the desert's wild winds could not reach them. in march, , sister bathsheba moved into their own house. in december, , george a. smith was called to go south to found a settlement in little salt lake valley, two hundred and fifty miles from home. in , he returned, having been elected a member of the legislature from iron co. in , he was sent to washington to ask for the admission of utah as a state. in may, , he returned to utah. in , they went south, bidding farewell to their home, feeling as they did on leaving nauvoo; that they should never see it again, fleeing as they were, before the approaching army. however, president buchanan sent out his peace commissioners who brought his proclamation, declaring a general amnesty to all offenders. peace being restored, they returned to salt lake city in july, having been gone three months. when they entered the city it was almost sundown; all was quiet, every door was boarded up. from only two or three chimneys smoke was rising. how still and lonely, yet the breath of peace wafted over the silent city, and it was home! they had left a partly finished house, and resuming work upon it, by october it was finished. sister bathsheba says: "it was so comfortable and we were so happy! we had plenty of room. my son and daughter took great pleasure in having their associates come and visit them frequently. they would have a room full of company, and would engage in reading useful books, singing, playing music, dancing, &c. my son played the flute, flutina and was a good drummer. my son and daughter were good singers, they made our home joyous with song and jest." in , this son was sent on a mission to the moquois indians. he was interested in this and apt in learning the language. after being set apart by the authorities for that mission, he started on the th of september, and had traveled about seven hundred miles, when on the nd of november he was killed by navajo indians. on the rd of january the daughter was married. in , sister bathsheba made a tour with her husband and president young and party, to the colorado and up the rio virgin as far as shonesberg. in , they made another tour with president young and party, visiting at st. george, virgen city, long valley and kanab. in , went again with her husband, president young and company and spent the winter in st. george, going by way of san pete and sevier counties. during this journey sister bathsheba attended several meetings with the sisters, returning home april, . she has visited the saints as far south as the junction of the rio virgen with the colorado, has visited the settlements on the muddy river, and also the saints as far north as bear lake and soda springs. on their travels they have often been met by bands of music, and thousands of children bearing banners and flags; and singing songs of welcome. sister bathsheba has enjoyed these tours very much. she has accompanied many explorations down into deep gulches to see the water pockets, over beautiful plains in carriages or cars, and over mountains and deserts. in reference to her position in duties of a public and spiritual character, we find the following: returning from a tour, february th, , they arrived in salt lake city, finding all safe at home. i quote again from sister bathsheba's journal, written in her own hand: "my dear husband was not well; i thought i could soon nurse him up to health, but my efforts were all in vain, he expired on the first of september after a long sickness." the departure was a shock to many. for many months prayers had been offered up through all parts of the territory, for the restoration to health of this great and good man. seated in his chair, his faithful wife beside him, he turned from his conversation with president young and others who constantly attended him, and leaning upon her devoted heart breathed his last. sister bathsheba w. smith belonged to the first relief society which was organized at nauvoo, and was present when it was organized, the prophet joseph presiding. officiated as priestess in the nauvoo temple. was secretary in the seventeenth ward relief society, salt lake city; had been first counselor to president rachel grant in the relief society of the thirteenth ward, salt lake city, for many years. is a counselor to m. i. horne in the general retrenchment association, fourteenth ward, and is also treasurer of the relief society of the salt lake stake. has officiated in the holy ordinances of the house of the lord in salt lake city for many years. is also one of the board of directors in the deseret hospital. she says, "i have attended many meetings of the sisters and had many seasons of rejoicing." sister bathsheba is often reverently spoken of as "the beloved wife of george a. smith." to her, in one sense, this would be the dearest praise that could be spoken. but yet a loftier, holier, than even the earth-love seems to hover around her very presence. a little child once said, "when i look at sister bathsheba, i do not see her with her bonnet on, i see her as she will look when she wears that crown that is waiting for her." such is the impression her face, her gentle voice and manner convey. to the record of her life, and this, i could add nothing. elizabeth howard. secretary of the relief societies of the salt lake stake of zion. mrs. howard furnishes a very brief sketch for one whose life and labors among the people and faith of her adoption, have been so extended, important and interesting, to all who have ever come within the influence of her noble, generous spirit; who have received the stimulus to failing spirits and energy which emanated from her animated face, so good and motherly, her voice so cheerful and sympathetic, and her every movement like an inspiration of strength, happiness and life. she writes she was "descended from scotch parentage on her father's side, irish on her mother's, websters and wards. was born on july th, , at carlow, carlow county, ireland." was the first child of her parents and says she "had a glorious childhood and girlhood," which can be easily believed, judging by her ever buoyant spirits. she was "married to william howard, the eldest son of stott and catherine howard, june th, . heard the gospel in , and came to america in , with husband, two sons, four daughters, two hired girls and two hired men." they arrived in utah, september, . at the organizations of the relief society in - , she was appointed secretary of the big cottonwood ward, which office she filled until she accompanied her husband to england in , returned in and resumed the same office. during their mission in england, mrs. howard was often called upon to explain the principles of our doctrines and answer many questions regarding our people, etc. divines and others found mrs. howard quite ready and able to meet and answer them on every point. in fact her part of the mission has often been referred to as something exceptionally creditable and important. it was at a time, too, when woman had scarcely been heard to speak upon our faith, outside the home circle. about , when mrs. m. a. smoot removed to provo, mrs. howard was chosen counselor to mrs. m. i. horne in the general retrenchment association, which position she still holds. when the relief societies were organized into stakes, mrs. howard was appointed secretary of the salt lake stake of zion, which position she holds at the present time. mrs. howard has traveled much throughout our territory in company with other sisters, visiting the different societies and associations in a missionary capacity, giving instructions and infusing cheerfulness and energy by her whole-souled and genial manner. there is something wonderfully earnest and sincere in all she says and does, and it has a most convincing effect upon the hearers who delight to welcome her visits, who is herself a most delightful entertainer and hostess at her own beautiful country home a few miles ride out from the city. mrs. howard is the mother of ten children, eight living; and thirty-seven grand-children. elmina s. taylor. president of the young ladies' mutual improvement associations, of the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints. i was born at middlefield, otsego county, state of new york, september th, . my parents are daniel shepard and rozita bailey shepard. three daughters were all the children that were born to them, i being the eldest. my parents were staunch methodists, and i was brought up in that faith. i united myself with that church when about twenty years of age, and during some six years was a zealous and consistent member of the same. at the time i joined the church i was desirous to be baptized by immersion as i considered that the pattern set by our savior; although i had always been taught that baptism was not a saving ordinance, but only to answer a good conscience, otherwise, an outward sign of an inward grace. to this my many friends were so much opposed that after some time elapsed i consented, and was admitted a member of the church, by sprinkling; but there were many doctrines and tenets with which i never was satisfied, and when i went to my minister to have them explained i was more beclouded and found myself more in the dark than before; though i sought to the lord earnestly to be guided aright. "in the year , circumstances induced me to go to haverstraw, a large town situated in southern new york, on the banks of the beautiful hudson river, to engage in teaching. one of the trustees, john druce, was a mormon elder, who had a very interesting and intelligent family. my cousin and i frequently visited there, but for a long time they never mentioned religion to us, fearing to frighten us away, but one night, just as i was leaving, he asked me if i would read some mormon books. i answered, 'o, yes! you know the bible says prove all things and hold fast that which is good.' his earnestness impressed me. before opening the books i bowed before the lord and fervently implored him to give me his spirit that i might understand if they were true or false. my interest was awakened, and the more i investigated and compared the doctrines with the scriptures, the more i was convinced of their truth. i fought against my convictions, for i well knew how it would grieve my dear parents to have me unite myself with that despised people; and i also thought i should lose my situation which was a very lucrative one. however, i could not silence my convictions, and as the promise was given, 'if you will obey the doctrine, you shall know whether it is of god or man;' i went forth and was baptized july th, . when i was confirmed by the laying on of hands i received the testimony of its truth which i have never lost from that day to this. "i was united in marriage to george hamilton taylor, august st, , by apostle, now president, john taylor, and in , april fifteenth, we left new york for utah, where we arrived september th of the same year, after a long tedious journey with ox teams. in the spring of we located in the fourteenth ward, where we have since resided, and where our first child, a son, was born july th of the same year. while in the states we were never blessed with children, but it was prophesied upon my head that i should go to zion and should there be blessed with them, which has been fulfilled, for i am now the mother of seven. "through the gift of tongues, it was also promised that all my family should come to me, which was verified after we had been here nearly fifteen years, and my father is still with us, having reached the advanced age of seventy-nine years, but none of them ever received the gospel. "at the organization of the relief society of the fourteenth ward, december th, , i was elected secretary, an office which i still occupy. september rd, , by request of sister e. r. s. snow, i was appointed superintendent of the young ladies' association of the same ward. i was chosen first counselor to sister m. i. horne, stake president of salt lake county, december nd, , and have traveled considerably in that capacity. "at a conference held in the assembly hall, salt lake city, june th, , was appointed president of the young ladies mutual improvement association of zion. "july th, , we entered into the celestial order of marriage, and have since all lived under the same roof, and eaten at the same table, ever in the enjoyment of peace and harmony." all who are acquainted with the writer of the above autobiographical sketch, can cheerfully add testimony to its concluding paragraph. "love at home" might be graven upon a tablet of stone within their door, so indelibly seems that sacred principle to have been impressed upon the hearts within that household. by example, by attainments, and the spiritual refinement and elegance in bearing which would denote the christian lady, under any or all circumstances, it seems peculiarly appropriate that mrs. elmina s. taylor was called to preside over the young ladies of zion. may they emulate their standard, spiritually and socially. the simplicity and modesty of her sketch cannot convey to the mind of the reader those delicate attributes of character, so well understood by those who, like myself, have been recipients of her kindly counsels and encouragement, and recognized in a wider sense by those who have listened to her addresses, dictated by the spirit of our sacred and holy religion. mary a. freeze. president of the y. l. m. i. a. of the salt lake stake of zion. mary a. freeze is the daughter of james lewis burnham and his wife, mary ann, who were born in vermont. in , with their one child they emigrated to mchenry county, illinois, where they made them a home, leaving there in for beauro county in the same state. in the latter place they heard and obeyed the gospel of jesus christ. mr. burnham was a minister of the church called christians, but after hearing the elders explain the principles of this gospel, could not but acknowledge that he had no legal authority to preach, and consequently was baptized into the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints, whose doctrines he preached and advocated faithfully until the day of his death, from bleeding of the lungs, caused by preaching in the open air. in , mr. and mrs. burnham had moved to nauvoo. they there had four children, the youngest, a little girl, died in . mr. burnham labored as much as his failing strength would permit, quarrying rock for the temple. in the summer of he grew worse. mrs. freeze says, "this was four days previous to my birth. this was a trying time for my mother, being left in sorrow and very destitute of worldly goods, with no relatives near to help her; but the saints were very kind to her in her affliction. her relatives in the east would gladly have sent means to take her back, but she had cast her lot with the saints of god and preferred to remain with them in the depths of poverty than to have the wealth of the whole world, elsewhere. after the temple was finished she entered therein, partaking of the ordinances, and was sealed to president joseph young, (brother of president brigham young,) he performing this ordinance for my father, who had died before the opportunity of this privilege. she afterwards had two daughters who are now the wives of robert n. russell and jasper conrad. "in february, , the famous exodus began, but my mother had no way of going so remained until after the battle took place and the saints were driven out on pain of losing their lives. mother received a wagon for her city property and was lent a yoke of oxen, that she might begin that memorable, toilsome journey with her four little children. i have heard her tell of the mobs searching the wagons for arms, the obscene language they used, and how terribly she suffered from fear. she arrived at winter quarters late in the fall, where she remained a year and a half, when they were compelled by the government to move back on the east side of the river, because they were on indian territory. soon after this she let her second and third sons, wallace and george, go on to the valley with brother daniel woods. this was a severe trial to my loving mother, but there seemed to be no other way for them to be taken care of as the saints were in the deepest poverty. i have often heard her and brother luther also, rehearse the want and distress they endured, sometimes nearly amounting to starvation. we were compelled to remain there until , when through the kindness of the brethren we were enabled in june to cross the plains, arriving in salt lake city, october th, last day of conference. i was too young to remember much about the journey, but one circumstance impressed itself upon my mind. while climbing into the wagon i fell, and was run over by both wheels and very badly hurt, but through the administration of the elders was almost instantly healed and felt no bad effects from the injury afterward. "we located in bountiful, davis county, ten miles north of salt lake city, where we lived until i was sixteen years old. i was baptized when nine years of age and felt happy in the assurance that i was a 'mormon' in very deed. at the time of the reformation, i was full of the inspiration of the times although only eleven years old, and was very much in earnest in repenting of my sins, and making new covenants to serve the lord more faithfully in the future. during my early years i attended school the entire season, until old enough to assist my mother, when i attended during the winter only. being very assiduous i acquired a good common school education. in we moved to richmond, cache valley, my brothers having taken up land and made a home there. it was there i became acquainted with james perry freeze, whom i assisted in teaching school six months, not dreaming of the relationship i was destined to sustain to him. my girlhood days were not as happy as might have been, on account of our exceeding poverty, but i have many times since thought that it was for my greatest good that i was reared in want and loneliness; that it was a means of keeping me humble, the good spirit thereby finding a receptacle in my heart, giving me a desire to seek after truth and learn of the things of god. had i possessed wealth and my mind been filled with the follies and fashions of the world, i might not have had such a desire to make the lord my friend. at an early age i read in the doctrine and covenants, that god is no respecter of persons, but in all countries those who fear him and work righteousness are accepted of him. this was a great comfort to me, a guiding star to my whole future life; that by leading a righteous life i should be loved of my father in heaven equally with the richest and most highly born; that possessing his love and favor i possessed everything worth caring for. "in march, , i was married to james p. freeze, whom, i felt assured was a noble man, one that i could trust as the guardian of my life. i am the mother of eight children. we resided in richmond six months after our marriage, when we came to salt lake city, where he has since followed the mercantile business. in , we became identified with the eleventh ward where we still live. in , i was called to preside over the young ladies mutual improvement association of this ward, accepting it with great reluctance, feeling my incapability, but have filled it to the best ability which god has given me, and have proven that all who seek the lord in humility, will surely receive a blessing at his hand. through the blessing of the almighty, i have now the love and confidence of the members who have manifested the same in various ways. "in the spring of , my husband, a faithful man, desirous of keeping all the commandments of god, saw fit, with my full consent, to take to himself another of the daughters of eve, a good and worthy girl, jane granter by name. it tried my spirit to its utmost endurance, but i always believed the principle to be true, and felt that it was time we obeyed that sacred order. the lord knew my heart and desires, and was with me in my trial and assisted me to overcome the selfishness and jealousy of my nature. with his help, added to the great kindness of my husband, who has ever stood at the head of his family as a wise and just man, i soon obtained peace. while undergoing the severest trial to my feelings, i was inspired with the following lines which the lord was not slow to answer: "'father, help me to do thy will, command my troubled heart be still; cause my soul with peace to flow, while i sojourn here below, help me still to realize thou'rt the giver of the prize that i would win through faithfulness. then, father, o look down and bless thine erring child that cries to thee for help, amid life's stormy sea.' "my husband has since taken two other wives, and i praise the lord that i had so far overcome, that instead of feeling it to be a trial, it was a source of joy and pride that we were counted worthy to have such noble girls enter our family. the two last were my counselors in the young ladies' improvement association of our ward. i have loved the wives of my husband as i would have my own sisters, realizing that the power of the holy priesthood that has bound us together for time and eternity is stronger than kindred ties. sophia lived with me nearly seven years; she died december, , which was one of the greatest trials of my life. i could as willingly have parted with one of my own daughters. she left me a beautiful boy who seems as near to me as my own. i wish to bear testimony to my descendants, and to all who may read this sketch, that i know by the power of the holy ghost which bears testimony to my spirit, that the patriarchal order of marriage is from god and was revealed for the exaltation and salvation of the human family, also that i have had peace, joy and satisfaction in living in that order such as i had never known before; and have had many proofs that god will pour out his blessings upon those who keep his laws, seeking him with full purpose of heart, for he will be sought after by his children. "september , , the authorities having considered it necessary to institute a stake organization of the young ladies' mutual improvement association, i was chosen as president of these associations in this salt lake stake of zion. i chose louie felt, and clara y. conrad, my half-sister, as my counselors. we have visited the associations as far as practicable, have enjoyed the spirit of our mission and feel assured we have been instrumental in the hands of god of doing much good. "i am striving to purify myself, and keep all of the commandments of god, to be diligent in the performance of every duty assisting to roll forth the great work our father has established in the last days, that i may be worthy to receive the blessings which have been pronounced upon my head; for they are great and many, and i know i shall receive them if found worthy. i know the fruits of this gospel are peace, joy and happiness, and all who obey its precepts will have in this life that peace which passeth all understanding, that which the world cannot give nor take away, and having finished their labors, and are called to another sphere, will be crowned with life eternal, which is the greatest of all gifts. it has been the greatest desire of my life that my children should become bright and shining lights in the church of god, and knowing that much depends upon parents, i have ever striven to set them an example worthy of imitation, teaching them true principles, that i might not come under condemnation for my neglect of duty. "i realize that heaven would not be heaven to me if my children, through sin and transgression, could not have a place there; that my glory would be dimmed forever. "i will now say good-bye, until we meet where there is neither sorrow nor mourning, but our joy will be perfect; and trust my descendants may all keep the laws of god, and be worthy to sit down with abraham, isaac and jacob, joseph smith, brigham young and all the faithful in the kingdom of god, to go no more out." mrs. freeze says, "we have traced our lineage back to the year , and have the record of the same. we descended from the normans. our family was at one time very wealthy and numerous in england; there is a town which bears their name. three brothers came to america at an early date, one settled in vermont, and two in massachusetts. their descendants took part in the revolutionary war, and among them according to the 'burnham record' were many doctors of divinity, doctors of law, and one mary burnham, writes of the 'service of gold, their equipages and household appointments, of that grandeur brought with them from their ancient and noble halls of england.' several of the burnham descendants were officers in the late civil war in america." mrs. freeze is of that class of spirits that (in religion or justice) opposition would animate, persecution, inspire her. i have often thought, looking into her eyes, that in their depths slumbered the embers (scarcely covered by the ashes of dead years) of the fires of patriot's and martyr's souls. louie felt. president of the primary associations of the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints. louie felt was the daughter of joseph and mary bouton, was born in south norfolk, conn., may , . was baptized when eight years old and came to utah in september, . on december th of same year was married to joseph h. felt. at the october conference of , they were called to go on the muddy river mission and started the th of november following. they remained there between two and three years, enduring many hardships; the heat in summer being particularly trying to those used to a northern clime. "ninety degrees in the shade" is considered high in our eastern cities, but at the muddy, for months it would rise above one hundred degrees at midnight. the buildings were new, low adobe houses, lumber scarce, and often the wife was asked, "where would you prefer to have the boards, over your head or under your feet?" those who had babies to rock took the choice of a floor, and put up with a thatched roof. the winds blew with great violence, and the tender shoots of the trees, vines, and other things they planted were often cut off clean by the sharp sand in the driving wind. they were surrounded by friendly indians who were willing to work and learn civilization, but who were so hungry they could not resist the temptation to pluck the young watermelons and squashes planted by the missionaries, as fast as they approached the size of walnuts. once, when visiting the muddy settlement of st. joseph, the indian visitors were delighted with the rice my mother was preparing to cook. they called it the "snow-white wheat" and begged for some, saying they would plant and cultivate it with great care. she humored them, but showed them how the germ was destroyed, and advised them to cook it, and plant corn and melons. in a brief time the missionaries were short of the good things they had provided; there were no stores, freight trains seldom came that way, and they were a long distance, three day's travel from st. george, itself a pioneer settlement in an alkali desert. president erastus snow, with fatherly kindness, sent beef, cattle and flour to the indians, to stay their increasing instincts for self-preservation by way of appropriation. another misfortune befell the missionaries; their dwellings were as dry as tinder, and in some way a fire started, and some lost their all, everyone lost something. president erastus snow called upon the people of st. george, and if i remember right, of washington and santa clara also and with all possible haste sent the willing contributions of their brethren and sisters. president brigham young had two daughters, a son and a niece on the same mission. he visited them and was filled with compassion for their situation, and as it seemed vain to hope for an amelioration of some of their disadvantages, the mission was broken up. mrs. felt's health was poor but, she says, "i never felt to murmur, but to stay as long as required." in , mrs. felt went on a visit to her father in connecticut, as he was not expected to live. he had gone back for the recovery of his health but was no better. she remained with him three months, then returned to utah. in they moved to the eleventh ward, "and then," she says, "began some of the happiest days of my life. i soon became a member of the y. l. m. i. a., and thereby received a better understanding of my religion, which brought me peace and happiness, such as i had never known before. i also became thoroughly convinced of the truth of the principle of celestial marriage, and having no children of my own was very desirous my husband should take other wives that he might have a posterity to do him honor, and after he took another wife and had children born to him, the lord gave me a mother's love for them; they seemed as if they were indeed my own, and they seem to have the same love for me they do for their own mother." i have witnessed the real mother in this family, rocking her babe to sleep, and the other mother--louie--would sit beside her and hold one little hand, or lay her own upon its little head, and it would quietly resign itself to sleep, so closely were all these three true hearts united in love. "in september, , i was appointed to the position of president of the p. a. of the eleventh ward, which position i still hold. in december of the same year. mrs. freeze chose me as her first counselor, in the stake organization of the young ladies' association, and i immediately started with president freeze, visiting these wards, and i enjoyed my labor. in september, , i was appointed to fill the position of territorial president of the primary improvement associations, and have visited the different stakes of zion as much as circumstances would permit, and now feel more firm in my religion, and more determined to magnify my calling whereunto i have been appointed, hoping thereby to bring honor to the cause of zion and also to myself." in person, mrs. felt is very tall and slender, her health always being very delicate. her face is pale, refined and spiritual in its expression; her spirit buoyant and cheerful, and her animated manner and smile as frank as a child's; the beholder would never take her for "a sorrowing mormon woman," such as we read about. whether presiding in gentle dignity over a conference of several thousands of parents and children, whether happily mingling in a reunion of cherished and appreciative friends, or whether in that closer, dearer circle of which she is not the least the builder, her face is that of innocence and purity; her heart is an altar to her god; her life a monument to all. ellen c. s. clawson. president of the primary association of the salt lake stake of zion. ellen curtis spencer clawson was born in saybrook, conn., nov. , . she is the eldest daughter of spencer clawson, a. b., and catherine curtis, and grand daughter of daniel spencer, who fought in the revolutionary war. her father graduated at union college, schenectady, new york, and also at the theological college at hamilton, as a minister of the baptist denomination. he received the gospel when his daughter was seven years old. he immediately sold his effects and went to nauvoo, where he became intimately associated with the prophet joseph. at the age of nine years, she was baptized in the mississippi river. during the exodus from nauvoo her mother died from exposure and exhaustion, through leaving a comfortable house to camp out in mid-winter. six months later her father was sent to great britain to take charge of the mission there. it was there he wrote the celebrated "spencer's letters," a little volume well known among the church works. he also became editor of the _millennial star_, which position he held for three years. he was obliged to leave his five remaining children in ellen's care, she being now only thirteen years of age. during his absence the little family crossed the plains with ox teams, in president brigham young's company, taking five months to complete the journey, and suffering all the privations and hardships with the rest of the saints. miss ellen c. spencer was married in march , by president brigham young, to hiram b. clawson, who soon after became to president young, business manager, a position he held for a number of years; subsequently superintendent of the z. c. m. i., and is at present bishop of the twelfth ward, salt lake city. mrs. clawson is the mother of fourteen children, four sons and ten daughters, seven daughters and two sons of whom are now living. in april, , mrs. clawson was called to preside over the primary association of the twelfth ward, salt lake city, and later was ordained to preside over all the primary associations of the salt lake stake of zion. think of this noble girl, hardly more than a child, taking upon her young life the duties and cares of a loved and lost, a martyred mother! surely she was precious in god's sight; and his arm must have sustained her through that long and lonely journey through the wilderness. that same strength of character, that same sweet patience of spirit, gentle manner, have upborne her through later eventful periods. a prominent and beautiful feature in her life, one that has won to her the truest respect, the unperishable love of her friends is the position she has maintained amid her husband's family, like a loving queen mother, in his home circle. mrs. clawson's two sons, h. b. and spencer clawson, are in the mercantile business, the latter a wholesale merchant, both men of high social and business standing, and an honor to their parents. emmeline b. wells. editor of "woman's exponent." this lady, like most of our representative women, was born in new england, february , , at petersham, worcester county, massachusetts. her maiden name was woodward. the forefathers of her family came in , settled in and around boston, were large landowners, and by profession were mathematicians, surveyors, etc. mrs. wells' ancestry, both on the father and mother's side, were purely of english extraction, and fought for freedom in the revolutionary war, as well as that of , some of them being officers of high rank. her brothers and other relations fought in the late civil war also. mrs. wells has had an eventful history in many respects, and somewhat romantic; were it to be published as a story and strictly true, it would be stranger than fiction. in her early life she gave promise of unusual talent, her memory was quite wonderful, storing up the many incidents and points of beauty around her to be brought forth in after years in faithful portraiture amid far off valleys and places then unbuilt and undiscovered. it was the expectation of her family and friends that she would make a mark in the world and do them honor; this was to be verified, but in a way undreamed of by them. the place and work god had chosen for her had not in her childhood, even a name. the child of destiny, straying alone yet not lonely, with her busy fancies finding companionship in fields, woods and brooks, the haunts of nature in their rudest, wildest form; listening to the songs of birds and sighing of the forest leaves, touching with caressing hand the flowers and moss-grown rocks, searching through shrubbery and tangled vines, or looking up through alcoves green and dim, feasted her eyes upon the wondrous sky where moving clouds passed on in endless changes 'neath that world, where she was taught the home and throne of god forever are. these surroundings and influences developed and moulded that individuality of character during her childhood to the degree, that at eight years of age she commenced composing in rhyme, choosing instinctively the beautiful and harmonious method of expression which is poetry. this element cannot be possessed by anyone, old or young, but that it casts an influence recognized at once, and men and women gray haired now, say, that watching the thoughtful child they knew there was a special destiny for her, undefined, but nevertheless felt as something grand and great. so, hovered the spirit of her mission around her through her childhood, and at ten years of age she became a member of the church choir, happy in lifting her full heart in hymns of worship and of praise. how many have found sweet joy in singing; that expression of supplication, faith and gratitude, which in any and every religion is, we feel, true and acceptable adoration. in november, , the gospel was preached in her native village; and her mother believed and was baptized. immediately a branch of the church was organized and some excitement in regard to mormonism sprang up among the worldly-wise and learned. mrs. wells' mother persuaded her to go and hear the mormon elders, and told her she knew it was the true gospel that the ancient apostles taught, and that she had been looking forward to such a dispensation. she was a woman of very strong mind, of practical capabilities, yet withal very spiritual in her nature, had been for many years a staunch congregationalist, and had her children brought up in that church. ministers, lawyers, judges and influential men came with their profound learning and logic to convince mrs. wells' mother that mormonism was a delusion, but all in vain. on the young and inexperienced daughter they expected to be able to make an impression, and no means was left untried. everything that could be said or done was brought to bear, and when she had decided to receive the ordinance of baptism all the powers of darkness seemed to conspire to hinder it. she affirms that a power she had no knowledge of heretofore, seemed to possess her at this momentous time to help her to withstand the intercessions and pleadings of those who had been her friends, and who now so vigorously sought to keep her from going down into the waters of baptism. on the st day of march, , when a little group of latter-day saints was assembled to perform the ordinance of baptism on her mother's own ground, just near her home, zealous friends sent messengers down to ask her if she was _sure_ she was acting of her own free will and choice, otherwise they would take her by force and she should never lack for means of a higher education, but if she accepted the mormon faith and gathered at nauvoo she _must_ renounce not only her friends but also all the advantages of literary culture she had so ardently hoped to attain, and be forever disgraced. not knowing but that it was true that her hopes for further advancement must be resigned, she laid them on the altar of her faith, willing to yield up her future entirely to the will and care of her creator. some power potent indeed buoyed her up and she went through this trying ordeal and though her delicate nerves were somewhat shaken yet she told her mother and friends then what proved true afterwards, that the crisis was past, she had renounced all she had before looked forward to, henceforth she desired to dedicate herself entirely to the work in which she had enlisted. during the year after her coming into the church she pursued her studies at the same school, yet she had to endure a great deal of ridicule on account of being a mormon, and her teacher never wearied of persuading and entreating her to give up such foolish ideas, and resume her place among her associates. but though she was as one alone, for there was not another in the school that believed in the peculiar faith she had embraced, and she understood very little herself, still she had an innate conception of the entire consecration necessary for a latter-day saint. the next year she taught a country school, receiving her certificate as readily as any of the other young ladies; and early in the spring of , in the month of april, she went up to nauvoo, where she had the privilege of hearing joseph smith preach his last discourses. after reaching nauvoo she received strong testimony, not by any spiritual manifestations, but that which convinced her reason and intelligence. we cannot attempt to give in detail the changes and trials of nauvoo, but suffice it to say that through sickness, sorrow and severe trial she kept the faith. in the winter of - , she was taught the principle of celestial marriage by bishop newel k. whitney and his wife, whose acquaintance she had formed through having been introduced to the family by a cousin of sister whitney's. this cousin was one of the company in which she had traveled to nauvoo, and who because of her delicate health, her youth and inexperience, had been attracted towards her. she accepted the principle in its sacred phase and entered into the order or covenant of celestial marriage with the same purity of motive that had influenced her in going down into the waters of baptism. the ceremony was performed by brigham young in one of the upper rooms of the bishop's house in nauvoo, in the evening of the th day of february, , the only witness being the bishop's first wife, who not only had consented but actually urged the matter, and gave her to her husband; and the most sincere friendship existed forever afterward between the two, who really lived like mother and daughter, and though so intimately associated in the same family, and sometimes under circumstances the most trying, yet no jar or contention ever marred their true friendship for each other. to those who doubt the fact of women living happily together no better illustration can be given than such practical ones as these. here were two refined, sensitive natures in harmony with that condition of marriage, but it was from the fact that they accepted it from divine authority as a part of their religion, and a higher law which would secure to them a future exaltation; never losing sight of the exalted nature of their mission, having undertaken to live lives of self-sacrifice and purity. the false assertion made by the world that women of marked character and attainments would never submit to live in the order of plural marriage is disproved by such instances as this one. both were women of high social attainments, and possessing superior qualities of mind and heart. it is the higher nature that must be aroused to inspire women to carry out practically this exalting, refining principle, and through this crucible many have come forth like gold seven times purified, tried as by fire yet without the smell upon their garments. mrs. wells received the ordinances and the blessings of the temple with her husband in nauvoo, and came out in the month of february, crossing the mississippi river on the ice. her mother, who had been a staunch latter-day saint from her first hearing the gospel preached, died of hardships and fatigue when the saints were driven from nauvoo. in winter quarters she taught school and came with the bishop and his family to the valley, leaving the missouri river towards the last of may, , and arrived in the valley early in october. on the nd day of november, after, her eldest daughter was born in a wagon, during one of those cold piercing wind and sleet storms that often occur at that season. september , , bishop whitney died, leaving her a widow at twenty-two with two children, the eldest not then two years of age, the youngest a babe five weeks old. many of her friends feared she would sink beneath her trials, but she rallied those forces of her nature, which under a husband's care had never been called into requisition, and turned to the ways and means of providing for her little ones. left as it were alone, bereft and so helpless, the young mother was like one in a dream, she had trusted to her husband so entirely, and knew so little herself of the practical realities of life; she had not thought he could die. he was one to lean upon, and she had looked up to him as a little child looks up to a true loving parent with a reverence almost more than human. to her he had shown the utmost tenderness, helping and encouraging in times of severe trial, making every burden lighter because of the intense sympathy of his spiritual nature. this was one of the eventful epochs of her life. she awakened to know that for her, duty must be first, and she became in course of time accustomed to acting for herself instead of leaning upon another. it was a hard lesson, but she studied it carefully, and sought earnestly for divine help upon her efforts; but we are simply giving a few facts and not minute details, therefore suffice it to say after something more than two years of widowhood she married again. during the bishop's life, he frequently prophesied to her of the future and what her work would yet be, and although she could not then imagine how such changes could possibly be wrought, (as much on account of the condition of the country and the circumstances of the people,) yet looking back over it now, she realizes how prophetic his words were, and the promises made concerning her future have many of them been fulfilled. mrs. wells often says she was born a woman's rights advocate, inheriting it from her mother, who was a staunch advocate for woman's emancipation, and when left a widow with a large family, realized more fully the injustice of the laws in regard to women, their property rights and guardianship of children. mrs. wells has been the mother of six children, one son and five daughters, and during their childhood devoted herself almost exclusively to their care and education. mrs. wells has always had a great desire to see others advance, and in her home before she entered upon public duties ever sought to stimulate those around her to efforts of development of the higher nature. she has given much genuine encouragement to those who would shrink from criticism and would consequently, unless aroused, bury their talents or fold them away in a napkin. she is exceedingly frank in her nature and generous to a fault, and possesses an admirable faculty of entertaining those with whom she is from time to time associated. she has drawn around her people of taste, ability and culture; the secret of her winning friends is perhaps in her almost total forgetfulness of self, and her intense wish to make others happy. perhaps, among her friends, few are fonder or more sincere than those who have received both sympathy, encouragement and advice from her who has not feared that other lights might dim her own, she has rejoiced in the progress and victories of others as though they were her own achievements. it is truly wonderful to contemplate the public work accomplished by mrs. wells in the comparatively brief opportunity of time since her labors began. in the eastern states prominent women have pursued these objects for nearly fifty years, but the women of utah have stood afar and alone with no part in matters of a political nature until about thirteen years ago. they have exercised their privileges with respect, caution and wisdom, holding neither lightly or boastfully the freedom of the ballot. many have read law and studied parliamentary rules, and have on occasions of public character endeavored to profit by observation in the presentation and discussion of such matters. mrs. wells has traveled much among our people, speaking and assisting in organizing. she has good executive ability and is well adapted to this kind of work. in political matters she takes great interest, and since the women of utah have had the ballot she has taken a prominent part in that direction and done much active work. mrs. wells went to washington as a delegate from the women of utah in january, , to attend the convention of the national woman suffrage association, accompanied by mrs. zina young williams and while there they had the opportunity of speaking before committees of house and senate, and also had an audience with president hayes and several of the leading men of the nation on the mormon question. they also prepared a memorial to congress and succeeded in getting it presented. in november, , mrs. wells went into the office of the _woman's exponent_ to assist the editor, mrs. lula greene richards, a little in her labors, and gradually grew interested in the work, and in may, , her labors became regular and constant, continuing so until in july, , when she assumed the entire responsibility, mrs. richards withdrawing on account of increased domestic cares. mrs. wells never seems to tire of journalistic duty. in november, , she was chosen president of the central grain committee for the storing of grain by women, against a day of famine. at the mass meeting in the theatre to protest against the woman's anti-polygamic association she took an active part in the proceedings. in september, , mrs. wells went to omaha with mrs. zina d. h. young, to attend the convention of the national woman's suffrage association again. mrs. wells was appointed secretary of the deseret hospital association; in fact her time is almost constantly employed in the performance of public duties and benevolent work. looking retrospectively upon the life of emmeline b. wells and noting the constant upward progress she has made through the adverse circumstances common to a pioneer life, and the establishing of a new order of religion and social life amid the opposition and persecution of our own nation; the result is calculated to testify strongly against the assertions made that, in our isolation and subservience to religious authority, woman is repressed in her abilities and privileges; for it is in that mental atmosphere which is the very essence of mormonism, that hers have been developed and brought into prominence as an exemplar to the young. if in the very stronghold of mormonism the standard of progress is upheld by woman's hand as well as man's, the inference is that the next generation will show a marked advance. knowledge is power, and this with virtue and wisdom united, guided by inspiration, ignorance and tyranny will alike be impotent against the growing hosts of israel. and, knowing this, all excellences of acquirements and attainments are stimulated and promoted among the old and young by our leaders, misrepresentation to the contrary notwithstanding. the quality of statesmanship is of high order and rare among women, but it has been declared by the lips of prophecy that positions of power would await the women of zion faster than they would be qualified for them. mrs. wells is by nature one of those prepared for the advent of such an era. and still, the songs whispered from nature to the heart of the child chime on, and the woman repeats them in clear, sweet utterances to the world; the intuitions of the deity and his work she may now declare in knowledge, and the maiden that with timid feet went down at the gospel's call into the waters of baptism, has become a strength, an inspiration and a guide to women in the same path. president young gave mrs. wells a mission to record in brief the biographies of the most prominent women of our church, in the _woman's exponent_. a part of this work has already been performed, which is an important addition to our home literature. i give below one selection from the lady's many beautiful poems: real and ideal. at times, sweet visions float across my mind, and glimpses of the unknown bright and fair, where all the objects seem so well defined-- tasteful in color, and in beauty rare, that i must pause and think if they be real, or only what the poets call ideal. i well remember when a little child, i had these same strange, wand'ring fancies; and i was told my thoughts were running wild, that i must not indulge in such romances. wasting in idle dreams the precious hours, building air castles and gazing from the towers. e'en then i seemed to see familiar friends, pertaining to a dim, uncertain past; and to my recollection faintly clings, a sense of something which the shadows cast, that showed me what my future life would be, a prophecy, as 'twere, of destiny. there was an intuition in my heart, an innate consciousness of right and wrong, that bade me choose a wiser, better part, which, in rough places helped to make me strong: and though my path was oft bereft of beauty, still urged me on to fulfill ev'ry duty. o, happy childhood, bright with faith and hope; enchantment dwells within thy rosy bowers, and rainbow tints gild all within thy scope; and youth sits lightly on a bed of flowers, his cup of happiness just brimming o'er, unconscious of what life has yet in store. what glowing aspirations fill the mind-- of noble work designed for man to do! what purity of purpose here we find-- what longing for the beautiful and true; ere know we of the toil, and grief and woe; or dream that men and women suffer so. though all along life's toilsome, weary way, we meet with disappointments hard to bear; yet strength is given equal to our day, and joy is of'nest mixed with pain or care; but let us not grow weary in well-doing, still persevere, the upward path pursuing. thus ever struggle on, 'mid doubts and fears; while changing scenes before our gaze unfold, till, through the vista of long weary years, we see heaven's sunshine thro' its gates of gold; and feel assured it is an answering token, aye! though our earthly idols have been broken. tho' those we've cherished most have been untrue, and fond and faithful ones have gone before, still let us keep the promises in view, of those who're pleading on "the other shore," whose tender messages are with us yet, the words of love, we never can forget. and while we muse and ponder, shadows fall, and a sweet spirit whispers, "peace, be still;" what of the past--'tis now beyond recall: the future, we with usefulness may fill. yet sometime we shall find in regions real those dreams fulfilled we only term ideal. mrs. romania b. pratt, m. d. romania bunnell pratt, daughter of luther b. and esther mendenhall bunnell, was born august , , in washington, wayne county, indiana. in her seventh year she went with her parents to nauvoo, and had the privilege of visiting the temple, and went with the church to winter quarters. she says: "while there i well remember being present when the martial band was marching round and the call was made for the mormon battallion for mexico. although too young to appreciate the severe ordeal our devoted and persecuted people were subject to, i can never forget the feeling of grief which oppressed my little heart, as one after one the brave-hearted men fell into the ranks." from winter quarters her parents moved to ohio where her whole time was spent in attending school, the last year and a half at the crawfordsville female seminary. in , her mother then being a widow, with her family of two girls and two boys and their worldly effects, again joined the saints at atchison, now omaha, where she was first baptized into the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints, on the last of may, , just before commencing their journey with ox teams across the plains to salt lake city, where they arrived september d of the same year. the summer journey of these months was a series of changing panoramic scenes as enchanting to the free, careless heart of a child, as it was arduous to those of maturer years. their arrival in the city of the saints was during the grasshopper famine, when flour was twenty-five dollars per hundred weight, sugar forty cents per pound and everything in proportion, and although they had left plenty behind them, in the hands of guardians who refused to allow them any money, (the children all being minors) to come away among the mormons, saying; "they will rob you of it all as soon as you get there." in consequence of this prejudice they arrived in salt lake city penniless and at a time when they with thousands of others had to learn the sweetness of the coarsest kind of bread. romania taught day school and gave music lessons on the piano at intervals until she entered the medical profession. this lady was married to parley p. pratt, son of the apostle, parley p. pratt, by president brigham young, and has had seven children; parley p. pratt, luther b., louis l., corinne t., mark c., irwin e. and roy b. pratt. her second son died in infancy, and her lovely daughter died when twenty months old. through a love of literary pursuit and surrounding circumstances her attention was turned to the medical profession which she entered in and graduated in the woman's medical college of philadelphia in march, . after graduating she remained in philadelphia and took special courses on the eye and ear at wills' hospital and a dispensary on chestnut street, conducted by dr. george strawbridge. leaving philadelphia she spent a few weeks visiting hydropathic institutions to learn something of the mode of administration and especially of water treatment. immediately on her arrival home she by request commenced giving lectures to ladies and agitated the question of a hospital for women and children, and by counsel on account of great demand of obstetrical aid needed in the numerous settlements, soon instituted a school of midwifery, and has taught two classes a year since, except when absent for special study in the new york eye and ear infirmary where she spent eight months in - . in , when eliza r. s. smith organized the young ladies' mutual improvement association of the twelfth ward, mrs. pratt was appointed president, which position she held though absent a portion of the time, until professional work compelled her resignation. she now holds the office of treasurer of the salt lake stake organization of the young ladies mutual improvement association, and is also one of the board of executors and medical attendant of the deseret hospital, organized , beside having a busy practice. luther b. bunnell, her father, was the inventor of a repeating fire arm, and at a critical period in the persecutions of the saints, donated to them five hundred dollars in arms and ammunition. tracing her family record a few years back, we find in her mother's line the names of bayard taylor and benjamin west among her relatives. about the year , a small pamphlet was published in philadelphia giving the genealogy of her family, tracing them back to a russian nobleman. captain mendenhall was the grandson of benjamin, brother to john mendenhall, the puritan emigrant. colonel richard thomas, brother to her great grandmother, was a member of congress from chester county, pa., for many years. of medical members, dr. pratt's family certainly has had a goodly number, and of these we select--dr. mendenhall, of richmond, indiana, her mother's cousin, dr. marmaduke mendenhall, of north carolina, her cousin, dr. paris mendenhall, her brother, dr. james r. mendenhall, of richmond, indiana, her cousin, nereus mendenhall, professor in new garden quaker college, also george d. and william mendenhall, physicians. beside these, many others of note occur, too many for less than a special volume. her eldest son, parley p. pratt, also entered the new york school of pharmacy, from which he expects to graduate in the spring of . dr. pratt is in appearance the very embodiment of health and happiness, her blooming cheeks, abundant loose ringlets without a line of gray, her dark eyes inspiring the dispirited with cheerfulness and hope, the cordial clasp of hand, a hand gentle, but somehow suggestive of the nerve, firmness, self-possession and power the true healer holds, the intuition one receives of her sympathy and benevolence, if needed; all these are conveyed as upon an open page by the very presence of dr. pratt. also, that other influence is felt that she too leans upon a higher power than human skill, the same giver of life and health as the tenderest child looks up to. dr. romania b. pratt was the first "mormon" woman graduate. following her return as graduate, next came dr. ellis r. shipp, , mattie paul hughes, m. d., , elvira s. barney, m. d., , and margaret c. shipp, m. d., . drs. r. b. pratt, ellis r. shipp and elvira s. barney are connected with the deseret hospital, founded in . the lady doctor. for her, from darkened rooms what blessings softly rise, who brings relief to pain and fear and soothes the watcher's cries. on her, the skies look down as fearless, swift she goes through lonely paths, past rude alarms, and oft through blinding snows. 'tis hers, to see the smile the new blest mother gives; and hers to hear their answering joy-- "hush all thy fears, he lives." the record of her works in volumes ne'er is known, 'tis written as on marble carved in grateful hearts alone. dr. elvira s. barney. although in this book dr. barney is classed among the medical fraternity her labors and history have been interwoven with those of the latter day saints from her childhood, in so many varied and useful fields of labor, that i am compelled to pause at the very beginning of this sketch, (necessarily brief) knowing i must omit so many particulars, both valuable and instructive. if dr. barney had, in her childhood, possessed the advantages of obtaining a thorough education, and opportunities for the best development of those many abilities which have manifested themselves under the most dispiriting surroundings, it would be difficult at present to estimate what she might have accomplished. she represents the practical, domestic, experience of a latter day saint; orphaned, and almost alone, but possessing that indomitable spirit that rises above every obstacle, and turns to account every available means no matter how humble, that cultivates every inherent power to its best uses; an upbuilder in everything pertaining to the interests of her people, ready to aid on the right and on the left, forgetful of self. elvira s. barney was born march , , in gerry, chawtawque county, new york, being the daughter of samuel c. stevens, a merchant, and his wife, minerva althea field, a school teacher. her great grand-father, joseph stevens, took an active part in the revolutionary war; her grand-father, simon stevens, was a doctor; her uncles were doctors and lawyers. when twelve years old elvira heard the gospel preached by a mormon elder, and from that time daily prayed in secret till the lord gave her a testimony that satisfied her heart. she was baptized in , and went with her parents to nauvoo, where her father died after a brief illness, on october th. in the january following elvira and her mother were preparing for the journey across the wilderness, parching corn, etc.; but her mother, overcome by toil, grief and exhaustion, died on the th of the month. their farm, household goods, etc., were sold, and the five children received ten dollars each to fit them out for a western journey. elvira parted with her twin brother, fourteen years old, with tears in his eyes, and she never saw him again. he died six years after. elvira was taken some twenty-five miles across the prairie among strangers, and there spent the winter. there were no children for her to mate with, no one to feel tenderly for the lonely, quiet aching heart of this orphan girl. when spring approached she rejoined her married sister to wait upon her, traveling west with her, sometimes living in a brush-house (while recruiting) and sleeping under a wagon while traveling, and once awoke to find several inches of snow covering them. exposure brought her to death's door, but she lived after long suffering. she witnessed the solemn separation of the "mor-battallion" from their families and friends. during one winter she lived in a dug-out in a side hill on the missouri river, and was forced to live on corn bread and water; their tallow candles they could not afford to burn, but used them to grease their bake-kettles. here, however, willing to be useful she helped to teach school, studying nights by a chip-fire to keep in advance of her pupils. many of our public speakers of today, can date their first lessons in elocution and arithmetic to her training. elvira crossed the mountains in the first company in , and arrived in this valley by the side of two yoke of oxen, with a sick sister and a brother-in-law with a broken arm, in her care. her first lesson in surgery was the helping to set this arm, and her first practice in medicine was the breaking up of her sister's fever. soon after this elvira made herself a pair of buck-skin moccasins. the first meeting she attended was in a bowery, and her best calico dress had patches on the elbows. before the next winter she worked six weeks for a pair of leather shoes. there was not much aristocracy here in those days. they held meetings in tents, sang praises to god, and danced with as much sincerity and purity of heart as even king david did before the lord, for they knew god was with them. said her sister, who afterward turned from the faith: "if god had not been with us when we were driven out at the battle of nauvoo, we should have perished, but when we were starving he sent quails, and they were so tame they came into our tents where the sick were lying, and they even took them in their hands." thousands witnessed the miracle. after they arrived in the valley, crickets large and numerous threatened their crops, (their only recourse) but the lord in answer to prayers sent sea-gulls in such flocks that the air was darkened, and they destroyed the crickets. the heavens were not as brass above their heads; they helped and loved each other, and god heard and loved them. their laws were few and simple; in a bishop's court a brother forgave his brother. in the summer of , elvira earned fifty dollars at different kinds of work, and making straw hats for the emigrants going to california to get gold the battallion boys were the first to find. in the spring of , elvira had been appointed to go on a mission to the society islands; this was postponed, and in the spring of , with her husband, she started in the company of apostle parley p. pratt on his mission to chili. they were harassed by indians while crossing the deserts, and elvira arrived in los angelos sick with a fever, and laid sixteen days in a tent made of sheets. her sister here buried her babe; took steamer and landed in san francisco, elvira contracting inflammatory rheumatism on the voyage, and was stiff and helpless four days. parley p. pratt administered to her, and the next morning she helped to get breakfast. through some trouble between the islanders and the french the mission was changed to the sandwich islands. having been left behind to recruit her health, sister elvira went to work in a hotel as waiter at one hundred dollars a month, and soon was able to pay her passage to the sandwich islands, besides having means to support her while there. on arriving at lahaiva, on the island of mai, the captain gave her his arm and they walked through the streets in quest of her husband followed by the natives, old and young, they to admire and be friendly, the strangers feeling mortified with such honors. remained a month there then embarked on the ship hulumann. the previously mentioned captain came on board and treated them to a christmas dinner. after four days sail landed at kawhow, hawaii, in the fall of . sister elvira lived six months among the natives on their island food, mostly of taro and sweet-potatoes made into a batter and soured, short rations at that, yet attained the weight of one hundred and fifty pounds. says she: "don't smile when i tell you i often thought of alexander selkirk who said he was 'monarch of all he surveyed.' here months passed, living on the lava strewn island, no ships came to bring tidings, i was left to view the rolling billows that separated me from all i held dear, country and friends. fancy the loneliness of those long months, not a white woman to speak to in my own tongue. here i was studying a foreign language and teaching the natives to speak my own." in the mean time sister elvira acquired the art of swimming, which means enabled her afterwards, to all appearances, to save one of the ladies of this book from drowning in a bottomless spring in utah. during eleven months spent on four islands, sister elvira wrote a letter to a native lawyer in his own tongue, and although over thirty years have elapsed she is able to converse fluently with the natives who have gathered to this city. leaving all her means but five dollars with her husband, she arrived penniless at honolulu _en route_ for san francisco, by counsel of phillip b. lewis, president of the sandwich islands mission. here, in answer to prayer, after all other efforts had failed to procure means, a stranger she never saw before nor since, called upon her. in answer to his few questions he learned her situation as a missionary's wife preaching the gospel without purse or scrip. he handed her the money, eighty dollars, to pay her passage to san francisco, and she gave him her note for it, and embarked. three times she escaped shipwreck, the last time, just outside the golden gate of the bay of san francisco. on her arrival there she borrowed the money of a friend and returned it to the stranger, and repaid this by making fine shirts at ten dollars apiece. the wife of the gentleman for whom she made them presented her with a complete set of clothing, the outer garment being a new silk dress. sister elvira says: "the lord knew i needed them and i thanked him and the giver also." of the san francisco saints she says, "the welcome i received by the remaining saints there, and the heavenly influence we enjoyed together is the one most marked oasis of my life, for truly they blessed me and god blessed them." sister elvira wasted no time, but in various ways earned means, part of which she sent to assist the sandwich islands mission. in she returned to salt lake city, riding seven hundred miles on horseback, and here resumed school teaching. in , she assisted in the amputation of a dear friend's arm. in , traveled east to visit kindred and rode sixteen days by stage. in , went to wheaton college and returned home after nearly two years absence. from to had taught school in ten different places, generally four terms a year. had during these previous years taken at different times four homeless children into her care until other ways opened for them. in adopted a boy whom she schooled and provided for for ten years. in this year also began writing up her genealogical record which she has traced back to the year . in wrote a pamphlet on seri-culture, and suggested the appointment of a meeting on that subject. advanced as a loan the first fifty dollars to establish the "home made straw hat industry." canvassed the thirteenth ward and traveled in the interest of the _woman's exponent_. was appointed agent for and canvassed the city for the _women of mormondom_, and raised fifty shares ($ . each) in one day. was appointed a committee for purchasing grain for the grain association (president e. b. wells). in traveled south and held forty-five meetings in twenty-seven days, in the interest of women's work in utah. in attended the deseret university. up to date of february, , had earned over nine thousand dollars by her own labors, and built a good commodious house, her home. october, , started east to continue her medical studies which she had prosecuted at home for several years, and attended three complete courses; returning home in the spring of , prepared to pursue this her chosen vocation after a long and eventful experience in many fields of usefulness. realizing her own early desires for knowledge and the inconvenience of limited privileges, dr. barney fitted up her large house to accommodate lady boarders, thus affording them the convenience of home and college under one roof, with the privilege of boarding themselves, and receiving gratuitous medical instructions for one year. she has crossed the pacific ocean twice, the western deserts twice, the eastern plains five times: has wrought at different humble occupations belonging to a new country, learning later fine embroidery, pencil work, draughting in architecture, delivering lectures, &c., one tenth cannot be told in these pages. sister barney also has received the gifts of prophecy, tongues and interpretation of tongues, as the writer can testify. her step is as quick as ever, her carriage erect; she says; "my life has been real, my life has been earnest, and now if any of my works praise me then truly i am praised. if any one has done better i should be happy to read their chapter; yet i realize many of our mormon ladies' lives have been similar, and it is such women that will teach and train sons for the nation." emily hill woodmansee. emily hill woodmansee, daughter of thomas and elizabeth slade hill, was born in the south-west of england, near warminster, wilts, march , . quoting her own words: "of my pedigree i will simply say that my parents were honorable, hard-working people, too independent in spirit to stoop to mean actions, much less to sully their conscience to curry favor. the youngest living of eleven children, i fully enjoyed the privileges often accorded the youngest member of a family, (ie) of having things my own way. my parents as well as my brothers and sisters were very kind to me, and i can truly say--slightly reversing a word in the lines of one of our poets, that, 'i never knew what trouble was till i became a mormon.' "when but a mere child i was much concerned about my eternal salvation and felt that i would make any sacrifice to obtain it. i asked all kinds of questions of my mother and sisters, seeking how to be saved, but could get no satisfaction from them nor from the religious body (wesleyans) to which they belonged. "hungry and thirsty for truth, i searched the scriptures, invariably turning to the lives of ancient apostles or to the beautiful writings of the prophet isaiah. i was never weary of reading his prophecies, the glory of a latter-day zion that burthened his inspirations possessed for me a charm irresistible. truly i was waiting for something, i knew not what, that came to me sooner than i expected. "when i was about twelve years old, my cousin, miriam slade, (afterward the wife of edward hanham,) came to visit us; she was very merry-hearted and we had anticipated her visit, expecting a good deal of fun; but she was too full of a 'new religion' to do anything but preach. 'god,' she said, 'had spoken from the heavens to a man named joseph smith; the gospel was restored to the earth, the honest in heart were commanded to gather to the land of zion for safety, for this was the last dispensation, and the hour of god's judgment had come!' "right faithfully she testified to her knowledge of these things, much to the surprise of our family, who were considerably amused at her earnestness as well as at the novelty of her belief, and notwithstanding i listened attentively, i thought her assertions too good to be true. the next sunday my cousin informed us that the latter-day saints had appointed a meeting for that day at an adjoining village called chalford, and invited us to go. as it was a distance of five or six miles, making a long walk there and back, none of my brothers cared to go, and my elder sisters considered themselves altogether too respectable (?) to attend an outdoor meeting of such a primitive sect, therefore they declined to go, and no one thought of sending me till i suggested it. turning to my father, my sisters said, (laughingly,) 'yes, send em, she will tell us all about it.' "in five minutes miriam slade and myself were on the road, accompanied by mr. wm. bowring, (brother to henry e. bowring of brigham city,) and by edward w. tullidge, then a youth, but now well-known as a talented writer and also as the proprietor and editor of _tullidge's quarterly magazine_. never, never shall i forget that day, surely it was the turning point of my whole life. a few devoted worshippers of truth met together in a small house, to bear their testimony to one another and to worship god! and he was in their midst and that to bless them. even as in the day of pentecost, they spake in tongues and prophesied, which prophecy i have seen fulfilled. unlike the jews who were 'pricked in their hearts,' i did not even ask, 'what shall i do to be saved.' 'the way' was open before me, and simple and young as i was i instinctively knew that 'i could not err therein.' the eternal! spake, and honest hearts discerning the voice and message of the holiest one! hail it as though their souls had e'en been yearning for light and truth, e'en since their lives begun. "it was indeed as though i had been brought 'out of darkness into marvelous light,' and i could not shut my eyes against it. "in the evening i attended an out door 'mormon meeting,' and though naturally sensitive to ridicule, i did not care the least for the sneers of the crowd but joined in the songs of the saints as well as i could, for in my childish way i wanted it understood that i was not ashamed to count one with the peculiar people called latter-day saints. "many a time since, when 'offences' have come in my way, over which with mortal weakness i have almost stumbled, the testimony of that eventful day has been to me a precious recollection which nothing could obliterate. i was so overjoyed at finding what i had so long desired, and so eager to convince my friends that i could hardly wait to get home. as soon as i was inside the house and almost before anyone else could speak, i astounded them all by the emphatic declaration that i knew the latter-day saints were the right people; and i would join them as soon as i was big enough. i was never sent to 'take notes' of the 'mormons' again, but on the contrary was closely watched lest i should be led away by a 'sect that was everywhere spoken against.' my early study of the scriptures now stood me in good stead, and i searched the bible more diligently than ever, so that i might give a good reason for my faith to the hosts that assailed me, (right reverends among the number,) who, finding it easier to cry 'delusion' than to prove it, generally wound up by informing me that i wasn't old enough to know my own mind, and was altogether too young to judge of so grave a matter. meantime my persistent faith invoked such a tempest of wrath over my head, that i could not even get an opportunity to be baptized, and the elders did not think it wisdom (because of my tender years) to perform the ceremony without my parents' consent. i well remember looking forward to a period when i should be old enough to act for myself, and it seemed a lifetime. "about this time one of the elders brought brother john halliday (brother to bishop halliday of santaquin) to our house, who bore such a powerful testimony to the divine mission of joseph smith, that my sister, julia, (now mrs. ivins of st. george) exclaimed, 'if ever there was a man of god i'm sure he is one, and i'll be a latter-day saint, too!' from that time i had a friend in the family, and we were both determined that cost what it might we would be true to the light within us. only once in a great while could we steal away and meet with the saints, but although we were not yet baptized we partook of the sacrament and paid out our pocket money to the church funds like actual members. "on one of these occasions brother halliday blessed me and confirmed upon me the promise that i should write in prose and in verse and thereby comfort the hearts of thousands. after this i was baptized march , , i was then sixteen, but had virtually been a latter-day saint for four years. "denied the privilege of freely meeting with the saints, i all the more earnestly desired to gather to zion; but fearing i might be forcibly detained if i attempted to leave home directly for america, i obtained my parents' consent to visit my sister, julia--who had already gone to northampton (quite a long distance from home) hoping that the way would open up, so we might earn enough to emigrate. there for the first time i enjoyed religious freedom and there also i took my lessons of hard times; preparing me for greater hardships in store. "in the month of may, , we sailed for america on the ship, _thornton_, captain collins, commander; brother james g. willie had charge of the saints, (a company of eight hundred) and a good captain he was. we had a pleasant trip with the exception of one heavy storm which i would not have missed for a great deal. "from new york we traveled by rail and by way of lake erie to the camping ground in the neighborhood of iowa city; there we were obliged to wait till the companies were ready to start, and surely if we had been natural or unnatural curiosities we could not have been commented on or stared at any more by the people surrounding us. 'mormons, men, women and children, and worse, a lot of young girls, bound for salt lake and going to pull 'hand carts!' shocking!' "yet, for the potent reason that no other way seemed open, and on the principle of 'descending below all things,' i made up my mind to pull a hand cart. 'all the way to zion,' a foot journey from iowa to utah, and pull our luggage, think of it! anonymous letters, and warnings from sympathizing outsiders were mysteriously conveyed to us, setting forth the hardships and impossibilities of such a journey, and offering us inducements to stay. many who started out with us backed out in a few days; my sister broke down and was unable to walk and i remember asking myself (footsore and weary with the first week of walking and working) if it was possible for me, faith or no faith, to walk twelve hundred miles further. the flesh certainly was weak but the spirit was willing, i set down my foot that i would try, and by the blessing of god i pulled a hand cart a thousand miles and never rode one step. some thrilling scenes i could relate incident to that journey, but must forbear for want of space. suffice it to say that after a long and wearisome journey, being entirely out of provisions, we halted for want of strength to proceed, and never should i have beheld (with mortal eyes) 'the city of the saints' had not the compassionate people of utah sent out a number of brave-hearted brethren with food and clothing to our relief. may they all be everlastingly blessed. "in the month of june, , firmly believing in the principle of plural marriage i entered into it. the result of this marriage was one child only, for a little more than three years after said marriage, my husband went on a mission to england, and after i had worked for upwards of four years to maintain myself and little one, my husband himself sent me word that he never intended to set foot in utah again. and here i must be allowed to say in behalf of myself and other true women who have endured such separations, and to whom, perhaps, it is counted as nothing, no one can realize what such an ordeal is, unless they have passed through it. all that i had hitherto suffered seemed like child's play compared to being deserted by the one in whom i had chosen to place the utmost confidence, who himself had fixed an impassable gulf between us by ignoring the very principles by which he had obtained me, leaving myself and my little one (for all he knew) to sorrow and destitution. harder still, was it for me to believe that this abandonment had been deliberately planned. i could not accept the fact till president young, (speaking to me of my husband), emphatically said, 'don't you know he asked for his mission? if he hadn't i wouldn't have sent him till the day of his death!' that was enough for me, i comprehended all that it meant, and independent of brigham young's word i was forced to believe it. "i had striven hard to keep out of debt,--determined to do my part as a missionary's wife, that when my husband came back he might not be hampered on my account. nevertheless 'hard times' stared me in the face, and i was almost overwhelmed by circumstances beyond my control. during the winter season of - , (owing to the war and many circumstances combined) provisions and other necessaries commanded almost fabulous prices, and i could not see how i should ever be able to keep 'the wolf from the door.' to add to my trouble, the house i occupied (and to which i had been led to believe i had some claim,) was sold over my head and thus i had the prospect of being homeless, at a time when rents were going up double and treble. one night when i was so weary with overwork and anxiety, pondering what to do, these words impressed me as if audibly spoken, trust in god and thyself. instantly i arose and composed the following lines: a priceless boon! is a friend indeed greet him as such when his face you see; but those who fail thee in time of need-- shun them, as false friends should shunned be. they proffer this, and they promise that, but promise, alas, is a doubtful elf. so would'st thou weather the storms of life-- trust thou in god! and thyself. keep a brave heart, though the waves roll high, let thine aim be true as the magnet's steel; look unto god! with a steadfast eye, and trust him always, in woe or weal. man may deceive, but god! is true; mortals may pander to love of pelf, like "angel's visits" firm friends are few, trust thou in god! and thyself, should friends, nor fortune, nor home be thine-- cringe not for this, nor beg for that; the earnest seekers will surely find something to thoroughly labor at. 'tis a cheering maxim to keep in view-- that diligence leads to plenty's shelf; and whatsoever thy hands pursue-- trust thou in god! and thyself. what! though thy flesh and thy strength should fail? surely 'were better to wear than rust; than never to try, 'twere better to die, in striving bravely to fill our trust, but fear not thou, for god! is good-- he is the giver of strength and wealth. when faithless feelings or friends intrude-- trust thou in god! and thyself. "immediately after this my way opened up before me, almost within the week i secured another home, which if not very commodious had for me the satisfying charm of being _my own_. "on may , , i again entered into plural marriage, and was sealed by heber c. kimball to joseph woodmansee, to whom i have borne four sons and four daughters. two of these died in infancy, leaving me a family of seven, including my first born. "nearly twenty years have rolled by since my second marriage, during which time i have seen many changes of fortune which i cannot now relate, but i will say this much of my children's father. misfortunes that have befallen him have never affected his faith, he has proven his allegiance to the principles and priesthood of god at considerable sacrifice to himself and family, enduring reverses uncomplainingly. "of my children i need say but little, but i fervently hope that each and all of them may seek and obtain for themselves a knowledge of the truth, (called mormonism) for i know it can make them wise unto salvation, and may they be willing if needs be to endure reproach and privation for principle's sake. i doubt not that all my troubles have been for my good, and to-day i am more than thankful for my standing in the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints." and wherefore should i cease to sing of zion and the latter day? i could not find a nobler theme, nor choose a lovelier, loftier lay. too insignificant is my praise-- too feeble is my lyre and tongue, for of these longed for, latter days have royal bards and prophets sung. ne'er shall our hearts ungrateful be; ne'er shall our songs be void of praise, for god has suffered us to see "the zion" of the latter days. though all the world in scorn deride-- our numbers shall not cease to flow; our soul's sincerest, purest love thrills unto zion's weal or woe. when she is sad, then i am sad; when she is bound i am not free; when she is glad then i am glad and all things prosper well with me. i love to see her power extend, her influence and her reign increase-- then wonder not, "for zion's sake-- will i not hold my peace." "i desire to live to make up for past short-comings by future diligence, that i may help (in my humble way) to build up 'the kingdom whose dominion, power and greatness shall be given to the saints of the most high! who shall possess it forever and ever.'" the faith of the saints shall astonish the world and puzzle the wise to explain it; hosannah! hosannah! truth's flag is unfurled, and the lord god omnipotent reigneth. hannah t. king. "the university town of cambridge, england, i am proud to say, is the place of my nativity. i was reared among its classic shades and bowers. for the last thirty years america has been my adopted country, and i love her with a loyal and devoted appreciation, but the home and the haunts of childhood and youth leave on every mind indelible impressions and when brought to a focus upon the past as at the present moment, 'the distant spires and antique towers' rise up before me in all their vividness by the power of that most wonderful faculty, memory. "i was born and reared in the high church of england, and nothing but the high church of jesus christ of latter-day saints could have caused me to secede from its high tenets and truly liberal principles; it stands second to none of the churches of the world. "any son or daughter might have been proud of such parents as mine, they were fine in person, highly moral, and intellectual, were descended from a highly born family, and were honored and respected by all who knew them; they reared their children with great care and watchfulness, giving them such an education as would fit them for all good society of whatever grade. blessed be their memory! "i was married at the early age of seventeen, but in my mind and character i was older than many girls at twenty. i have lived long enough to authorize the woman to sit in judgment on the girl. "i had a sweet, happy home, for i had the faculty to make it so; i had ten beautiful children but death robbed me of several. we gave the surviving ones a liberal education with accomplishments; as they grew up they repaid us in being all we desired. from a child i had been accustomed to write much--keeping a journal and a book for choice extracts, etc. my father was unavoidably much away from home on business, but he enjoined me to write frequently to him, and to do _his_ bidding was my delight, for he was my _beau ideal_ of all that was good. since at nine or ten i became a letter writer, and the thousands i have written in my long life would form a towering paper pillar. after some years of my married life i became a writer for the local papers and also wrote two books, one for my girls and the other for the boys, 'the toilet' and the 'three eras,' dedicating them to each. these books were patronized by the aristocracy of england. i also wrote considerable poetry all my life. "in , 'a change came o'er the spirit of my dream.' i had a young woman who had worked for me eleven years as dressmaker, she was highly respectable, conscientious and good. in september, , she was in the house at work, and on the evening of the th, when work was laid aside, she told me she wished to speak to me privately, as she had something she wished to communicate to me. i at once gave her the audience she requested and she then laid before me the organization of the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints, with the first principles of the same. of course i was startled! but the spirit of god witnessed to my spirit that she spoke _truth_! i compared all she told me by the bible which had ever been my standard of truth--it _endorsed_ all she said! i studied, i prayed,--she gave me to read 'spencer's letters'--they made me a willing convert. i read many other prominent works with which my teacher furnished me. fifteen months passed, and yet i had not attended the latter-day saint meetings, or seen a single member, but this young woman, yet even at that time i was a confirmed latter-day saint. i then was introduced to an elder from america, and after his first sermon i was baptized by him in the classic waters of the camm, my native river. "soon i began to see the antagonisms i had to meet. i, a member of the church of england. my grandfather a rector in the same, my father and my mother, my family and friends! all had to be met, could i bring the gray hairs of my parents in sorrow to the grave? could i reduce my family to comparative poverty and reverses of every kind? could i _so_ lay my all upon the altar of my god? could i like abraham of old, arise and go to a far country--even the wilds of america? it would take more than i have space to elaborate this subject--suffice, strength was given me--i passed under 'the car of juggernaut,' which is no _overstrained_ flower of language but a veritable simile. suffice, the votary lived! and i came out _convinced_, _determined_, and the calm, as it were, of a summer morning was upon me! a conviction had been given me that it was indeed the work of the last days, when all dispensations should be gathered in one, when that people i had all my life prayed for in the church of england should be 'prepared for the second coming of the savior,' were indeed organized upon the earth by the voice of god himself and his son, jesus christ, appearing to a youth, even joseph smith, and appointing him as the prophet of the last dispensation, under the immediate direction of the lord jesus himself. the church was organized with six members, on the th of april, . "of this church i became a member by the requisite act of baptism by immersion, under the hands of the american missionary. from that time i had the spirit of 'gathering,' and in june, , i left my home and many that were dear to me, my own immediate family accompanying me--and as i stood on the deck of the _golconda_ i said, 'my native land, good night.' ox teams conveyed us over the prairies, and on the th of september, , we entered salt lake city. here we built a home which has been my sanctuary. i _know_ god was with me, and my loved ones also were with me. the union of my family was remarkable, that, and the spirit of god enabled us to 'remove mountains.' "in a brief sketch like this it is impossible to give even the outline, but could i place in a book, first our _antecedents_, and then the marvelous events of those three years, the laying aside our lares and penates, surely the skeptic would agree that there was a power with us that the world knows nothing of! for even though we _knew_ we were the agents it was 'marvelous in our eyes.' perhaps i have filled the brief space allotted me for the purpose for which i was called upon to write, surely my few words will be a testimony that i rejoice i am a latter-day saint. i have passed through many reverses and tribulations, but in my darkest hours the gospel has been a light upon my path and a lamp for my feet, and i realize day by day the smile and approbation of god upon me. "it has been my delight to write for the saints since i have lived in salt lake city, and my reward has been their love and rich appreciation of my writings. i have been a constant writer for the _woman's exponent_, a paper got up and entirely carried on by the women of our people. president young desired me to write for it and i have done so with pleasure to the best of my ability, both in prose and in verse. "for two years i had a school in my own house, and it promised to be a success, but my health failed, and to my sorrow i had to relinquish it. i was appointed to preside over the young ladies mutual improvement association of the seventeenth ward, which position i held for one year, but resigned from feeble health. i was then appointed first counselor to marinda hyde, president of the relief society of the seventeenth ward, which office i still have the honor to hold. my desire has ever been to be useful 'in my day and generation,' especially in the work of the last days, for in that i have joy and ample satisfaction. "the history of the people of god as we read it in the bible, repeats itself in a remarkable manner in the church of jesus christ upon the earth to-day, and those who need a testimony of its truth, i advise them to compare and observe the workings of the self-same spirit of antagonism, and they will hardly need another." i select a portion of one of mrs. king's poems; her prose and verse are alike, always lofty in character; her prose writings would form more than one valuable volume for the libraries of the saints, or indeed those not of our faith. historical and character sketches seem a peculiar gift with her. among the many admirers of her poems the english saints regard her with special fondness, for is she not their own? and they anticipate her contributions, as we look forward to flowers of spring, to summer's wealth of fruits, to autumn's harvest time. rest. "i've fought the battle all my life of outward foes and inward strife; the strife which flesh and spirit feel as keenly as the barbed steel; for ah! my soul has longed to be a perfect thing for god to see! and feels impatient for the time when i the heavenly heights shall climb, the good, in all the ages past, my eyes in love i've ever cast, would imitate, admire, and aim their glorious pinnacles to gain; a pedestal to call my own, one which my form might rest upon; my spirit feet cannot yet stand upon the platform they command, but well i know i have been blest, and shall, in time, attain the rest; and i have sometimes felt ere while i moved 'neath god's effulgent smile that shed around me warmth and peace, and gave my captive mind release. the earth and every living thing did tribute to my spirit bring; and then my soul was born anew, begotten by the warmth and dew which god's own spirit cast around, and placed my feet on holy ground. all things seemed tinged with light of heaven, my friends most loved, my foes forgiven! the fountain in my heart, to me brought 'living water,' ecstacy! * * * * * * * * * * a little goshen was my home, for joy and peace around it shone; and labor's self became delight, making all healthy, strong and bright; and loving spirits gathered there as angels faithful, fond and fair. was i not blest? yes, i was blest, and truly 'twas a time of rest; yes, rest from sorrow i had known, in youth, my sun but rarely shone, but, oh! i fought for joy and peace, and god, in mercy, sent release. and blest me with so bright a time that's rarely known in earthly clime! and grateful did my soul arise to him who gave this paradise. but, oh! this picture! its reverse! a mighty contrast did disperse; the light and warmth would be withdrawn and i left freezing and forlorn; the heavens seemed brass above my head, the earth looked dark as molten lead; my god was hid beneath a cloud and i, like corse within its shroud! alone, forsaken, desolate thing hoarding my sorrows like a sting that probed and barbed my stranded soul, and well-nigh crushed all self-control; the loved and loving were away, and i to foes was left a prey; it seemed all blessings were withdrawn, and i left stranded and forlorn, to see if i would faithful stand and still hold on to virtue's hand. yes, many such ordeal i've passed, and know i have not seen the last. oh! father! take my shrinking soul beneath thy love and sweet control; thy feeble, trembling child, oh spare! lay on no more than i can bear. may i endure unto the end, whatever trials may portend; but thou alone must bear me up, or i shall fail to drain the cup." augusta joyce crocheron. "in the original design of the picture representative women of deseret, i did not include myself, but by the request of those whose wishes i have always endeavored to fulfill, now do so, although there are several to whom i would prefer giving place. "i was born in boston, massachusetts, october , . my father was john joyce, from st. john, new brunswick--his parents were both from england. i have heard my mother say that my uncle, oliver joyce, planted the english flag on the chinese wall at the time of the war (about ) between those countries. i do not know whether he was an officer, color bearer or ordinary private. "my mother, caroline a. joyce, was the eldest daughter of john perkins, a sea captain, and his wife, caroline harriman. the perkins and harriman families were among the early puritan emigrants, the property they first built upon still being in the possession of their descendants. i have heard my mother speak of the oak stairs and floors being so worn with age that they bent beneath the tread even when she was a child. my mother's mother was the daughter of elder john harriman, well known in new hampshire as the occasional traveling companion of lorenzo dow, but more particularly as the founder of a sect called the 'new light christian baptists.' he was the son of john harriman and the daughter of a penobscot chief who was friendly to the white people, and permitted his only daughter to receive christian baptism, and she was afterwards married to him publicly in church. this union afforded peace and security to the settlers and gave them the alliance if needed, of a powerful tribe. the son of this marriage received an education and married. a few weeks after, and at the age of twenty-one, he 'received a visit from a personage who gave him a new doctrine to preach to the children of men.' he awoke his wife, ruth, told her the vision and she believed him. in the morning he began to arrange his worldly affairs so as not to interfere with his call and began to preach, accompanied by his young wife, who rose when he had done speaking and bore her testimony to what he had said. he traveled a certain circuit, holding two and three days' meetings wherever he stopped, building up quite a large church in his locality. he preached seventy-one years and died at the age of ninety-two. he never cut his hair from the time of his call to the ministry, and sometimes wore it braided in a queue, sometimes flowing in waves upon his shoulders, as in his portrait. his wife, ruth, lived beyond her one hundredth birthday. his son, john, became a minister, but his daughter (my grandmother) was more worldly minded. once when he entered the room she was standing before a mirror surveying her appearance, being attired for some special occasion. he quietly stepped up to her and with a pair of scissors cut off the long black ringlets that fell like a mantle upon her bare shoulders, saying; 'these come between you and your god.' this did not, however, quench the worldly spirit within her, for she at the age of sixteen eloped with and was married to john perkins, a young sea captain, a god-fearing man but not a church member then or ever afterwards in this life. she was very industrious, however, and had at that age spun all her bed and table linen, etc. she became quite a politician and used to write articles of that character, and the young men of the town used to gather round her hearth and ask her opinion on political matters. she also composed for them campaign songs, both words and music. my mother has told me the only dancing she ever saw in her childhood was when her mother, inspired by the patriotic songs she would be singing, would dance to and fro at her spinning, instead of stepping--improvising step and figure. she had eight sons that she said she was 'raising for her country.' sure enough two of them went to the war (twenty years ago) and laid down their lives; warren and andrew jackson, (so named because he was born on the day of president jackson's second inauguration.) grandma was an andrew jackson democrat, he was her very _beau ideal_ of a man. charles served two terms and returned safe. lawrence, my patriot grandmother's youngest boy, enlisted at seventeen and was sent back; 'too young,' they told him, but he waited one year and went again and this time they took him, and he too was spared to return home. "thaddeus sailed to labrador through many years, and john to the west indies. her eldest daughter was my mother. when my mother heard and received the gospel in boston, she hastened home to bear the good tidings and obtain their permission for her baptism. she found them bitterly opposed to this, her father reticent, her mother reproachful. just at this time elder john harriman arrived to hold a three days' meeting. preparations had been made for his coming, and on his arrival my grandmother received him in her best parlor and after the usual salutations were over, unfolded to him the story of my mother's conversion, that she had gone insane and wanted to join the mormons. he asked, 'where is caroline?' adding, reflectively, 'if the lord has any more light for the children of men, i for one am willing to receive it.' his grandchild, overhearing this, was filled with joy. her mother came out and told her to put on her bonnet and shawl. not knowing what was wanted of her to perform she obeyed, and by the time she was ready, found her brother, john, waiting with a horse and sleigh, and seating herself therein was rapidly whirled away to some relatives several miles distant, to remain there until sent for. said she, 'i never saw my grandfather again.' this was a specimen of my grandma's executive ability; no circumlocution about her. "i will give her own account of her receiving the gospel, from a portion of her manuscripts: "'in the year , i was living in the city of boston, state of massachusetts. one day i heard that a strange sect were preaching in boylston hall, they professed to believe in the same gospel as taught by jesus christ and the ancient apostles. i went to hear them. as we entered the hall they were singing a new song--the words were: 'the spirit of god like a fire is burning, the latter day glory begins to come forth, the visions and blessings of old are returning, the angels are coming to visit the earth.' &c. "after the song a young man [a] arose and taking for his text these words--'and in the last days it shall come to pass that the lord's house shall be established in the tops of the mountains and all nations shall flow unto it,' said the time for the fulfillment of this prophecy was near at hand, an angel had appeared unto a man named joseph smith, having the keys of the everlasting gospel to be preached to this generation, that those who obeyed it would gather out from the wicked, and prepare themselves for the coming of the son of man. he spoke of the great work already commenced in these the last days, and while i listened, his words were like unto a song heard in my far off childhood, once forgotten but now returning afresh to my memory, and i cried for very joy. i went home to tell my father the good news, but my words returned to my own heart, for both my parents thought me insane, and talked to each other sadly of my condition and what to do with me. my heart was filled with sorrow and disappointment. i asked for the privilege of being baptized but was answered with these words by my father: 'you must leave home if you join those mormons.' i went away and was baptized for the remission of my sins, but still with regret and an uncertainty as to the _right_ to disobey my parents. soon after, my father left the city, and my mother came and took me with her, to care for me, as she was fearful i would be 'ruined by those deceivers.' one night i had been to meeting where the spirit of god seemed to fill the house, and returned home thankful to my heavenly father that i ever heard the gospel. i laid down to rest beside my mother who commenced upbraiding me, and instantly i was filled with remorse that i was the cause of her unhappiness. i did not know what to say, and was hesitating, when, just over my head, a _voice_, not a whisper, but still and low, said these words: 'if you will leave father and mother, you shall have eternal life,' i asked, 'mother, did you hear that?' she answered, '_you are bewitched!_' i knew then _she_ had not heard the voice, but my mind was at rest and i went to sleep. i have heard the same voice since, not in dreams, but in daylight, when in trouble and uncertain which way to go; and i _know god lives_ and guides this people called 'mormons,' i know also the gifts and blessings are in the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints, and that same faith once delivered to the saints is also ours, if we _live_ for it. [footnote a: elder erastus snow. he afterward married her to her husband, and blessed her children's children.] "'in the month of february, , i left home, my native land and all the friends of my youthful days, and sailed in the ship, _brooklyn_, for california. before starting i visited my parents, then living in new hampshire. i told them of my determination to follow god's people, who had already been notified to leave the united states, that our destination was the pacific coast, and we should take materials to plant a colony. "'when the hour came for parting, my father could not speak. my mother asked, 'when shall we see you again, my child?' i answered, '_when there is a railroad across the continent_.' god grant that prophecy may be fulfilled and her life be spared to see it. i _knew_ it would be there, even the 'highway cast up that the eagle's eye had never seen, nor the lion's foot had ever trod.' "'i turned my back on all once dear, for the memory of that voice was in my ears--'if you will leave father and mother, you shall have eternal life,' and selling my household treasures, wrapped my child in my cloak (for the weather was bitter cold) and started on my long journey around the horn. "'of all the unpleasant memories, not one half so bitter as that dreary six months' voyage in an emigrant ship. we were so closely crowded that the heat of the tropics was terrible, but 'mid all our trials the object of our journey was never forgotten. the living faith was there and was often manifested. i remember well one dreadful storm during which we had to be hatched below, as the waves broke over the ship, and filled our staterooms. "'while the elements were raging above, and we below were being tossed about like feathers, the good old captain came down among us wearing a solemn countenance. we tried to gather around him; he said to us: 'my friends, there is a time in a man's life when it is fitting to prepare to die, and that time has come to us; i have done all i _can do_, but, unless god interposes _we must go down_.' a good sister answered, 'captain, we _were sent to california and we shall go there_.' he went up stairs, saying, '_these people have a faith i have not_.' and so it proved. we outrode the storm, we endured another off cape horn; we stopped and buried one of our dear sisters, a mother of seven children, (mrs. goodwin) at juan fernandez, and at last reached our new home, the last day of july, , to find a country at war with our own government, a country barren and dreary, so unlike the california of to-day, but we trusted in god and he heard our prayers; and when i soaked the mouldy ship bread purchased from the whaleships lying in the harbor, (returned from a four years' cruise) and fried it in the tallow taken from the rawhides lying on the beach, god made it sweet to me and to my child, for on this food i weaned her. i used to think of hagar and her babe, and of the god who watched over them, and again i remembered the voice and the words it spoke unto me--and took courage. "'from that day to this, i can bear my testimony to all the world that i have known, and still know, this is the work of god and will exalt us if we seek to know his will, and knowing it, do it.' "my mother's testimony, written at my request, was the last work performed by her hand. after finishing, she accompanied a caller to the gate, the chill night air penetrated her frame and morning found her sick with pneumonia. from that bed she was borne seven days later, from the earthly gaze of children and friends forever. they called it death, but to her it was the reward promised, and recorded by her own hand--'eternal life.' "my mother had kept a daily journal on the ship, _brooklyn_, also the first five or six years in san francisco, calling it 'the early annals of california.' this i considered invaluable from the reliability and the fullness of its historic matter and data, and after her demise i searched for it but it was gone. this i thought strange indeed, for she had assured me of its preservation about eighteen months before her last illness. i have heard her relate many incidents of those times. once when nearly famished, (hostilities not yet being concluded between mexico and the united states,) two men ventured outside the town to lasso one of the cattle browsing so near them, but were themselves caught by cruel mexicans in ambush, and killed and quartered, their bodies left lying on the sand in view of the wretched inhabitants. at another time a mexican was intercepted and searched. in one boot was found an order from general castro, to attack by night and kill everything above four years old that could speak english. the messenger was buried in the sand. after awhile the native women became curious, and some of them ventured past the guard after dark, and being touched with compassion, returned in the same cautious manner, with bottles of _leche_ (milk) slung around their waists under their flounced dress skirts, and _tortillas_ (flour and water cakes) concealed beneath their _revosas_ (mantles,) for the women and children. soon after the landing the brethren strayed around, glad to be on land and looking to see what they could find. 'any fruit?' asked one of a returning comrade. 'yes,' said he, 'grape, lots of 'em.' there was a rush off in that direction and a fruitless search. being sharply questioned, he pulled a handful of grape shot out of his pocket, which he had picked up from the scene of a recent engagement. the same day a gentleman passenger, traveling for pleasure, brought a bouquet of wild flowers to me, saying: 'little lady, i herewith present you the first bouquet ever offered by a white man to a white woman in yerba buena.' yerba buena was the original name of san francisco, and means 'good herb'--from a kind of pennyroyal growing wild there at that time. my mother kept the flowers many years and told me the story over their odorless ashes. my father and mother with many of the saints, (sixteen families) moved from the ship into the 'old adobie,' partitioned off with quilts. soon after he rented a house, but the largest room was required of him as a hospital for the wounded soldiers; the next largest for a printing office. the press was an old spanish press, and there being no w in that alphabet, they used to turn the m upside down. my mother used to help decipher the dispatches, many of them being written on the battlefield with a burnt stick or coal. "her first christmas dinner in san francisco consisted of a quart of beans and a pound of salt pork, which the hospital steward brought to her; he told her he would be flogged if it became known. in after days he became her steward. one day dr. poet, surgeon of the navy, brought my mother a slice of ham, a drawing of tea and a lump of butter about the size of a walnut. dr. poet had told my father where he could purchase half a barrel of flour. after baking some flour and water cakes between two tin plates in the ashes, my mother brought her dear friend, mrs. robbins, (now in this city,) to share the repast. said mrs. robbins: 'mrs. joyce, isn't this like boston?' this was just after living for six months on mouldy shipbread. i have heard her say that often she was so hungry she would willingly have walked ten miles to obtain a slice of bread. soon after this my mother helped to take care of the 'donner party,' who were found partly frozen and so famished that they were eating their dead companions. the girl she tended, told her that they grew to like it, and she had helped eat her brother. the true stories they told are too dreadful to repeat, particularly as some of them are still living. the mormon battallion came; peace was declared, the gold mines were discovered, and the circumstances of the saints were changed from isolation and famine to wealth and grandeur. my father became very wealthy, but prosperity caused his apostacy. my grandfather, and uncle, john perkins, both sea captains, came to see my mother. i well remember sitting on grandpa's knee and learning my alphabet from the large family bible spread before him, he being my teacher. i often recall also the long evenings when uncle john held me on his knee and sang the strange, pathetic, old-fashioned sea songs of which he knew so many and sang them so sweetly; i used to nestle closer to him, half frightened, and at last fall asleep. i remember one was, ''twas down in the lowlands a poor boy did wander,' and i have never heard it since. "in boston my mother was called 'the mormon nightingale.' strangers indifferent to the gospel would say, 'let us go to boylston hall and hear the singing.' a gentleman of fortune offered to take her to italy and educate her in singing, at the same time that adelaide philips (his protege) went, but her destiny was upon another stage, to sing the hymns of the newly-restored gospel; and many have thought that she sang them as one inspired. her rendering of wm. clayton's hymn, 'the resurrection day,' will be remembered by all who ever heard it. she purchased the first melodeon brought to san francisco, (by a mr. washington holbrook,) thereby causing a sensation among the wives of the ministers of five denominations, who each wanted it for their church. she went, during the ravages of the cholera, in san francisco, and gathered together sixty orphan children, providing for them until a building spot, material and means were collected by subscription; and was one of the board of managers of the protestant orphan asylum thus originated and founded. i remember going with her and hearing the children sing, 'the watcher,' a song of poverty and death. at the expiration of one year some of the ladies objected to having a mormon officer among them, 'not considering mormonism a religion at all,' although quite willing to accept the continuance of her contributions. she however found a larger and more congenial field of labor; brethren going on their missions, their families left behind in utah, received her prompt remembrance. also seeds, trees, &c., she sent to utah spring and fall, through more than twenty years. my only sister was born in san francisco, august, , and died in st. george, mrs. helen f. judd, one of the truest saints i ever knew. in san francisco parley p. pratt was a guest at my mother's house. she had loaned the book of mormon to a gentleman belonging to the custom house; colonel alden a. m. jackson. he had been in the mexican war, at the battle of buena vista, and was with general scott and zachary taylor through that campaign. he had two horses killed under him and received injuries that lasted throughout his life. when he returned the book he said he had read it day and night until finished, and wished to know where he could find a minister of the mormon church. she invited him to come that evening and meet the apostle, author and poet, parley p. pratt. the gentlemen became so interested in their theme that my mother left the room without disturbing them, and giving a servant instructions to attend to mr. pratt's room, etc., retired. descending the stairs next morning she heard brother pratt conversing, the lamp still burning. 'good morning, gentlemen,' said she; brother pratt looked up--'is it morning?' colonel jackson walked to the window--'yes,' said he, 'another day has dawned, and another day has dawned for me--a beautiful one.' brother pratt looked out upon the garden and said significantly, 'it only needs water to complete the picture.' colonel jackson replied, 'i understand you, i am ready.' turning to my mother brother pratt asked, 'sister joyce, have you renewed your covenants? a number are going to the north beach to-morrow, will you go?' and she answered thoughtfully, 'ten years ago last night i was baptized in the atlantic at midnight; to-morrow i will be baptized in the pacific.' "my own parents had been separated since my father's apostacy. a few months after her baptism she moved to san bernardino and there began building a beautiful home. colonel jackson, on his way to utah was delayed, waiting for a train to cross the deserts, and my mother being his only acquaintance, he often sought her society, and at last determined to win her if possible, and some three years after their first acquaintance they were married. never was a kinder father than he. years added to years drew us all nearer to each other. "in , at the time of the utah war, an armed mob of twenty-two men visited the four remaining mormon families in san bernardino, and calling father out from breakfast, ordered him to leave town with his family by nine o'clock. he replied he would not do it, prefacing and concluding the reply in language more forcible than elegant. they planted an old cannon on the public square, fired it off, rode around and threatened a great deal. father's law office fronted the square; he went as usual to it, and in the afternoon they made a bonfire outside and coming in to him told him they intended to burn him alive. he continued writing, only telling them if they disturbed his papers he would send daylight through them. they left. when we were all ready to start for utah, enemies obtained a writ from the court prohibiting my sister and i from leaving the state before we were of age. we were among enemies and powerless. my mother said, 'if we can't go, our property shall,' and with father's consent divided goods, provisions, arms and ammunition with the poor who could go. in , my mother, sister and i came to utah on a visit, returned here in . in i was appointed secretary of the relief society in st. george. in our parents brought us 'to the city' to receive our endowments, for which our joy and gratitude was beyond expression. i remained here, they returned to st. george where my sister married. in i became the second wife of george w. crocheron. i believed i should better please my heavenly father by so doing than by marrying otherwise. any woman, no matter how selfish, can be a first and only wife, but it takes a great deal more christian philosophy and fortitude and self-discipline to be a wife in this order of marriage; and i believe those who choose the latter when both are equally possible, and do right therein, casting out all selfishness, judging self and not another, have attained a height, a mental power, a spiritual plane above those who have not. to do this is to overcome that which has its roots in selfishness, and it can be done if each will do what is right. in november, , i was appointed secretary of the young ladies mutual improvement association of the ninth ward, which position i filled till home duties compelled my resignation. at times during thirteen years i have reported, in the sisters' meetings, chiefly those of the fourteenth ward. in our father died, and in five weeks after our mother followed him. their graves are side by side in the valley of st. george, as beautiful as we could make them. "in i was appointed, and later, set apart and blessed to labor as secretary of the young ladies mutual improvement association for the salt lake stake of zion, which position i strive to honorably fill. in , by the advice and aid of my friends i published a volume of poems, 'wild flowers of deseret,' which was kindly received, the entire edition being sold within two years. the design of the picture representative women of deseret, appeared to me one night as i rose from family prayers. i had not thought of it before. this book of biographical sketches to accompany it was an after thought. many suppose that mormon women are not encouraged in their abilities, are perhaps repressed. this has not been so in my case, or in my observations of others. both encouragement and help have been given me by friends, by those in authority, and my husband has also encouraged and assisted me in every way in his power. "i am the mother of three boys and two girls, born in the new and everlasting covenant, and consecrated to my creator before i ever held them in my arms or pressed a mother's kiss upon their little faces. myself and all that are mine to give are dedicated to the service of god, praying that he will help us to be worthy of his acceptance." helen mar whitney. helen mar whitney was the third child of heber chase kimball and his wife, vilate murray, and was born in mendon, munro county, new york, august , . their ancestors were among the pilgrims and her kindred prided themselves that they were descended from a noble stock. though they cared little for nobility and rank, they were proud to know that their grandsires who would not submit to tyranny and oppression, helped to gain them independence, and that their descendants were noble, hard working, self-sacrificing and conscientious people, who believed in rising by their own merits. many of her ancestors died fighting for the liberty which is denied to some of their children, by men who have usurped authority and become oppressors. she was five years old when her parents removed to kirtland, ohio. in the winter of , she was baptized by brigham young, her father cutting the ice for that purpose. she inherited a reverence for the supreme being and always received the best teachings from her parents. her father's time was mostly spent in the ministry. on his return from a european mission, he heard joseph teach the principle of celestial marriage, and was commanded by joseph to take a certain lady for his second wife. he felt as though he could not obey this and live in it, and must be released from the command, and he expressed the same to joseph, who went and inquired of the lord, and receiving an answer, commanded him the third time before he obeyed. her mother bore testimony that she also went to the lord and plead with him to show her the cause of her husband's trouble, which his haggard face and wretched days and nights betrayed and he dared not tell her. he told her to go to the lord and she did so, and he answered their prayers. she saw a vision and the principle was revealed to her in all its glory. she saw the woman that he had taken, and she went to him and told him what the lord had shown her. she said she never saw him so happy, and he cried for joy. she took the second wife to her bosom, and from that time an unkind word never passed between them. helen knew nothing of the order till june, , when her father revealed it to her. she says of this: "had i not known he loved me too tenderly to introduce anything that was not strictly pure and exalting in its tendencies, i could not have believed such a doctrine. i could have sooner believed that he would slay me, than teach me an impure principle. i heard the prophet teach it more fully, and in the presence of my father and mother. "on the rd of february, , i was married to h. k. whitney, eldest son of n. k. whitney, by brigham young. we were the last couple sealed in the temple at nauvoo. we were among the exiles who crossed the river on the th of the same month, intending to go over to the rocky mountains that year. but when the government demanded the strength of our companies to fight for them, we had to seek a place to quarter for the winter. i was sick most of the time while there. some of the journey we had to walk, and our food being poor and scant, the infant and the aged, all classes, were swept off by death--the latter by scurvy and sheer exhaustion. the next year my husband was one of those chosen to go as a pioneer, and he had to go though the day of trial was upon me. "our first born, a lovely girl baby, was buried there--we could not both live; but during those dark hours i had friends and the lord was there. we had but few men, mostly aged and disabled, but to see the union of the sisters; the fasting and prayers for the preservation of our battallion and the pioneers; and for the destroyer to be stayed; the great and marvelous manifestations, even the power of the resurrection, experienced there--proved that they were encircled by a mighty power, and that 'the prayers of the righteous availeth much.' i will mention one circumstance to show the heavenly spirit that dwelt with us there, and also the power of the destroyer, which none who witnessed could misunderstand. "we were struggling with the evil one who had laid his grasp upon the babes--one was my mother's, the other, sarah ann's, (one of my father's wives). we all felt that we must part with one, as one would no sooner get relief than the other would be worse, and after a time mother asked the lord, if agreeable to his will, to take hers and spare the other, as she had other children, and sarah ann had but this one. but he chose to take the latter. should not this teach us a lesson? and where could such love be found, only in the hearts of _saints?_ "many weeks i remained feeble, but i had received the promise that i should be healed, and one morning sister perris young, on whom the spirit had rested all night, to come and administer to me; came and under her administration, with my mother, i was made whole. "those were trying days, when one meal was eaten we knew not where we were to get the next, but we neither wanted for food nor raiment. we had not heard from the pioneers since they left till they were returning, and the news was that they were short of teams and without breadstuff, and a long way from home. our feelings can better be imagined than described, for we had little enough ourselves, but we lifted our hearts to god, and i can call it nothing less than miraculous, a supply was soon furnished and men and teams started to meet them. the next spring all were preparing to move, and as i was helping to put on my wagon cover i came near fainting and was prostrated on my bed from that time. i had a baby boy born on the th of august, but he was buried on the nd, my twentieth birthday. this was the worst part of our journey, the roads being rough and rocky. i mourned incessantly, and that with my intense bodily sufferings soon brought me to death's door, but it was shorn of its sting. i was cold, but oh, how peaceful, as i lay there painless and my breath passing so gently away; i felt as though i was wafting on the air and happy in the thought of meeting so soon with my babes where no more pain or sorrow could come. i had talked with my husband and father who were weeping as i took a parting kiss from all but my poor mother, who was the last one called and had sunk upon her knees before me. this distressed me, but i bade her not mourn for she would not be long behind me. my words struck father like a sudden thunderbolt, and he spoke with a mighty voice and said--'vilate, helen _is not dying!_" but my breath which by this time had nearly gone, stopped that very instant, and i felt his faith and knew that he was holding me; and i begged him to let me go as i thought it very cruel to keep me, and believed it impossible for me to live and ever recover. the destroyer was then stirred up in anger at being cheated out of his victim and he seemed determined to wreak his vengeance upon us all. no one but god and the angels to whom i owe my life and all i have, could know the tenth part of what i suffered. i never told anybody and i never could. a keener taste of misery and woe, no mortal, i think, could endure. for three months i lay a portion of the time like one dead, they told me; but that did not last long. i was alive to my spiritual condition and dead to the world. i tasted of the punishment which is prepared for those who reject any of the principles of this gospel. then i learned that plural marriage was a celestial principle, and saw the difference between the power of god's priesthood and that of satan's and the necessity of obedience to those who hold the priesthood, and the danger of rebelling against or speaking lightly of the lord's annointed. "i had, in hours of temptation, when seeing the trials of my mother, felt to rebel. i hated polygamy in my heart, i had loved my baby more than my god, and mourned for it unreasonably. all my sins and shortcomings were magnified before my eyes till i believed i had sinned beyond redemption. some may call it the fruits of a diseased brain. there is nothing without a cause, be that as it may, it was a keen reality to me. during that season i lost my speech, forgot the names of everybody and everything, and was living in another sphere, learning lessons that would serve me in future times to keep me in the narrow way. i was left a poor wreck of what i had been, but the devil with all his cunning, little thought that he was fitting and preparing my heart to fulfill its destiny. my father said that satan desired to clip my glory and was quite willing i should die happy; but when he was thwarted he tried in every possible way to destroy my tabernacle. president young said that the mountains through which we passed were filled with the spirits of the gadianton robbers spoken of in the book of mormon. the lord gave father faith enough to hold me until i was capable of exercising it for myself. i was so weak that i was often discouraged in trying to pray, as the evil spirits caused me to feel that it was no use: but the night after the first christmas in this valley, i had my last struggle and resolved that they should buffet me no longer. i fasted for one week, and every day i gained till i had won the victory and i was just as sensible of the presence of holy spirits around my bedside as i had been of the evil ones. it would take up too much room to relate my experience with the spirits, but new year's eve, after spending one of the happiest days of my life i was moved upon to talk to my mother. i knew her heart was weighed down in sorrow and i was full of the holy ghost. i talked as i never did before, i was too weak to talk with such a voice (of my own strength), beside, i never before spoke with such eloquence, and she knew that it was not myself. she was so affected that she sobbed till i ceased. i assured her that father loved her, but he had a work to do, she must rise above her feelings and seek for the holy comforter, and though it rent her heart she must uphold him, for he in taking other wives had done it only in obedience to a holy principle. much more i said, and when i ceased, she wiped her eyes and told me to rest. i had not felt tired till she said this, but commenced then to feel myself sinking away. i silently prayed to be renewed, when my strength returned that instant. "new year's day father had set apart to fast and pray, and they prepared a feast at evening. i had prayed that i might gain a sure testimony that day that i was acceptable to god, and my father, when he arose to speak, was so filled with his power, that he looked almost transfigured! he turned to me and spoke of my sufferings and the blessings i should receive because of the same. he prophesied of the great work that i should do, that i should live long and raise honorable sons and daughters that would rise up and call me blessed, and should be a comfort to my mother in her declining years, and many more things which i have fulfilled. many who knew me then have looked at me and seen me working with my children around me, with perfect amazement and as one who had been dead and resurrected. "i lost three babes before i kept any, (two boys and girl). my first to live was vilate, she grew to womanhood and was taken. orson f. was my next, who has been appointed bishop of the eighteenth ward. i had four more daughters, then a son, my last a little girl who died at five years of age; being eleven in all. my parents have left me and my heart has been wrung to the utmost, yet i have said--_thy will o god, be done_. persons have sometimes wondered at my calmness and endurance, but i think they would not had they passed through the same experience. "i have encouraged and sustained my husband in the celestial order of marriage because i knew it was right. at various times i have been healed by the washing and annointing, administered by the mothers in israel. i am still spared to testify to the truth and godliness of this work; and though my happiness once consisted in laboring for those i love, the lord has seen fit to deprive me of bodily strength, and taught me to 'cast my bread upon the waters' and after many days my longing spirit was cheered with the knowledge that he had a work for me to do, and with him, i know that all things are possible. "almost my first literary effort was inspired by the reading of the various opinions of men published in our dailies, upon woman's disabilities, etc.; and my continuing is due to the advice and urgent wishes of many of my sisters. "on march , , i was chosen by sister m. i. horne and nominated to act as her counselor in the relief society of this stake of zion in place of sister s. m. heywood (deceased) and god grant that i may come up to her standard and be able to labor faithfully with my sisters yet many years, in relieving and comforting the tried and afflicted, and enlightening the minds of those who are in darkness concerning the things of god and his people." it is but appropriate and just to add to the brief sketch of helen mar whitney's life, a brief record of her son, the eldest of her living children. orson f. whitney was born in salt lake city, july , . was called on his first mission during the october conference of . left home for pennsylvania november th following. remained in pennsylvania about five months, laboring with elder a. m. musser, and visited washington just prior to the inauguration of president hayes. early in the spring of went alone down to ohio, where he remained about one year, preaching and baptizing, and visiting relatives in and around kirtland, (his father's birthplace). was released from his mission in the spring of , and returned home early in april. was appointed a home missionary immediately on his return, and also obtained a situation in the _deseret news_ office. july th, was ordained a high priest, (previously was a seventy) and set apart to preside as bishop of the eighteenth ward, being the youngest bishop in the salt lake stake of zion, succeeding bishop l. d. young, resigned. august th of same year succeeded elder john nicholson as city editor of the _deseret news_, he having been called to europe on a mission. before this he had labored as a collector and under-clerk in the business office of that establishment. during his sojourn in the states he had corresponded with the _salt lake herald_, the _woman's exponent_ and the _news_, to the latter by the direct invitation of president brigham young, who had noticed his writings to the other papers and urged him to cultivate his literary ability. previously he had scarcely dared to hope he possessed any. he says of this; "i owe much to the kind encouragement of president young for what little i have yet achieved in that direction." december , , was married to zina b. smoot, daughter of president a. o. and mrs. emily smoot. in february, , was elected to the city council and held the office of a councilor until called on his second mission, whither he went before his office term had expired. in july, , was appointed by a committee having in charge the arrangement of a programme to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of the church (year of jubilee,) to write a poem for the occasion. the poem--"jubilee of zion," was read in the tabernacle by colonel david mckenzie, on the th of july, the jubilee celebration and the regular pioneer day celebration being blended. prior to this he had published a pamphlet containing two poems, "land of shinehah" and the "women of the everlasting covenant," and had contributed various efforts in verse to our local papers, besides other articles in prose to the _contributor_ and _herald_, at the same time laboring regularly upon the _news_ as local editor. april, (antedating the above), the home dramatic club was organized with o. f. whitney as president. october, , the first child of bishop whitney, a son, was born. june , , at a meeting of the general committee on celebration of the th of july, bishop whitney was chosen orator of the day, and prepared the oration, the assassination of president garfield on the nd of july put a stop to the celebration, and consequently to the carrying out of the programme. october conference, , was called on a mission to england and left october th; sailed from new york november st, and landed on the th. appointed to the london conference, labored there four months; then called to liverpool to succeed elder c. w. stayner in the editorial department of the _millennial star_. labored there nearly a year, then was released to travel in the ministry. released to return home with the june company, . visited scotland and france and sailed for home june th. landed in new york sunday, july st, the very day and date of his birth, twenty-eight years before. reached home july , , and has resumed his position as city editor of the _deseret evening news_. letters of heber c. kimball. for the consideration of those unacquainted with him, who through misreport have been led to regard heber c. kimball as a man of stern rule and cold nature, i append two letters written by him to his beloved first wife, vilate, (a name that is revered in our people's remembrance) showing in true light his own feelings upon the principle of plural marriage and vindicating and honoring him by this testimony from his own secret heart and lips, better than the words of another, no matter how faithful or true or ardent that friend might be. thus will be shown to the world three generations of a family who are representatives of our people and faith; heber, one whom god chose as one of the first to aid in founding and upbuilding his church and kingdom in the last dispensation; helen, his cherished and heroic daughter, and orson, her son, worthy representative of his mother and grandfather. the inspiration in heber's life has not died out in theirs, the work has not slackened, the line of march is still onward and upward. the first copy bears date of "october , . "_my dear vilate:_ "i am at brother evan green's. we have held all our conferences, have had two meetings to-day, it being the sabbath. some have been added to the church and prejudice is considerably laid. monday we shall go to jacksonville, then on to springfield. i shall be home in two or three weeks if the lord wills it so. since i left you it has been a time of much reflection. i felt as though i was a poor weak creature in and of myself, and only on god can i rely for support. i have been looking back over my past life before i heard the gospel. it makes me shrink into nothing and to wish i had always been a righteous man from my youth, but we have an advocate with the father, and i can look back since i came into the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints, with a degree of pleasure, but i can see if i had more knowledge i could have done better in many points. * * i feel as though i had rather die to-day than be left to transgress one of his laws, or to bring disgrace upon the cause which i have embraced, or a stain upon my character; and my prayer is day by day that god would take me to himself rather than i should be left to sin against him, or betray my dear brethren who have been true to me and to god the eternal father, and i feel to pray to thee, o lord, to help thy poor servant to be true to thee all the days of my life, that i may never be left to sin against thee or against thy annointed, or any that love thee, that i may have wisdom and knowledge how to gain thy favor at all times, for this is my desire, and that these blessings may rest upon my dear companion, and when we have done thy work on this thy footstool, that thou wouldst receive us into that kingdom where abraham, isaac and jacob and all the holy prophets have gone, that we may never be separated any more, and before i should be left to betray my brethren in any case, let thy servant come unto thee in thy kingdom and there have the love of my youth, and the little ones thou has given me. * * now, my dear vilate, stand by me even unto death, and when you pray, pray that i may hold out to the end. * * my heart aches for you and sometimes i can hardly speak without weeping, and that before my brethren: for i have a broken heart and my head is a fountain of tears. my life in this world is short at the longest, and i do not desire to live one day only to do good and to make you happy and bring up our little children in the ways of the lord, and my prayer is that they may be righteous from the least to the greatest. * * the world has lost its charms for me, and i want to seek for that rest which remains for the people of god. i never had a greater desire to be a man of god than at the present, that i may know my acceptance with him." "springfield, october th. "_my dear companion:_ "i have just returned from the office where i found a letter from you, and i need not tell you that it was a sweet morsel to me. i could weep like a child if i could get away by myself, to think that i for one moment have been the means of causing you any sorrow; i know that you must have many bad feelings and i feel to pray for you all the time, i assure you that you have not been out of my mind many minutes at a time since i left you. my feelings are of that kind that it makes me sick at heart, so that i have no appetite to eat. my temptations are so severe it seems sometimes as though i should have to lay down and die, i feel as if i should sink beneath it. i go into the woods every chance i have, and pour out my soul before god that he would deliver me and bless you, my dear wife, and the first i would know i would be in tears, weeping like a child about you and the situation i am in; but what can i do but go ahead? my dear vilate, do not let it cast you down, for the lord is on our side; this i know from what i see and realize and i marvel at it many times. you are tried and tempted and i am sorry for you, for i know how to pity you. i can say that i never suffered more in all my life than since these things came to pass; and as i have said so say i again, i have felt as if i should sink and die. oh my god! i ask thee in the name of jesus to bless my dear vilate and comfort her heart and deliver her from temptation and sorrow, and open her eyes and let her see things as they are, for father thou knowest our sorrow; be pleased to look upon thy poor servant and handmaid, and grant us the privilege of living the same length of time that one may not go before the other, for thou knowest that we desire this with all our hearts. * * * and then, father, when we have done with our career in this probation, in the one to come may we still be joined in one to remain so to all eternities, and whatever we have done to grieve thee be pleased to blot it out, and let us be clean and pure before thee at all times, that we may never be left to sin or betray anyone that believes on thy name; save us from all this and let our seeds be righteous; incline their hearts to be pure and virtuous, and may this extend from generation to generation, let us have favor in thy sight and before thine angels that we may be watched over by them and have strength and grace to support us in the day of our temptation that we may not be overcome and fall. now my father, these are the desires of our hearts, and wilt thou grant them to us for jesus' sake and to thy name will we give all the glory forever and ever." zina y. williams. daughter of brigham young. it would be strange indeed, if after the life and labors of brigham young, a work of this character should appear, lacking the name and record of his descendants. the sons of noble men have greater opportunities of adding lustre to their father's name by reason of the advantages which sons possess over daughters; yet among our people, women have their acknowledged province in which they may distinguish themselves, in which their position is not borrowed from the other sex, or an infringement upon them; and yet may adorn the memory of even brigham young. such a daughter is zina y. williams, the original of this sketch. born in plural or celestial marriage, and with an understanding of this condition, as much as any young girl can possess, a wife in the same order of marriage. some have said, "let us see the workings of this system, let us see how the next generation will receive it." the time has come when they can see, and learn that those who understand it best fear it least. the words of the daughter herself, it seems to me, should go farther in effect than mine could for her. here is a true picture in the home life of the earliest advocates of that ancient principle, restored through joseph smith, the prophet. i have known mrs. williams beneath her father's roof and in her own married home, intimately, for eighteen years, and knew the union and love of the band of sisters. "i was born april rd, , in salt lake city. my mother, zina h. young, was made glad by my presence, her only daughter. my father, president brigham young, made me welcome; though he was the father of many others he was as much pleased as many men are over their only girl. my childhood was clouded with sickness, and one of my earliest recollections is of my loving mother holding me in her arms, singing a sweet song; with the moonlight streaming over me and gazing out upon the full moon i sank to sleep, soothed from suffering by her magic care. i was the pet of my two brothers and of all my mother's friends. i knew nothing of want or care till the year of famine, ( ) which gave me a faint idea of what want was. (all through the territory families were on short rations.) "my father's family lived in a world of their own, there being ten girls with not more than four years' difference in their ages. our father affectionately called us his 'big ten,' and nowhere on the earth could be found a happier, merrier set of children. we attended school and were instructed in music and dancing on our own premises. our mothers taught us to respect each other's rights, as they always set the example by treating one another according to the golden rule. a person entering the room where we were assembled would be at a loss to tell which were the own children of the sisters present. we carried out the proverb--'love thy neighbor as thyself,' literally. when the memorable exodus of took place, my mother was the first woman who left salt lake city. in company with another of my father's wives, lucy b., (as she is called,) we started south. this was my first trip from home, it seemed like a pleasure trip to me and it was a matter of surprise that my dear mother and auntie were not as much delighted with the change as we children were; but the subsequent discomforts we were subjected to, and our lonely hours spent away from our dearly loved sisters caused many a heart pang and we began to realize something of the sacrifices made by our people when our enemies came and invaded our homes. my mother was the last of father's family to leave provo, after the return of the people to their former homes. on our arrival, after a year's absence, father asked mother to take charge of four of his little ones whose mother was dead. she consented, and this event entirely changed my after life; from being the pet and only child i now had to share with these motherless children. it was a trial in many ways, but my precious mother taught me to be unselfish and thank god for all his blessings and not complain, and i am thankful to say, following her advice without once alluding to the fact that my mother was not their own. thus it proved to be the best lesson of my life, and a great blessing. "my life flowed on in peaceful current, going to school, but going upon the stage when quite young greatly impaired my health. i married when eighteen. my husband, thomas williams, had been in my father's employ in his office, for several years; then in the theatre, where i saw him frequently, but, as he was much older than i, it never occurred to me to fall in love with him. 'none knew him but to love him,' the bard wrote, which is true of my husband. i was his second wife, and here let me testify that in entering into the order of plural marriage, both my husband and myself did so from the purest and holiest motives. for six years i was his loving wife, bearing two sons, sterling and thomas edgar. in july, , my dear husband was called home. none but those who are called upon to pass through similar circumstances can know the sorrow and anguish it is to part from a loving, noble husband and father. "my time now was given principally to my church duties and to the support of my dear children. in all my trials my dear mother was my comfort and support. by the advice of my father, i went to sevier county and took up a quarter section of land. i went to st. george at the completion of the temple, and met many dear friends and relatives; my father was there, and those who were present, will, i believe, never forget the heavenly intercourse enjoyed by the saints while thus convened. shortly after our return to the city, our honored father was stricken down with his last sickness. never was there a more solemn scene than that witnessed at his death, his family were there, also the head men of the church. physicians with their futile skill were standing round, the faith and anxiety of the whole church were centered around that dying form and departing soul of god's prophet at that trying hour. his body unconscious now to pain, was there before us, but his noble spirit already saw behind the veil which screens from us the immortal spheres. 'joseph! joseph!' were his last words, and when he breathed his last his face became radiant as if molten sunbeams had been poured into his veins, giving him an unearthly and celestial appearance never to be forgotten by those who surrounded his dying couch. after a settlement of our father's estate i removed to provo in order to give my dear children and myself the advantages of attending the brigham young academy. in january of this same year, president taylor sent me, in company with sister emmeline b. wells, to visit the woman's suffrage convention held in washington. after my return i began teaching in the brigham young academy, taking charge of the young ladies and organizing a work class; also the primary department in which position i have been actively engaged ever since. the brigham young academy was endowed by inspiration by him whose name it bears. professor karl g. maeser was called to act as principal at the commencement, and when he asked for instruction from its noble founder, he received only this: 'ask god to guide you in all things and carry it on under his directions; this is all i have to say.' "from that time professor maeser has faithfully lived to fulfill the wishes of its founder. how he has succeeded is demonstrated every year by the hundreds of young men and women who there receive for the first time a knowledge and testimony of this gospel. too much praise cannot be bestowed upon the honorable board: president a. o. smoot, harvey cluff, wilson h. dusenberry, bishop myron tanner, bishop harrington, bishop bringhurst and sister coray for their energy and labor to make this school all that brigham young intended it should be. "in the deeds bestowing a grant upon this institution it is plainly stated that the young men be taught mechanism, and the young ladies domestic duties. in accordance with this a young ladies' department has been organized and we have endeavored to carry out this peculiar feature desired by president young, my beloved father. "i have occupied the position of advisor and director to the young ladies for the past four years. i have now the advantage of a fine large room built expressly for this branch of education. was called to preside over the primary associations of provo, am a counselor to the president of the young ladies' mutual improvement association also; and an officer in the provo silk association." while living in salt lake city, mrs. zina y. williams was one of the committee superintending the decoration of the great tabernacle. large classes were taught artificial flower making, and thousands of yards of festoons and hanging baskets, interspersed with appropriate mottoes and flags made the vast ceiling a bower of beauty for many months. she has taught decorative work of different kinds in several towns of our territory, possessing a special gift in this direction. an energetic spiritual laborer, a loving daughter and faithful wife and mother, she has also a wide circle of sincere friends. she was the first of president young's daughters to manifest prominently in the face of opposition, her willingness to unite with the associations organized for the repression of extravagance in dress, table expenditure and frivolity, and for the cultivation of spiritual knowledge, and mutual improvement. these meetings were regarded with aversion and even ridicule, by many, as tending to bring women into too great publicity. this proved to be an incorrect idea. sister williams was one of the earliest spiritual laborers and has never faltered or deviated from her line of duty. president young has other daughters also, who have later become officers and actively interested in the women's organizations among this people; and they will without doubt, develop many of those abilities, which, combined and made subservient to the will of god made the name of brigham young immortal in history. louise m. wells. secretary of central organization of the young ladies' mutual improvement associations. the fact that most of the ladies of this work are of mature, and some even advanced years, suggests the thought--what of the "rising generation" of this people? how have the practical workings of this system which the world can judge of only from report and occasional glimpses into its operations, but which with the youth of the people is a literal and sole experience--affected their ideas and purposes? time, steadfast determination and spiritual progress have adjusted all mingled and varied elements of individualities and nationalities in those who received the gospel in scattered homes in different parts of the earth, have overcome those obstacles (which were such through inexperience in newly restored truths and laws,) and brought all to the proper level of their individual sphere of action and usefulness. what a piece of master-work has this been! order out of confusion, brotherhood created between stranger races. it has been often said, "that when the old stock dies out," the world can better judge the worth of our doctrines; if they survive and grow in the hearts of the succeeding generation their parents did not plant the spiritual tree in lack of wisdom, and it will after this test of years prove worthy of the serious consideration of those who now deem it beneath their thoughtful attention. more than fifty years have passed since the glorious message was first proclaimed to the world; many of those true, noble saints who toiled as builders of their master's kingdom have finished their work, and with years filled with honors have passed on to their rest and reward. a few years more, and the witnesses who lived in the days of joseph and hyrum will be gone, we shall be left to ourselves, their record and our god. who will replace them? are their posterity following in their footsteps? yes, beneath the seeming swift current of youthtime's careless indifference runs an undercurrent of earnestness, integrity and--yes--royalty of soul. there can be found many of our young people who bear the impress of their destiny in their daily lives, their numbers are increasing, their works assuming prominence and recognition. in connection with the young people's organizations it is due to miss louise m. wells, that a brief record of her history and position form part of this work. this young lady was born in salt lake city, august , . on both her father and mother's side she is descended from families of the old puritan stock. general wells' record in church history is one that earth's greatest men might be proud to possess, and he has received such a tribute of respect and love from our people as has rarely been recorded. her mother is the editor of the _woman's exponent_, but has during her lifetime written constantly, amounting indeed to many volumes were her writings published; and is exceptionally gifted as a poetic writer. with such parents it may be reasonably expected that with her inherent endowments trained in the influence of the gospel, with a fine spiritual nature, conscientious principles, an amiable disposition and quiet, gentle manner, miss wells will do credit to her parents and her people. of louie, as she is familiarly called, it is said that when she was very young she gave evidence of musical talent by rendering in an original style, plaintive melodies admirably suited to her voice, and rich in that pathos that always touches the heart. with many, singing is an acquired accomplishment, with her it is as natural as to the nightingale. also in her childhood she unconsciously disclosed artistic taste by gathering the autumn tinted leaves and grasses from the garden, which she arranged in quaint and pretty devices for home adornments. this talent was later cultivated under competent teachers, when she soon became qualified to give lessons privately and in classes, in drawing and painting. already artists of distinction have pronounced her oil paintings of sufficient merit to entitle her to enter the academy of design in new york, and she has been advised to adopt art as a life vocation. on the occasion of the church jubilee, on pioneer day, , miss wells was selected by the committee to represent art. in , in company with some of her relatives, she visited california, and there for the first time saw the ocean, one of nature's grandest pictures. during this visit she went through the art galleries of san francisco. in , she with her sister, mrs. sears, made a trip to the eastern states, and visited the art galleries and museums of st. louis, chicago, cleveland, new york, boston, philadelphia and washington. also had the opportunity of attending the world's exposition at boston. while visiting in the east she attended a reunion of the dickinson's held at amherst, massachusetts, as a representative of the name, from whom her father descended through his grandmother, experience dickinson. arriving at college hall, where the reunion was celebrated, she met many hundreds of her kindred. of this family i quote: "it is now almost two hundred and fifty years since nathaniel dickinson landed at boston, and prior to found a home at wethersfield, forty or fifty miles below amherst. in he planted the permanent seat of our family, and deeply rooted the name of dickinson, and here nine succeeding generations have risen to call him blessed. nathaniel dickinson died at hadley, june , . no pencil or artist has preserved to us the semblance of his features, no gravestone marks his resting-place. we only know that he sleeps in the only burying-ground at hadley." at this reunion, which was quite an elaborate affair, a congratulatory letter was read from her father, general d. h. wells, which elicited considerable applause, and the president, who had seen the general when visiting salt lake city, spoke of him in the highest terms. miss wells was very cordially received by the hundreds of dickinson's and succeeded in getting the names of many of the relatives of the family who are now sleeping in the old graveyard at hadley, and from a "roll of honor" which hung upon the wall in the hall where the meeting was held, on which were inscribed the names of those who had made themselves distinguished. it was singular that this great meeting of the dickinson's should have convened at the time when miss louie was visiting her mother's relatives only a few miles from amherst, giving her an opportunity of meeting her father's kindred. louie visited nauvoo, also kirtland, where she went through the temple. she has also proved herself to be a most charming press correspondent, by contributions to the _exponent_ that touched the heart of every saint; letters that were as beautiful, fresh and sweet as spring-time. she has been connected with the _exponent_ for some time; is a writer for the _contributor_, has been a member of the tabernacle choir for several years, and taught a department of miss cook's school in and . in june, , miss wells was appointed secretary to the central organization of the young ladies' mutual improvement associations, mrs. elmina s. taylor, president, a position of honor and importance, and which she fulfils with dignity and ability. as a latter-day saint, the young lady is worthy of her position and the love and confidence of her friends; and we look forward to her future with happy anticipations of beautiful works from her spirit and hand. as in this work are represented the venerable silver-haired matrons, and the younger wife and mother, it seems beautifully appropriate that miss louie, in her youth and purity, should represent the daughters of israel, looking towards the future with eyes of faith and confidence. explanatory of the picture representative women of deseret. the first portrait in the first group of the picture, is that of eliza r. snow smith, president of the latter-day saints' women's organizations. the second, on the left-hand side of the same group, zina d. h. young, first counselor. third, on the right-hand side, mary isabella horne, treasurer. fourth, sarah m. kimball, secretary. the above are the presiding board over all the latter-day saints women's organizations. at the head of the "association group" is, first, elmina s. taylor, president of the young ladies' mutual improvement associations. second, mary a. freeze, president of the young ladies mutual improvement association of the salt lake stake of zion. third, left-hand side, is louie felt, president of the primary associations. fourth, ellen c. clawson, president of the primary associations of the salt lake stake of zion. at the head of the picture, left-hand corner, phoebe w. woodruff, wife of president wilford woodruff. at the right-hand corner, bathsheba w. smith, wife of president george a. smith. at the left-hand corner, prescendia l. kimball, a veteran saint and pioneer. at the right-hand lower corner, elizabeth howard, secretary of the relief society of the salt lake stake of zion. at the head of the fourth group is, emmeline b. wells, editor of _woman's exponent_. at the right-hand, same group, is romania b. pratt, m. d. turning now to the four ladies on the left-hand side of the picture, the first is emily hill woodmansee, poet. second, right-hand side, hannah t. king, poet and prose author. third, on the left, augusta joyce crocheron, author, and secretary of the young ladies' mutual improvement association of the salt lake stake of zion. fourth, helen mar whitney, daughter of heber c. kimball, and writer of church history and biographies; also first counselor of the relief society of the salt lake stake of zion. returning to the fourth group: third portrait on the left, zina y. williams, daughter of brigham young, and president of the primary associations of the utah stake of zion. fourth, is louie m. wells, daughter of president d. h. wells; secretary of central organizations of the young ladies' mutual improvement associations. vocalist and artist. finis. transcriber's note various obvious typographical errors have been corrected as seemed reasonable, e.g. "coronatiion" for "coronation" and various similar spelling issues, missing periods, and so forth. (mormontextsproject.org), with thanks to renah holmes for proofreading. anthon l. skanchy a brief autobiographical sketch of the missionary labors of a valiant soldier for christ translated and edited by john a. widtsoe [image captioned "bishop anthon l. skanchy. born, trondhjem, norway, sept. , ; died logan, utah, april , ."] anthon l. skanchy a brief autobiographical sketch of the missionary labors of a valiant soldier for christ translated and edited by john a. widtsoe contents i. early years ii. i accept the gospel iii. i go on my first mission iv. missionary labors in nordland and finmarken v. again before the courts vi. how i spent the winter in nordland vii. the lord sends me money and more friends viii. i am released from my first mission ix. i labor in aalesund x. i preside in christiania xi. the land of zion xii. my third mission xiii. my fourth mission xiv. quiet years of home service xv. my fifth mission xvi. the last word xvii. the sixth mission xviii. the end of the journey introduction the missionary labors of the elders of the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints would form a most interesting chapter in the history of human endeavor. every experience seems to have fallen to the lot of "mormon" missionaries, who have labored under every clime and among all classes and races of people. taken, by a sudden call, from the home, workshop, field, store or office, they have gone out at their own expense, with no special training in speaking or argument, to teach to all the world a system of eternal truth, against which mighty forces have ever been arrayed. the third generation of this volunteer army is now carrying the gospel over the face of the earth, and the vigor of the work is unabated. the plain, unstudied sketch herewith presented of a few of the missionary experiences of an elder who spent a third of his long, mature life in foreign missionary service can be duplicated by hundreds of the missionaries of the church. simple and straightforward these sketches are; yet, between the lines, may be read every human emotion, from the highest exaltation of spirit to the darkest despair. it would be well if many such missionary lives could be published for the encouragement of all who desire to battle fearlessly for righteousness. bishop anthon l. skanchy died on april , , after a lingering illness of several years. in the midst of the pain of this sickness he wrote these sketches, chiefly of his early mission when he had the privilege of opening the gospel door in the beautifully majestic land of the midnight sun, and of bringing hundreds into the church. he wrote in his mother tongue, which he loved so well. the eloquent directness, as well as the severe repression of feeling, characteristic of the northern people, are on every page. a few weeks before his death. bishop skanchy entrusted his manuscript to me, to do with it as i might see fit. he hoped that, somehow, his experiences might strengthen the testimonies of others. the missionary instinct was strong within him. i have rendered it freely into english, and, while in so doing it has lost its peculiarly eloquent flavor, i hope it has not wholly lost its power for good. i should greatly love to fulfil the wish of the noble author of these sketches, who was the instrument in the hands of god of bringing to the family to which i belong, and to me, the priceless gift of an understanding of the gospel. that thousands of such strong men as was anthon l. skanchy could and do find a life's satisfaction in the gospel, in spite of the hardships and contempt they must endure, is a strong testimony of the inherent vitality of the message of the prophet joseph smith. logan, utah anthon l. skanchy a brief autobiographical sketch of the missionary labors of a valiant soldier for christ translated and edited by john a. widtsoe. if any of my friends should interest themselves in reading parts of my life's history, of my missions especially in the northern parts of norway, they may do so in this short report, and they may depend upon it that what is here written is the truth. i. early years. i, anthon l. skanchy was born in trondhjem, norway, september , , the seventh child of elling lornsen skanchy and mina ansjon. my father was a sea-faring man, well known, and much sought after as a pilot in northern norway. he, as many other sea-faring men of that day, became addicted to strong drink, and consequently, though he earned well, there was poverty in the home. my dear mother was compelled to work both day and night to keep the children, who numbered seven in all. from the time i was eight years old, i had to work and earn something for the family. my boyhood was spent by the water, where the great fjord comes in from the ocean. the shore was low and level, and great sand-spits ran out into the water. there the water ebbed and flowed every six and one half hours, through a distance of eight or ten feet. when the water was low, we could go out to the sand-spits into the fjord, and there i used to fish with one hundred hooks on my line, baited with sand worms. the line was left on the sand, with the end secured, and after fifteen hours, the water again was low and the lines lay in the dry sand with the fish that had been caught by the hooks. the fish thus caught furnished some means to the support of the family. as i grew a little older i was employed by a fisherman, who owned his own boat, and with him learned how to fish. i also worked between times in the rope factory, where i later became apprenticed and learned the trade well. the school naturally was neglected, and i was there only once in a while. when i was thirteen years old i began, however, to see the necessity of taking proper hold of my schooling, and determined to use my whole time in the attempt to win back what i had lost. my mother could not earn all the necessaries of life for me and herself, and during this period i learned to know the gnawings of hunger and the effects of hunger upon my system. a young school boy as i was could not grow and develop without proper and sufficient food. those days i can never forget. my mother had a little house of three rooms, built on rented ground. in a little garden around the house she raised potatoes with which to pay the larger part of the rent on the land. because of broken health and the weakness of my aged father, he had been compelled to quit the sea-faring life, and had journeyed to his oldest son who lived far up in nordland. there my father resided until his death. i gave all my time to schooling during three years. i was determined to win back what i had lost, and my interest was centered on the school, and as a result i made good progress. among other things i was taught the lutheran religion, and we had regular lessons in the history of the bible, and explanations of the events and doctrines found in both the old and the new testaments. these books on bible history we were obliged to learn by heart, and i learned my lessons well. this became a good foundation for me in the practice and preaching of my dear religion of the future and, through this knowledge of the bible, i learned to understand a little of the lord's dealings with the children of men, which became a great blessing and relief to me in the mission field and at home. after three years of school work i was confirmed, with a very good grade, in the lutheran church. i had worked now and then in the rope walks and had become greatly interested in this work. i then apprenticed myself to a rope factory, the owner of which was t. h. berg. i was permitted to remain at home with my mother, and received about $ . a week for my support in return for my service. this was pretty good, and occasionally i earned something extra between times. as i remained at home it was possible for me to have a little more liberty than i would have had, had i remained with the other apprentices in the household of the master. since i had now left the school, in which i had been so intensely interested, i became possessed of a kind of melancholy which led me to seek the lord and to study religion more closely. i went for help to the lutheran priest who had confirmed me, and he loaned me several books on religion and other books containing much useful information, in which i interested myself for some time. nevertheless, i found no satisfaction as a result of my reading; in fact, i hardly knew what i was reading. one sunday, in the summer of , i went to the church located a short distance beyond the city. a little valley lies by the side of the main road. i went into this valley, under some trees, and bent upon my knees and prayed to the lord with a loud voice. immediately came a moment of great exaltation, but followed quickly by a voice which spoke to me in a contemptuous tone: "what is wrong with you? what do you want? you come here and bend upon your knees as a child; you, who have learned your profession so well; you, who have so many friends, and have so much honor and respect! are you not ashamed?" under the influence of this voice i began to feel almost ashamed of myself, and of what i was doing. presently, however, i broke through the mist, and was given power to rebuke the evil spirits and to compel them to draw back. then a great joy rested upon my soul. i prayed for light. from that time on, i felt as free as a bird in the air. in the fall of , i finished my apprenticeship. in accordance with the contract, i received my last year's pay, $ ; a suit of new black clothes; new shoes; a silk velvet hat of the best kind, and, in the evening, a splendid dinner. it was customary at the end of the apprenticeship to do a piece of work as a proof that the business had been thoroughly learned. i was required to make a long rope, used by ships in measuring the number of knots traveled per hour. i made such a rope, and it was accepted as very good by the shipping committee. after my apprenticeship was over i was offered work in the same factory, but with the difference that i was to receive the pay of a master workman. in those days there was great traffic in rope, because wire cables had not yet been introduced, and there was much building and travel of ships in the city of trondhjem. ii. i accept the gospel. my uncle cornelius and his wife, who owned a house in the city, a short time before had been baptized into the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints, by the brothers dorius, who were the first missionaries in the northern part of norway. i visited this aunt and presented her with a clothes line which i had made. my aunt was a well spoken lady, very fervent in her faith, and she immediately began to bombard me with "mormonism." in fact, she lent me a lot of tracts and scandinavian _stars_ for me to read. these i began to read, and compared what i read with the bible. i had my own room in our home and spent all my spare time in the study of the bible and the "mormon" books. i soon borrowed more gospel literature and studied it, with the bible, both day and night, and prayed to god for aid and guidance in the investigation. the testimony that i had the truth came to me more strongly, until, as it were, i became transformed both in body and spirit through the saving message of the gospel. in those days, many kinds of spirits made themselves known, but this had no influence upon me, for i had seen even the evil one in the days that i attended school. this may sound peculiar, but i have, in truth, seen with my material, eyes, evil spirits in different appearances, and under such varying conditions that i am absolutely convinced of their existence among us. both good and evil spirits are among us even here in the valleys of the mountains. i am ever grateful to the lord that he has permitted me to see and hear such things, as they have been of great use to me in my life's journey. when i investigated the gospel i established an unspeakable faith in the apostle's counsel that the saints should seek after spiritual gifts. i have the same faith and conviction today. i reflected much upon the message that had come to me, without saying much to any one. there was a missionary in trondhjem, thomasen, by name, from christiania, a well informed and talented man; also another named john dahle, from bergen. these missionaries conducted meetings among the saints, but i did not visit their meetings, for i was very retiring in my disposition. meanwhile my oldest sister, mrs. martha hagen, had investigated the gospel and was baptized. shortly afterward i also became so strongly convinced of the truth of "mormonism" that i went to elder thomasen and asked to be baptized. in the evening of the th of january, , i was baptized at trondhjem, under a most pleasant influence. after my baptism, i presented myself at one of the meetings of the saints. it was the first time that i had attended. some of the faithful old sisters doubted my sincerity, since i had not before attended their meetings; moreover, it was looked upon as a wonder that a young man, like myself, could face the persecution sure to follow the acceptance of a religion so despised as was "mormonism." at that time there were few young men in the church. it was soon proposed that i be ordained an elder. i felt, however, that i was not possessed of the power and information to receive so high a calling, and i asked that the ordination be postponed for some time. in a later meeting it was suggested again that i should be ordained to the priesthood, and i was then ordained an elder in the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints. immediately afterwards i was called to assist the missionaries. trondhjem, at that time, was notoriously the headquarters of "mormon" persecution. the authorities had gone to the extreme. they had arrested and severely punished some of our sisters because they had left the legal church of the land and had accepted "mormonism," and had been baptized into this new church. among the sisters so punished were marit greslie and mrs. olsen, two sisters who later came to logan and were married to respectable men; also lena christensen who later came to salt lake city. these sisters were imprisoned and sentenced to five days' imprisonment with a diet of only bread and water. i was also called to the court house at the trial and had to answer many questions put to me by the chief of police. several of the questions were of such a nature that i did not feel under any obligation to answer them, which did not bring the chief into the best of humor. as a result, the police chief promised me that he should not forget me. he was very bitter in his feelings towards the saints. "mormonism" from that time on, became my guiding star. with great interest i accepted the call to help in bearing testimony of the truthfulness of the gospel, and in visiting the saints in the city and its surroundings. all this time i continued my work in the rope factory, owned by mr. berg, under whom i served my apprenticeship. he was a religious man, a dissenter who had some time before left the lutheran church and now belonged to a local sect. while my master and i walked up and down the rope walk together spinning hemp, "mormonism" became the theme of the day, during weeks and months. by this time i had acquired many of the principles of the gospel as taught in the tracts of orson pratt and parley p. pratt, and i was enabled thereby to continue day after day our interesting discussion. after i had joined the church, since it was very difficult to rent a house where meetings could be held, the missionaries secured the largest room in my mother's house. the missionaries lived there, and conducted their meetings there for several years. many times the house was bombarded by mobs, and my mother had to go and talk to the people in order to disperse them. after a year or so, the persecution quieted somewhat and life became more peaceful. the missionaries had, as it were, a home with my mother, and many enjoyable meetings were held in my mother's house. after a time my mother also made herself acquainted with the gospel, and developed a faith in it, but was not baptized. on many occasions, during the persecutions, she went out in her garden and preached "mormonism" to the restless crowd of people standing in the street and around the house. she was well acquainted with the bible, and at once, when an editor was present in the crowd, he wrote down the principles that she declared to the crowd, and printed them in his paper as the remarkable speech of an old woman. she had a good singing voice and went often to the houses of our neighbors where she sang songs from our hymn book. the missionaries remained in my mother's house, and loved her, during many years, even after i returned from my first mission to nordland and finmarken in the northern part of norway. several were baptized at trondhjem. several changes occurred among the missionaries, and at one time we were in charge of a local elder, who gave us good counsel and guidance. later we received as our missionary, hans a. hansen from christiansand, who was sent to trondhjem to care for the new branch there. this man later became my counselor in the bishopric of the sixth ward of logan. i secured frequently at this time leave of absence from the factory for a week or two at a time, in order to accompany the missionaries on their visits to the surrounding districts, such as stordalen, indhered, seldo, borseskogen. in this manner i learned to know something of the different conditions that a "mormon" elder has to meet. often, though he had money, we could not secure the privilege of buying food, or a place in which to sleep, simply because we were "mormons." nevertheless, we were of good faith, though we were many times utterly exhausted by the long distances that we had to cover on foot, without proper food. these experiences were of a kind to give us greater preparation for our important work as messengers carrying the glad tidings of the gospel to the people. we felt much interested in our labors, especially since we had the joy of seeing some of the fruits of them. thus passed the first two years of my membership in the church. iii. i go on my first mission. early in the spring of i was called to be present at the conference to be held in christiania. i resigned, immediately, my place in the rope factory. according to law, six weeks' notice had to be given when a person resigned from steady employment; but if i was to reach the conference on time, i had to leave at once, for at that time there was no railroad between christiania and trondhjem. i was, therefore, obliged to tell the owner of the factory that i had to leave in one week. this was a hard nut for him to crack, especially since he had the law on his side. i told him that i was going to the conference, law or no law, and that i was going to be there on time. he finally gave in to my request, and even offered to meet me in the morning of my departure to bid me goodbye, and promised to send an apprentice to carry my satchel to the city limits. on the morning of my departure, the master came, according to his agreement, and brought with him an old school teacher, connected with the church, as i supposed for the purpose of driving "mormonism" out of me. their plan did not materialize; our discussions were carried on in a friendly way, and at last they bade me goodbye, and gave me their best wishes for my future. the apprentice came and carried my satchel through the city. thus i left my native city, to begin the many years of missionary service. a swedish rope-maker was also on his way to christiania, and we, therefore, traveled together. we traveled on foot, along the country roads, the miles that separate trondhjem from christiania. this was early in the month of march. the roads were difficult to travel for there was much snow. moreover, neither of us knew the conditions and short cuts of the roads. we had snow shoes along with us, which made our journey more rapid in places where they could be used. on we traveled, day after day; along the valleys, over the hills, now in heavy drifted snow, now where the road was bare from the heavy winds. in the course of our journey, we finally had to climb dovre mountain, the highest divide in norway. the mountain side was covered with drifted snow, and it was exceedingly difficult to walk there. one evening we reached the station known as grievestuen, the first station north of dovre mountain, and spent the night there on nearly the highest point of the mountain. this is far above the tree line, and no dwelling houses are found so far up on the mountain. the next day we crossed the mountain, for the first time for me, though it was not to be my last. that day we undertook, as usual, almost too much of a day's journey, for we traveled almost fourteen miles through the heavy drifted snow, to the second station from the one in which we had spent the night. darkness overtook us. the road was filled with drifted snow, and in our worn-out condition we were in danger of giving up and remaining in the snow throughout the night. i had in my pocket a small bottle of camphor drops of which we took a drop now and then. this seemed to help us, and at length, we reached the station. the next morning we walked ten or twelve miles downward into the beautiful and well-known guldbrands valley. some days later we reached the beautiful city of lillehammer, which lies at the end of the great lake of mjosen. ships here take passengers to eidsvold; but, when we arrived, the lake was still covered with ice and we had to continue our foot journey twenty-eight miles farther. at last we reached the town of gjevig, where we journeyed by ship to eidsvold, the railroad terminus, where we boarded the train immediately, and found ourselves in christiania the same day. the long walk was ended. on the evening of my arrival, the conference began, in the large hall in storgaden. elder rasmus johansen was president, and the brothers dorius were also there. i felt like one who has just escaped from a prison--glad and happy. we had a good time together. nearly all of the missionaries and our local elders were there. during this conference i was called to go to nordland on a mission, and i received my commission from president rasmus johansen. i suppose few of those present knew anything about nordland at that time. soon after the conference, i began, alone, my long tramp of miles, northward, to my native city of trondhjem. on the return journey, however, i took a somewhat different route, through osterdalen. on this trip, also, i had to walk across a great mountain and as i was not acquainted with the conditions, it was night before i came down from the mountain, into the nearest village. the people had all gone to bed. i knocked on the door of one of the houses. "who is there?" asked someone. "a stranger who has come over the mountain," said i. "no, he can get no entertainment here," said a woman, briskly. "hold on," said a man. "a man who has walked over the mountain alone at this time of night needs rest. i have been out myself and know what it means." he dressed himself, opened the door, put good food on the table, made my bed, and said, "help yourself." this man was one of the many who has secured, for himself, a reward. [image captioned "missionary certificate of bishop anthony l. skanchy. this certificate, issued in , bears the endorsement of different police officers, under date of nov. , ; june , ; and may , ."] i came finally to the city of roros, where many of my family lived, and to whom i bore my testimony. at last i reached trondhjem where i secured work again in the rope factory, and where i worked during two weeks, in order to earn enough to buy a steamer ticket to the place assigned to me for my missionary labors. at that time, the missionaries were sent out without purse or scrip, and depended entirely upon the promises of the lord. iv. missionary labors in nordland and finmarken. the th of may, , i took passage with the steamship _prince gustaf_, and with god's mercy of eternal salvation before me, i bade my dear mother goodbye. with joy in my heart i went out to carry the message of the everlasting covenant, to preach the gospel and to battle for the cause of truth. the first island i visited was degoe. it lies off helgeland. there i bore my testimony to the people, and distributed books and tracts wherever i went. i then traveled to harstad, from there to qvarfjorden where there was a family who belonged to the church, and then along kadsfjorden where there also was a family belonging to the church. then came numerous long visits among the many deep fjords and sounds of which nordland mainly consists, and upon the islands, most of which are thickly peopled. i traveled by boat, sailship or steamship, as opportunity offered. i tramped from island to island, over mountains and valleys, visited houses and fishing districts, and had opportunity to bear my testimony before many people. i visited nearly all of the inhabited islands, fjords and sounds in nordland. there i met many kinds of people,--priests and school teachers, and many people well versed in the bible. the people in nordland seemed to me to be better posted on the bible than in any other place in norway. the few saints whom i found scattered on the different islands were visited, but, soon after i reached there, two families who belonged to the church emigrated to zion, namely pollov israelsen, and peter hartvigsen. my greatest interest and joy was my mission work; this i can truthfully say. nordland begins several miles north of trondhjem, where the atlantic ocean crowds in and follows the norwegian coastline northward and washes the old steep rocks of the shore, until the famous north cape is reached, a few miles from the widely known city of hammerfest. hundreds of tourists from various nations visit this place every summer. here they may see the midnight sun circle around the horizon, through two long months of summer. after we leave north cape the coast line draws north-east and east to south, until the great atlantic ocean surrounds norway's northern, barren and fjord-furrowed coast. this part of norway is called finmarken. the country is here very barren. no vegetation, excepting grass, is found, and the population, chiefly finns and lapps, live on the mountains and care for their great herds of reindeer, or, they live on the islands and fish from season to season. fishing, as is well known, is the life-blood of norway's industrial existence. i give these facts because this great mission field is little known, even now, in our church history. i was called to go on a mission to nordland, which includes many cities such as namsos, bodo, harstad, and tromso. the last mentioned city lies miles north of trondhjem, and vardo, the most distant of the cities lies , miles north of trondhjem. this vast territory was, therefore, my mission field. in this field only ten souls belonged to the church at the time i came there. these few had been baptized by elder ola orstend who was the captain of a trading ship, and who later became postmaster in cottonwood, utah. the people in that part of the land did not always deem it proper for me to preach "mormonism" and to administer the ordinances of the church. consequently, during the time i spent in that country, i was arrested seven times, carried over land and sea in boats and steamers as a prisoner, tried in various places, and was sentenced to imprisonment six times. the first time i was given six days imprisonment with only bread and water for food. this was in the city of tromso. in the prison i had to mingle with thieves and murderers. i was assigned a little room in the attic with a tiny window in the east, and a hard bed hanging by hinges on the wall so that it might be dropped down when it was to be used and lifted again when not in use, so that there would be some room for me in which to move about. a tiny table and a tiny bench constituted the furniture. i had a small piece of sour, coarse bread, and all the water i desired, every twenty-four hours. the cause of my sentence was illegal religious activity. when i had earned my freedom, and was let out of the prison, i began again to bear my testimony among the people and to distribute books and to hold meetings, and to baptize those who were converted to the saving message. the tracts that i distributed found their way to many of the honest in heart. i heard at one time of a man far away in finmarken who desired much to see and speak with an elder. he had read something in some of our books that had reached him. i had then just come out of the prison in tromso. i bought a ticket on a steamer to a station known as hasvig, on the east side of the great island of soro. he who desired to meet an elder of the church lived in ofjorden, west of the island, nearly thirty-five miles away, over great mountains and morasses. since i had never been in this place, i wondered if i could find my way to it. the only road was that made by the goats as they traveled back and forth between the watering and feeding places. the steamship was to arrive in hasvig at two o'clock in the morning. it was the th day of september. i was the only deck passenger on the ship. as the night went on i became very anxious about the manner of my reaching my destination, and when all was quiet on board i went forward on the ship, bowed before the lord and prayed to him, in whose service i was traveling, to guide my footsteps and to care for me on this particular task. i became surrounded by a great light and a voice said to me, "be of good courage. you are not alone. whatever is necessary will be given you." i cannot describe how happy i felt. at two o'clock in the morning the steamboat whistled and we stopped at the station of hasvig. there was no landing place there at that time, so the postmaster came out with a boat to deliver and receive the mail. i was the only passenger he brought away. he asked me where i came from and where i was going. i told him and he invited me immediately to go with him to his office. he said, "my housekeeper has always a cup of coffee ready for me when i am up at night to get the mail." afterwards he went down with me to the shore and took me to a freight boat which was about to travel up the fjord the way i was going. the postmaster asked those in the boat to take me with them as far as they went, and told me it was best for me to begin my foot journey at the place the boat would stop. i continued with the boat to sorvar, which we reached at ten o'clock the next forenoon. great fishing districts are located there. i had been up all night, and i was very tired. a fisherman whom i met asked me to go with him to his place and he would make some coffee for me, for he understood that i was tired. as my strength returned to me i began to bear my testimony to them. after an hour's time, one of the many who had gathered to listen to me, invited me to go with him to his house for dinner, after which he took a boat and rowed me across the sound. on this journey our time was occupied in explaining questions which he directed to me. he was very much interested. after we crossed the sound he hired a boat and we rowed up to the head of the fjord. here we found shelter for the night with a family of laps. when they heard where i was going, one of the lap women said she knew the road well and offered to go with me and to show me the road over the mountains, about seven miles. we reached ofjorden, my destination, early in the afternoon and was welcomed by the man who had desired to see a "mormon" elder. this man, for some time, had held a position similar to that of probate judge, but had resigned his position and was now living quietly and was being cared for by a housekeeper. it was peculiar that the man who had heard me speak on the island, and who had rowed me across the sound, had followed me the whole distance. i held a meeting with them and spoke to them the whole day of my arrival and the day after. my friend the fisherman returned, at last. the day afterward i baptized the old probate judge; later his housekeeper was baptized, and at last the lap woman who had acted as my guide over the mountain was baptized. when this had been accomplished the lap woman guided me back straight over the mountain, to hasvig where i had left the steamship early in the night just a week previously. the vision that i had had on the deck of the ship that night had been literally fulfilled. everything that was necessary had been given me. i felt very grateful to the lord for his fatherly care and guidance during the week. afterward i visited the huts of the laps on the shore and slept one night with them. they received me with much kindness, invited me to eat with them and desired much to listen to what i had to tell them. i held a meeting with them and sang for them. they all felt well, as did i also. v. again before the courts. i had a sister five years older than myself who was not in the church, but was a private teacher in the family of mr. miller, a merchant in kovaaen, about one hundred seventy-five miles south of tromso. mrs. miller was slightly related to the skanchys. at one time i had been kept in prison in tromso during twenty-one days, waiting for a session of the court at which i could be tried. at last i was sent by steamship to kovaaen, where a court was to be held. we left tromso about ten o'clock in the evening. there were many passengers on board, especially on the deck. it was one of the mild, beautiful summer nights of nordland. the steward who had my ticket and was supposed to take care of me desired to have a little fun with the "mormon" preacher, but apparently he made a wrong calculation, for when he attacked me with improper words, i talked back to him so loudly that the captain on the bridge came running down to the steward and took him by the coat collar and put him under arrest, saying that he had no right to make life disagreeable for a prisoner. the steward remained under deck as a prisoner during the whole day. at once, as a result of this episode, i was surrounded by all the passengers on the deck, and as i stood on one side of the deck the little ship began to tip. the captain very politely asked me to stand in the middle of the deck. i felt then that i had a good opportunity to preach and to answer the questions that might be put to me. the people again gathered about me, and i stood there and defended the cause of truth from twelve o'clock at night until five o'clock in the morning. at that time a lady of the first class came to me and offered me something to eat. this food strengthened my body. thus, in my life's experience, i have been occupied a whole night in battling for the cause of truth. on this occasion i felt that i was not alone, but that i was powerfully supported by the lord and his influence. at seven o'clock in the morning we reached our destination, and two of the civil authorities came on board. they both greeted me, as i had long been acquainted with them. at eight o'clock we reached the place where the court was to be held. the courthouse was on a little hill rising abruptly from the fjord. mr. nordrum, the court clerk, and his deputy went at once into the house which was occupied as a dwelling house, and where the family were eating breakfast. mr. nordrum was a liberal-minded man and he said to mrs. miller, "have you a comfortable room that we can have, as we have a prisoner along with us?" "what?" said the lady, "a nice room for a prisoner?" "yes," he answered. "it is no ordinary prisoner. it is the 'mormon' preacher, skanchy." my sister, who was standing by the table, heard this and almost fainted. she left the table and went weeping down to the shore where i was standing, threw her arms about my neck, kissed me, and cried again. all this was done to the great surprise of my fellow passenger, the lady who so kindly gave me a bite to eat earlier in the morning. this lady soon heard that i was her brother. this also brought tears from the lady, who said, "i would give a great deal if i had such a brother, for he has been on the battlefield all night and has won a victory." all this occurred on sunday morning. i was given a good breakfast in a large, well-furnished room in the building. the court clerk came to my room, greeted me in a friendly way, and told me that my hearing should be the first one so that i could be released early. at eight o'clock monday morning, i was called into the court room where i was examined concerning my great crime against the norwegian law, namely, that i had freely preached the doctrines of the bible and performed the ordinances of the gospel which should be done only by the lutheran priests who were paid for so doing. the court clerk, mr. nordrum, of whom i have spoken, felt well towards the "mormons" and treated them with much respect, but he was obliged, of course, to do his work in accordance with the laws of the land. the only judges who were after us were those who wanted to make a reputation for themselves by persecuting the "mormons." this bitter trial was similar to the many others to which i had been subjected. upon the request of the court, i bore a long testimony to the truthfulness of "mormonism," all of which was written down in the records of the court. all of it was read to me again, so that i might correct it, if i so desired, before it became a permanent part of the court records. i thought this was not so bad, as my testimony had been written into the official records each time that i had been before the courts. as a result a great deal of "mormonism" stands recorded in the official records of northern norway, as a testimony against the unjust persecutions to which the servants of the lord have been subjected. my case now went to a superior officer for his consideration, and i was set free until such time as he might pronounce judgment upon me. the day after, the clerk of the court, mr. nordrum, offered to take me on my journey with him, in a large row boat which belonged to the city. it would be at least a week before the steamer arrived. the boat had four men as rowers. the clerk and i sat at the back of the boat on a comfortable bench, and during the eight hours of the trip discussed the gospel. we came during the day to a large island which was densely populated and there, in accordance with my wishes, i was set on land. on this island i took up my work with much satisfaction, and continued it from island to island. i will say here again that my mission work was of greatest interest and joy to me. when i saw the fruits of my work, as i took the honest in heart to the water's edge and there baptized them, i felt that it was the most glorious work any mortal could perform. no sacrifice seemed too great, for i felt as if my whole system was swallowed up in "mormonism." the experiences which i won by my work in nordland, the long journeys by land and water, the sacrifices and the suffering i had to endure, such as hunger and loss of sleep, will always remain in my memory, and they were no doubt for my good. i learned on this mission great lessons, and the lord be praised therefor. vi. how i spent the winter in nordland. i continued my work until late into the fall and early winter, as long as i could find the people at home. when winter opened, most of the able-bodied men voyaged to the fishing districts and worked there throughout the winter. especially did the fishermen gather in the famous fisheries of lofoten, where thousands of men and boats assembled each winter while the women, children and the aged remained home on the islands. at that season so much snow falls that it is almost impossible to travel from place to place. i was in considerable distress, for i hardly knew what a poor missionary could do during the winter to perform his duties and to measure up to the responsibilities that had been placed upon him and be true to his call. this great problem filled my thoughts. i presented the matter to him in whose service i had been called. the result was that i obtained the testimony that i should go wherever i could find people and work with them just as far as i could. consequently, i started out for the fisheries where the men gathered for the winter. first i went to the island of hatsel, and from there to a place near lofoten, in the midst of the wild ocean, and hired out to one of the fishermen, the owner of a large boat. there were six of us in the boat, and during the winter we fished with all our strength in the great atlantic ocean. an old house stood on the shore, at a point known as qualnes, in which the fishermen lived during the fishing season. twelve men, six from our boat and six from another, lived in the large, one room of the cabin. here we cooked and slept; but it went pretty well. as i was quick, strong, and endured the sea without becoming sick, i felt that i never needed to take a place inferior to any of the other men. my associates were raw, uncultured seamen. i thought to myself, "here is something for me to do." i went out among the great rocks that littered the coast and had my prayers and communions with the lord. soon i acquired influence over the men and began to teach them to refrain from their fearful swearing and cursing, which they continued from morning until evening. they all knew that i was a "mormon" preacher. our captain was the first to stop swearing; then the others, and finally they developed a very great respect for me. whatever i said, they accepted as being right. in the end they developed such a love for me that when the fishing season was ended, and i bade them farewell, tears came into their eyes. this was the first winter of my first mission, and the first winter that i spent as a fisherman on the wild ocean. from the fisheries i sailed to the island of hatsel where my winter's captain lived, and visited for a short time with him and his family. i received my $ for the winter's work, and went joyfully on my way, to continue my mission over the country. vii. the lord sends me money and more friends. the second summer of my mission was used chiefly in preaching to the fishermen. i traveled from island to island, from shore to shore, over mountains and valleys, and i won numerous friends. many were baptized and more were left with a testimony. i was arrested, of course, and on one occasion was given eight days' solitary confinement with only bread and water to eat. in the fall my means had all been consumed, and the snow water ran in and out of my boots. i succeeded in borrowing about five dollars from a friend, who was not in the church, and that put me in tip-top shape again. on my journey i secured many subscribers for the _scandinavian star_, which also helped to spread the gospel. the second winter came, and i received a letter from captain christian hansen, with whom i had labored the preceding winter, asking me to report at his home the first of january, . it was about the middle of december that one of the brethren who took a boat and rowed me into gosfjorden, whence i could walk over a mountain, about fourteen miles, until i would be opposite the island which was my destination. the country here was very wild and open, and had great chasms running through it. it was very easy for a person to become hopelessly lost in a maze of wonderful natural phenomena. i bade my good brother goodbye by the ocean side; he gave me explicit instructions for my guidance. i was to go in a straight line southward, and i would reach my destination. as much snow lay on the ground, i took a pair of skis and carried my clothes and books in a satchel on my back. within five minutes after starting, the air became filled with snow, so that i could not discover which was south or north. to go back was impossible, for no one lived by the fjord; the boat had gone back, and i stood alone in the solitary, mountainous wilderness. however, this did not frighten me, for i felt that i was directed by the lord. i turned about to get the direction i had taken in the beginning, and then sighted ahead, as best i could, in the same direction to some bush or other natural object. this i repeated, over and over again, and in that fashion i traveled the whole fourteen miles in the midst of a terrific snow-storm. the snow was so soft that my skis sank down in it until i was in the snow almost up to my knees, and i could hardly see the end of my skis, as i brought them out of the snow. naturally, my progress was slow. night came and darkness overtook me, but for me there was light, nevertheless. at nine o'clock that night i reached the shore. it was joy to take the skis from my feet and walk on the sand among the great rocks. i saw a house on the shore about a mile away. i went in there and asked for lodging. i was so overcome by weakness from the hard journey of the day that i could scarcely speak. the man in the house, however, understood what troubled me, and placed me in a chair by the warm stove; then he took my boots from off my feet, and brought me from the cellar a bowl of home-made malt beer. after i had become warmed, he asked me to sit up to the table and eat. i did this in a great hurry. this poor fisherman's home was the only house on this side of the island. after i had eaten, the wife made the beds. she put clean sheets and pillow slips over a good straw mattress covered with an old boat sail in the corner of the one room in the house. after prayers, it seemed that they knew who i was. i was then made to sleep in their own bed, while they slept on the straw bed made in the corner. the next morning we had a modest breakfast, and the man rowed me across the sound to the next island, and would not take the slightest pay for what he had done. i then walked across this island and found a man to ferry me across the next sound. for this service the ferryman demanded twenty-five cents. this was the last money that i had. i gave him the money and he set me ashore on a sand ridge that jutted out from the island into the water. he immediately rowed back to his own island. there i stood, alone, penniless and in a strange place. with a heavy heart i gathered up my satchel and my coat and looked around for my directions. there, as i looked, by my side and on the sand, lay a little pile of money in silver and copper coins, totaling nearly a dollar. i was so affected by this unexpected relief that i sat down on a stone and wept for gratitude. i wondered how this money had been left, and came to the conclusion that some fishermen had probably been selling fish among the neighboring islands and had placed the money that they received, as is very common, in the bailing dipper of the boat; on their way back they had forgotten that the money was in the bailing dipper, and in bailing out the boat had thrown the money accidentally on the sand-ridge on which i had landed. however, it had happened. it was another testimony to me that there is one high above us, who sees and knows all things. he knew, no doubt, that i had paid out my last money, and therefore guided my boat so that i landed where this money had been lost. i was grateful to the lord. i continued my journey from island to island, and at last reached the island of hasel, where i was received warmly by captain christian hansen and his wife. this time he offered me a much better position in the fishery than i had the previous winter. i was to be with him during january, february and march. he was to furnish the fishing apparatus and my provisions, and we were to divide equally the products of my labor. i agreed to this and we sailed away. we lived this winter also in the old log house, and all went fairly well. when the fishing season was ended, and the account was to be settled, i found that my share was about fifty dollars. i paid my debts and continued my journeys again. viii. i am released from my first mission. at last i came to the town vardo in finmarken, the most distant city in my field, where i remained a few weeks. while there i went out on the ocean and fished. instead of nets, hooks and lines were used. the whole ocean was so filled with fish that it seemed as if it were a great pot in which fish were boiled. it was a common experience that heavily weighted fish lines could not get past the mass of fish. on this trip i was arrested for preaching the gospel of christ and brought by steamer to the city of hammerfest, where sentence was pronounced on me; and from there, in another steamer to tromso where i spent ten days in prison on a diet of bread and water. i learned many things from these seasons of imprisonment. i was a young man, healthy and strong, accustomed to moving quickly in my work, and i found that this diet of bread and water did not agree with me; especially as i was given a tiny piece of sour, heavy, dry, coarse bread, about the size of half of my hand, every twenty-four hours. as the days went by in prison, i must confess that i became very hungry and that it caused sleeplessness. i was able to sleep about two hours each night, and would awake weak and tired. i dreamed usually that i was feasting on an abundance of things to eat and drink and then would suddenly awake hungry and weak, dizziness and headache overmastering me. i lay on my hard bed hoping for the arrival of day because i could then divert my thoughts a little better. these seasons of imprisonment tired me severely. none can fully understand it unless he has experienced it himself. it brought to my mind the words of the prophet isaiah, "it shall even be as when a hungry man dreameth, and behold, he eateth; but he waketh, and his soul is empty: or as when a thirsty man dreameth, and behold, he drinketh, but he waketh, and, behold, he is faint, and his soul has appetite: so shall the multitude of the nations be that fight against mount zion." i thought to myself that he who spoke those words had undoubtedly had experience in it. during the month of july, in , the third summer of my labors in nordland, i received my release from this mission, from elder george m. brown, who then presided over the norway conference. i wrote to all the saints in nordland's branch to meet in the historical place bjarkoe at a stated time. all of the saints came to the meeting, as also strangers. my sister in the flesh, amelia, came there, also, and was baptized. we partook of the sacrament together, and for three or four days we had a most enjoyable time. at last, then, i bade farewell to my brethren, sisters and friends, and to nordland with its many islands, fjords and great and beautiful mountains, forming a landscape so brilliantly equipped that it does not stand second to any that i have seen. the impressions which became stamped upon my mind during my mission up among the people of northern norway, in the days of my youth, will never, i believe, leave me, for one might learn more up there than can be learned in a university. before i leave this extensive and valuable mission field, i will add my modest judgment of this great and beautiful country, with fjords and sounds, islands and high mountains covered with leafy trees, reaching down to the shore, with the background of high cliffs and barren mountains, covered with patches of trees and moss, where the laps watch their great herds grazing in the small mountain valleys. all about, are every kind of feathered life, representing the birds of the ocean, among which the eider duck is a prominent feature. it seems as if nature has here made attempt after attempt to invite wealth and beauty to the children of men. three months throughout the year the midnight sun shines; the great ocean teems with measureless wealth of food for man. wherever one turns there is something attractive to behold. not only is the eye pleased, but the spiritual intelligence is touched as well. to me it was as if, in this rugged nature, a new world of inspiration and introspection came from god, who from the beginning had organized the whole land. no wonder that thousands visit summer after summer this land of the midnight sun, this wonderland. i took passage homeward in a steamer under capt. j. s. green, a friend of mine, and a member of the church. i was very grateful to the lord for his fatherly care and protection over me during my honest labors both on land and sea; and though i felt myself a very humble and imperfect messenger of the great and noble work, i also felt that the lord was satisfied with my work, and that the honor belonged to him. at last i reached trondhjem and had the joy to greet my dear mother again, together with my brethren, sisters and friends. i remained a few days with the missionaries, who still roomed in my mother's house, and held several meetings. then i bade my mother farewell again, and began my long walk to christiania, and again had the opportunity of walking over the dovre mountain alone. i reached christiania in due season, about two and a half years after i set out on my mission. [image captioned "latter-day saints' mission house, christiana, norway."] ix. i labor in aalesund. i was retained as a missionary, but was now at liberty to go wherever i wanted. i said goodbye, and journeyed on to guldbrands valley where i thought there would be a good field for work, as the whole valley is thickly populated. from there i went to roms valley and at last reached aalesund. in this city i found a sister whom i had baptized in nordland and who was now married to mr. myre, a bookkeeper. as i was the first elder who had visited this town, i was greatly persecuted by the minister, mr. buck, and by the police who were on my track every day. nevertheless, i won friends there and after a time baptized mr. myre. just at this time elder christian folkman, and the saints who were in trondhjem, invited me to spend the christmas season there, and sent me traveling money so that i could buy my steamship ticket. i was in my native city by christmas and had a most interesting time. early in january, i returned by steamer to aalesund, to continue my work. when i arrived i had only twelve cents, which was just enough to pay the man who rowed me from the steamship and placed me on land in the city. i secured lodgings in the house of a master shoemaker, nielsen, who owned a large three-story house. the police chief soon came and ordered me to leave the city, but when i told him i was paying for my support, and that i knew something about the norwegian law and his authority, and that it did not extend so far as to drive me out of the city, he left me alone, but commanded his force to keep a very close watch over me. [image captioned "interior of the assembly hall, latter-day saints' mission house, christiania, norway."] then came the priest of the city, the mr. buck formerly mentioned, in company with one of the local merchants, and gave me considerable more such information, that if i conducted any meetings, the doors of the prison were ready to close behind me. a few days afterward i went to call on the priest, but he saw me come and instructed his housekeeper to tell me that he was not at home. when i asked if the pastor was at home, she said, "no, he is away." as i knew that he was at home at that time, i warned the lady she should not tell an untruth to one of the lord's servants. she took my words to heart and told her folks what had happened. it so happened that this lady was of very prominent parents, and they immediately took their daughter home. two days later, one of the merchants greeted me, and told me that this story of the pastor's untruthfulness had spread over the city to the shame of the pastor himself. sometime after i had left aalesund, i heard that this minister, mr. buck, had hung himself, for what reason i did not learn. then came the superior priest of the district and pressed upon my landlord that he must drive me out of the house, and not give home or habitation to false prophets. mr. nielsen, who had learned something of the gospel, bore testimony in my behalf, and then everything went wrong. i was not present, but the two must have had a serious time together. in a few days came a letter from the superior priest to mr. nielsen insisting that as nielsen was a respected man in the community, in order to maintain his good name he must not any longer give me lodging. mr. nielsen was now in a tight place, and he presented the matter to me. he did not want to turn me out, yet he desired to favor the chief priest of the district. in fact, so overcome was he that he cried. an evening or two later he received another letter from the pastor which was even more insistent. the morning after the receipt of the second letter, i placed the whole matter before the lord, and received my inspiration that if i would call on the priest he would acknowledge the correctness of every principle that i might present to him. filled with joy, i walked to his home some two miles beyond the edge of the city. i was courteously invited into the office of the great man. we had first a conversation concerning the bible: then, concerning the relation of "mormonism" to biblical doctrines. questions were directed to me, and i replied in the spirit of truth that was present; and he acknowledged the correctness of every principle that i advocated. for two hours we were together in friendly conversation. the battle was won; and from that time on he was especially kind and helpful to our missionaries who followed me. the same day mr. nielsen was informed by letter from the priest that he could give me lodging as long as he liked, and the priest further stated that he had had a conversation with mr. skanchy which convinced him that he had been mistaken in his opposition, but excused himself by saying that it was the duty of his profession to oppose those who believed in any other religion than that supported by the state. even after this, i had a pretty hard time in aalesund; but after several members had been brought into the church the work became somewhat easier. among others who were baptized at this time was mrs. soneva torgesen, the wife of a friendly ship captain. this woman was a true daughter of israel, and did much good. she had two small children whom i blessed. the boy was instructed by his mother and is a faithful elder in the church today. in the spring of , at a conference held in christiania, c. c. a. christensen, who had arrived from utah, was assigned to preside in norway. i bade farewell to aalesund and began my journey up the valley of the roms, over dovre mountain again, and then down guldbrands valley until i reached the little town of lillehammer, where we had a sister in the gospel, ellen buckwald, who was employed in the household of a mr. revers, a friend of our people. to this house the elders were invited whenever they came to the city, and were treated there in the very best manner. i had many conversations concerning the gospel with this educated man. the family did not want to part with ellen, for she taught the children of the household "mormonism," and used to pray, even, for brigham young as a leader of israel. i finally again came to christiania, and in the conference then held was released from my second mission by the outgoing president. x. i preside in christiania. elder c. c. a. christensen then took over the guidance of the saints in norway. i was called to act as the president of the christiania branch which at that time had about members. upon the receipt of this call i felt my unworthiness in a very great degree. there were many in the congregation who had accepted the gospel long before i had, many of them older and more intelligent men and women, but i prayed to my god for wisdom and intelligence to be able to guide this great body of people. these prayers were heard and the lord blessed me mightily. i gained the love and respect of the saints and with the fatherly guidance of our respected president, c. c. a. christensen, i got along very well. many persons were converted and baptized into the church both in christiania and throughout the branches in the country as a result of the visits of president christensen to the different branches and the meetings he held everywhere with the people. as the children of the saints in christiania were often persecuted in school by the other children, because their parents were "mormons," i decided to try to stop this unnecessary and improper persecution. i went to the chief of police, one of our friends, and counseled with him as to what we would best do. he advised us to petition the school board, the chairman of which was bishop arup, for the privilege of establishing a school of our own, and he suggested further that we secure a number of well known names to this petition and offered to be the first to sign it. we delivered this petition to the bishop who was a very courteous man. after a couple of weeks the petition was granted, on the condition that an officer of the school board should inspect the school once a year to make sure that we were giving the right training and maintaining proper discipline. moreover, in our school, the children should not be obliged to study the state religion or the history of the bible. we thought this a very great concession. i was then appointed to take charge of this school, with sister christina osterbeck as assistant. the children were each to pay a little, as they could obtain the means, for the expense of books, and other supplies. this was a fairly successful experiment. the officers of the school board also seemed satisfied with our work. i was permitted occasionally to make mission journeys into the district surrounding christiania. some of these journeys, taken in the winter, were very difficult. in the summer of , i was sent to visit the town of kongsberg and numme valley, where i had been before. from the city of drammen, the road leads through a great forest, and then over a high mountain. when i reached the top of the mountain the sun was setting in the west behind me, and the shadow of the mountain was thrown miles and miles over the forest below the mountain and covered the whole city of kongsberg. the magnificent beauty and vastness of this sunset from the mountain top worked upon my feelings and i sought a place under a small hill where, with enthusiasm in my heart, i kneeled before the lord and opened my heart to him. i prayed especially that he would lead my footsteps, guide me on my way, and help me find a place to stay that night, for i had only a few cents left. at the close of my prayers, it seemed to me that i was surrounded by a holy influence. i then began my descent of the mountain. it was already dark when i crossed the bridge over the river that flows near the city. where was i to go? the houses of the city are built very near to each other. when i reached the first block, i turned to the right and walked around it. then i crossed the street and began on the next block. at last, i thought, "here is the place where i would better go in and knock." but the answer of the spirit was immediately "no." i continued to walk to the right around the blocks and after a while i thought, "now i will knock on the next door." but again the voice whispered, "no." i continued circling the blocks until i reached the eighth block. as i approached the middle of this block a voice whispered to me, "here you are to enter." i knocked on the door, and a hearty, "come in" was the answer. i stepped into the room and saw a man and his wife sitting by a table, playing dominos. i noticed that they looked at each other and smiled. "can i obtain lodging here tonight?" i said. "yes," said the man and pointed to a door that led into a little bedroom, in which were a table, a candlestick ready to be lighted, a bed, a wash bowl and other furniture. the lady came in and lighted the candle and asked me if i did not want something to eat. i was very hungry and could have eaten a good hearty supper, but i told her, if she pleased, a little bowl of bread and milk would be sufficient. next morning at six o'clock, i heard the man move about in the house. as i learned later, he worked in the national rifle factory, and had to be at work quite early in the morning. after he had gone, the lady came into my room, placed a chair in front of the bed, and placed upon it a tray with food. when she left, i got up and ate this light breakfast with great appetite. at eight o'clock the man came back for his breakfast, and i was called in and placed at the table. there was a little pause. they looked at each other, and i asked if they would permit me to bless the food. the man said, "that is what we are waiting for." i blessed the food, and we began to eat. then a very peculiar conversation ensued. "you have not been here before?" "no." "who brought you here last night?" "no one." "are you not a 'mormon' elder?" "yes." "did you notice anything when you came in here last night?" "yes." "what was it you noticed?" "i noticed that you looked at your wife and smiled and she smiled back." he then told me the story. just before i knocked on the door, they both heard distinctly a voice which said, "here comes a servant of the lord, who desires lodging for the night. take good care of him." he continued, "the bed in which you slept last night has not been used during the last six years. the last person before you who slept there was a 'mormon' elder to whom the room was rented out for a year. when he left, most of the people he had baptized sold out and went to utah. no 'mormon' has been here since." i said to him, "i suppose then you know very well the teachings of 'mormonism.'" he said, "yes; i believe that what is called 'mormonism' is the message from god above. i am not baptized, and if i should go with you alone this evening to be baptized it would be known in the factory tomorrow, for those in charge there call upon their god from morning till evening, and he can reveal to those who pray to him just as our god revealed to us who would knock on our door last night. then i would receive my 'walking papers' at once. should i be baptized, and then lose my position, my savings would possibly take me and my family to zion, but i have here at home an old father and mother who cannot help themselves and i have not means enough to take them with me. perhaps my faith is not strong enough, or i should leave them in the hands of the lord, for he provides for us all, but i cannot bear the thought of bidding them farewell and leaving them alone." these were his words. i had a splendid mission journey through the numme valley. i met many good and honest people. as far as i know, no missionary has been there since that day. [image captioned "mission house of the latter-day saints, at copenhagen, denmark."] xi. the land of zion. in the spring of , through the help of president c. c. a. christensen, i succeeded in borrowing enough means to emigrate to zion. i had then been in the church a little more than seven years, the first two of which had been devoted in part, and the last five wholly, to missionary service. i married at this time, anna christina krogero, an assistant in the mission office, who was a widow with four children. after bidding farewell to the many saints in christiania, we traveled to copenhagen and thence to liverpool, where we boarded the sailship, _john bright_, which has carried many of our people across the ocean. after a voyage of six weeks, mostly in the face of a strong headwind, we reached new york on the th of july, , during a spell of very warm weather. there were over immigrants in our company. we spent a few days in new york and were then sent westward by railway. the terminus of the railway was laramie, which left about miles to salt lake city. at laramie there was a company from utah with horses and mules to conduct the immigrants onward. we were organized into companies, with hector c. haight as captain, and we began our journey over the plains along the banks of the sweetwater. we reached salt lake city the first week in september, , after a six weeks' march from laramie over the dry and warm plains, immersed in a cloud of dust from morning until night. the children and the weak mothers were allowed to ride in the wagons; while all the men were obliged to walk the whole distance in dust by day, and keep watch against the indians at night. we were pretty well supplied with meat, flour, fruit and other food for our journey over the plains. when we camped in the evening, we cooked our food, and made our bread. all went fairly well. at last we came to emigration canyon, and had our first glimpse of salt lake city. we were glad and grateful to our heavenly father for his fatherly care of us during our journey. on arriving at the tithing yard, in salt lake city, our captain was released. i pitched our little tent and remained there during eleven days awaiting an opportunity to go to cache valley where i had some norwegian friends of earlier days. that fall, the grasshoppers visited cache valley, and all the crops were destroyed, so that there was not enough food to supply the needs of the people. as i was responsible for a family i took my blanket on my shoulder and walked over the mountains to salt lake valley in search of work that would bring me a little money with which to buy bread stuff,--the greatest need of my family at the time. there was just then a call for "mormon" boys to go out and do section work on the union pacific railway. i worked at this until the october conference at salt lake city, which i felt i must attend. i was given free fare to salt lake city, upon my promise to return, as the railroad company wanted the "mormons" to continue the work on the road. when the railroad was laid to corinne, box elder co., we were laid off, and i went home to logan the following night. i rented a small log house, in the logan fifth ward, and began to work at once in the canyon, cutting timber. in this work i continued for five years. i took out logs for the house of apostle ezra t. benson, in exchange for which i obtained the city lot on which i later built my residence. i filled a contract to deliver to the utah northern railroad two thousand ties. then i contracted to deliver to brother micklesen the timber for the grist mill in logan, now known as the central mills. for this last contract i received six hundred pounds of flour. i also contracted with alexander allen of newton and received as pay twenty gallons of molasses. i was now well off. i could have bread, with molasses, and this, indeed, was my steady diet while i worked in the mountains. nevertheless, this work was very hard. between times, i helped in the hay harvest, and thus earned some wheat and, in fact, i took hold of whatever work offered itself. in the fall of , we began to build the logan tabernacle. brother charles o. card was called to act as the superintendent and he called me to assist him. it was my special work to keep accounts and to collect donations with which to pay the workmen. i measured and weighed rocks, sand, and other materials of construction, brought in for the building, and paid the workers in beef, vegetables, and the variety of things donated. many beeves were brought in as donations, so we tanned the hides, and began to manufacture shoes. thus came the tabernacle shoe shop and meat shop in one building, which we called, our meat market and our shoe shop. i labored nearly six years in this capacity. in , i was ordained a high priest and set apart as a member of the cache stake high council. xii. my third mission. in , when the logan tabernacle was completed, and we were at work on the logan temple, i was called, at the october conference, to go on a mission to scandinavia. i left logan in november, , and reached liverpool, december . we had a rough voyage across the ocean. i was sent to frederickstad, for a short time, then to my native city, trondhjem, in norway. elder ellingsen, of lehi, was there when i arrived, but in a couple of months he was released to return to his home. i then remained there alone to represent the gospel of the everlasting covenant, but i harbored only gratitude to my heavenly father. i organized a choir, held meetings and preached the gospel with all my might. many were won to the truth. those who did not enter the church, through baptism, are good friends to our people, and respect "mormonism" with its doctrines and principles of salvation. among many others, i had the honor to baptize, as a member of the church, anna c. widtsoe. her son, john, i had the joy to baptize after the family arrived in utah. our meeting place, at that time, was on what was known as mollenberg, in a house belonging to johnson who later settled in logan. the branch over which i presided extended far into northern norway. i went frequently to the northern city of namsos, where i rented a hall and had large meetings. many were also brought into the church in that place. i made many friends in namsos, and among the more influential, a mr. salvesen. he belonged to the aristocracy of the city, but became friendly to me and the cause i represented, until he even offered me one of his large halls for our gatherings, in case the priest should attempt to banish me. mr. salvesen, with his two sons, came to our meetings. once when the hall was crammed full, he stood up before the congregation and testified to the truth of what i had said. so much to his honor! i went from house to house and offered books and writings. i did not find much to eat, but i was well satisfied and when i sold a few books i could buy myself a little bread before i returned to my little room. and a little bread with fresh water tasted really good! by the early spring, i had baptized, in namsos, among others, brother hassing and his family, who are yet living in salt lake city. before i left namsos, i organized a relief society so that the good sisters could conduct meetings when i left. in the spring of , i was called to attend the conference in christiania. after the conference, i tried to find some of the brethren and sisters of christiania whom i knew so well in earlier days. some i found, and many had moved away to the distant valleys of norway. i decided to find, if i could, the family of gunder johnson. to do this, i was obliged, again, to walk the full length of southern norway, over the dovre mountain and down guldbrands valley and up and down other valleys. i found at last gunder johnson with his family. i found that they had had no opportunities for schooling, nor for meetings, for several years, but they had our books and the _scandinavian star_, which had been read and reread until the books were almost worn out. they lived as the gospel demanded. i remained with these friends about two weeks, held meetings, and baptized all who would embrace the doctrines taught by me. during this visit, in guldbrands valley, i had very great success. the whole community took sides with me, until the priest came and broke up my crowded meetings, and warned the people against following teachers of false doctrines! this priest, mr. halling, was well respected and beloved of the people. he edited a magazine called _rich and poor_. he was good to the poor. he lived only four miles from where i held my meetings, and i stayed with a friend near his home. one day i called on this minister to discuss things with him, but his feelings were so bitter that he showed me the door several times, and at last took my hat and cane and threw them out. as i left the house, he spoke bitter, hard words to me. half a year later i came there again. the priest had then become the chairman of the county court. one of his duties was to keep the country roads in good condition. this brought him in quite close contact with the people who all worked on the roads. i was told that on one occasion when he was supervising a body of road workers, while they were all at lunch, one of the men, a friend of mine, curious to know what the priest would say, said, "i should like to know what became of that tramp 'mormon' preacher that we had here a half year ago." the priest immediately took up the conversation and said, "that man was no tramp. we were both angry when we left each other, but i would give much now if i could have that man in conversation again." this was his testimony that day, before a large gathering of people. i have now performed the endowment ordinances for him in the temple, and i look upon him as a good man, although he did all he could to work against me and my beloved religion. when i had been in the mission field something over three years, i was released. i reached my home in logan late in the year, . [image captioned "sixth ward meetinghouse, logan."] upon my return from my third mission, i was called, in , to take charge of a district of the logan first ward, as presiding priest. after the logan temple was dedicated, this district was made a ward, and i was ordained to be bishop of the logan sixth ward, on june , . the many duties pertaining to this calling occupied my time very completely for several years. xiii. my fourth mission. on october , , i left logan for another mission to scandinavia. upon my arrival in copenhagen i was assigned to labor in norway. i acted first as a traveling elder, and in that capacity visited nearly the whole of norway. later i presided, again, at christiania. my mission was filled with active labors, and i believe much good was accomplished. in the year, , while i presided over the christiania conference, many were baptized into the church. among them was brother koldstad who afterwards became superintendent of the christiania sunday school. his wife seemed to be against the gospel, but the lord, who knows the hearts of the children of men, made manifest to her when she humbled herself in prayer, that "mormonism" is a saving message sent by god from the heavens. it came about in this manner. [image captioned "interior sixth ward meetinghouse, logan."] my mission was nearly ended. i had been away more than three years, and had been released to return home. i spent the last days before leaving christiania in bidding goodbye to the saints. one evening i took the train from the little village of lien, where i had been visiting. that evening there was to be an important council meeting in christiania, at which i was to transfer the presidency of the conference to elder o. h. berg, of provo, now bishop of the provo fourth ward. while the cars were rapidly moving towards christiania, i sat in one of the compartments thinking of the business of the evening. suddenly a voice came to me, telling me to go out to granlund, where brother koldstad resided, for a woman there had fasted and prayed to the lord that elder skanchy might visit her, and she desired to accept the gospel in which she had faith. in my simplicity, i believed the voice to be an imagination of my soul, and for about five minutes tried to convince myself that such was the case. i had very little time, because i had to be in christiania before our council meeting began, in order to get things in order to deliver into new hands, and the place the voice told me to go was in an opposite direction from the meetinghouse. i felt that the lord knew that my service was in his cause, and that the council meeting was in his service. soon, however, the message came again, this time in a tremendous voice, that i must go to koldstad's home, for a woman there had fasted and prayed to the lord that i might come. the voice was so commanding that i arose to my feet, in the car, and i threw my right arm into the air, and said, "yes, lord, i will go." as soon as i reached the christiania station, i proceeded there. with brother koldstad i found sister koldstad. i told her that i had received a message to meet there. i felt greatly touched by the spirit. she told me that she had fasted and prayed that i would come to her home before i went away. she told me further that she believed all that i had taught, and if i thought her worthy, she would like to be baptized before i left christiania. she was determined that i should baptize her the day following. thus the lord dictates in his own way to his children. this revelation from our heavenly father was a very great testimony to me, and may be pleasing to all who believe in spiritual manifestations. many years after, when we were all in zion, i called on sister anna c. widtsoe and her sister lina gaarden, and we visited sister koldstad in her home, salt lake city, during one of the annual conferences. sister koldstad, then and there, explained to them the manner of her conversion, and that i had come to her in answer to prayer. xiv. the quiet years of home service. from , the time of his return from his fourth mission, to , when he went on his fifth mission. bishop skanchy remained in logan, utah, in pursuit of his duties as bishop of the logan sixth ward. under his direction, the ward prospered; the poor were well cared for; and a good spirit pervaded all the organizations of the ward. during this period, also, the longest in his life without foreign missionary service, bishop skanchy built up his material interests. the lumber business which he had organized, flourished under his care. though he had sacrificed many years in spiritual service, they were fully made up to him in a material way, during the periods that he could give himself to his business interests. he was always a good provider for his families,--they had comfortable homes, and the comforts of the day. his personal gifts and charities to people in utah and in the old countries, have not been recorded, but they were large. bishop skanchy loved the poor and afflicted, and to their relief he gave unstintingly of his time, means and sympathy. xv. my fifth mission. in , i was called by presidents lorenzo snow, george q. cannon, and joseph f. smith to take charge of the scandinavian mission, which then included denmark, sweden, and norway. i was set apart in the salt lake temple, april , by president c. d. fjeldsted, and i was especially commissioned to buy and erect for the church, mission houses in these three scandinavian countries. i presented to the first presidency the necessity of having c. d. fjeldsted accompany me as he was well acquainted with denmark. this was permitted. we had a pleasant voyage across the ocean. in copenhagen we bought the place where our mission house is now erected. president fjeldsted was called home again and i remained to arrange the matter. i laid the foundation of the copenhagen mission house and dedicated the place together with the corner stone the nd of march, . the house itself was dedicated on the fourth of july, . the next mission house was built the year afterwards on the same ground that the old mission house had stood on in christiania. the old house had been built of poor materials and was in a dangerous condition. we therefore took it down and sold the material by auction. i then contracted with architects and builders and the house was erected and finally dedicated the th of july, , after a great celebration. the dedicatory prayer was offered by president francis m. lyman. when these two countries had obtained their splendid houses, we turned our attention to sweden. i went to stockholm but found great difficulties confronting me there, since the swedish law does not permit strangers to buy building lots. we were obliged, therefore, to secure agents to act for us. we bought, at last, a building lot in a very public place, in an excellent district. there we built a large four-story building, so arranged as to make it a worthy and most beautiful place for presenting the gospel. several smaller rooms in the building can be rented out, thus providing a small income. this mission house was dedicated the second of october, , president heber j. grant offering the dedicatory prayer. thus, my mission time was lengthened out so that i could remain until this house had been dedicated. that i had my hands full on this mission, i suppose everyone will understand. my work appeared to be satisfactory to the presidency of the church, and as for myself, i trusted that i could complete this responsible work with satisfaction to my own soul. for the success that was achieved i will continue to give gratitude to my father in heaven. i owe to him all the praise and honor. [image captioned "stockholm, sweden, mission house."] at the time that we erected our mission houses in these countries, we contracted with a stone cutter, by the name of peterson, for an assembly room and a room for the elders, in a dwelling house which he was erecting in frederickshavn, denmark. we also bought a house in borups street, in the city of aarhus, denmark, in which we constructed a baptismal font. elder adam peterson, who was on a mission at that time, had great influence among the people of aarhus, and won many friends, which all helped. [image captioned "interior of the stockholm mission house, looking from the gallery."] while i had charge of the scandinavian mission, sister anna c. widtsoe and her sister lina gaarden, were called on a mission to norway and remained there for about four years. these two sisters traveled over norway, from the extreme north to the extreme south, and spared neither time nor money in order to bring before the people the gospel. they won honor and friends everywhere for the cause of truth. they bore a great testimony to the world, which we hope will in time bear fruit. [image captioned "interior stockholm mission house, looking towards the gallery."] brother h. j. christiansen was also called on a mission again, at this time, and was chosen president over the conference in copenhagen. he was born there, acquainted with the conditions, and had the language of copenhagen under complete control. he gathered many friends for the gospel cause. xvi. the last word. i do not care to write more, as most of my friends are acquainted with the work that has been done in the mission field. what i have done here at home has gratified me; and the people here know my whole life. now i am on the sick list. i have forgotten to take care of myself in my desire to care for others. the lord be honored and praised from now to eternity and forever. amen. the lord be merciful with us all and forgive our weaknesses and imperfections. xvii. the sixth mission. after bishop skanchy had returned from his labors as president of the scandinavian mission, he entered again upon his duties in the bishopric of the logan sixth ward. he rallied the people to his support, and he laid the cornerstone of a new ward chapel, one of the handsomest in the church. this house is now completed. on january , , after twenty-five years of service, bishop skanchy was honorably released from his position as bishop of the logan sixth ward. a little later he closed out such of his business interests as required his daily active supervision. on july , , he went again to norway, with his wife and younger children, to spend some time in gathering genealogical information for his temple work. this may be called his sixth mission, for he went with the authority of a missionary, and did much good while away. true to his love for the city of his birth, trondhjem, he took with him a large and expensive copy of munkacsy's painting of christ before pilate, executed by dan weggeland, of salt lake city, which he presented to the branch, and which now adorns the meeting hall in trondhjem. he returned to zion, june , ; never again to leave it in the flesh. xviii. the end of the journey. soon after bishop skanchy returned from his last trip to norway, he was seized with his last illness. the evil preyed steadily upon him, but his strong body and iron constitution could not be broken at once. it took years for the disease to undermine his strength and reach the vital processes of his system. during his long illness, he composed the sketch now presented. from page to page it bears the marks of the physical sufferings which he endured. had he been in good health, he would have told more of the marvelous experiences of his long missionary life. perhaps, however, in good health, he would not have undertaken the work at all. while withdrawn from active life by this lingering illness, he also reviewed his own poems, his favorite songs, and the word of god that he loved. bishop skanchy, like all who live in close communion with spiritual things, was much of a poet; a lover of the fine arts, painting and sculpture, and an ardent worshiper of all natural beauty. in his last days, though filled with physical pain, he found the leisure for the contemplation of the things of the spirit he loved so well, which he had been denied in his active life. ever did his thoughts go back to the land of the midnight sun, in which he was born; where the gospel message found him, and where, in the full strength of his youth, he fought valiantly for the cause of truth, and won hundreds, yea, thousands, to the cause of eternal truth. on sunday, april , , in his th year, his spirit returned to the god he had served so well. on the following wednesday he was buried from the beautiful chapel he had built. many wept at his grave, especially those who were poor in spirit or worldly goods, and whom this noble man had loved and helped and raised up, and brought into the glorious light of truth. (the end) transcriber's note this edition was based off scans available at archive.org (see https://archive.org/details/anthonlskanchybr skan). the harold b. lee library at brigham young university supplied the scans to archive.org; the original book was donated to the library by sidney sperry; and it contained a dedication from john a. widtsoe, reproduced above. any minor typographical errors in the original have been silently corrected. (http://mormontextsproject.org) biographical sketch of orville southerland cox, pioneer of the pioneer spirit the pioneer spirit that mastered things and broke the virgin sod, that conquered savages and kings, and only bowed to god. the strength of mind and strength of soul-- the will to do or die, that sets its heart upon a goal, and made it far or high-- --clarence hawkes orville southerland cox biographical sketch of orville southerland cox, pioneer of , partly from a sketch written by adelia b. cox sidwell for the "daughters of the pioneers", manti, utah, . orville s. cox, was born in plymouth, n.y. november , . he was one of a family of children, ten of whom reached maturity. his father died when he was about fifteen years old. and he was then "bound out"; apprenticed to learn the trade of a blacksmith under a deacon jones, who was considered an excellent man as he was a pillar of the church. the agreement was that he was to work obediently until twenty one and that jones as to give him board and clothes, three months of school each winter, and teach him the trade of blacksmithing. no schooling was given or allowed, and one pair of jeans pants was all the clothing he received during the first three years of his apprenticeship, and his food was rather limited too. the women folks ran a dairy, but the boy was never allowed a drink of milk, of which he was very fond because the mrs. said "it made too big a hole in the cheese." he was indeed a poor little bondsman, receiving plenty of abusive treatment. as to teaching him the trade, he was kept blowing the bellows and using the tongs and heavy sledge. but the deacon sometimes went to distant places and then the boy secretly used the tools and practiced doing the things his keen eyes had watched his master do. during some of these hours of freedom, he made himself a pair of skates from pieces of broken nails he gathered carefully and saved. also, he straightened a discarded gun barrel and made a hammer, trigger, sights, etc, to it, so that he had an effective weapon. these things he had to keep hidden from the eyes of his master and associates, but secretly he had great joy in his possessions and once in a while found a little time to use them. occasionally the monotony at the bellows and with the tongs and sledge--was broken in other ways;--for example--at one time oxen were brought to the shop to be shod that had extremely hard hoofs, called "glassy hoofs". whenever deacon undertook to drive a nail in, it bent. cox straightened nails over and over, as nails were precious articles in those days and must not be discarded because they were bent. after a while, the boy said "let me". and he shod the oxen without a bending a single nail; and thereafter cox shod the oxen, one and all that came to the shop. one other pleasant duty was his: that of burning charcoal, as coal was then undiscovered. he learned much of the trade of the woodman while attending to the pits in the depth of the might new york forests, as well as having an opportunity to use his skates and gun a little. he acquired the cognoman of "deek" among his associates, and when he had worked for something over three years, he came to the conclusion that was all he ever would acquire, along with harsh treatment; so during one of the deacon's visits to a distant parish, he gathered together his few belongings and a lunch, between two days, shouldered his home made gun and "hit the trail for the tall timber", that being the route on which he was least apt to be discovered. he made his way toward the susquehannah river. first he reached the tioga river, which was a branch of the susquehannah. he began reconnoitering for a means of crossing or floating down the river and soon discovered a log canoe, "dug-out" as it was called, frozen in the mud. he decided to confiscate it as "contraband of war" and pried it up, launched it, and was soon floating and paddling in it down toward the junction of the tioga and the susquehannah. shortly he felt his tired feet being submerged in cold water. stooping to investigate, he found that the log was leaky and rapidly filling with water. he also found an old woolen firkin, a small barrel, that he at once began making use of, bailing the water, alternately paddeling, steering and bailing. he continued down the stream, keeping near the shore as possible, in case the old dug-out should get the best of him. the second day he heard "hello, there, will you take a passenger?" from a man on shore. "yes, if you'll help bail, steer, and row." "barkis is willin", came the reply, so there were two in the log canoe. then they made better time. nearing the confluence of the rivers, they saw a boat preparing to leave the dock for a trip up the susquehannah, a primitive stern wheel packet of those early days ( ). he and his passenger applied themselves to their paddling, bailing and steering, signalling the boat to wait; just as she started he drew near enough to leap from the dug-out to her deck. a free boy! for now he was sure pursuit would not overtake him. his passenger called "what shall i do with this canoe?" "keep her or let her float" shouted cox. (if the owner of that dug-out will send in his bill for damages, o.s. cox's children will cheerfully settle.) as for food on this trip with the canoe, game was plentiful and he was a good shot. while on this boat, he must have worked his passage, for he had no money. on board that boat with a cargo of southern produce, he, for the first time in his life, saw an orange. he remained on this little river packet some distance up the river, then lended and found lucrative employment at lumbering and logging, and sometimes at the blacksmith's forge. soon he had the good luck to find his two brothers, walter and augustus, rafting logs down the river. he was an expert at this himself. now he learned that his mother, and her younger children, amos, harriet, mary and jonathan had gone to ohio under the care of his older brother, william u., via the great world famous erie canal; (at that time the largest canal in the world.) so by slow degrees and hard work he began to work his way toward ohio. usually he worked for lumber companies. his two brothers did likewise. they literally walked wall the way through the forests, the whole length of the state of new york. finally they were united as a family in nelson, portage co. ohio, the former home of his future wife, elvira, although she was at that time an emigrant in missouri. the eight cox boys continued their westward course; some of them reached california during the gold stampede. charles b. cox was elected senator from santa rosa company for a number of terms. william u. had put his property in a concern called the phalanx and was defrauded by the officers of every cent and left in debt $ . , an enormous sum for those days. orville's mother lucinda, and her family went to missouri. walter had receive the gospel in ohio previously. orville heard terrible stories of the outlawry of those "awful mormons"; but he became personally acquainted with some (among them a sylvester hulet). he decided they were sinned against. he lived in jackson county for a time, and ever after jackson county missouri was the goal of his ambition; he believed to his dying day that he should one day return to that favored spot. orville met and loved elvira in far west, but was not baptized. he said he didn't propose to turn mormon to procure a wife. when the saints were driven from missouri, he located near lima, illinois, with a group of mormons and helped build the morley settlement. nearing his th birthday, he was a thorough frontiersman, forester, lumberman, a splendid blacksmith, a natural born engineer; in short a genius and an all around good fellow. he was six feet in his socks and heavy proportionately. while here he won the heart of the orphan girl, elvira p. mills, who was living with her uncle, sylvester hulet. but she hesitated about marrying a gentile. october , , however, she yielded, and they were married in father elisha whiting's home, at the morley settlement by elder lyman wight. the two newly weds, on october , , drove into nauvoo twenty miles away, and orville s. cox was baptized by the prophet joseph smith. he went a gentile and returned a full-fledged mormon, so short a time it takes a woman to make a convert. he was a faithful l.d.s., full of love and zeal. he was a member of the famous brass band of the nauvoo legion. when the prophet and his brother were killed, none mourned more sincerely than he. he assisted those more helpless or destitute in the migration from nauvoo. his stacks of grain were burned at the morley settlement by the robbers, and they fled to the city of nauvoo, he with his wife and two children--the oldest child had died when an infant as a result of its mother having chills and fever, and from exposure resulting from mobbers' violence. he attended the meeting where sidney rigdon asked the saints to appoint him as guardian, and where brigham young claimed that the twelve apostles were the ordained leaders; and many times thereafter he testified that he saw brigham young changed to appear like joseph and heard his voice take on the prophet's tone. and after that manifestation he never doubted for a moment that the rightful leadership of the church was vested in the twelve, with brigham young at their head. he remained in nauvoo till almost the last departed. he assisted browning in transforming the old rusty steamer shafts into cannons that were so effectually used by daniel h. wells at the battle of nauvoo. leaving nauvoo with the last of the mormon exiles, he crossed iowa and settled at pisgah, where he served as counselor to lorenzo snow, president at mt. pisgah. in his devoted attachment to lorenzo snow, he was an enthusiast; also to father morley and he would follow their leadership anywhere. orville and elvira had their two children, almer and adelia. an incident that illustrated the pioneer life of - is told in the story of the "last match." in the winter of - orville s. cox and two whiting boys, cousins of elvira, went from pisgah with ox teams and wagons down into missouri with a load of chairs to sell. whitings had a shop in which they manufactured chairs. being successful in disposing of their chairs, and securing loads of bacon and corn, they were almost home when an iowa blizzard, or hurricane, or cyclone, or all in one, struck them. clouds and egyptian darkness settled suddenly around them. they had not modern "tornado cellars" to flee into and no manner of shelter of any kind. the cold was intense; the wind came from every direction; they were all skilled backwoodsmen and knew they were very close to their homes; but they also knew that they were hopelessly lost in that swirling wind and those black clouds of snow. they and their oxen were freezing, and their only hope of life was in making a fire and camping where they were. everything was wet and under the snow, and an arctic wind in the fierceness of unclaimed violence was raging around them. at first, they unyoked the oxen that they might find some sort of shelter for themselves. then with frost-bitten fingers they sought in the darkness and storm for dry fuel. the best they found was damp and poor enough--and now for a match. only three in the crowd, and no such matches as we have in these days either. inside a large wooden bucket in which they fed grain, they carefully laid their kindling. then turning another bucket over it to keep out of the falling snow, and hugging close over to keep the wind off, they lifted the top bucket a little and one of the whiting boys struck a precious match. it flickered, blazed a moment against the kindling and was puffed out by a draft of wind. another match was taken, and it died almost before it flared. only one match remained to save three men from certain death. their fingers were so numb they could not feel, and every minute increased their numbness. "let orville try; he is steadier than we", they said. so orville, keenly sensing his responsibility, took the tiny splinter of wood and struck the spark; it caught, it blazed and the fire lived and grew. now they were in the woods and the fuel was plentiful and soon a roaring blaze was swirling upward. the cattle came near, and although their noses and feet were frozen, their feet grew new hoofs and their noses healed of frosted cracks. when the storm broke and light appeared, they found themselves only a few rocks from their home fences. for a good reason, orville was not in the battalion draft. the whiting boys, sylvester hulet, and amos cox were. but orville was very busy manufacturing wagons. it was told of him that he found a linch pin and said, "i'll just make a wagon to fit that pin". he prepared as good and serviceable an outfit as his limited means would allow for the long dreary journey to the mountains. two home made wagons, without brakes--brakes were not needed on the eastern end of the journey--two yoke of oxen, three yoke of cows, a box of chickens on the back of a wagon, a wife and two children, with bedding and food, was the outfit that started across the plains the last of june , singing the song "in the spring we'll take our journey. all to cross the grassy plains." he travelled in the hundred of charles c. rich, known as the artillery company. cox was captain of one of the tens. oh! the seemingly endless level prairie! the monotony was terribly wearing. when independence rock was sighted, and again when chimney rock was sighted, it was wonderful relief. great land marks they were, in that unsettled country. now they were sure they were approaching the rocky mountains, especially the children longed for that goal. one evening at camping time, : p.m., a herd of buffalo were sighted about two miles away. the people were very hungry for a piece of fresh beef, so father and one companion shouldered their guns, snatched their percussion caps and powder horns, and started to "try a hunter's luck." about sunset they got their steak, a generous load of the best cuts from the buffalo, and started for camp. on and on they went. what they thought was a two mile stretch lengthened and lengthened, and their loads of meat grew heavier and heavier. they began to think they were lost; but the camp fires and stars told them they were going in the right direction. finally they decided to fire their guns. this they did, and it filled the camp with alarm, least the hunters were in danger. two or three men rushed away in the darkness to give aid, and they fired their guns to locate the hunters. several shots brought them together. "help us with this grub pile", they said. help was given. they reached the camp at : o'clock. it must have been six miles or perhaps ten to the herd of buffalo. they were now in the clear air of the up-lands and could see much farther than they had been able to see in the mississippi valley. the next morning all in the camp had a feast of fresh meat. after leaving the platte river, while travelling along the sweet water river, the company met general kearney and his company of battalion scouts with their illustrious prisoner, the great path-finder freemont. (when california was freed from mexican rule, freemont and his little band, who had helped to free it, were greatly rejoiced; and in their enthusiasm his followers proclaimed freemont governor. general kearney arrived and expected to be governor by right of his generalship. he was very angry and had freemont arrested and sent to washington.) with freemont's guards were sylvester hulet, elvira's uncle, and amos cox. they had traveled many weary months in an unknown, lonely country; and c.c. riche's company were also travel weary. to thus meet relatives so unexpectedly was a joy unspeakable to both parties. now the battalion men heard from their families left in iowa, for the first time in more than a year. and tears of joy and sorrow were freely mingled. a daughter of amos had died. sylvester's wife had gone to new york where the whitmer's and her father and brothers lived; so he decided to return to the rocky mountains with the pioneers, and kearney gave him his discharge. amos cox continued with the prisoner to fort leavenworth, where he received his honorable discharge, and then went to his weary waiting family in iowa. the pioneering company continued on westward. at green river, near bridger's station, they met pioneers who had reached great salt lake valley and made a start toward a new home; and were now returning to the camps in iowa, with more definite knowledge and instructions to impart to those who were to come to the mountains next year. they told rich's company many things regarding the way that lay before them, and it was a great relief to know that they were nearing their destination. from now on the mountains were on every side; frowning cliffs looked ready to fall on and crush the poor foot-sore travelers; for people raised on the plains are apt to have a shuddering of such sights. c.c. riche's artillery company rolled into the valley of the great salt lake. they were only two or three days behind jedediah m. grant's company of one hundred wagons. being expert in handling lumber, cox was immediately sent into the canyon for logs. houses must now be built. among other timbers, he brought down a magnificent specimen of a pine for a "liberty pole", which he assisted in raising on pioneer square. it was the first pole to carry the stars and stripes in the city. one had been raised on ensign peak before. they wintered in salt lake valley. there another son, orville m., was born november , . very early in the spring of father moved from the adobe fort with his wife and three children, and began farming in sessionsville, now bountiful; he was the first bishop of the ward. there they had the famous experience with the crickets. he devised the broad paddles, as well as the oft mentioned methods, to try to exterminate them; and then came the gulls. he raised a crop in ' and ' there; also he dug the first well in bountiful, and struck water so suddenly as to be drowned by it before he could be hauled up. in the fall of ' he was called to go with "father" morley's company to colonize the valley of sanpitch. he arrived at the future site of manti november , . the journey from salt lake city to the sanpete valley occupied one month, breaking new roads, fixing fords, and building dug-ways. the forty families worked industriously, sometimes only movin' forward two or three miles. one six mile stretch in salt creek canyon occupied them a whole week. the only settlement between salt lake and manti was provo, consisting of a little fort of green cottonwood logs. after getting through salt creek canyon in two weeks, they worked to their upmost strength for it began snowing on them there; and it was far from being a desirable winter's home. that winter was one of the hardest with the heaviest snow fall for many succeeding years. arriving at their destination, camp was made by the morley's company on the south side of temple hill which was a sheltered spot. now they must do their upmost in canyons, raising log cabins, sowing lumber on the saw pit, which was the most primitive of saw mills. orville was an expert at hewing and squaring the logs with his ax, and making everything as comfortable as possible in their home. all winter long they had to help the cattle find feed by shovelling snow in the meadows, as the snow lay four feet deep. it was may before the snow was gone so that the men could begin to clear the ground and begin their farming. then there came irrigating ditches to dig and the usual labor of clearing, plowing, and planting. between their individual duties, they found time to build log school, and a bowery, and then a meeting house. they felt that it was quite commodious. here in the long evenings of the winter of - cox taught a singing and dancing school. sarah potty was the first school of ma'am. in the winter of - , school was taught by jesse w. fox. in he was elected alderman. o.s. cox married mary allen about ; he served many years as the first counselor to bishop lowry; and he was captain of the militia. he was very energetic in the performance of his duties, especially through the protracted period of the walker war. he married eliza losee about - . he served under major higgins, and old battalion veteran. to be sure, nobody appreciated more than he did a liberty pole, and all that it typified, so he was commissioned to find one at the earliest convenient moment for manti; this he did in . ten years he labored faithfully for the upbuilding of manti, and then like boon and crockett, "he wanted more elbow room" and moved to fairview, sanpete county. he also moved part of his family to gunnison (hog wallow, it was called then) and raised two crops there. in february , he moved part of his family to glenwood, built a cabin there and raised a crop. he sold out and moved elsewhere to engineer ditches. he engineered over forty ditches in utah and nevada, as near as his children can remember in , as well as doing all other kinds of pioneer work. in he was advised by lorenzo snow to move to the muddy, a branch of the rio virgin, a stream running through moappa valley, to assist in surveying and making irrigation ditches there. the soil was very rich, but there was so much quick sand that it made it almost impossible to build a dam that hold or to irrigate without washing away the soil. so he went south into southeastern nevada. he thought that was the route the saints would travel going back to jackson county, so he was that much nearer the final home. he labored here for six years, and engineered a number of dams that would hold against the floods and treachery of quicksand. they had only poor home made plows and a few other tools to work with, and no cement or modern building material. he also built cabins and cleared and tilled the land there. in clearing the land, the "mesquite" brush root was the hardest digging they encountered. st. thomas, st. joseph and overton, the towns in the valley were partly of his building. the first trip, he took with him his third wife, eliza, and her one child, a little two year old girl; and walter, a year old son of the first wife, elvira. the following year, after crops were in and the spring work done, he returned to fairview after another section of his family--mary, the second wife, and her five children. from that time on o.s. cox's life is a volume of tragedy and hardship. the life in the burning desert is always more or less unpleasant, and pioneering is excessively hard. and he was past fifty years old. during his absence, eliza's little girl lucinda, took her little pail to the creek to get some water; the quicksand caused her to slip and she was drowned. they took her out not very far from down the stream, but could not resuscitate her. the poor mother, among strangers and homesick, was unconsolable in her sorrow. walter, seeing his little pet companion stricken in all her robust beauty and health, was wild with grief, and could not be comforted. after a time the neighbors concluded that walter would die if some change did not come to get him to sleep and eat. they told eliza of their fears for him, and so the disconsolate mother tried to hide her own grief and comfort him. it is said it was the saddest thing the woman there ever saw, to see the brave mother and the boy trying to comfort each other in their loneliness. fifty years later, it was a nightmare to walt. almer, laun and walt all went to the muddy in , the year mary was moved. in philmon, fifth son of elvira, a very promising lad of thirteen, died of appendicitis, at that time called inflammation of the bowels. then mary lost a little daughter, lucy for whom she grieved many years. financially the prospects were more promising than ever before. they had planted a large orchard, and a vineyard that was just coming into bearing. then a new line was run between the states of utah and nevada, which gave this section to nevada, and nevada demanded back taxes; and they amounted to more than their farms and houses were worth. so brigham young said, "come home to utah." they came. elvira, with orville a grown son, walter , tryphena, amasa and euphrasia, returned to the old home in fairview, leaving all of their beautiful peach orchards and vineyards, fields of cotton, cane, wheat and the comfortable houses in the most fertile of lands, which they had subdued and made to "blossom as the rose" by seven long years of toil and privation. they rendered absolute obedience to their great leader; and so they hitched up their teams, took their most choice belongings, and wended their way back to utah, leaving their settlement and farms to pay nevada the back taxes it had demanded. one company which had thoroughly learned the trick of building a dam in quick sand of the desert, stopped at an abandoned settlement in long valley, kane county. o.s. cox and sons began the engineering of irrigation canals and dams, and so on, as they had cleaned and repaired the deserted cabins, so that they offered partial shelter from the february storms. the people named this town mt. carmel. when the former settlers learned that they had builded dams that would stand, they came back and said, "get out, this is ours," so the weary pioneers moved again, this time only a few miles farther up the valley into a pleasant narrow cove, and went to work to build more dams, more ditches and more cabins. in one place the water had to be carried across a gulley, and it gave more trouble than all the rest of the canal. after a while cox, without comment or consultation, went into the timber and found a very large log and felled it, made of it a huge trough, placed it across the gully and it reached far enough to secure a solid bed above the quicksand. thirty years later, this "cox trough" was still doing successful service as a flume. in , when brigham strongly taught the principle of cooperation, this company of saints were organized by unanimous consent into the united order of enoch, and named their town orderville. their little property, mostly cattle, horses and wagons, were owned jointly. twelve years father labored joyously and unselfishly in the "order". the town grew and thrived; the arts, schools and trades were remarkably well represented by the young. prosperity and a measure of plenty was there, in spite of the fact that there were more infirm people in that ward than any ward in the church. then dissatisfaction and disunion came, and the "order" broke up. there was not a great deal of property to divide, although some people came out with more property with others, according to the amount they consecrated in. mary and eliza, father's second and third wives, each received a team and wagon. mary and her family located in huntington, emery county, eliza and her family in tropic, garfield county. father well along in years, and broken in health, could do little more than advise his sons. eliza was dying of cancer. in orville s. cox came to fairview to the best-provided for branch of his family. one year he remained an invalid, and on july , he laid his exhausted body down to rest. the passing was quiet and peaceful. his two wives elvira and mary and many of his descendants were with him at the last. the following are some of the thriving towns o.s. cox assisted in founding: lima, ill.; pisgah, iowa; salt lake city, bountiful, manti, gunnuson, fairview, glenwood of utah; st. thomas, st. joseph, overton of nevada; mt. carmel, orderville and tropic of utah. if man ever earned his salvation, surely o.s. cox did. always found in the van where the hardest work was to be done, and if he advanced the cause one iota, no matter at what loss, or cost to himself, he considered he had been eminently successful. never was there a murmur from him. to illustrate the ingenuity of o.s. cox's ditch making, here is the story of the pig plow as told by an old settler of fairview, pappas brady. "when the ditch was first laid out that was afterwards called "city ditch", every man and boy was called on to come and work on it every day til it would carry water. this was in the spring, and it had to be finished before the fields were ready to be plowed and planted. the men turned out well with teams and plows, picks and crow bars and shovels. there was a rocky point at the head of the ditch to be ut through, and it was hard pan, about like cement. couldn't be touched by plow, no siree; now more than nothing. we was just prying the gravel loose with picks and crowbars, and looked like it would take us weeks to do six rods. yes, six weeks. cox looked at us working and sweating, and never offered to lift a finger. no sir, never done a tap; just looked and then without saying a word, he turned around and walked off. yes, sir, walked off! well of all the mad bunch of men you ever saw i guess he was about the maddest. of course, we didn't swear; we was mormons and the bishop was there, but we watched him go and one of the men says, "well, i didn't think cox was that kind of a feller." his going discouraged the rest of us, just took the heart out of us. but of course we plugged away pretendin' to work the rest of the day, and dragged back the next morning." "we weren't near all there when here came cox. i don't just remember whether it was four yoke of oxen or six or eight, for i was just a boy, but it was a long string and they was every one of a good pulling ox. and they was hitched on to a plow a plumb new kind, yes sir, a new kind of plow. it was a great big pitch pine log, about fourteen feet long, and may have been eighteen, with a limb stickin' down like as if my arm and hand was the log and my thumb the limb; he had bored a hole through the log, and put a crow bar down in front of the knob; and cross ways along the log back of the limb he bored holes and put stout oak sticks through spikes. they were the plow handles; and he had eight man got ahold of them handles find hold the plow level and he loaded a bunch of men along on that log, and then he spoke to his oxen." "great scott, ye oter seen the gravel fly, and ye oter heard us fellers laugh and holler! well, sir, he plowed up and down that ditch line four or five times and that ditch was made, practically made. all that the rest of us had to do was to shovel out the loose stuff; he done more in half a day than all the rest of us could a done in six weeks." "why didn't he tell his plans the first thing, so we wouldn't be so discouraged, and hate him so? why, cause he knew it wouldn't do a might of good to talk. he wasn't the bishop; and even if he had been, plans like that would sure be hooted at by half the fellers. no, siree! his way was the best when a bunch of men and a thing a workin' they see believe; yes, sir, seein' is believin." the pioneer mother upon a jolting wagon sent she rode across the trackless prairie to the west, or trudged behind the oxen with a goad, a sleeping child clasped tightly to her breast, frail flesh rebelling, but spirit never-- what tales the dark could tell of woman's tears!!-- her bravery incentive to endeavor; her laughter spurring strong men past their fears. o to her valor and her comeliness a commonwealth today owes its white domes of state, its fields, its highways, and its homes-- its cities wrested from the wilderness. its bones in memory above the hand that gentled, woman-wise, a savage land. --ethol romig fuller transcriber's note the original pamphlet contains many images that were omitted in this electronic version. scans of the original work can be found at https://archive.org/details/biographicalsket sidw. the poem "the pioneer mother," originally presented in a sidebar, has been moved to the end of the work for improved readability on typical e-reader devices. http://mormontextsproject.org/ for a complete list of mormon texts available on project gutenberg, to help proofread similar books, or to report typos. william clayton's journal a daily record of the journey of the original company of "mormon" pioneers from nauvoo, illinois, to the valley of the great salt lake copyright by lawrence clayton, trustee for the clayton family association. electronic edition produced by the mormon texts project. to report typos or formatting errors, you can email mormontextsproject@gmail.com. volunteers who helped with this book: eric heaps, meridith crowder, ben crowder, tod robbins, david van leeuwen, lili deforest, jude ogzewalla, byron clark. version . foreword william clayton was one of the remarkable characters of early utah history. born in the county of lancashire, england, july , , he was educated in one of the schools of his native town, and grew to manhood with a love for books and nature. an early convert of the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints, he conducted one of the first companies from england to nauvoo, and there became one of the trusted secretaries of the prophet joseph smith. with the exodus from nauvoo, he was clerk of the camp of israel, and when the mormon pioneers left winter quarters in april, , he was appointed by brigham young one of the historians of that noted company. his journal of that memorable expedition over the plains is one of the most valuable diaries we have of that early period of western history. he kept careful account of the distances traveled each day, and his writings are full of descriptions of the country over which they traveled. he has noted the topography, the fauna and flora of the trail; and his descriptions of the activities of the company indicate a well trained intellect in social study. his language is simple and direct, and his care in keeping each day's distance and important facts of the journey show order and method. his hymn, "come, come, ye saints" takes its place as one of the most beautiful hymns of western history, for it is full of joyfulness, and expresses an optimism and faith in god that will always be an inspiration to the one who sings it. it indicates that william clayton had much of the artistic in him, although we do know that he took a virile part in the activities of life. his journal should be read by all people who are interested in the west's development. it is certainly one of the distinct contributions of that early day, and shows that a man of strength of character wrote it. it will inspire many people to a greater love and regard for the work of the pioneers of utah. levi edgar young salt lake city, utah april william clayton born in england, ; died in utah, the claytons of england originally came from france. during the time when william the conqueror and king harold were quarreling, a call came from the former for volunteers among his chieftains to go to war. a man named robert was among those who responded. robert was skilled in arms. after the battle of hastings in , in which robert rendered heroic service, william the conqueror conferred upon him the english manor of clayton as a mark of merit. robert was afterwards known as robert de clayton and lord of the manor of clayton. from lord robert clayton came all the claytons of england and america and by genealogical research, the line has been brought down to the subject of this sketch. william clayton was born july , , in the village of charock moss, township of penwortham, county palatine of lancaster, england. he was the son of thomas and ann critchley clayton, who were born in lancashire, england. william was the eldest of fourteen children. three of these children died in infancy and were buried in england. through the influence of the eldest son, the father, mother and surviving children joined the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints and came to america. the mother died in nauvoo, illinois, july , , and the father in st. louis, missouri, june , . a brother james died in winter quarters, november , . the remainder of his brothers and sisters survived the persecutions of mobs and the early privations of the church and came to the valley of the great salt lake with the pioneers of utah. william clayton first heard the gospel preached in england by heber c. kimball and orson hyde. with his wife, ruth moon clayton, whom he married in england, october , , he listened to the teachings of these missionaries, but he was not easy to convert. his wife received the gospel first, and many evenings had to be spent before william clayton became a believer in "mormonism." he was ordained a priest december , , and a high priest, april , , at which time he was appointed with willard richards, counselor to joseph fielding who presided over the church in europe. september , , he left england in the packet ship _north america_, arriving in new york, october , , and in nauvoo, november , . in this city, he became a trusted friend of the founders of the church, so much so that on february , , he was appointed secretary to joseph smith the prophet. october , , he became temple recorder and recorder of revelations. in , he became treasurer of the city of nauvoo. these appointments are indicative of the zeal with which william clayton served the church throughout his life. what of the personal characteristics of our subject? as will appear from his portrait on the frontispiece, william clayton did not tend to frivolity or mirth but rather to seriousness and earnestness. yet he was witty and had a keen sense of humor. in the home he was not demonstrative; although he had great love for his home and family and provided well for their comfort. he was methodical, always sitting in his own arm chair, having a certain place at the table and otherwise showing his love for order, which he believed the first law of heaven. his person was clean and tidy; his hands small and dimpled. he wore very little jewelry but what little he had was the best money could buy. he would not carry a watch that was not accurate, and his clothing was made from the best material. his children remember him best in black velvet coat and grey trousers and, in cold weather, a broad-cloth cloak in place of overcoat. the man-timber in william clayton came from sturdy trees. his character was above all littleness. he believed that what was good for him was good for all men, and that the measurement of our lives was based upon our daily conduct towards each other. to him that was god's standard. he believed in perfect equity in the adjustment of the affairs of life. had he loved money, he could probably have had it because of his education and executive ability. but he cared little for material gain, centering his zeal in the pursuit of honor and right. william clayton was honest and nothing to him could justify an untruth. he deplored waste or extravagance, yet he never withheld from a neighbor in distress, or from the widow or orphan. many are those who knew his generosity. when his harvest was gathered, bushels of grain and fruit found place among those of scanty store. and many pairs of shoes and much warm clothing were given to comfort the needy. nor was the homeless forgotten, but the orphan was given a home and joy by his own fireside. his religion was deeply rooted and nurtured by association with and testimony of an eye witness to the living god. his love for joseph smith was love seldom shown in man for man. few men possessed stronger faith and courage. these qualities alone could inspire a man under heart-rending circumstances, to write such hymns of faith and comfort as "come, come, ye saints," and "the resurrection day." the record of william clayton in utah kept pace with that of previous years. his home was open always to his friends who loved to gather there for social hours. civic welfare always interested him. he was a musician and played in the pioneer orchestra and that of the salt lake theatre. he was a lover of community features and took part in dramatic functions. he was treasurer of zion's cooperative mercantile institution, recorder of marks and brands, receiver of weights and measures, and was territorial auditor. his love for education prompted many sacrifices and he tried hard to give his children the essentials of good schooling. he had a strong will, although a tender conscience. cowardice had no place in him. truly he could say, "my heart is fixed. i know in whom i trust." joseph smith believed that they should meet and associate in the celestial kingdom of god as they had here. william clayton died december , , in salt lake city. services were held in the seventeenth ward chapel at which his own funeral hymn was sung. he left a large posterity. victoria c. mccune salt lake city, utah, june, editor's note the descendants of william clayton have in recent years formed themselves into an organization known as the clayton family association. this book is offered to the public by the association with the thought that a document of such faithful description and fine spirit would be welcomed by all people who might be interested either in the pioneer period of western history or more particularly in the exodus of the mormon people from missouri to the valley of the great salt lake. it is difficult to understand why the _journal_ was not published years ago and it seems to require somewhat of an apology that this interesting record should have remained so long unknown and be now brought out with considerable haste. in the effort to have it ready for distribution to the members of the clayton family association on the anniversary of the birth of their forefather on july th, there has been a sacrifice of care and deliberation in the preparation of this first edition which is hoped the reader will overlook upon consideration of the facts. this lack of time and care will show itself more in the text than in any other particular. much of the proof reading was done by the undersigned on board train between salt lake and california. to say the least, such surroundings are not conducive to the most finished work. it is hoped that this circumstance will also make the reader more tolerant when encountering mistakes in the text, obviously the result of hasty proof reading. at a later date a second edition will do better justice to the author of the _journal_ and will show more consideration for the fine taste of the reader. lawrence clayton salt lake city, utah, june, table of contents february march april may june july august september november january february april may june july august september october february _nauvoo, illinois_ sunday, february at the office all day packing public goods, evening at farr's writing out a letter of instruction to trustees. monday, february at the office packing. at : the temple was seen on fire. women carrying water. tuesday, february at the temple packing, also wednesday th. thursday, february at home preparing to move. friday, february sent four loads of goods over the river. loading and packing. saturday, february packing and seeking letters. sunday, february riding around to get teams and things together. sent two teams over the river. monday, february still loading teams, also tuesday th. wednesday, february got about ready to go over the river. evening president brigham young, heber c. kimball, j. m. grant and some of the pioneers came to hurry us over. n. k. whitney also came in. we conversed together some. they state the brethren have made a perfect waste of food and property in the camp. thursday, february this morning the ground is covered with snow. it is so windy they cannot cross the river. continued to snow all day. evening went to elder babbit's to supper with elder kimball. president young was there, backenstos, j. m. grant and some others. friday, february the weather is very cold and windy. impossible to cross the river. spent the day running after things to get ready, fixing wagons and chopping fire wood. friday, february we have spent the past week waiting for crossing over the [mississippi] river. it has been hard frost and much snow. this morning i concluded to start over the river and began early to send my teams. about noon i crossed with my family and then rested the teams and soon after went on to the camp where we arrived a little before four o'clock. bishop whitney concluded to stay at the river until morning because some of his teams could not get over. when we got to the camp we were received with joy and formed in the company of the band. the weather is still very cold especially during the night. the distance from nauvoo to this place is called seven and a half miles. saturday, february a.m. arranging my tents, etc. at twelve was sent for to council and about two the band was requested to go and meet bishop whitney and his teams. we went and met him five miles from the camp. we played some time and then returned to the camp. president young, heber c. kimball, p. p. pratt, orson pratt and others accompanied us. at night played with the band. march sunday, march a.m. preparing to march to the next encampment. at ten a lecture was given by elder kimball and about one the company proceeded to the next camp about four and a half miles, where we arrived in good season. monday, march started this morning for another camp about eight miles where we arrived about five p.m., the roads being somewhat hilly and muddy. the band played at night. during the day the artillery company broke into our ranks several times and broke a number of our wagon boxes. at night they complained of us at headquarters, but after hearing our story the matter stood about right. tuesday, march proceeded on our journey through farmington about eight miles to a place where bishop miller was encamped and arrived in good season. the band played at night. wednesday, march this morning we concluded to stay a day and fix up some wagons which were broken. a number of the citizens from farmington came to the camp and gave a very pressing invitation for the band to go to farmington and play some. accordingly about three o'clock, the band started and arrived at farmington about : p.m. we played at the principal hotel and then went to the school house and played till nearly dark. the house was filled with men and women, the leading people of the place. we then returned to the hotel where they had provided us with a good supper. they also gave us $ in money. john kay sang a number of songs. at eight o'clock we returned and when we left they gave us three cheers. when we arrived at the camp we met thirty of the guard just starting out to meet us. the president felt uneasy at our staying so long and was sending the men to protect us. thursday, march proceeded on our journey. crossed the des moines river at bonaparte and afterwards had a very bad road up the bluff for several miles which detained us until late in the afternoon. we stopped awhile to feed the band teams inasmuch as they had none this morning. we then started and went to the next camping ground, making the day's journey about sixteen miles. saturday, march proceeded about eight miles to a camp ground near to a dr. elberts where the band camped. president young was behind and when he arrived he went on about eight miles farther. the band went to work splitting rails for corn and made before dark, about : . in the evening dr. elbert and some others came to hear the band play. kay sang some songs which pleased them. sunday, march waited for orders from headquarters. many of the citizens came to hear the band play and gave us a very pressing invitation to go to keosaugua and give a concert. about noon word came that we should follow on to the camp. we immediately struck tents and started and we arrived at the main camp about five o'clock. some of the citizens from keosaugua followed us waiting for an answer whether we would give a concert as soon as we arrived at the camp. i asked the president whether the band should go to keosaugua to give a concert. he advised us to go and i immediately sent out the appointment and then we pitched our tents forming a line on the road opposite to the president's company. monday, march spent the day chiefly preparing for the concert and attending on my family. tuesday, march the weather still continues fine. spent the morning preparing for the concert and about one o'clock p.m. started in company with the brass band for keosaugua. i rode in elder kimball's wagon with william kimball, j. smithies and wm. pitt. the distance from the camp to keosaugua is about ten miles, the camp being at a place called richardson's point. we arrived at keosaugua about three o'clock and being requested we went through the town and played some. one of the grocery keepers invited us to play him a tune which we did. he then invited us in and offered to treat us to anything he had. we each took a little and then the next grocery keeper sent an invitation for us to play him a tune. we did so and he also gave us anything he had. a beer keeper next sent word that he did not want us to slight him and we went and played him a tune and then took some of his cake and beer. we then marched up to the des moines hotel near the court-house where we had ordered supper and after eating we went to the courthouse to prepare for the concert. at seven o'clock the house was crowded and we commenced, playing and singing till about : . the audience seemed highly pleased and gave loud applause. about the close one of the citizens got up and said it was the wish of many that we should repeat the concert the following evening and he took a vote of all who wished us to go again. the vote was unanimous. we made nearly $ . clear of all expenses. we started back for the camp soon after ten and arrived about one o'clock all well and pleased. wednesday, march in the morning i reported to president young our success and the request of the citizens of keosaugua and he advised us to go again. we accordingly started about eleven o'clock. i again rode with william kimball, horace whitney and james smithies. when we arrived we were welcomed again with the same kind feelings as yesterday. pitt had a severe chill all the way and when we got there it commenced raining and made it very unpleasant. the house was again filled but we only made $ . besides all expenses. we learned that there is a party of socialists there and they and the priests are much opposed to each other. we also learned that a man named mccully was in jail close by under sentence to be hung on the th of april for murdering a man and a child. i did not feel so well at the concert as on the night previous on several accounts. we started back between eleven and twelve and got to the camp about three o'clock. thursday, march the band moved to better ground about one quarter of a mile farther. the heavy rains had made it very muddy and unpleasant, all our bedding and things being wet. friday, march went hunting. saturday, march wrote a letter to diantha. sunday, march in camp all day. monday, march some of the citizens of keosaugua came again to request us to give another concert. we agreed to go tomorrow evening. tuesday, march started for keosaugua with pitt, hutchinson, kay, smithies and egan. i took my music box and china to try and sell them. we arrived in good season and soon learned that the priests had been hard at work preventing the sectarians from coming to the concert, saying that it was an infidel move consequently there were not many present. we had far the best concert which lasted till nine o'clock. we then went over to the hotel, took supper and played for a private party till about three o'clock. we only cleared from both, about $ . over expenses but were well treated. wednesday, march it rained last night and this morning again and we almost concluded to go to fairfield, but finally determined to return to camp. we visited with a mr. bridgman who treated us very kindly. bought about eight bushels of beans and some articles for president young and then returned to camp. it rained some again today. we got back about five o'clock. after dark dr. elbert came to see my china and said if i would take it over tomorrow he would buy it. thursday, march went to ask council whether i should go to sell my china. saw heber who advised me to go. a few of us started and soon met president young who said we had better go back and go with the camp who were then starting on their way. we accordingly turned back our horses and struck tents in a hurry. at twelve o'clock we started on our journey. after traveling about six or seven miles we had to go up a very bad bluff which took us till five o'clock. president young's company went ahead of us and camped three miles from the bluff. some of our teams gave out and we only went about a mile from the bluff and camped in a little point of timber a little from the road. our teams were very tired. saturday, march we started early in the morning and soon came up with the main body of the camp. i rode ahead about three miles to hunt my cow. we did not have her last night being with the main camp. we traveled nine or ten miles and then rested our teams. we started again and traveled three miles farther where we found the president and heber camped on the brink of a long bluff. we concluded to go to the other bank which we did and camped in a good place. in the evening the band went and played for the president and heber and then went to a farmer's house at the owner's request about three quarters of a mile from camp to play for his family. he promised to give us some honey if we would play for him. we played about an hour and then left but neither saw nor heard anything of the honey. we learned afterwards, however, that hutchinson had a pail under his cloak and got it full of honey after the rest had left the house and kept it to himself, very slyly. sunday, march started again and soon came to the shariton bottoms which is a very low land for about four miles. the road was bad and it took us sometime to cross. while on the bottom root and davis came again. root had asked permission of president young to go back to his family some days ago but it seems things did not go to suit him and he followed his team again. it took sometime to go up the bluff. we had to let the teams down into the shariton river by ropes and also helped them up again by the same means. our company got over in good season but we concluded to camp after getting up the bluff as it would take till night for the whole to get up. i spent the day helping the teams till i was so sore and tired i could scarcely walk. monday, march in council with brigham, heber, and others. we found that miller's company had gone still farther about eight miles instead of waiting till we overtook them so that we could organize. i wrote a letter to them saying if they did not wait or return to organize, the camp would organize without and they be disfellowshiped. we concluded to stay at this place a few days to buy corn to last to grand river but we found corn scarce and c a bushel, the farmers having advanced on account of a disposition to speculate. tuesday, march and wednesday, march at the camp writing, etc. it rained considerably. thursday, march evening in council. wrote a long letter to be sent to emmet's company by john butler and james w. cummings. this morning wrote another letter to p. p. pratt, orson pratt, george miller telling them they must wait for us or come back to organize. the letters were sent by smithies. he met them on the way and about noon p. p. pratt, orson pratt, john kay and g. miller came into camp and at : p.m. the council met. the brethren plead that the charges in the letters were unjust. they had not striven to keep out of the way but had done all for the best. the whole camp accordingly was organized, a. p. rockwood over st ; stephen markham, nd ; young, rd ; howard e. kimball, th ; charles c. rich, th ; charles crisman, th . each fifty had also appointed a contracting commissary for the purpose of contracting for work and grain as follows: henry sherwood st ; david h. kimball nd; wm. h. edwards rd; peter haws th; joseph worthen th; samuel gully th. it was understood that i continue to preside over the band and in the absence of brother haws over the whole fifty. after this there was appointed for each fifty a distributing commissary to distribute feed in camp as follows: charles kennedy for st ; j. m. grant nd ; nathan tanner rd ; orson b. adams th ; james allred th ; isaac allred th . the brethren then gave the following instructions for the whole camp with orders that same be observed hereafter, viz. no man to set fire to prairies. no man to shoot off a gun in camp without orders. no man to go hunting unless he is sent and all to keep guns, swords and pistols out of sight. there was then appointed a clerk for each fifty as follows: john d. lee young, st ; john pack nd ; lorenzo snow rd ; geo. h. hales th ; john oakley th ; a. lathrop th . the council then adjourned to meet at shariton ford camp on monday at a.m. we then returned to our camp where we arrived just at dark. saturday, march in camp making out forms for clerks of 's and also copied letter to james emmet. sunday, march making forms for clerks of 's and felt quite unwell all day with bad cold. monday, march met with the council. the guard and pioneers were divided and distributed amongst the several companies of 's. it was also agreed that company no. should go on to the next camp tomorrow and the remainder of the day following. jackson redding sold one of keller's horses for one yoke of oxen, leaving me as bad off for teams as before. tuesday, march it was concluded we could not get ready to move until tomorrow. o. p. rockwell arrived with the mail. i received a letter from diantha and father. president young received one from the trustees, one from matlock and one from e. pratt which i read in council. i was ordered to write an answer to the trustees' and matlock's letter, but being late i left it till morning when i was quite unwell. i got two new teamsters, levi kendall and swap. april wednesday, april president young also sent me two yoke of oxen, wagon, and brother jones, the owner, to assist me. we divided the load out of the spare wagons putting a yoke of oxen to each and about : started on our journey. mother was very sick, and could not bear to ride. she walked all the way. i felt very unwell myself, having much pain in my limbs. the roads were bad, but we arrived in camp about : and got on good ground. after getting our tents fixed, fires made, etc., i went to wrestling, jumping etc., to try to get well. i over-exerted myself without any symptoms of perspiration and was so sick after i had to go to bed. thursday, april i was very sick all day and unable to write the letters or meet with the council. o. p. rockwell started back to nauvoo with letters. one of the brother hales arrived to say to his brother who drives team for pitt that his family is very sick and wants him to go back but we cannot spare the team and he says it is no use for him to go back without it. at night i wrote again to diantha and sent it by brother hale who returns tomorrow. friday, april this morning it was decided to start early so as to get over the bad roads and also travel about fifteen miles. we had to send a wagon and team to fetch the eight bushels of corn which some of the band earned by playing last night. we started, however, about eight o'clock. the roads were very bad and when we had traveled about three miles it began to thunder and rain. the clouds gathered fast and it soon showed signs for heavy rain the whole day. we reached bishop whitney's camp about noon and rested our teams while the rest came up. we then started again in the heavy rain and bad roads and traveled about three miles to bishop miller's camp. we had a very bad bluff to rise and had to double teams to get up. on the top i met heber camped. he selected a camping ground for us and advised us to go no farther. president young has gone on six or seven miles. it was about : before all our teams got up and it rained heavily all the time. mother walked all day again in the rain. i was very sick myself and unable to do anything. yesterday the portion of the guard detailed to our company joined in with us, being orvil m. allen and eight men. they reported themselves destitute of everything and said they had lived a week on corn meal gruel, stout and hunter having made them serve as their body guard and used them very hard. i dealt out some of my own flour and bacon to them, determined to comfort them some if i could and not being willing to see anyone in our company suffer while i have anything left. it continued to rain all night very hard. saturday, april this morning all our clothing, beds and bed clothing were drenched and it has continued to rain all day. i have been sick again all day especially towards night. i was so distressed with pain it seemed as though i could not live. i went to bed and put a bag of hot salt on my chest which seemed to give me some ease but i suffered much through the night, and it continued to rain until after midnight. we put an extra cover on our sleeping wagon, which kept out the rain. we have only slept in the wagon three nights but have slept under a tent on the wet ground. haws' company are now formed with us, making our nearly complete. a number of the company feel unwell on account of the rain and wet. sunday, april this morning i feel a little better and the day is fine and pleasant. i have spent the day writing in this journal, having written from memory all since the date of march th. some of the dates may not be correct but the matters recorded are true. it is now : p.m. there is a meeting at elder kimball's camp but i am sent here in this wagon to fetch up this record. my health is somewhat better for which i feel thankful. elder kimball says we had better not attempt to move tomorrow. we can get corn within ten miles from here and he will help us to means. we have now to lay in corn to last till we get to grand river about fifty miles farther, there being no farms on the road. on friday evening i appointed charles terry captain of my ten and henry a. terry clerk and my brother james to attend on my family agreeable with the orders of the president that i may be able to spend my time writing for the council and camp and attend councils. elder kimball instructed the captains of tens to call their companies together at : . agreeable with this, the band assembled in front of my tent and administered the sacrament. wm. f. cahoon and charles a. terry officiated. i spoke about three quarters of an hour on various subjects touching on our journey and the policy we ought to use, etc. after i had done elder haws spoke on some subjects and the meeting adjourned. the captains then went over to elder kimball's camp about sending for corn. we concluded to send four teams for our , captain egan and haws then went through the camp to see if they could obtain some money. haws obtained $ . and egan $ . . i sent $ . by egan for some. wrote to diantha. monday, april it has rained again the last night and continued to rain all day very heavily. the camp is very disagreeable and muddy. i spent the day reading. about : the clouds began to break and it looks more likely for being fair. in the evening elder kimball came over and the band met opposite hutchinson's wagon and played some. after that the quadrille band met in my tent and played on the violins. all the time we were playing the lightning occasionally broke forth from the northwest and at : we dispersed just as the storm approached. before i got to my tent the wind arrived and soon blew a perfect gale with heavy rain, hail, lightning and thunder. it continued for an hour and then abated some. all the tents in our company except mine and pack's were blown down. the rain beat through the wagon covers and drenched the families and effects. it was the most severe storm we have experienced and with such wind it seems impossible to preserve our little clothing and provisions from being spoiled. but in the midst of all, the camp seems cheerful and happy and there are but few sick. tuesday, april this morning it is fair but cold and windy. the ground is frozen stiff and considerable ice. many of the tents are still lying flat and everything around shows that the storm was very severe. a number of the band have no meat and some no flour nor in fact scarcely any provisions and several have had little, only what i have given them out of the stock i laid in for my family. i have this morning given the guard the bag of flour miller left and a piece of pork and also a piece to redding. the day continued fine but roads almost impassable. evening the band played some. wednesday, april this morning the ground was hard again. but the weather looks more for rain. i went out with captain cahoon and president haws to look out a better camp ground and we concluded to move on a little farther west about a quarter of a mile. it took the company all day to move, it being almost impossible to move the loads even with tripling teams. about five o'clock egan and the teams came back with fifty-seven bushels of corn. he had to give c a bushel for nearly all of it. elder kimball came over soon after to see if he could not get some of it. while we were talking president pratt and his company arrived and reported that their teams have had no corn since yesterday morning neither could they get any. heber remarked that he would say no more about us letting him have any although we had only enough to feed five ears a feed every three days, and a journey of about fifty miles before we can get any more with bad roads. we let parley have one load. heber came with me to our camp and handed me a letter from president young requesting us all to go on which i read to the company. i felt very unwell again and went to bed early. thursday, april this morning we concluded to pursue our journey, president kimball and his company started out about seven o'clock. president pratt started out with his company. our company waited for the latter to start in its place till after eight o'clock and then we went on. the roads were very bad indeed. about noon it commenced raining heavily which made the roads still worse. we had calculated to go about eight miles to timber but after toiling till about four o'clock and having traveled only about five miles and our teams being entirely worn down we turned out of the road to a little branch of water to camp. several of my teams stuck and we had to work till dark to get part of them to camp and two wagons we were compelled to leave over night. quite a number were obliged to stay back on the prairie and charles hale did not come more than a quarter of a mile from where we started this morning. elder kimball has camped one and a half miles farther on the open prairie and many of his teams are yet behind. p. p. pratt's company are here with us as well as george miller's company except those behind on the prairie. it continued to rain very heavily until night. we could not make a fire and had little for supper, our provisions being in one of the wagons back. this is the most severe time we have had but yet the camp seems in good spirits. friday, april the weather is yet very wet and gloomy. i spent the morning talking to margaret. at seven o'clock a gale struck up and blew our tents over. we then concluded to move a few rods lower out of the wind. before we got moved the wind moved to the west and it grew very cold. our teams are gone back to fetch some of the wagons left last night. it rains and blows very badly and is very severe on our women and teams. margaret and lidia are out all the time and continually wetting both feet and all over. we expect robert burton's, one of peck's, peart's and my wagons in tonight. one of mine was fetched early in the morning. our teams fare hard with wet and cold, having very little corn. saturday, april this morning rode with egan to help to get brother peart's wagon out of the slough. it took five yoke of oxen and twelve men to draw it out. the roads are yet very bad but it is fair and very cold. we sent twelve yoke of oxen to bring up peck's and charles hale's wagon. they got in late at night. sunday, april this morning before i got up, p. p. pratt called and said that president young wants the council to meet at heber's camp at ten o'clock. i started out with captain egan on foot and arrived in season. had some conversation with ellen sanders kimball and then went to council. it was decided to change our route and take a more northern one to avoid the settlements. we will go to grand river and there enclose a space of land about two miles square and put up some twenty log houses for a resting place for the companies. a company starts out in a day or two to seek out the location amongst whom are the president, heber and others of the twelve. a company will also be sent west to judge miller's to go to work for feed, etc. after council i took dinner with heber, the president being with us. i then wrote a letter to the trustees and returned with captain egan to our camp and soon after went to bed. the day has been fine but cold. monday, april finished my letter to diantha and then went over to peck's blacksmith shop. we had concluded not to leave till morning. while there a message arrived saying that haws has sent eight yoke of cattle to help us on. we then concluded to start forthwith, being noon. but although we had so many extra teams, we had to leave three wagons in camp over night. four of my folks walked all the way but still it was hard for me to get along. keller had to stay back over night. i arrived at locust creek, being about four miles journey, about six o'clock and sent the cattle back for peck and steven hales but they did not return till morning. in the evening the band played some. james broke his wagon tongue. we camped a little north of president heber's camp. tuesday, april the weather is again very fine. because some of the wagons did not come, egan and i concluded to go and meet them and not start farther until tomorrow. we met the teams close by and then took a northern course a hunting. we saw only squirrels and i got five of them. about noon we returned and found the camp mostly gone. orders had come from the president for the whole to move to his camp today. charles terry and henry were gone a hunting which detained me till about three o'clock. james and i then started with the four wagons. they overtook us when we had got about one half mile. we found the road very bad and had to double teams, our horses being so badly worn down. charles terry broke a wagon tongue. wednesday, april last night i got up to watch, there being no guard. the cattle and horses breaking into the tents and wagons. i tarried up then called s. hales and kimball. this morning ellen kimball came to me and wishes me much joy. she said diantha has a son. i told her i was afraid it was not so, but she said brother pond had received a letter. i went over to pond's and he read that she had a fine fat boy on the th ult., but she was very sick with ague and mumps. truly i feel to rejoice at this intelligence but feel sorry to hear of her sickness. spent the day chiefly reading. in the afternoon president young came over and found some fault about our wagons, etc. in the evening the band played and after we dismissed the following persons retired to my tent to have a social christening, viz. william pitt, hutchinson, smithies, kay, egan, duzett, redding, william cahoon, james clayton and charles a. terry and myself. we had a very pleasant time playing and singing until about twelve o'clock and drank health to my son. we named him william adriel benoni clayton. the weather has been fine but rains a little tonight. henry terry's horses are missing and have been hunted today but not found. this morning i composed a new song--"all is well." i feel to thank my heavenly father for my boy and pray that he will spare and preserve his life and that of his mother and so order it so that we may soon meet again. o lord bless thine handmaid and fill her with thy spirit, make her healthy that her life may be prolonged and that we may live upon the earth and honor the cause of truth. in the evening i asked the president if he would not suffer me to send for diantha. he consented and said we would send when we got to grand river. thursday, april this morning prepared to proceed on our journey but a span of horses in our company in care of henry terry being missing we concluded not to start. i sent out three men to hunt them. soon after they were brought into camp by another person. i then sent henry terry to hunt for the men but it was after two o'clock before they returned. we fed a little corn and then started. the company is far ahead of us. we traveled very slowly our teams were so weak. however, we soon came into sight of the camp but it was six o'clock before we got there, having traveled about seven miles. the camp was formed on a beautiful prairie, president young's camp being on a little eminence. president kimball's about three quarters of a mile north of his and ours about a quarter of a mile east. there is some little grass for our cattle here, but little. we sent those of our company about a mile southeast and had a guard over them through the night. president haws, captains egan and kay and jackson redding went out a hunting. george hale's cattle were so worn down that they could not get along and when within about a mile of camp about fifteen of the brethren went to help. they took a rope and fixed it on the wagon, loosed the cattle and brought it in themselves, singing all the way. at night the band played and then i retired to bed. friday, april this morning very fine. some of the camp started very early on the way. i was ready about eight o'clock but was detained on account of captain haws, egan and others having gone hunting. i left margaret to drive my team and sent them on and i drove the cattle on foot. we formed our encampment on a high dry place. sunday, april while the rest are gone to meeting i turned to unpacking and took an inventory of church property. it took till about four o'clock to get through. daniel spencer's company had arrived about five o'clock. porter rockwell and edwin cutler arrived with the mail. received a letter from diantha confirming the birth of my son, also a letter from a. w. babbit on some business. went to see the president to show him the inventory but could not find him. about dark he sent for me and i went again but he was gone and i did not see him. my mare got in a mud hole last night and is very badly strained. evening went to council and read many letters and wrote one to elder hyde. monday, april at nine o'clock went to council. had to read some letters and several pieces from papers. a report was read of all those who are able to fit themselves for the mountains. a law was made on motion of president young that any person who interrupts the council hereafter by talking or otherwise, shall be deprived the privilege of the council till the council see proper to admit him. the public teams being brought together, the bishops took a list of them to be disposed of at grand river. after council i went to work to assort the articles to be sold, etc. wrote to diantha. tuesday, april this morning the main body of the camp are gone, but i am obliged to tarry and pack up the public goods again and re-load my wagons. i weighed most of our loads and it took until night to get through. charles terry's horse and one of mine are unable to drag any. wednesday, april i had intended to start early this morning but our horses were away which detained us till nearly nine o'clock. about that time we started and traveled slowly about four and a half miles. we then stopped at : and thought we would rest our teams and get them cooled off. the sun was very warm and they sweat considerably. word came that o. p. rockwell was on his way and would call for letters. we intended to wait until he came. i wrote a short letter to a. w. babbit and one to father but porter failed to call, and at two o'clock we started again. we traveled until about three o'clock when we passed orson pratt who had concluded to stay a piece east of where the camp had tarried last night. he said all the grass was eaten up for several miles around. we concluded to go beyond the timber where the main camp stayed last night but tried to find grass for our teams. we started onward. at the creek watered our teams and rested awhile. we then went on about a mile and a half and found good grass and much of it. we at once concluded to tarry there. we had put a little wood into our wagons to cook with. we arrived on the ground about six o'clock and then got the best camp ground we have had for some time. three of our teams were behind when we arrived. horlick got in about a half an hour after us and then afterwards swap and jones arrived at : . we are all comfortable but very tired, having traveled about ten miles. my wife ruth walked all the way and myself also. the rest walked by turns. we have seen many rattlesnakes today. the weather is very fine. thursday, april this last night has been very stormy with heavy thunder, hail, rain and wind. the thunder and lightning was very loud and the rain fell in torrents. the weather continues cold and cloudy with some fine showers. there appears some heavy rain in the east and north. grass looks green and the cattle have filled themselves well. we started about ten o'clock and soon found that last night's rain had made the roads much worse. after traveling about four miles we stopped to graze our teams, being one o'clock. while resting elders taylor and orson pratt passed on horseback. at three o'clock we started again and about four came to the president's camp. he was just returning from an exploring tour to find out better roads. his camp was on the east of a piece of timber. he gave orders to move to the other side of the timber about a mile from where he then was. we concluded to move on and finally camped on the next ridge southwest of his. our teams are tired and there is not much grass. a number of the horses have been bitten by rattlesnakes and one is dead. there are a great number of these snakes on these prairies. the president says the road to the next timber is all ridges and hollows and will be hard on teams. we got camped about : p.m., and before we got fixed a thunder storm came on with heavy rain but it was soon over and the evening afterwards was fine. friday, april this morning the president's company made a bridge over a creek and started again on their journey. four of my horses were missing and i sent men to hunt them and went myself. they were found about ten o'clock. we tarried until about twelve to rest and then started. we went about two miles and stayed until four o'clock to graze our teams and then went on again and about six o'clock got to timber. i went to hunt a camping spot with egan. we saw some women who told us grand river was only a mile ahead and that the other companies were required to go down there. we started and soon arrived at the main body of the camp. we formed on the south side of the camp. the ground here is rich, timber good, and the prospects good for heavy crops. here we calculated to tarry a while, fence in a piece of land and those who are not prepared to go through to tarry and raise crops. wild onions grow in abundance. the weather has been fine today. evening those of the band who are here went to bishop miller's tent and played for the president and a mr. bryant who lives about thirty miles from here. pitt, george, charles and steven hales and william f. cahoon are way back as yet as well as heber's company. saturday, april this morning started by daybreak fishing. about : the president sent for me. i came back but he was gone. president haws is regulating the company to watch our teams and also go to making rails, etc. the morning is fine. about nine o'clock kendall, one of my teamsters, brought one of the horses he drives into camp which had been bitten by a rattlesnake. his nose had begun to swell badly. we got some spirits of turpentine and bathed the wound, washed his face in salt and water and gave him some snakes master root boiled in milk. he yet seems very sick. our men have made a pen for the cattle at night. i feel quite unwell today. spent the day chiefly reading. evening kennedy came to look at our horse and says they have given sufficient of the master root to kill four well horses. the horse looks very sick and is already scarcely able to stand. the band played a few tunes at night. about nine o'clock it rained somewhat and continued to shower through the night. pitt arrived in camp this afternoon. sunday, april the first news i heard this morning was that the horse was dead. this is a very unlucky circumstance for me for i am already very deficient in teams. moreover, three of my teams leave me here, viz. horlick, chas. a. terry and jones with their wagons and teams. i shall then have about quarter teams enough to draw the loads. i have about three thousand pounds of church property besides my own goods. i see little chance of my moving from here at present. the morning was wet but it cleared off and continued so all day. i spent the day reading and writing while the rest went to meeting. evening was sent for to go to council. read a letter from o. hyde stating that they had had an offer of two hundred thousand dollars for the temple. he writes of hard times in nauvoo. the council selected one hundred men to make rails, forty-eight to build houses; twelve to dig wells; ten to build a bridge and the rest to go to farming. steven markham, c. c. rich, l. c. wilson, james pace to oversee the rail cutting. brigham young, heber c. kimball, p. p. pratt and geo. a. smith the house building. a. p. rockwood to boss bridge building. president young to boss him and the whole camp and jacob peart to boss well digging. the council decided to wait until morning to decide relative to selling the temple. after we adjourned i went into my wagon. i wrote a long letter to diantha. it was about ten o'clock when i got through. monday, april rained all day. at : a.m., went to meeting. the men were divided out to work and commenced operations and had to quit on account of rain. after breakfast went to council, when it was voted to sell the temple, signifying as to the reason, it will be more likely to be preserved. it is as lawful to sell it to help the poor saints as to sell our inheritance. we do it because we are compelled to do it. i was ordered to write an answer to elder hyde's letter which i did, saying finally, if the temple was sold, $ , must be sent for the benefit of the camp. the balance to be left at the disposal of elder hyde, woodruff and the trustees and to be appropriated to help away those who have labored hard to build the temple and the faithful poor of the saints. spent the balance of the day packing up china and crockery to be sent by egan. tuesday, april weather very wet. moved up on higher ground. spent the morning unpacking chests for files and supplies. afternoon unloading wagon to send a-trading. the weather very wet until night. president young called over and said we had better not send egan until the weather settles. the quadrille band have gone to give concerts in the platte. they had to draw their wagons across the river by ropes the water was so high. wednesday, april it still continues to rain and the ground is getting quite soft and muddy. spent the day setting men to fixing yokes and bows. walked out about a mile to the bluff west of us. it ceased raining about eleven o'clock and continued fair through the day. thursday, april unpacking and re-packing chests all the day. it continues to rain more or less and the weather looks bad. ruth is quite unwell. may friday, may this month brings the damp wet weather. chas. shumway and george langley start for george herring this morning being instructed to bring him on to council bluffs. spent the day preparing for egan to start trading. he has gone with jackson redding and has taken $ . of church property besides two span of horses and harness and near $ . of mine. afternoon packing chests, etc. the weather finer and fairer. saturday, may the day is fine. preparing some for horlick's return to nauvoo on monday. wrote to diantha. selling shoes. sunday, may the morning fair, windy and cloudy, southeast wind. spent the morning making a list of all the company who have made their reports, also fixing tents. at ten o'clock went to meeting. o. spencer talked a while and was followed by president young who exhorted the camp to diligence in getting in crops for that will be our salvation the next winter. he said no company should start from here until the south field was made and some houses built. it commenced raining as the meeting closed and about three o'clock a thunder storm came on which lasted till near five o'clock. i spent the afternoon reading. soon after five it cleared off some and the sun shone again. while at supper president young called and stated that he wished that i should go to council with him. i started and the council met opposite his tent. it was decided that his fifty build the bridge tomorrow and all the rest to make rails and also that sherwood and orson pratt go about twenty-five or thirty miles southwest to seek out another section. monday, may finished my letter to diantha and sent it by john richards. horlick has concluded to tarry till my wagons are fixed. i spent the day examining my flour and crackers and helping to fix the tent as considerable of my crackers and flour are damaged on account of having poor wagons. i dreamed last night that i saw diantha and her babe. her babe was dressed in white and appeared to be lying down with its eyes closed. she was bent over it apparently in sorrow. when i went to her she flew to me earnestly but the babe seemed to be kept still and asleep, and i awoke. this dream has troubled me considerably. evening met the clerks of 's in my tent and instructed them how to make their reports, etc. tuesday, may the weather very fine. i spent the day preparing to enter the reports on the record. went over to j. d. lee's and learned that some of the clerks had been to the president and told him that i had ordered that they should include in their reports each wife a man has. i did not do any such thing, only requested each name should be in full according to the order of a previous council. the president said it did not matter about the names being in full but i think in after days it will prove it does. dr. richards thinks as i do. the president, i understand, appeared quite angry. many of the band are entirely destitute of provisions and my flour is so nearly down i have concluded to eat biscuit. i have given the band considerable of my biscuit already. at nine o'clock fixing my wagons. expected a storm which soon afterwards commenced, raining and thundering very hard. raining most of the night. wednesday, may writing in the camp record. in the afternoon a storm arose emitting very violent wind, thunder, lightning, rain and hail. many tents blew over. one of mine blew over and most of our articles were wet and some nearly spoiled. i have been informed that esther kay has been offering bitter complaints because they do not fare as well as some others. the hint was thrown at margaret and she understood that it was for me. i have today let miss kay a pair of shoes and took down a large bag of biscuits and divided it amongst those who are needy. i have all the time let them have flour, sugar, bacon and other things as i had them and to hear of dissatisfaction because i will not let them have the last i have grieves me. i have given to the band as near as i can estimate, twelve hundred pounds of flour, about four or five hundred pounds of bacon besides much of other things. towards evening it did not rain so much but continued hard after we went to bed. the wind was very severe, almost as bad as i ever saw it for about a half an hour. thursday, may this morning it is dull, cloudy and cold. about nine o'clock commenced raining again. i have again given sister kay a quart cup full of sugar. i have spent the day entering reports on record. friday, may the weather fine and pleasant. spent the day fixing wagon covers and wagons. andrew cahoon arrived from nauvoo with the mail but no letter from diantha or father. he says the troops arrested o. p. rockwell last thursday evening and took him to carthage and thence to quincy jail. it is doubtful whether he will now escape their cruel vengeance. this morning the mare had a colt. i have felt quite unwell all day. evening went to president young's to get records to look for a deed from hiram kimball to ira s. miles. searched till near ten o'clock but the deed is not on record. kimball seems disposed to take all the advantages he can from everyone. saturday, may morning fixing wagon cover, counseling with wm. cahoon and then was called aside by the president to read two letters from sister harris and her son. dr. richards, john smith and heber were present. afternoon went fishing. the weather fine and no wind. sunday, may wrote a letter to diantha, one to trustees, one to father, one to brother burdick, one to thos. moore and one to john everett. keller returned with thirteen bushels of meal and pounds of bacon from the guard, having been gone twelve days. evening went to council to heber's tent. samuel bent having been appointed at today's meeting to preside over those left on his arm, he chose david fullmer and ezra t. benson for counselors. p. p. pratt was advised to start as soon as possible for platte river to take all who were prepared to go. monday, may morning distributing meal and bacon to the band. afterwards the president, heber, and dr. richards came and took some cordage. afternoon weighing and loading. tuesday, may sent keller and corbite to the mills to try and get flour, meal and two cows. weighing and packing. about nine was sent for to go to council. i waited about two hours before anything was done. the vote for ezra t. benson to stay as counselor for father bent was rescinded and it was voted to take aron johnson in his place. a letter of authority was written for father bent by dr. richards but he made me copy it, and afterwards when the president spoke to him to write to o. p. rockwell he favored me to do that although i left three men waiting to weigh my loading and load my wagon. the fact is i can scarcely ever go to council but dr. richards wants me to do his writing, although i have more writing to do as clerk of the camp than i can possibly do. moreover i have to unpack the chest and wait on all of them with the public goods in my charge which keeps me busy all the time. president young, heber, dr. richards and bishop whitney have all made out to get lumber sawed to make their wagons comfortable but i can't get enough to make a hind board for one of my wagons, which has none. they are tolerably well prepared with wagons and teams but i am here with about five tons of stuff and only six wagons and five yoke of oxen to take it. i have dealt out nearly all of my provisions and have to get more before i can go on. it looks as if i had to be a slave and take slave's fare all the journey for it has worked that way so far. after council i was weighing and loading, etc., until night. we had some rain at night. wednesday, may the morning fair, but cloudy. still loading my wagons and preparing to move. president young and heber's companies have gone and left me. i asked jones and terry what provisions i should have to leave them while they put in the crops. they concluded that lbs. of corn meal each, and from to lbs. of bacon for three of them would be enough for twenty days. i think so, for we do not use as much meat in the same time in my whole family and as to lbs. of corn meal each for so long a time, it is far more than my family can have. i have also to supply horlick with provisions to take him back to nauvoo and have kept four of them since they came here while they are to work for themselves. all this continues to weaken my hands for the journey. i have to get three new teamsters and also feed them while the others are living on my food. markham came in the evening and said the president had sent word to father bent to raise cattle enough to take my load to the new place tomorrow morning but i cannot go because my horses have gone to the mill for meal. evening it commenced raining again and rained nearly all night. thursday, may this morning is fair, but cloudy and like for more rain. jones has concluded to leave for nauvoo this morning and leave his son to plant for him. i have given him and charles a. terry a letter of recommendation. jones asked me and said i would have to leave him some provisions while he put in his crops but i do not feel to do it for i think it is far more reasonable that the company for whom he has been working should supply him instead of me doing it out of the little provisions i have. i have left charles and henry terry lbs. of meal and lbs. of bacon besides boarding them two weeks while they have been working on their farm. i went to see brother bent about the teams and from him learned that he could only raise three yoke of oxen and no wagon. i went to see crisman who had promised two yoke and told him i should start in the morning then went and spent the day fixing the loads, etc. friday, may this morning crisman called and said he should not let his cattle go until brother miller returned. i then concluded to take what teams i had and take my wagons and go on a few miles. i borrowed two yoke of oxen from sister kay and started. we got the wagons over the river and on the bluff about a mile and then stopped to let the teams feed. i walked on and met brothers miller, pitt, kay, and hutchinson with a large drove of cows and cattle. i told brother miller my situation and the request of the president but i could get no satisfaction. we moved on with half of the wagons and i selected a spot over a quarter of a mile from timber. they then went back for the other wagons and got them all up about six o'clock. reddings have come here also, and sister egan with one or two others. saturday, may this morning is fine but the weather doesn't look like being fair long. i have concluded to send two wagons through and wait until the teams return before i can move farther. swap and conrad are gone with all the teams i have and i have sent a. johnson's cattle back because they were useless unless i could have more. the day was very warm. i spent the day mostly reading. afternoon duzett, hutchinson and pitt arrived with their wagons. sunday, may spent the day mostly reading. weather very warm. afternoon bishop miller's company passed but he did not leave me any cattle although he has plenty and many cows. this agrees with his course, for from about two months before we left nauvoo to the present, he has done nothing but for himself. monday, may morning went on the road about two miles to see if i could meet keller and corbitt. it rained and thundered some and continued cloudy through the day. tuesday, may spent the morning reading, afterwards went fishing. some teams returned from camp and said that some from nauvoo had arrived there which started two weeks ago last saturday and that elder hyde had advised all the saints to move over the river as fast as possible from nauvoo, and they have their ferry boats constantly employed. a number are already on their way here. wednesday, may this morning is very rainy and cold. spun twenty yards of fish line and tied on eleven hooks. swap and conrad returned soon after eleven o'clock. they say the camp is about thirty miles ahead. they confirm the report of some having arrived from nauvoo and say they were told that my father is on his way here. the roads are lined with teams, etc., on the other road north of this. horlick came this afternoon for more victuals. although he is a good wagon maker and carpenter, he is either unwilling to work or the camp at the farms is unwilling to board him for his work which i hardly believe. it seems as though teamsters are resolved to live on me till they eat all i have and i now lack about three thousand lbs. of provisions to proceed with. i can learn of no one who has fed his teamsters as long as i have after they stopped teaming and moreover, the teamsters started with church property but i have sustained them out of my own provisions. towards evening it was fair but still threatens to rain again. i cannot yet learn a word from diantha but think she must be on her way. my family is yet in good health except margaret who looks sick but doesn't complain. thursday, may continued raining this morning but about noon it began to be fine. about five o'clock a heavy thunder storm came up and it started raining heavily. storm after storm kept coming far into the night. wilham f. gaboon called on his way up between the two companies. he wanted some salt but i had none for him. friday, may this morning fine but cloudy, ground wet and soft. wrote some in the camp record. about nine o'clock started on the road to look for a good camp ground. james started at the same time on horseback to see if he could meet keller. i went about three miles and waited till he returned but no news from keller. i concluded to move my camp about three miles and sent james back to load up and come on. i waited until they came. it was after five o'clock before they came up, the loads being heavy and the teams weak, the loads being too heavy for them. we are now camped on a very pleasant spot not far from timber. we have camped near the summit of a ridge where we can see a long way on both the roads leading to miller's mill and to the next camp. soon after we arrived horace whitney passed. i sent word to the president to send me more teams. i told horlick we could not board him any longer and gave him a line to father asking him to board him until he returns. have borrowed some meal from edward martin to get along. if keller doesn't come soon we shall have to obtain something to eat somewhere or go short. we have nothing left to eat but some corn, and being short of milk we can not cook it to our advantage. james and i were consulting just at dusk as to the wisdom of one of us starting out to try and meet keller and corbitt or see if we could learn something of them. we both felt positive they had lost their horses. while we were talking we saw keller and horlick riding up from the first farm. from keller we learned they had got horses and loads and were coming on the other road and would wait till we came up to meet them if we thought best. he said the guard had all returned and were with the wagons. this was joyful news to us and i felt my heart much relieved. saturday, may james started out early to meet the wagons. after breakfast we started on the road and while standing keller came up and said it was about four and a half miles to where the other road joins the main road. i started ahead on foot and after traveling about three miles came up to the teams where they had waited on the road. when i got up the guard seemed pleased to see me. captain allen had bought about thirty-six bushels of meal and lbs. of bacon. they would not receive any pay for it. they have been faithful and diligent and have done much. there is yet $ . due them from the meal and they are determined i shall have that too. when my teams came up we put the meal in the wagons and started on. we went about a mile farther to peter's bridge where we concluded to camp for the night. we arranged our loading and i concluded to let brother allen have the wagon and team in his hands which is church property to send back to nauvoo for his family. the guard made out a list of provisions which they wished me to leave them which was indeed very little. i gave them four pairs of shoes and probably three bushels of meal which is all the remuneration they would accept for all they had brought. they seemed well satisfied. sunday, may this morning i gave certificates of discharge to a. keller, john horlick, orville allen, m. a. dodge, tollman, starks, mecham, bartlet and p. r. wright. keller and horlick started immediately for nauvoo and wright and dodge soon after. i concluded to move on about two miles to where hutchinson and duzett were in camp. i started out on foot and most of my family soon after. it soon began to rain and rained till i was wet through. i traveled on about four and a half miles but could see no camp near timber. i stopped to rest at a post put up by stewart where the raccoon fork led off. while there josiah arnold passed on his way to miller's. from him i learned that there was a camp ground about a half a mile farther. i went on and waited. before any of the wagons arrived james came up. soon after news arrived that swap had broke his wagon tongue. i sent james to help bring on the loads. we only started with three wagons and left three back with corbitt and martin. the teams worked hard all day and at half past nine the last team arrived having taken all day to travel about five miles. monday, may this morning i sent james and corbitt to go and trade three horses and some harness for cows. about noon i started out with two wagons and left one and about three loads of stuff in care of two of the guard. after we had traveled about three miles i met a messenger from the camp who handed me two letters, one was from diantha and one from brother whitaker concerning a piece of land. we went on about a mile and crossed a creek where we waited to rest our teams. when i read diantha's letter it gave me painful feelings to hear of her situation. after resting about an hour we went on about four miles farther and camped near father baker's camp on a creek. it was night before we got supper over. i found several men going back to nauvoo for their families. tuesday, may wrote an answer to whitaker's letter and also one to diantha. we started on about eight o'clock and found the road bad and many bad creeks where the bridges had been washed away. after traveling two miles one of my wagons loaded with corn meal was upset in a hole. but after about an hour's labor we got the loading in. the wagon was not much damaged. we proceeded about three miles farther and met two men with six yoke of oxen which president young had sent to meet us. this was a great relief to us for we saw that we could not get to camp today because of our teams being so worn down. we rested our teams about an hour and then started on at a good pace. we found several more very bad creeks to pass but we did not have much difficulty. duzett and myself drove the cows. edward martin drove his horses. about sundown we arrived in camp, having traveled about thirteen miles. this place is called mt. pisgah and is a very beautiful situation, the prairie rolling and rich, skirted with beautiful groves of timber on the main fork of the grand river. soon after we arrived elder kimball came to welcome us to camp and then came elder richards and family and president young who all seemed glad to see us in camp. wednesday, may this morning my horses and one cow and several of the oxen are missing. i went to see bishop whitney about getting teams to send back for the loads remaining but could get no satisfaction from him. i went back and unloaded two wagons on the ground and about the same time saw the president who said he would send for them. elder kimball sent one wagon and the president sent two. president young said they intended to take the church property in their wagons and take it on to council bluffs but i must go with them and leave james and corbitt and egan to bring on the wagons they have, etc. i cannot think they understand my situation in regard to the teams or they would make some definite move about it. they intend to start in a day or two and i tried to fix the wagons in good order but had no chance to get even one fixed. spent the day fixing up my tent and had to get a new pole. heber took my other one. afternoon it commenced gathering for a storm and we had barely time to get the tent up and the things under it before it began to rain and continued till i went to sleep. george herring and shumway arrived here last night. i spoke with them today. thursday, may the morning dull and foggy, ground wet, etc. went fishing some. evening played with hutchinson and pitt. all my oxen, horses and the cow were found. i went out this morning hunting for them on foot. evening raining. friday, may the weather fine, cool, and windy. talked with heber some. he says i shall have teams. one of my wagons came in this morning. saturday, may went and borrowed a robe and ornaments from aaron farr then rode with dr. richards about three miles on the prairie. there were five others and among them president young. two tents were brought and we fixed them up and then met and clothed. there were president young, p. p. pratt, j. taylor, geo. a. smith, a. lyman, john smith, n. k. whitney, d. spencer, o. spencer, c. c. rich, e. t. benson, wm. huntington and myself. clothed and having offered up the signs, offered up prayer, heber c. kimball being mouth. we then conversed awhile and appeared again, geo. a. smith being mouth--a. p. rockwood and wm. kimball were guarding the tent. prayers were offered that we might be delivered from our enemies and have teams to go on our journey, etc. about two o'clock we returned to camp. many of the teams were coming in and among the rest, the teams sent back for my loading which all arrived tonight. sunday, may having heard that egan was near i started out to meet him. the morning was fine but about eleven o'clock it began to thunder. i went about two miles and before i got back without seeing egan it rained heavily. i was wet through. i called at the meeting while president young was speaking. it rained nearly all the afternoon. noal richards died. june monday, june was wet in the morning and windy all day. the council got me four wagons and seven yoke of oxen to take church property. tuesday, june still windy but fair. president young has again stated i lack some cattle yet. fixing my wagon, etc. have about teams enough but lack teamsters. wednesday, june fixing my wagons. concluded to start on. my teams were scattered but we started with what we had. we got over the river at three o'clock, one yoke of cattle still missing. i sent the men hunting for them but they were not found. thursday, june again sent the men hunting cattle. the day was very cold and windy, almost as cold as winter. i spent the day fixing a wagon for diantha expecting her on in about two weeks. lucy walker called in this afternoon and expressed sorrow on account of the treatment of heber's family toward her. amos fielding called on his way to the president's camp. towards evening it rained and there was one of the most beautiful rainbows i ever saw in my life. we could see its brilliant reflection within a few rods of us. in the evening douzett came for his cow which had tarried with ours. he concluded to stay over night. my teamsters returned without finding the cattle. friday, june sent all the men except james douglas to hunt the cattle. about nine o'clock my adopted son thomas corbich returned with them. i then waited till two o'clock for the men to return, three of them being still absent. i have now eleven wagons, sixteen yoke of oxen, six cows, five horses, and six teamsters, besides my brother james, whose names are conrad neil, levi n. kendall, james douglas, milton f. bartlett, willard smith, and a. e. hinkel, four of the latter are new to me and do not seem to know much about teaming. at two o'clock i concluded to start on and after about an hour's preparation we started. the men took two teams each. i drove the cows on foot. the roads are a great deal better. we traveled about six miles and camped on a hill beyond nice timber. pitt is here and brother taylor's camp. amos called on his way back to england. he stayed and conversed a while. i will here say that the oxen put in by brothers olive and rich to take church property are very poor and some of them scarcely of any use. we arrived here about half past six o'clock. the day has been cold, fine and fair. saturday, june the morning very fine. we started out at eight o'clock; pitt joined with us. i went on foot to drive the cows. about ten o'clock we had a little rain. after traveling about seven miles we arrived at a piece of timber where the patriarch john smith was resting. we concluded to rest our teams here and stopped at half past eleven. at one o'clock we started again and soon after had a heavy thunder shower. i was about a mile ahead of the wagons and having no shelter was soon completely drenched with rain. it got very cold while raining. as soon as the wagons came up we stopped till the shower was over which did not last long. we then pursued our journey and at six o'clock camped on the open prairie a long way from timber, having traveled about sixteen miles. after the shower the day was fine. i was very tired and wet and after eating a little went to bed. vilate ruth is weaning from the breast today which makes her cry. sunday, june inasmuch as we were not near timber we concluded to travel on till we found some. we started at eight o'clock and traveled till two, being about nine miles, when we came to a little grove of timber and just beyond a bad bottom of prairies. i concluded to pass this and camp on the adjoining ridge. i drove the cows all day on foot. my feet were sore and blistered. the day was very fine. sometime after we arrived father john smith came and camped just below us. monday, june the weather fine. traveled about ten miles, the roads being very hilly and uneven. we camped on a bottom near timber. i went fishing and had good success. i drove the cows till noon then rode with family. tuesday, june weather fine and hot. went fishing at daybreak with james and had good luck. at nine we went on. i rode again. afternoon three indians overtook us and begged some bread. we camped on a bottom beside coleman and others, having traveled about twelve miles. two indians are here and we have learned their camp is only three miles from us. president young left word to go in companies from here to avoid being plundered by the indians. we had our cattle tied up and a guard over them through the night. wednesday, june went fishing at daybreak and caught thirty-six. weather hot. we started about nine o'clock and found the roads good but over hills and ravines all the day. at six o'clock we camped in sight of the pottawattamie indian village. when about two miles from it they discovered us coming and we soon saw a number of them riding towards us. some had bells on their horses which frightened our horses and cattle. james and i took the horses and let the others take the oxen the best way they could. some of the indians followed our wagons and inquired often for whiskey. we had to pass some timber and a river before we arrived at their village which is situated on a very beautiful ridge skirted by timber and beautiful rolling prairie. before we arrived at the timber it seemed that the whole village had turned out, men, women, and children, some on horses and many on foot. their musicians came and played while we passed them. they seemed to escort our wagons and asked if we were mormons. when we told them we were they seemed highly pleased. it took us some time to cross the bridge over the river and then we were perfectly surrounded by indians apparently from curiosity and friendship. they watched us cross the bridge and others followed on with us. the boys seemed to learn the words our teamsters used to drive the cattle and would run and in their way help to drive. they manifested every feeling of friendship and nothing unkind or unfriendly transpired. soon after we passed the bridge we were met by jas. w. cummings and the brethren from shariton ford with john l. butler to bring emmet's company to meet us. the cattle have been with emmet's company from the time they left nauvoo. the road leads within about two hundred yards of the indians and i wanted to go about two miles farther to save the necessity of having a guard but soon after we left the village we had to ford a stream which was deep and bad to cross. i then concluded to camp on the ridge above the ford and in sight of the village, being about a half or three quarters of a mile from them. many of them followed us, men, women and children and watched all our movements but about dark all departed in peace. they seemed well pleased with their visit. they certainly showed every mark of friendship and kindness imaginable and treated us as brothers. we learned that the chief's daughter was buried today. we have traveled about fifteen miles. from cummings we learned that emmet had left his things belonging to the company with him. part of the company has crossed at st. louis and are now on the line here. the agent of the u. s. refuses to let them pass. the other part of the company are thirty miles below the bluffs expecting us to cross there. thursday, june many of the indians again came to the camp with the same friendly feeling. some squaws came to trade. we started soon after nine, the weather being very hot. we traveled over about five miles of very uneven road. the rest was good. we had to travel till late before we came to water. we camped on a small creek where coleman and tanner were camped, having traveled about fourteen miles. friday, june traveled about three miles, the weather being very hot. we camped on a beautiful ridge where the main body had evidently left but little before, beside a large rapid stream. i concluded to stay here until monday to rest our teams and give their shoulders a chance to heal, several of which were very sore. saturday, june fixing a wagon, etc. the weather very hot. evening killed one of our cows. the mosquitoes here began to be very troublesome, there being so many of them and so bloodthirsty. sunday, june the weather very hot and the mosquitoes tremendously bad. this morning i weighed bread for each man at the rate of a half a pound a day. they seem very much dissatisfied and growl to each other very much. i weighed for my family of ten as much as i weighed for six teamsters. they were dissatisfied but we had some left. they have hitherto had all they wanted three times a day and above this have eaten up a bag of crackers unknown to me which i had reserved for the mountains. the mosquitoes being so bad, i concluded to go on a little piece. we started at : p.m. and traveled until four when we arrived at a small clear stream having traveled about six miles. i camped here and in the evening told the men a part of what i thought of their conduct. monday, june the morning cooler but mosquitoes bad. our horses were missing and we were detained till ten o'clock before we could start. the horses had gone back to where we left yesterday. we traveled till sundown before we came to water, being about twelve miles. we camped near to c. l. whitney. tuesday, june started at : and traveled about twelve miles when we came in sight of the missouri river and the main camp about five miles farther. we soon learned that some of the camp were coming back to find water. there being no water where we were, we moved back about two miles to a spring and there camped expecting to stay until we should learn what to do. wednesday, june this morning kay and duzett rode up and said they were anxiously expecting us at the camp and wanted us to go immediately. i went to the camp with them to look out a place while my men yoked up and brought the wagons. when i arrived i saw heber. he seemed pleased to see me and went with me to look out a place to camp. i fixed a spot between president young's camp and bishop miller's. heber said the twelve had an invitation to go to the village to the agent's to dinner and they wanted the band to go with them. i went back to meet the wagons which had been detained on account of some of the cattle being missing. as soon as my wagons arrived i got ready and started in heber s carriage with heber, bishop whitney, and smithies. edward martin, pitt, hutchinsoo, kay and duzett rode in the other carriage. when we arrived at mr. mitchell's, the agent's place, we were introduced to him one by one. we then played and kay sang until about five o'clock when we returned. this village is situated but a little distance from the river, probably fifty rods. it is composed of twelve or fifteen blocks, houses without glass in the windows, and is the noted place where the lamanites for years held their council. the inhabitants are composed of lamanites, half breeds and a few white folks. i had an introduction to sarrapee an indian trader. we arrived home just at dusk. thursday, june fixing a wagon all day. evening went fishing. spoke to bishop whitney about some more teams. friday, june fixing wagons and preparing to send off some things to trade. evening went fishing. went with the band to hold a concert at the village. many went from the camp. the indians and half breeds collected $ . and gave it to us and the agent mr. mitchel gave a dinner to all that came. sunday, june at home until evening. at : met with the brethren of the camp and acted as clerk while they selected men to build the boat. monday, june fixing my wagons. the day was windy and cold. i was informed yesterday that diantha is twenty miles back from mt. pisgah with her father still farther back. they have sent her chest on to pisgah and she is with loren. i partly made up my mind to start in the morning and bring her. tuesday, june this morning i got my food ready to start after diantha but vilate ruth seemed quite sick and i concluded not to start. we took the teams and went to the village to pick gooseberries but it rained nearly all the time we were gone. i bought a scythe and some other things and tried to trade a watch for a yoke of cattle. major mitchel offered me three yoke for the gold watch. we got home about : . i then went and told the president about mitchel's offer and he told me to sell it. it was so cold and wet and windy we went to bed early and soon after we got to bed, heber and dr. richards came to my wagon with two letters from diantha, one dated nauvoo, may , , the other big prairie, june th. she tells that she is sent on by her father and is with loren and is very anxious that i should bring her or send for her. i made up my mind to start tomorrow. the night was very stormy with strong winds and heavy rains. wednesday, june the morning wet and cold. i went over to president young and told him where i was going and what for. he said he would get the cattle for me. i also spoke to heber and he said: "go and prosper." at : i went to council and president young, kimball and taylor concluded also to go to pisgah after the cannon. i started at two o'clock it then being fair. at five o'clock i passed father knowlton's company thirteen miles from camp and at seven passed laharpe's company and inquired of brother burgham and freeman about diantha but could not learn much from them. brother ezra bickford was here on his way back to nauvoo. he said he was tired from riding on horseback and asked if i would let him go with me to pisgah and use his horse in the wagon. i told him to come on. i soon found it made a difference in the load. we went on about two miles and stopped at dark on the middle of the prairie near no water. after feeding we lay down to rest. we had several heavy showers through the night. thursday, june this morning arose at four o'clock and moved our wagon a little to fresh grass to let the horses feed, they being tied to it. it is fair, but cloudy. we started again at : a.m., traveled till : then rested till : and then traveled until dark, making thirty-one miles. we camped just beyond the indian village in the midst of a severe thunder storm. it rained most of the day and the roads were bad. friday, june did not start until after seven. morning fair, roads bad. after traveling about six miles we found horace clark and others camped on one side of a small stream and orson spencer on the other side. the creek was full of water to the bank and in the deepest place about six feet over the bridge and a part of the bridge washed away. we tarried until : and then concluded to try to get over. walter l. davis and wm. d. huntington volunteered to help us over. we unloaded the wagon box for a boat, taking a few of our things over at a time. when we got them all over we swam the horses over, loaded up, and at : started again and went till near nine having traveled about sixteen miles. saturday, june the day was fine and we traveled about thirty-eight miles and camped on the prairie about eight miles from pisgah. during the day we passed some u. s. officers on their way to see president young and the council. we afterwards learned that they professed to be going to the authorities of the church by order of the president of the united states to raise five hundred volunteer mormons to defend santa fe, etc. sunday, june at daybreak it rained again. we started at four o'clock and arrived at pisgah at eight. had some conversation with father huntington and c. c. rich. we fed and at nine o'clock started again. we soon saw brother woodruff. he was glad to see me and we conversed together some time. from him i learned that missouri had sent up a committee to pisgah to search for forts and cannon, etc. he says the missourians are terrified and many are moving from the back to the interior settlements. he also stated that we have a friend in the british parliament and the british had held a private council in relation to the treatment of the u. s. towards us. britain is making great preparations for war. they have sent ten thousand troops to canada and a fleet around cape horn to oregon. they are intending to arm the slaves of the south and have their agents in the indian country trying to bring them in war to fight the u. s. after we left elder woodruff we passed on and soon met sister durpee and brother lott and his company. he said diantha was back about four miles. soon after we met orville allen and from him learned that diantha was back at least twelve miles. we continued on and at two o'clock fed. we arrived at father chase's between four and five o'clock. diantha was very glad to see me and burst into tears. my little boy is far beyond all my expectations. he is very fat and well formed and has a noble countenance. they are both well and i feel to thank my heavenly father for his mercies to them and father chase and to his family and may the lord bless them for it, and oh lord, bless my family and preserve them forever. bless my diantha and my boy and preserve their lives on the earth to bring honor to thy name and give us a prosperous journey back again is the prayer of thy servant william. amen. at night we had a heavy thunder storm. it rained very heavily. monday, june the morning is cool and cloudy, the ground very wet. brother bickford is gone to nauvoo. left father chase's company about : a.m. they kindly furnished us with bread stuffs sufficient to last us to camp. we arrived at mt. pisgah and stayed near father huntington's. tuesday, june this morning in council with president huntington, rich and benson until nine o'clock a.m. took breakfast with elder rich and then started on. we passed brothers woodruff, and lott and their companies about twelve miles from pisgah. after traveling about twenty-six miles we turned onto the big prairie for the night. the weather fine and roads good. july wednesday, july p. p. pratt passed about six o'clock. we afterwards learned that he was going on express to pisgah to raise the volunteers to go to santa fee. after traveling about seven miles we rested with brother weeks and ate breakfast, then went on till two o'clock and stopped to feed. we continued on till dark, having traveled about seventeen miles. thursday, july having lost the horses during the night i went back four miles to hunt them. i met someone and enquired about them, asking if he had not seen them. went back to camp and ate a little and afterwards found them about a mile west. we started about ten o'clock and at sundown passed the indian village and the stream at which we previously camped. we camped about two miles west of the indian village. friday, july started early and went about four miles to a creek where we ate breakfast. the day very hot but we traveled about twenty-five miles. we met president young, heber kimball, and dr. richards going back to raise volunteers. they feel that this is a good prospect for our deliverance and if we do not do it we are downed. we went on and camped near hiram clark and took supper with him. saturday, july this morning my horses were missing and five from clark's company were missing. i found them a little west of the camp and started on. diantha having eaten nothing this morning i tried to buy some bread but could not get it till i got home. i arrived at three o'clock and found my little vilate sick, the rest all well. i went over to council at captain allen's tent. sunday, july at home all day. conrad has left and gone to elder hyde's. the weather is very hot. my traders have got back and brought twenty bushels of corn, but only one of wheat. monday, july spent the day fixing wagons. day very hot. bishop whitney called to see us. they are getting over the river as fast as possible but it is slow work. thursday, july spent the two previous days fixing wagons and today went down to the river to see about crossing, etc. took my family with me. friday, july fixing my wagons, also saturday unpacked the dry goods wagon and repacked it. sunday, july went to the meeting at elder taylor's camp. in the evening president young, kimball and richards returned. they requested me to go to taylor's to council. i went and tarried till dark, wrote a letter to the quadrille band to meet tomorrow also wrote orders for all the men in camp to meet. monday, july went to the general meeting and played with the band and then kept minutes. they got three companies of each and half of a fourth company. all my teamsters have enlisted. i am now destitute of help. edward martin is advised to go and leave his family in my charge. i have still four yoke of oxen missing and i do not know where to find them. last night james was seized with a fit and is quite unwell today, mostly insensible. vilate ruth is quite sick and on the whole my situation is rather gloomy. the meeting adjourned at five till tomorrow at eight, after which the company danced till dark. tuesday, july i went over to meeting this morning and told the president my situation. he consented for me to go back to my camp to see to things. i came back but feel very unwell. martin's youngest child died at : p.m. wednesday, july went with edward martin to bury his child on a high bluff south of the camp. we buried it between two small oak trees, a little east of them, the babe's head to the east. after returning heber sent word for us to cross the creek to the other bluff where elder taylor is camped. we got some of the cattle together and took part of the wagons over and then returned for the remainder. as soon as we got there a message came that the president wished the band to go to the village. we accordingly started but when we got there we found nobody there and after a little trading we returned home. thursday, july hunting my horses to take diantha to see her father's folks who arrived yesterday. in the afternoon we started out and went about three miles from here. they appeared very glad to see us. we got home again at dark. friday, july went fishing. saturday, july went to the village to play with the band for the volunteers. they danced till near sundown when we returned home. sunday, july in the wagon till evening. sister farr came to see us. diantha and i went home with her in the evening. monday, july in the morning fixing for our concert. afternoon the band came with their wives and we played and danced till dark. president young made some appropriate remarks exhorting the saints to prayer, etc. tuesday, july this morning it rained very heavily. went to council at elder pratt's camp. the council appointed a council of twelve to preside here, viz. isaac morley, geo. w. harris, james allred, thos. grover, phineas richards, herman hyde, wm. peck, andrew h. perkins, henry w. miller, daniel spencer, j. h. hales and john murdock. i wrote a letter informing them of their appointment also instructing them not to let any pass over the river unless they could be in time to go to grand island and cut hay, to watch over the church, establish schools for the winter, etc. i spent the remainder of the day at the creek. i asked the president what i should do but could get no answer. i have not been able to get any satisfaction from any of the council as to what i should do and am totally at a loss to know whether to tarry here or go on. my provisions are nearly out and my teamsters all gone and nearly all the cattle strayed away, and no one to hunt them except james and corbitt and they are sick. wednesday, july fixing a wagon for margaret and re-loading some wagons. thursday, july unpacking church property. found considerable of it very much damaged with wet. i put it out and dried it well and repacked it. evening went with diantha to see her folks. friday, july regulating the loading, etc. saturday, july bought pounds of flour at $ . per hundred and carried it about three hundred yards to my wagons then spent the day fixing wagon covers. evening went to brother farr's. about : a storm arose and it soon began to rain heavily and a while after blew a perfect hurricane. the thunder was awful and the rain poured in torrents for about a half an hour. sunday, july this morning the tent is down, wagons drenched and everything looks gloomy enough. scarcely a tent in the camp was left standing and many wagon covers torn. a report is circulated that a cow was killed by lightning. much damage is done to wagons, provisions, etc. the cow was killed about yards west of my wagons. there was a tent struck also but no persons hurt. i went to meeting and heard benson and taylor preach. afternoon at my wagons. evening bishop whitney, president young and kimball called. i made out a bill of goods for them to send east by robert pierce. they ordered me to go down to the river tomorrow. monday, july loading wagons, packing, etc., preparing to start. last night i engaged pelatiah brown as a teamster. we started soon after noon. i drove the cows and james, corbitt and brown the teams with twelve wagons. we had to leave one cow four yoke of oxen and two horses on the ridge, being missing. we got down about six o'clock. bishop whitney passed and said i should not get over the river tomorrow and i suppose we shall have to wait some days. james and corbitt are both sick and discouraged on account of having so little help and so many cattle, etc., to look after. they have a hard time of it but i can see no prospects of its being better. tuesday, july james and corbitt started back to hunt the cattle. i went to the village and received $ . of larpey for the cordage i sold to allen, $ . is yet my due. i then went and bought some flour of tanner. while we were weighing it a storm arose and it rained and thundered and lightninged throughout the day and nearly all night. i have not seen more rain fall in a long time. wednesday, july got the balance of the flour making lbs., most of it at $ . and lbs. at $ . . afternoon went to the village with alice, diantha, and margaret. there saw president young and heber. they have just bought a pony and some cloth, etc., and seem to have money enough but there is none to buy me flour. i yet lack about a ton. thursday, july at home all day. unpacked mother's wagon and found many things wet and damaged. friday, july attending to wagons, cattle, etc., all day. august saturday, august this morning i went to the river to see how soon we could cross and learned there was a prospect of our crossing this evening or tomorrow morning. i then went back to my camp and we started with the wagons a few at a time. my brother james is lame in bed. pitt is lame. brown is lame and corbitt nearly spent. about noon we got all the wagons to the river and corbitt returned to take the cattle to grass. i went to larpey's and got the balance of the money then went to mitchel's to try to trade my music box for a cow but did not succeed. sunday, august preparing to cross the river. pelatiah brown went swimming all the forenoon and when corbitt asked him to help with the teams he swore he would not if jesus christ would ask him. i told him if he did not feel like helping us he could go somewhere else, i did not want him. he went and i am again left without a teamster. i will here say that brown will not work only when he has a mind to and during the last week when james and corbitt and pitt were all gone he would go to the river swimming instead of attending to the cattle and i may as well be without a teamster as have a man who will go away in a cramp. about noon we crossed three wagons over and kept to work until we had got them all over which took us till dark. we had to crowd our wagons together in the road just above the river on account of its being stopped up by other wagons. we could not get our cattle to grass and they have had none since last night, but having a few bushels of corn we gave them five ears a piece. after supper i went fishing with wm. f. cahoon and others until two o'clock but had very poor luck. monday, august started this morning to get our wagons on the prairie. the road is very narrow and bad, up steep bluffs and very muddy. it took four yoke of oxen to take a very light load. when we had got four of the wagons up eight yoke of bishop whitney's cattle came to help us and afterwards nine yoke of president young's and kimball's. we got to the prairie about noon and stopped to feed our cattle. i sent on five wagons with the teams sent to help us and after feeding about an hour started with the remainder. i drove the spare cattle and horses. we got the wagons to camp about six o'clock. one of president young's oxen killed himself when going to drink, being so eager he pitched into the creek and broke his neck. when we got to camp we were all completely tired. my feet were sore and my limbs ached and had to go to bed. we camped on the north end of heber's company. we have left nine head of cattle over the river yet and there is little prospect of being able to find some of them. tuesday, august this morning heber's company have moved on about two days journey and again left me here alone. i loaned c. l. whitney three yoke of oxen to help him through. they are gone to find a place within thirty miles of here to winter. i spent the day doing little, being so unwell. wednesday, august moved down a little nearer water. there spent the day fixing ruth's wagon. corbitt has gone over the river to hunt cattle and in the evening returned with one yoke. thursday, august putting covers on margaret's and mother's wagons, etc. afternoon writing copy of the returns of companies. friday, august spent the forenoon writing copy of return of companies of the u. s. army. about noon two of heber's teamsters came with some cattle to help me to the main camp. i left off writing and went to putting the wagons in order. while fixing a chicken coop i struck my forehead with a hammer which disabled me from work the remainder of the day. saturday, august this morning we arose about three o'clock and while some took the cattle to graze the rest got the wagons loaded, etc., ready to start. we got away soon after sunrise. i rode a mule and drove the cows. we traveled about nine miles before we came to any water. here we took the teams from the wagons to a spring about a quarter of a mile from the road. the cattle seemed tired but one of the teamsters said it was only about three miles farther and should soon be there. we concluded to go on without stopping to feed. but before we had proceeded far some of the cattle gave out, the day being very hot, and before we got to camp several yoke gave up entirely and were left on the road and brought afterwards. one of the cattle died almost as soon as they took him from the wagon, being about a mile from camp. two or three others were not expected to live. when we arrived heber wanted us to form on his north line but we could only get half of our wagons into the space left for the whole of them. i then moved over to the south side and formed next to d. russell. we got our tent up but can have no fire until monday. the cattle are so tired we will not use them. i feel about sick myself. heber's camp is formed in a kind of parallelogram, each wagon camped in a perfect line with the others. the square in the center is about twenty-five rods long and fifteen rods wide. sunday, august writing copy of return of companies of u. s. army all day. monday, august attending to various business about the wagons all day. tuesday, august last night i had a severe chill and felt sick all day mostly with high fever. quite unable to work. wednesday, august quite sick, very bad fever all day. sunday, august since wednesday have scarcely even been out of bed, but kept with raging fever all the time. twice heber has rebuked my fever but it has returned. through fear and persuasion of my family i have taken some pills and medicine given by dr. sprague, but seem to grow worse all the time. today i have been very sick. towards evening my folks concluded to get me out of the wagon into the tent where they had prepared a bed. soon after i got into the tent president young, dr. richards, g. a. smith, orson pratt, lorenzo young and others called to see me. when they had been in a few moments president young called o. p. rockwell into the tent and the feelings we had on seeing him cannot be described. he has been in prison some time but when his trial came on there was no one to accuse him and the judge discharged him. the brethren all laid hands on me and rebuked my disease in the name of the lord, president young being mouth. i immediately felt easier and slept well all night being the first sleep i had had of any account for three days and nights. sunday, august during the past week i have gained slowly and have been able to walk about some. i, however, feel very weak and broken down. monday, august reading some and fixing a little at my violin. feel very little better but have a better appetite. tuesday, august we had a thunder storm last night. i do not feel so well this morning but took a walk into the woods. i had a very sick day all day. wednesday, august the morning very cool and cloudy. let t. corbitt have a pair of shoes. thursday, august diantha was taken very sick and continued for four or five days. saturday, august at night i was seized with fever again and very sick. sunday, august had chill and fever, the chill held me four or five days. september thursday, september i still continue very weak and troubled with pain in stomach, etc. president young and dr. richards called and brought me a letter from david; also said they had got me employment writing at a dollar a day or c on every hundred words copying. saturday, september still quite unwell. president young brought me $ . in money, one half dollar bogus and soon after dr. richards sent me some letters to copy which i did. tuesday, september this evening i copied a letter to joseph f. herring and having no one to send it by i took it to council myself. before i got half way there my knees failed me and it was with great difficulty i got there and home again. when i got back to pitt's shanty my spirit failed me for i was not aware of my weakness. saturday, september since tuesday i have scarcely been out of bed, but today i feel somewhat better again. sunday, september a little better. i have been told that president young has virtually cursed all who have gone to missouri or those who shall go hereafter. monday, september this evening about ten o'clock all the men of the camp were ordered up armed to meet in this square forthwith. i got up and after a very little while quite a company of the brethren got together. president hales informed them that the president had received a letter from mr. sarpey informing him that two gentlemen from missouri had informed him confidentially that the missourians had got out writs for the twelve and others and were coming with a large force on the west side of the river to attack the camp by surprise, etc. he advised the brethren to have their arms clean and their ammunition ready at a moment's warning, to pray with their families, keep dogs tied up at nights, etc., etc. the company was then dismissed except a guard for the camp. tuesday, september this morning the brethren were ordered to meet at the springs below here at nine o'clock. at the sound of the drum the brethren met and here organized into four battalions, one of artillery, and three of infantry. there were about three hundred brethren present. the president then stated that he had received a letter from sarpey informing him that two gentlemen, confidentially, from missouri had informed him that the missourians were collecting with the sheriff of missouri, their head designing to attack the saints, that they had writs, etc., for the twelve and others. he had ordered out the brethren that they might be ready in case of necessity and advised them to organize and be prepared. markham was elected colonel over the battalions. hosea stout, lieutenant colonel over the battalions and over the first battalions and over the first battalions of infantry. john scott was elected st major and major over the artillery. henry herriman nd major to take command of the nd battalion of infantry and john s. gleason rd major over the rd battalion of infantry. after organizing the president addressed the companies and then dismissed them. it was advised to quit leaving and move the encampment to the fort on the river. a number of teams moved this afternoon. wednesday, september this morning president young and many others have moved down to the river. heber told me to wait till the lots were selected and he would let me know when to move. my health is improving. thursday, september very cold all day. i did not feel so well. i have been told that daniel h. wells and william cutler have arrived in camp and brought a report that there has been a battle fought in nauvoo and some of the brethren killed. friday, september i learned today that the mob had made it known that they were coming to drive out the "mormons." the governor sent an officer to raise volunteers to disperse the mob, but the mob learning this they came sooner than they had calculated. the brethren being apprised of the intentions of the mob prepared to meet them as well as their circumstances would permit. some of the new citizens also made preparations to join the brethren. they made five cannon shot of an old steam boat shaft. they also filled some barrels with powder, old iron, etc., which were buried in the pass to the city which could be fired by a slow match but this was of no avail as some traitors informed the mob of it, hence they did not come into the settled part of the city. on saturday the th inst., the mob made their appearance being about twelve hundred in number. the brethren and some of the new citizens in the whole about one hundred and sixty went to give them battle, but many of the new citizens and some of the brethren when they saw the numbers of the mob fled and left about one hundred, nearly all brethren, to fight the enemy. the mob had pieces of cannon. they met near boscow's store on winchester street. the cannon of the mob were two blocks from the brethren and the other part of rifle men one block from them. the mob fired a number of times into barlow's old barn expecting many of the brethren were concealed there but in this they were disappointed, the brethren chiefly lying down on the ground behind some shelter and fired in that position. they fought one hour and twenty minutes when the mob offered terms of compromise which were these, that all the "mormons" should leave the city within five days leaving ten families to finish the unsettled business. the brethren consented to this inasmuch as they had been well informed that , more were coming to join the mob and they had nothing to expect from the authorities of the state. lyman johnson, one of the twelve, headed a party of the mob from keokuk, iowa territory. three of the brethren were killed, viz. william anderson, his son, and norris, a blacksmith. three others wounded. the mob would not own to any of their party being killed but one person saw them put sixteen men into one wagon and handled them more like dead persons than wounded. the ground where they stood was pretty much covered with blood, so that there is no doubt they had many slain or wounded. they had baggage wagons. esquire wells took command of the brethren and rode to and fro during the whole battle without receiving injury, although the balls whistled by him on every side. amos davis fought bravely. while running across a plowed field he stumbled and fell on his left arm which formed a triangle with his head. as he fell a cannon ball passed through the angle of his arm between that and his head. hiram kimball received a slight wound with a musket ball on the forehead. the mob fired sixty-two shots with the cannon and ten rounds with the muskets making , musket balls only killing three and wounding three. the brethren did not fire so much in proportion but did much more execution. truly, the lord fights the battles of his saints. the cannon of the brethren was not of much service, they would not carry more than a quarter of a mile, whereas those of the mob would hold well a half a mile. they shot nine balls through a small smith shop, one through wells' barn and one at his house but the ball struck the ground in front of his house and glanced through the well curb. the mayor of quincy watched the battle from the tower of the temple and owned that history never afforded a parallel. the brethren then began to get their families and effects over the river where they remain in a suffering and destitute condition until wagons and means are sent from the saints to their relief. on the thursday following, the mob, , strong, entered the city. 'tis said from good authority that such is the distress and sufferings of the saints as actually to draw tears from this mob. saturday, september russell told me that he had selected three lots for us and we could go as soon as we had a mind to. he saw heber on the subject. i made up my mind to start on monday for winter quarters. sunday, september this morning brother smithies came with six yoke of heber's cattle and said we must be ready to start in five minutes while he went to water his cattle and although we had everything unprepared we were ready before he got back. i felt well enough to drive a team. we took six wagons down and camped on the same block with heber in cape disappointment. james and pitt went back to wait for corbitt who was herding cows and in the evening returned with three more wagons. monday, september got the balance of the wagons and poles, etc., down. i copied three letters for dr. richards. tuesday, september corbitt has started down into the country to fetch potatoes, etc. november sunday, november during the last month several times i have been very sick and then again would be somewhat better. i still continue to be feeble and unable to work. i have one house nearly finished and shall in a few days occupy it. thomas corbitt has been down the river to fetch a load of corn on shares but president young told me to take the whole of it for which i feel very grateful. i have sent my cattle to the rushes to be wintered, having but eight tons of hay although james and corbitt worked from twenty-six to thirty days but russell and rolfe have contrived to work it into their hands, taking as rolfe said, half of corbitt's hay for herding my cattle while he was in the hay field. i think this is as wrong a piece of business as has been played on me through the journey. january _winter quarters_ friday, january morning at the store. at : p.m. went with diantha to her father's and partook of a roast turkey for dinner. at : met the band at the basket shop and played about an hour and a half. the basket makers made each of us a present of a new basket and showed their gratitude various ways. at : met with the band at father kimball's and played for a party till after one o'clock. president young and kimball danced considerable and all seemed to feel well. saturday, january at the store regulating the books and making out whitney and woolley's account current, etc. about : p.m. sarah came and said her mother wanted me. moroni had fallen into the fire and burned himself very badly. i went home and found as she said. all over the left side of his head burned, his face very badly burned, large blisters round his left eye. i immediately applied some consecrated oil and ordered them to keep it on all the time. i then returned to the store. evening president young came and took his hardware bill, domestic drilling, etc. about : p.m. i went home. sunday, january moroni's face seems much better, all except around his left eye which looks very bad. i was at the store all day working at whitney's account current which seems very bad to regulate. evening heber, his wife ellen, sarah ann and sister whitney came in to trade and remained till about ten o'clock. monday, january at the store all day. evening waiting on orson pratt and amasa lyman. paid my tax today, $ . ½ to i. c. wright. tuesday, january at the store all day. evening the band met at my house. wednesday, january at the store all day, the weather extremely cold. thursday, january at the store, the weather still colder than yesterday. evening went to sister buel's and took supper of turkey. afterwards went to leonard's and played for them with hutchinson and smithies till : . friday, january at the store again, the weather still colder. evening the band met at my house and played some. saturday, january at the store all day. quite unwell till : p.m. sunday, january at home mostly all day. about : p.m. went to hutchinson's to dinner. monday, january at the store all day, the weather more moderate. margaret and her boy doing well. last night pitt returned from missouri. tuesday, january this morning ruth began to feel unwell. i went to the store and continued settlements as usual. brothers lee and russell returned from missouri, having obtained change for the checks. about : p.m. president young and j. d. lee came to bishop whitney's and i received in gold $ . , and in silver $ , . out of three checks which lee took value $ , . , the balance to be accounted for hereafter. soon as i was through receiving the money, i was informed that my folks had sent for me and i went home soon after, found that ruth had brought forth a son twenty minutes after : p.m. she had a pretty hard time, but feels comfortable as can be expected. the boy is named newel horace. evening i met with the band at johnson's and played till about : p.m. the house was very much crowded and not much room to dance, but they kept it up freely. wednesday, january this morning ruth feels more comfortable. at the store all day waiting for lee and russel to settle. evening russel came and i received from him in gold $ . , and in silver $ . . he also accounted for $ . paid to heber and $ . to daniel russel out of a check value $ . leaving him deficit $ . . spent the evening at home. thursday, january at the store paying out a pair of the money, expecting before i made final payments to settle with lee and egan. friday, january spent an hour with lee and egan at my house but did not accomplish much towards a settlement. afterwards at the store paying out money, settling, etc., filled bills for pisgah & garden grove. saturday, january at the store again paying, settling, etc., all day. the weather very cold. my folks doing well. sunday, january at home mostly all day. monday, january at the store all day, mostly paying money to the soldiers' wives. tuesday, january at the store paying money, etc. wednesday, january at the store paying money, etc. thursday, january at the store paying money, etc. friday, january at the store paying money, etc. evening went with hutchinson to packer's party and played for the party in the smoke till near midnight. saturday, january at the store all day paying money, etc. evening met with pitt and hutchinson at the council house. sunday, january headache all day having taken cold last evening. mostly at home. a few hours at the store over the river and back. night played with pitt awhile. monday, january at the store, very busy paying money, etc. snowed some and is cold. whitney let me have some goods. evening walked alone. tuesday, january at the store till : p.m. afterward went with the quadrille band to the council house agreeably to previous notice and played for a party of men ( 's) and their families who had assisted in building the house. they danced till about midnight. we had plenty to eat and drink through the interview and a very pleasant party. wednesday, january at the store again till noon. at : p.m. at the council house with the quadrille band and played for another company of those who had assisted in building the house. we had plenty of refreshments and a very sociable party as on yesterday. broke up again about midnight. thursday, january at the store till noon, and then at the council house with the quadrille band playing for the third party of those who had assisted in building the house, together with the poor basket makers. friday, january at home and the store. felt quite unwell. saturday, january at the store all day settling and paying money to soldiers' wives. sunday, january at home all day. dined with diantha, ruth, margaret and mother farr on a turkey. february monday, february at the store all day settling accounts, paying money, etc. tuesday, february at the store till noon. afterwards at the council house with the quadrille band playing for brigham's family generally. wednesday, february at the store till noon. afterwards at the council house with the quadrille band to play for a family meeting of the young family. president brigham young was quite sick and seemed very low spirited. after the meeting had been opened by prayer, the president called on his brothers to stand up by him in the center of the room which they did according to age. john young took his place at the head, then phineas, joseph, brigham and lorenzo. the president then called on heber to take his place in the line inasmuch as he had been recognized about fifteen years as a member of the young family. he took his place between joseph and brigham. the president then said this was the first time that father young's boys had been together in the same capacity for a number of years, etc. after a few remarks the remainder of the evening was spent by partaking of a good supper and cheerful dancing till about two in the morning, when the party broke up in the best of spirits and good feeling. thursday, february at the store mostly, evening at home. friday, february at the store till noon, then with the quadrille band to play for the silver greys till midnight. saturday, february at the store all day. sunday, february at home. monday, february at the store all day. tuesday, february at the store till : a.m. then went with the quadrille band in eldridge's carriage to play round the city, but the weather was so cold we could not play much. at : p.m., met with-- _[no pages from here until april.]_ april ...into camp from england which will probably detain the camp a few days. friday, april went with the quadrille band over the river as the twelve do not start for the horn today. we played in the boat as we crossed, but in returning the wind was high, the boat heavily loaded with cattle and dangerous crossing. saturday, april at home nearly all day. sunday, april at home and farr's. i told winslow farr concerning hosea stout's threats to take my life after the twelve are gone, etc. he called at night on his return from the council and told me to be on my guard. monday, april at home all day. thomas and james had planted a number of garden seeds on saturday. today, they are cutting wood and preparing to go to the farm tomorrow. i have no hay, neither can i get any for my cows and horses. tuesday, april at home most of the day. thomas and james started for the farm. evening went to the store and told brigham and heber about hosea stout's calculations, etc. wednesday, april this morning severely pained with rheumatism in my face. at : a.m. brigham and dr. richards came. brigham told me to rise up and start with the pioneers in half an hour's notice. i delivered to him the records of the k. of g. and set my folks to work to get my clothes together to start with the pioneers. at two o'clock i left my family and started in heber's carriage with heber and wm. kimball and ellen sanders. bishop whitney and lyman went out with us in another wagon. we went about miles and camped on the prairie. after supper heber prayed and we retired to rest. thursday, april after eating and prayers by bishop whitney, started at half past seven and got to the elk horn at : . we were all across at : and there we overtook brigham, g. a. smith, e. t. benson and amasa lyman. we arrived at the pioneers' camp about : p.m. this camp is about twelve miles from the elk horn and about from winter quarters. i spent the evening with aaron farr, horace whitney and jackson redding. friday, april this day is gloomy, windy and cold. about : a.m. the camp was called together, and organized two captains of 's viz. stephen markham and a. p. rockwood were appointed, also five captains of 's and captains of 's. there are men and boys on the list of the pioneer company, three women and lorenzo young's two children. there are wagons. c. p. rockwell has gone back to camp with j. c. little. bishop whitney, lyman, wm. kimball and j. b. noble returned from here to winter quarters. the following is a list of all the names of this pioneer company. to wit: wilford woodruff, john s. fowler, jacob burnham, orson pratt, joseph egbert, john n. freeman, marcus b. thorpe, george a. smith, george wardle, thomas grover, ezra t. benson, barnabas l. adams, roswell stevens, amasa lyman, sterling driggs, albert carrington, thomas bullock, george brown, willard richards, jesse c. little, phineas h. young, john y. greene, thomas tanner, brigham young, addison everett, truman o. angel, lorenzo young and wife, bryant stringham, albert p. rockwood, joseph l. schofield, luke johnson, john holman, edmund elsworth, alvarnus hanks, george r. grant, millen atwood, samuel fox, tunis rappleyee, harvey pierce, william dykes, jacob weiler, stephen h. goddard, tarlton lewis, henry g. sherwood, zebedee coltrin, sylvester h. earl, john dixon, samuel h. marble, george scholes, william henrie, william a. empey, charles shumway, thomas woolsey, chancy loveland, erastus snow, andrew shumway, james craig, william wordsworth, william vance, simeon howd, seeley owen, james case, artemas johnson, william a. smoot, franklin b. dewey, william carter, franklin g. losee, burr frost, datus ensign, franklin b. stewart, monroe frink, eric glines, ozro eastman, seth taft, horace thornton, stephen kelsey, john s. eldredge, charles d. barnum, alma m. williams, rufus allen, robert t. thomas, james w. stuart, elijah newman, levi n. kendall, francis boggs, david grant, heber c. kimball, howard egan, william a. king, thomas cloward, hosea cushing, robert byard, george billings, edson whipple, philo johnson, william clayton, appleton m. harmon, carlos murray, horace k. whitney, orson k. whitney, orrin p. rockwell, nathaniel thomas brown, r. jackson redding, john pack, francis m. pomroy, aaron farr, nathaniel fairbanks, john s. higbee, john wheeler, solomon chamberlain, conrad kleinman, joseph rooker, perry fitzgerald, john h. tippets, james davenport, henson walker, benjamin rolfe, norton jacobs, charles a. harper, george woodard, stephen markham, lewis barney, george mills, andrew gibbons, joseph hancock, john w. norton, shadrach roundy, hans c. hanson, levi jackman, lyman curtis, john brown, mathew ivory, david powell, (hark lay, oscar crosby, blacks) joseph mathews, gilbroid summe, john gleason, charles burke, alexander p. chessley, rodney badger, norman taylor, (green flake, black) ellis eames. there were wagons, horses, mules, oxen, cows, and dogs, and chickens. the names of the females in this camp are: harriet page young, clarissa decker, and ellen sanders. the names of the children are isaac perry decker young and sabisky l. young, making a total of souls who have started to go west of the mountains as pioneers to find a home where the saints can live in peace and enjoy the fruits of their labors, and where we shall not be under the dominion of gentile governments, subject to the wrath of mobs and where the standards of peace can be raised, the ensign to nations reared and the kingdom of god flourish until truth shall prevail, and the saints enjoy the fulness of the gospel. the following are the names of the captains of 's as appointed at this organization, viz. addison everett, tarlton lewis, james case, john pack and shadrack roundy. the captains of 's are as follows: wilford woodruff, ezra t. benson, phineas h. young, luke johnson, stephen h. goddard, charles shumway, james case, seth taft, howard egan, appleton m. harmon, john s. higbee, norton jacobs, john brown, joseph mathews. for the names of the guard and the gun division see under date of april th. stephen markham was appointed the captain of the guard and ordered to select out of the camp, fifty men for guard, such as he had confidence in who are to be considered as a standing guard, to attend to the wagons each night, twelve of them to stand at a time, and to have two sets each night, that is, each watch to stand half the night. in cases where the horses and cattle are tied some distance from the wagons at night, an extra guard is to be selected from the balance of the company or camp, the standing guard not being permitted to leave the immediate neighborhood of the wagons. after the organization was over, i wrote a letter to diantha, and put it into the hands of bishop whitney, together with the one i received yesterday from father and i. mcewan, also the one from ellen to james. up to : a.m. i had no place to put my trunk and clothing, and did not know what to do with them. however, soon after heber told me to put them in appleton m. harmon's wagon, which was done. at : p m. the camp started out to proceed on the journey. i bid farewell to to bishop whitney and his brother lyman and son joshua, who all returned from this place, also wm. h. kimball and joseph b. noble. we traveled about three miles and encamped in a line about six hundred yards from timber, where there is plenty of cottonwood and some rushes. this night i slept with philo johnson, but having only one quilt, and the night severely cold, i suffered much, and took a very bad cold. the country in the neighborhood of the elk horn is one of the most beautiful i ever saw. the bluffs on the east are nicely rolling and beautifully lined with timber, and some very nice cedar groves. from these bluffs a little above the ferry you can see the meanderings of the platte river, and the beautiful level bottom on the north of it, about fifteen miles wide for many miles up the river. the horn is a beautiful river about feet wide and about four feet deep. saturday, april this morning the weather is severely cold, with a strong wind from the north and northwest. we started out at nine o'clock and traveled till near : the distance being about seven miles. we camped close by a cottonwood grove, and the brethren fell hundreds of them to feed their teams and save corn. there is a small lake close by but the water is not good and the brethren go to the river about a half a mile. at : p.m. the camps were called together and organized in military order as follows: brigham young, lieutenant general. stephen markham, colonel. john pack and shadrack roundy, majors. the captains of 's to be captains of 's in this order, except john pack, who being appointed major, appleton m. harmon was appointed captain in his stead. thomas bullock, clerk of the camp. thomas tanner captain of the cannon with the privilege of choosing eight men to manage it in case of necessity. the president then said: "after we start from here, every man must keep his loaded gun in his hand, or in the wagon where he can put his hand on it at a moment's warning. if they are cap locks, take off the cap and put on a little leather to keep wet and etc. out. if flint locks, take out the priming and fill the pan with twine or cotton," etc. the wagons must keep together when traveling, and not separate as they have previously done, and every man to walk beside his own wagon, and not leave it only by permission. a while before evening one of the trader's wagons came from the pawnee village, loaded with furs and peltry, and camped about one quarter of a mile below us. at night eames and hanson played some on their violins. all peace and quietness. at night i slept with egan in heber's wagon, heber being gone to sleep with president young. sunday, april this morning i wrote a letter for heber to his wife vilate, which was sent by brother ellis eames who has concluded to go back on account of poor health, spitting blood, etc. he started back with the trader's wagon about eight o'clock a.m. the wind this morning east and southeast and very cold, with a slight shower of snow. at : a.m. seven more traders' wagons came in and stopped about one quarter of a mile below us, soon after six mules loaded with robes and furs. these traders say they have come from the pawnee village in two days. brother roundy got some buffalo meat from them and gave me a little, which i thought tasted very good. i commenced writing heber's journal and wrote considerable. he wants me to write his journal all the journey. i also wrote considerable in this book. afternoon the weather more moderate and pleasant, the wind has changed near south and the sun shines. i walked with horace whitney to the river which is about a half a mile. at : p.m. father james case was cutting a cottonwood tree to brouse his horses, and just as it fell the wind struck it and threw it directly contrary to the direction he intended it to fall. the consequence was, one of the limbs struck an ox on the neck and knocked him down. his right eye was knocked down in the socket out of sight. the ox doesn't seem seriously hurt otherwise. about minutes after it was done, the eye turned back to its place, and the ox seems to have sustained little injury. at : p.m., the officers of the camp met with president young, and he told the order for traveling and camping hereafter, which was communicated to the companies by the captains of 's as follows: at : in the morning the bugle is to be sounded as a signal for every man to arise and attend prayers before he leaves his wagon. then cooking, eating, feeding teams, etc., till seven o'clock, at which time the camp is to move at the sound of the bugle. each teamster to keep beside his team, with his loaded gun in his hands or in his wagon where he can get it in a moment. the extra men, each to walk opposite his wagon with his loaded gun on his shoulder, and no man to be permitted to leave his wagon unless he obtains permission from his officer. in case of an attack from indians or hostile appearances, the wagons to travel in double file. the order of encampment to be in a circle with the mouth of the wagon to the outside, and the horses and stock tied inside the circle. at : p.m. the bugle to be sounded again at which time all to have prayers in their wagons and to retire to rest by nine o'clock. tonight i went to bed about seven-thirty o'clock suffering severely with pain in my head and face. i slept with philo johnson. monday, april at : a.m., at the sound of the bugle i arose, my face still paining me very badly. after eating breakfast, i started out on foot, before the wagons started, with my rifle on my shoulder. at : the wagons began to move and at : were all formed in double file and proceeded on. after traveling about eight miles we arrived at a number of small lakes, where were many ducks. a number of the brethren shot at them and killed several. at : p.m. we arrived at a bend in the river where a small stream runs around an island. we stayed here to feed awhile, having traveled about fifteen miles mostly a western course with the wind south. the roads very good and the country very level on these flat bottoms of the platte river which bottoms appear to be from ten to fifteen miles wide. soon after the camp was formed, o. p. rockwell, jackson redding, and j. c. little came in from winter quarters. they arrived at : . they have found dr. richard's mare which was lost east of the elk horn and brought her to camp. they brought me a line from diantha and one from ruth and margaret. in the last was a very gentle piece of information which has caused me to reflect much, and proves to me that ruth and margaret's virtue and integrity have for the last year been far superior to mine. in my letter to them i requested them to attend to family prayer in my absence, a thing which i have neglected since leaving nauvoo. they informed me that they had done that when i was at home but unknown to me, and they had then, and still continue to bear me up before their heavenly father. oh, what integrity, what faithfulness. i feel unworthy to possess two such treasures, but still feel to try to reward them for it, and may my father in heaven bless them, and all my family and let his angels guard them, and me during my absence that we may all be permitted to meet again and enjoy each other's society in this world for many years to come, and eternal in the world to come. o! lord, grant this prayer of thine unworthy servant, and fill my family with peace and union, and open a way that they may have the necessaries and comforts of life, and thy name shall have the praise, even so, amen. i received by porter, some few fish hooks and lines, a ball of fish line and three pencils, but no small hooks nor knives or wafers. at twenty minutes after : p.m. the wagons began to move again, in the same order as this morning and traveled until : p.m. when we arrived at a very pretty open view of the platte river, and the encampment was formed in a semi-circle on its banks, having traveled since noon, about five miles, and in the whole day miles, over the same kind of dry, level, sandy bottom. the river here appears to be about a mile wide but very shoal. there is not much timber where we are camped, and the water is pretty muddy. i walked some this afternoon in company with orson pratt and suggested to him the idea of fixing a set of wooden cog wheels to the hub of a wagon wheel, in such order as to tell the exact number of miles we travel each day. he seemed to agree with me that it could be easily done at a trifling expense. after the encampment was formed, i went to brother luke johnson and asked him to draw my tooth which has pained me so much for a long time. while i was speaking to him stephen markham came up, and wanted him to take his team and the revenue cutter the name by which the leather boat is called back about two miles, as they designed to seine in one of the lakes. brother luke johnson drives the team which draws the boat and rides in the boat as in a wagon. i concluded i would go and watch them fish and started out on foot. i overtook markham and john s. higbee and in our conversation i mentioned to brother john s. higbee the same idea i had advanced to orson pratt, and he also seemed to coincide fully. after arriving at the lake they launched the boat and made three hauls. they only caught a snapping turtle, four small turtles, one duck, two small cat fish, and two creek suckers. they then concluded to return and i started on foot again with two rifles to carry. i got back to camp before they overtook me and being perfectly tired and very footsore, went to bed, but had no rest on account of the severe pain in my head and face. tuesday, april arose at : , my head and face very bad indeed. i ate but little breakfast, although we had a couple of ducks and a snipe. we started out at : , the morning pleasant except a strong west wind. at : arrived at shell creek, which is about six or eight feet wide, and a poor bridge over it, but all the wagons got well over. this is about five miles from where we camped last night. we then passed through a small grove of timber, and entered again upon the wide, open prairie bottom. at : we stopped beside a small slough or lake to feed and eat, etc., being five miles from shell creek. while stopping here, three deer passed about half a mile west of the wagons. o. p. rockwell and thomas brown chased them on horses four or five miles, but did not succeed in taking any of them. the wind has fallen considerably and it is very warm and dusty. at : p.m. started again, the horse teams taking the lead, traveled about ten miles farther and encamped near a cotton wood grove on the banks of the river. the encampment was formed about half past five. tanner's bellows and anvil were set up and a number of tires set before dark. john s. higbee, luke johnson, s. markham, and some others, started ahead of the camp about noon, and went about two miles farther than this place to a lake with the boat and seine. they took over very nice fish, and arrived with them about the time the camp was formed. the fish were distributed around the camp according to the number of persons in each wagon, generally two to a wagon, and the brethren enjoyed a good supper on fish. i went to the river and washed my feet which were very dusty and sore. i also washed my socks as well as i could in cold water without soap. after brother luke johnson had got through distributing fish, i went and asked him to draw my tooth. he willingly agreed and getting his instruments, i sat down in a chair, he lanced the gum, then took his nippers and jerked it out. the whole operation did not take more than one minute. he only got half the original tooth, the balance being left in the jaw. after this my head and face pained me much more than before. i ate but little supper and then lay down, but could not sleep for pain till near morning. the evening was very calm and pleasant. wednesday, april arose at : , my face easier, but swollen and my gums raw. took breakfast on fish and coffee, but ate no bread, it being very dry and hard. i could not bear to put it in my mouth. at seven started on foot; the ox teams being gone ahead. some appearances of rain, and a slight shower fell. wind northeast and pretty cool. at ten minutes to nine an indian rode up to the first wagon and appeared very friendly. soon after six or eight others came running on foot. they came from the timber about a mile to the left. at : we arrived at a fork in the road, the one on the left leading to the new pawnee village, and the one to the right leaving the village some distance to the south. a consultation was held by president young with father case relative to the roads crossing the river, etc., when it was concluded to take the right hand road. we proceeded accordingly and at : came in sight of the new pawnee village, in an open spot on the south bank of the loop fork, between two bodies of timber. the village appeared to be about three quarters of a mile south of the road we were on. at : we were opposite the village, and could then see distinctly upwards of lodges set pretty close together, and appeared to be ranged in several lines, and set in good order. we proceeded until we arrived at a long narrow lake by the side of the timber and near to the river. at : p.m. the encampment was formed on the bank of the lake and a guard instantly placed at the passes, as many of the indians had followed us, although they had to wade the river, but it is very shoal. one of the indians presented several certificates from persons who had previously traveled through their village, all certifying that the grand chief of the pawnees was friendly disposed, and they had made him presents of a little powder, lead, salt, etc. heber gave them a little tobacco, and a little salt. president young gave to the chief, some powder, lead, salt and a number of the brethren gave a little flour each. the old chief, however, did not seem to think the presents sufficient, and said he did not like us to go west through their country, he was afraid we should kill their buffalo and drive them off. brother shumway told him we did not like buffalo, but this does not appear to give him much satisfaction. however, there was no appearance of hostility. in fact, all that came to camp seemed highly pleased to shake hands with our brethren and would run from one side to another so as not to miss one. a number of the squaws were on the opposite side of the lake with mattocks digging roots. brother shumway says there are about twelve thousand of the pawnees in this neighborhood, and it is reported that there are five thousand warriors. we did not see many of them. larpy is at their village trading, and it is uncertain whether he will endeavor to use an influence for us or against us. we have no fear, however, because their only object appears to be plunder, and it is the calculation to be well prepared by night and day. during the resting hour i spent the time writing in my journal. at : p.m. the ox teams started out again and the horse teams soon after. the weather had been calm and pleasant for a few hours, but about : or a little before, some heavy clouds began to gather, and thunder was heard at a distance. about : the rain began to descend heavily, accompanied by heavy peals of thunder and vivid lightning which continued till about : . a strong north wind blew up, the rain and thunder ceased and the weather grew very cold. we traveled till : and the encampment was formed on the loop fork of the platte river. after the encampment was formed and teams turned out, the brethren were all called together and some remarks made by president young, advising them to have a strong guard round the camps tonight. he called for volunteers to stand guard and about volunteered amongst whom were all the twelve except dr. richards. this guard was divided into two companies of fifty each, one company to stand the first half the night, and the remainder the last half. those of the twelve who stood took the first watch till : . brigham and heber both stood on guard. out of the companies a party were stationed as a picket guard some distance from the camp, the balance stood near the camp. the night was very cold, with a strong wind from the northeast, and in the middle of the night, it rained considerable. our course this morning was about west. this afternoon, northwest. we are now within three miles from the bluffs on the north. we have traveled today about twenty miles, the roads being good and very level. the grass here is short but looks good. the buffalo grass is very short and curly like the hair on a buffalo robe. the spring grass doesn't seem to be as early here as at the elk horn, and the last year's growth not being burnt off, will be rather a disadvantage to the spring companies. i have noticed all the way on this bottom from the elk horn, that the ground is full of wild onions which appear far richer and larger than any wild onions i ever saw. i have no idea that corn would grow here for the land is very dry and loose and sandy, and appears poor. the country is beautiful and pleasing to the eye of the traveler, although you can only see one kind of scenery for several days. thursday, april arose soon after : a.m., my face very painful again caused by the cold. there has been no trouble from the indians and all is peace and safe. the cannon was prepared for action, and stood all night just outside the wagons. there was considerable joking this morning on account of two of the picket guard having their guns stolen and colonel markham having his hat stolen. the owners were found asleep while on guard and those who found them so, took their guns to be a warning to them, but it is difficult for men to keep awake night after night after traveling miles in the day, taking care of teams, cooking, etc. at : the camp proceeded again. i went ahead on foot. about one quarter of a mile from where we camped is one of the prettiest beds of nettle i have seen for some time. our road this morning lay beside pretty heavy timber, and about a westerly course. after traveling two miles, crossed looking glass creek, a small stream about a rod wide, but easily forded. i still went ahead on foot and at : sat down on an indian grave, on top of a mound from whence is a splendid view of the surrounding country for many miles. from southeast to southwest you can see the course of the loop fork for a number of miles. northwest a level prairie about four miles and then a range of timber. the bluffs on the north about seven miles distant, and on the east a level prairie for about twenty miles. at this place there is a range of what appears to be mounds about a quarter of a mile long, running from northeast to southwest. at : we arrived on the east bank of beaver river, having traveled about ten miles. this stream is about twenty to twenty-five feet wide; swift, clear water and pleasant tasting. the banks are tolerably well lined with timber. here we stopped to feed. some of the brethren went to fix the fording place a little, the banks are steep on each side and the water a little over two feet deep. at : p.m. started again, the ox teams first. when passing the river a number of the brethren stood on the west bank with a long rope which was hooked to the wagon tongue and they assisted the teams up the bank. the wagon i rode in crossed at two minutes after : , and in a little while all were safely over. we proceeded on till half past five, when we arrived at the pawnee missionary station which is about seven miles from beaver river. the country this afternoon was more uneven, there being many steep ditches and rises. the grass appears longer and there is much rosing weed. the soil looks black and no doubt would yield a good crop of corn. this missionary station was deserted last fall, and brother miller's company being camped here, they carried the missionaries and their effects to bellview on the missouri river. this is a very beautiful place for a location. on the north and west it is surrounded by bluffs, on the south by the loop fork at about three quarters of a mile distance. on the east by descending prairie. the plumb creek runs through it, and but a few rods from the missionaries' house. its banks are lined with a little timber. there is also a steep bank on each side, and between these banks in the valley which is a few rods wide, the sioux have practiced coming down when they have made their attacks on the pawnees. the ravine is certainly well calculated to shelter an enemy from observation when designing to make a sudden attack. there are a number of good log houses here, considerable land under improvement enclosed by rail fences, and a good quantity of hay and fodder, large lots of iron, old and new, several plows and a drag. all apparently left to rot. there are also two stoves, etc. the government station is a quarter of a mile below, or south where father case lived as government farmer and received $ . a year for it, but when major harvey learned at the last payday, which was last november, that father case had joined the "mormons" he very politely dismissed him from the government service. the sioux came down sometime ago and burned up the government station houses, blacksmith shop and everything, but the missionary station they did not touch. this place according to my account is miles from winter quarters, and a lovely place to live. before dark the president called the camp together, and told them they might use the fodder and hay for their teams, but forbade any man carrying anything away, even to the value of one cent. he said he had no fears of the pawnees troubling us here, but we had better be prepared lest the sioux should come down and try to steal horses. a guard was selected and a picket guard to watch the ravine to the north. the cannon was also prepared and brother tanner drilled his men to use it till dark. at : p.m. i retired to rest and slept well through the night. the variation of the compass is about degrees at this place. i again introduced the subject of fixing machinery to a wagon wheel to tell the distance we travel, describing the machinery and time it would take to make it, etc., several caught, the idea and feel confident of its success. friday, april arose this morning at : , my face bad again through sleeping cold. the air chilly but a very pleasant morning. president young, heber and others are gone to the river to ascertain where we can best ford it. there is a ford a little distance from here, and another about four miles above, but the latter is in the neighborhood of another band of the pawnees and they are desirous to avoid it if possible. they started out on horseback at a quarter to eight and the camp remained here till they returned. some are working, some fixing wagons, etc. the day is now warm and very pleasant. i went to plumb creek and washed my feet which are very sore. the brethren returned at a quarter to : and reported that we would have to go about four miles and there build a raft. tarlton lewis was appointed to superintend the building of the raft. president young then stated in regard to the plows, iron, etc., which lies around here, for the government is owing father case considerable for services, and he has the privilege of taking this for his pay. he will do it and if the brethren want the iron, etc., they can have by hauling it, one half, and father case the other half, and he (case) will write and inform them what he has done. i started on foot about : and viewed the ruins of buildings, etc., which the sioux have burned. there is a large quantity of good bar iron, and a number of plows, which the brethren put into their wagons on the terms proposed by father case. two miles from plumb creek, passed another creek not very good to ford, although it is narrow but sandy. two miles farther arrived at the intended crossing place, but the prospect looks dull for rafting on account of sandbars and very rapid current. my feet were so sore and blistered i could not walk for some time after i got there. the sun is very hot and no wind. at : the wagons arrived and prepared to ford the river. luke johnson was the first who went over, leaving the boat on this side, and although he had no load, nor even a wagon box, it was with difficulty he got over. orson pratt started next with a part of his load. when he had got in about a rod, his horses began to sink some in the sand and they could not draw. a number of the brethren jumped in and lifted at the wheels, etc., till they got him to the bar in the middle. he then started for the other bar and about half way across his horses sank in the quicksand so badly that one of them fell down. a number of the men immediately went to his assistance and took them off the wagon and led them across to the sand bar. president young went over in the boat and took the loading out of the carriage into the boat. the carriage was drawn to the sand bar by men with a long rope. the brethren then assisted elder woodruff's team over in the same way, also john pack's and wordsworth's. president young then ordered that no more wagons should go over that way, but move up the river about a quarter of a mile and camp until morning. the camp was formed about : p.m. the river is not more than two feet deep, but there are a great many beds of quicksand which are dangerous to teams, and calculated to shake a wagon to pieces. they make a noise when crossing the quicksands as if they were going over a stone pavement. the country here is indeed beautiful and appears rich, but there is very little timber. after crossing plumb creek, there is plowed land for nearly two miles on the right but not fenced. it appears to have yielded a good crop of corn. the land on the left to the river is level and beautiful for a farm. we are now camped about a quarter of a mile from the old pawnee village on a splendid table of land, level and pleasant as heart could desire. it is not much over three quarters of a mile wide and shielded on the north by beautiful rolling bluffs and on the south by the loop fork of the platte. from this bank can be seen the timber on the banks of the main platte, the bottom from here to it appears very level. there is something romantic in the scenery around here, and the prospect cannot well be exaggerated. in the evening the captains of tens were called together and a vote taken to build two light rafts, tarlton lewis to superintend one and thomas woolsey the other. as many loads of property as can be carried over in the boat will be done, and the teams with empty wagons will ford it. it is said that by going over several times with teams the sand will pack down and be good crossing, several of those who have been across believe this from today's experience and they calculate to give it a fair trial tomorrow. amongst the rest of those who waded the river to help the wagons over, brother kimball joined and assisted one team to the other side, and then returned in the boat with president young. saturday, april arose soon after : . morning fine, but cool. one of phineas young's horses was choked to death last night. it appears he was tied to a stake with a chain near a steep hole in the ravine, and either stepped back or lay down and rolled over into the hole, and the chain being short he was choked to death, having no power to extricate himself. this is a grievous loss for there are no more teams in the camp than what are absolutely necessary, and in fact, there are hardly enough to get along very comfortably. by request of brother kimball, i went up to the old indian village immediately after breakfast to take a view of it, and write a description as near as circumstances would permit which is as follows: this village is situated on the north bank of the loop fork of the nebraska or platte river, about four miles southwest of the mission station on plumb creek and miles from winter quarters. the pawnee nation is divided into four bands. the names of the bands are the grand pawnee, the loop, the tappas, and the republican. when the nation settled in this region the grand pawnees and the tappas located on the west bank of plumb creek and the loops located on this spot and were afterwards joined by the republicans. when the sioux made war on the indians at the first settlement and destroyed their village, the grand chief saw that his party were unable to cope with their hostile foes alone, and it was concluded that the four bands should locate together on this spot, but notwithstanding this, the sioux succeeded in burning this village last summer during the absence of the pawnees when on their hunt. they rebuilt most of it again, but last fall the sioux made another attack and burned the whole village except one dwelling or lodge, which is not harmed. there are three or four others but partially destroyed, the rest are entirely demolished and levelled with the ground. the pawnees then moved to the place where we passed them a few days ago, and are dwelling in their lodges made of hides, etc. the name of the grand chief is shefmolan, who is also the superior chief of the pawnee band. all documents or treaties made by the nation are signed by this chief and the nation is then bound by them. the head chief of the loup band is named siscatup, the other chiefs, father case did not recollect their names. from him i obtained this information. there is a part of the loup band on the main platte, some distance from here, who have never yielded to the government treaties, but stand out from the rest of the nation and spend their time mostly in plundering other tribes as well as travelers. they frequently go as far as the cherokee nation to rob and plunder. all the pawnee nation are noted for their love of plundering travelers of their horses and mules, but not often anything else. on the east and west of the village is a beautiful level bench of prairie extending many miles, and to the ridge of bluffs which run east and west touching within a mile of the village. on the top of the bluffs can be seen a number of indian graves. to the northwest about a mile distant, and at the foot of the bluffs is an extensive corn field, the stalks still standing. on the south is a beautiful view of the nice level prairie extending to the main branch of the platte, the timber on the banks can be faintly, but plainly seen. the loup fork is probably about yards wide at this place and very shoal, except a narrow channel near the shore on this side which is probably three feet deep. the bottom is mostly quicksand and not safe fording. about half the surface from bank to bank is sand bars which appear above the surface of the water mostly on the south side. there are several small islands and a little timber to the right or west. the village occupies a space of about acres of land, and is mostly enclosed by a ditch about five feet wide, and a bank inside the ditch about four feet high, running from the bank of the river around the village till it again strikes the bank, and when perfect, has formed a good fortification. a number of lodges are built outside the ditch on the east and on account of want of room inside when the bands from the other village joined them. the village is composed of about houses or lodges varying in size but all similarly constructed, as appears from the remnants of some left standing. while i take this sketch, i sit in the one left unharmed, which it is said was owned by the chief siscatup, and as the lodges are all constructed in the same manner, only differing in size, i will endeavor to describe the way in which this is built. in the first place, the earth is dug out a little, slanting to the depth of about inches in the form of a perfect circle about feet in diameter. this forms the floor of the dwelling. then there are crotch posts let into the floor in a direction slanting outward so that the top of the crotch is about perpendicular with the outside of the circle, the foot being set about or inches from the base of the circle. these posts are arranged at about equal distances from each other around the circle. in the crotches, poles are laid across from crotch to crotch, and are sufficiently high for the tallest man to stand upright under them. at the distance of or inches from the outside of the circle are many smaller poles let into the surface of the ground, on an average of about a foot apart and leaning inward so that the top of the poles rest on the cross pieces which are supported by the crotches. the space between the foot of these poles and the edge of the circle forms a bench for seats entirely around the house, and there is room sufficient for more than a hundred men to seat themselves on it very comfortably. on the outside of these last mentioned poles are laid a number of still smaller poles horizontally from bottom to top from about inches to a foot apart, these are lashed fast to the upright poles by strings made of bark. on the outside of these is laid a thick layer of long prairie grass and occasionally lashed through to the upright poles also. the whole is then covered with earth about two feet in thickness at the bottom and gradually thinner towards the top. this forms an enclosure when completed around the whole area about seven feet high, a place being left sufficiently large for the door. the next process is to place erect ten upright poles or crotches, very stout, being about a foot in diameter about seven feet nearer the center of the circle than the first crotches. these are set perpendicular, deep in the ground and also arranged at about equal distances from each other, and form a strong foundation which is the design and use to which they are appropriated. on the top of these pillars are also horizontal poles laid strong and firm, the top of the pillars being about eleven or twelve feet above the floor. long small poles are then laid from the outside horizontal poles over the inner ones and sufficiently long to meet at the top within about two feet of each other, forming a hole for the smoke from the fire to ascend through. these long poles are laid pretty close together all around the building, and across them smaller ones are lashed with bark as in the first instance, only they are much closer together. the operation of lashing on a layer of long grass and finally covering the whole with earth, completes the roof of the building. the door or entrance is a long porch formed by placing in the earth four upright posts or crotches far enough apart to extend outwards from the circle, about or feet. there are four upright crotches on each side the porch and in the crotches, poles are laid horizontally as in the other parts of the building. the process of lashing sticks across, then a thick coat of long grass and lastly a stout coat of earth, is the same as the other parts of the building. the roof of the porch is flat and is about seven feet high and six feet wide. the porch is dug down about half as deep as the main building, making a short step at the mouth of the porch and another one at the entrance into the house. the fire has been made in the center of the house directly under the hole in the roof. at the farther side of the building, exactly opposite the porch, is a projection of sod left about a foot from the outside of the circle which is said to have been the seat of the chief, and over which hung his medicine bag and other implements. the crotches are arranged so that there is a free passage to the center of the hall from the porch one standing on each side at the entrance about six feet apart and the others appear to be arranged from them. the smaller houses have not so many pillars as this one. some have eight in the center and sixteen outside the circle. others have four in the center and ten outside. the entrances are also smaller in proportion, but all are constructed on the same principle. it looks a little singular to note that nearly all the entrances to these lodges front to the southeast, except in one or two instances where they front in other directions for lack of room. it is probable that this is done to avoid the effects of the severe cold northwest winds so prevalent in winter. adjacent to each lodge is a stable or pen, which has been designed for keeping horses in. these are mostly left unharmed. they are constructed by placing poles upright in the ground from two to three inches in diameter as close together as possible and about ten feet high. about five or six feet above the ground cross poles are laid horizontally, and each of the upright poles are firmly lashed to the cross poles by strips of bark, so as to make them firm and secure them from being moved out of their place. the stables are mostly built square, with a door left on one side sufficiently large to admit a horse. there are some circular stables but not so many as the square ones. the horses appear to have been penned in by placing loose poles across the doorway, for there is no other sign of a door visible. around each lodge there are also several cachets where corn and other necessities are deposited. the cachets are large holes dug in the ground, or rather under the ground, the entrance being only just large enough to admit a common sized man. they are made pretty much after the shape of a large demijon. the cachets are generally about six feet high inside and about fifteen feet in diameter; there is a gradual slope from the mouth to the extreme corner and a little bowing, which forms the roof. the surface of the earth above, at the mouth, is about two and a half or three feet deep. some of these are said to be capable of holding a hundred bushels of corn, and when filled there is a thick coat of grass laid on the top and the mouth then filled up nicely with earth, and when finished a stranger would not have the least suspicion that there was a storehouse full of corn under his feet. i finished taking the foregoing sketch soon after noon, and then had intended to go on the bluffs and examine the indian graves, but it being very warm, and perceiving the teams crossing the river very rapidly, i returned, and found most of the teams over. they commenced crossing about eight o'clock, some unloaded their goods on the bank which were carried in the boat to the sand bar, the teams going down to the ferry to cross. after a few wagons had gone over, it was perceived that they went over with less difficulty, and by doubling teams they soon took over the loaded wagons without much difficulty. i prepared to wade over the river, inasmuch as the wagon i am with was gone over, and in fact, all heber's wagons were over except one, but jackson redding brought me porter rockwell's horse to ride over, and i mounted and proceeded. i found the current strong indeed, and about as much as a horse could do to ford it without a load. i soon got over safe and wet only my feet. at : p.m. the last wagon was over on the solid sand bar, and about four o'clock all the wagons and teams were safely landed on the bank on the south side of the loop fork without any loss or accident, which made the brethren feel thankful indeed. a little before four, the wagons started on to find a better place to camp and feed for our teams, where we can stay comfortable until monday and give the teams a chance to rest, for they as well as the men are very tired by wading against the strong current on the quick sand. the bottom land on this side is more sandy than on the other side, but the grass appears higher but not so thick on the ground. the bluffs on the other side look beautiful from here, and the indian graves show very plain. we went on about three miles and camped beside a small lake near the river. i traveled this on foot. soon as we arrived porter rockwell discovered that there were many sun fish in the lake. i took a couple of hooks and lines, handed some to him, and went to fishing myself with the others and we had some fine sport. i caught a nice mess which brother egan cooked for supper, and although they were small they made a good dish. many of the brethren caught a good mess each. brother higbee came down with the seine and made two hauls but caught none on account of the grass in the bottom of the lake. we have good reasons to suspect that we are watched by the indians as their footsteps have been seen on the bluffs south, apparently very fresh, but the guard are faithful and we have no fear. the cannon was prepared again so as to be ready in case there should be an attack. evening i walked over to orson pratt's wagon, and through his telescope saw jupiter's four moons very distinctly never having seen them before. i went over to my wagon and looked through my glass and could see them with it, but not so distinct as with orson's. the evening was very fine and pleasant. about ten o'clock retired to rest in good health and spirits, thankful for the mercies of the day that is past. sunday, april arose soon after five, shaved and changed some of my clothing. the morning very pleasant, wind west. our course for the last seven miles has been about southwest. we are about miles from the main branch of the platte river and it is said that if we travel on this fork one hundred miles farther, we shall then be not over thirty miles from the main branch. this morning saw four antelope on the other bank of the river about a mile and a half northwest. afternoon elijah newman was baptized by tarlton lewis in the lake for the benefit of his health. brother newman has been afflicted with the black scurvy in his legs and has not been able to walk without sticks, but after being baptized and hands laid on him he returned to his wagon without any kind of help seemingly much better. soon after : p.m. a meeting was called at the wagon of president young, and remarks made by several, and instructions by president young chiefly in reference to the guard and the folly of conforming to gentile military customs on an expedition of this nature. after dark the twelve and some others met together opposite the president's wagon to select men to go a hunting buffalo, etc., as we proceed on the journey. it was ascertained that there are eight horses in the company which are not attached to teams. then eight men were selected to ride on horseback, viz., thomas woolsey, thomas brown, john brown, o. p. rockwell, john s. higbee, joseph mathews. then there were selected eleven men to hunt also on foot, viz., john pack, phineas h. young, tarlton lewis, joseph hancock, edmund ellsworth, roswell stevens, edson whipple, barnabas l. adams, benjamin f. stewart, jackson redding and eric glines. it was also voted that the twelve have the privilege of hunting when they have a mind to. after some remarks and cautions in regard to chasing the wild buffalo, the company was dismissed, and i retired to rest soon after nine o'clock, the evening being very fine and pleasant. monday, april this morning about : an alarm was sounded. i immediately got out of the wagon and learned that three of the guard who were stationed to the northeast of the camp had discovered some indians crawling up towards the wagons. they first received alarm from the motions of one of our horses, and noticing this they went towards the spot and listening, heard something rustle in the grass; they first suspected they were wolves and fired at them. only one gun went off and six indians sprang up and ran from within a few rods of where they stood, another gun was then fired at them and the camp alarmed. a strong guard was placed all around, and a charge of cannister put in the cannon. the day was just breaking when this took place and the moon had just gone down. the air being extremely cold and fires put out, i retired into the wagon till morning and arose again at half past five. after daylight, the footsteps of the indians could be plainly seen where they had come down under the bank and sometimes stepped into the water. no doubt their object was to steal horses, and they had a fair privilege if the guard had been found asleep, for the camp was only formed in a half circle and some horses were tied outside. however, the prompt reception they met with will have a tendency to show them that we keep a good watch and may deter them from making another attempt. orders were given for the tens to assemble for prayers this morning, instead of two in each wagon, which was done. president young told me this morning that as soon as my health will permit, he wants me to assist brother bullock in keeping minutes, etc., as brother bullock is hard run, having to take care of a team and attend to other chores. the camp started out about : a.m. i started at : on foot and traveled four miles, then waited for the wagons. there is no road here, consequently, president young, kimball, g. a. smith, a. lyman and others went ahead on horseback to point out the road. the horse teams traveled first to break the strong grass so that it will not hurt the oxen's feet. the hunters started out in different directions keeping only a few miles from the wagons. we traveled about seven miles and then stopped at : beside a few little holes of water to rest and feed teams, etc. from this place which is somewhat elevated, can be seen the remains of an old village or indian fort, over the river about northwest from here. the country looks beautiful, somewhat rolling and bounded by uneven bluffs. the land looks poor and sandy. the sun is very hot and not much wind. i find it has a great tendency to make sore lips, parched up and feverish. at : all the wagons were on the way again. we traveled about seven miles. we crossed two slough or soft places though not very bad. they are the first since we left winter quarters. the roads are more uneven than on the other side the river. we had to make a new road all day. at : the encampment was formed on the east banks of a small creek with a very gravelly bottom. the wagons are formed in a deep hollow and so low that they cannot be seen at a quarter of a mile distance. there is no fresh grass here, neither has the old grass been burnt off. we have crossed a number of trails today which some say are buffalo trails. they all run towards the river, and in some places there are or , others, not more than two, and so on, together running about a half a yard apart. the hunters have seen no buffalo. woolsey killed a goose. there is no timber here, only a few small willows. we are about a half a mile from the river, and there doesn't seem to be much timber on the river. our course today has been about southwest. about a mile back from this place situated on a high bench of land on the banks of the river is the remains of an indian village, the houses or lodges being all down and no appearance of timber left. the entrances to these lodges all face to the southeast, the same as those back at the other village. there has evidently been a garden around the village as the land has been broken and bears marks of cultivation. this morning brother benson discovered that one of the iron axles of his wagon was broken, and he moved the load so that there was no weight on the part which was broken, and traveled with it all day. this evening the wagon was unloaded, the axle taken off, brother tanner's forge set up, and the axle welded and fixed ready to put to the wagon again. this was done in the short space of one hour after the encampment was formed. the welding was performed by brother burr fost. about eight o'clock joseph mathews came into camp from seeking his horses and stated that an indian had rode a horse off a little before and he supposed it was brother little's horse, which was missing. dr. richards' mare was also missing. brother mathews stated that he went out to seek for his black man who was out watching his teams, and as he arrived he saw brother little's horse as he supposed going towards the river. he ran towards it to turn it back to camp, but as soon as he commenced running the horse sprang to a gallop, which made him suppose there was an indian on him although he could not see the indian. as soon as he gave the alarm five or six of the brethren mounted their horses, and pursued on the course pointed out to the river, but could neither see nor hear a horse or indian. when they returned, president young and kimball and a number of others went out on horseback and searched till near eleven o'clock, but likewise proved unsuccessful. the brethren have been repeatedly warned not to let their horses go far from their wagons, but every time we stop they can be seen around for more than two miles. these are two good horses and the owners feel bad enough, but it will be a warning to others to be more careful. tuesday, april arose soon after five. the morning fine and pleasant. during the night the guard fired twice but they supposed they were wolves they fired at. i went back to the old indian village before breakfast, and also with o. p. rockwell, to see if any tracks of the lost horses could be found. he followed one track some way into a bunch of willows, but having no arms we returned. at : the wagons commenced moving and traveled till : being about twelve miles nearly a south course, the design being to go to the main branch of the platte. president young, kimball and others went forward again to point out the road. o. p. rockwell and some others started back to hunt the horses about the time we started. the land today has been very rolling and uneven. it is also very sandy and dry. after traveling about four miles through dead grass we found a large space where the grass had been burned off. here it is quite green, and there are quantities of buffalo dung, which proves that we are not far distant from some of them. the hunters have been out again but have not discovered any. there are a great many lizards on these sand ridges, but they are of a small size. president young and kimball discovered a dog town a piece back, and many little prairie dogs. in one hole was a very large rattlesnake, and around the holes many small owls which seem to correspond with what travelers have said previously, that the prairie dog, rattlesnakes, and owls all live in the same hole together. the sun is very hot but there is a nice west wind although it is dry and parches our lips. when we stopped at noon the brethren dug several holes and obtained a little water, as there is none here above the surface. they could not obtain any for the cattle and horses. at : the teams commenced to move again. just as they started, john brown, roswell stevens and brother woodruff all shot at an antelope. they all hit him and killed him. having skinned it, they put it into one of the wagons. the afternoon was very hot and the roads very dusty. after traveling about two miles some of the ox teams gave out and had to stop and feed. the rest went on till they found a small branch of water and the grass being very good we stopped for the night at half past five, having traveled about four miles, course about south. president young and several others went back with mules and horses to assist the teams up which are behind. luke johnson shot a very large rattlesnake and brought it to camp for the oil. roswell stevens killed a hare, the nearest like the english hare of any i have seen in this country. soon after we arrived here it began to lightning and thunder and we had a light shower with a very strong wind. there is an appearance of more rain which is very much needed indeed. at : o. p. rockwell, joseph mathews, john eldridge and thomas brown returned from hunting the two lost horses. they reported that they went back to within about two miles of where we encamped on sunday and looking off towards the river they saw something move in the grass at the foot of a high mole. they proceeded towards it thinking it was a wolf, when within about twelve or fourteen rods porter stopped to shoot at the supposed wolf. the moment he elevated his rifle, fifteen indians sprang to their feet, all naked except the breech cloth, and armed with rifles and bows and arrows. each man having a rifle slung on his back, and his bow strung tight in his hand and about twenty arrows. the indians advanced towards them but the brethren motioned and told them to stop and held their rifles and pistols ready to meet them. when the indians saw this they began to holler "bacco! bacco!" the brethren told them they had not tobacco. one of the indians came close beside j. mathew's horse to shake hands with mathews but kept his eye on the horse's bridle. when nearly within reach of the bridle, brown cocked his pistol and pointed at the indian shouting if he did not leave he would kill him. at which, the indian seeing the pistol ready to fire, retreated. the indians made signs to get the brethren lower down the river, but the brethren turned their horses to come to camp, thinking it unsafe to go near to the timber where they expected more indians lay in ambush. when the brethren turned to come back the indians fired six shots at them with their rifles and the brethren immediately faced about at which the indians fled towards the timber below. the brethren did not shoot at the indians, even when the indians shot at them. they saw the tracks of the horses which are missing and returned satisfied that pawnees have got them, and no doubt intended to get the horses on which the brethren rode, but they met with too stern a reception to risk an attempt. some of these same indians were amongst those who came into camp when we stopped for dinner near their village, and proves that they eyed the horses pretty close, and also proves that they have followed us close ever since. the brethren ran great risks indeed, but got back safe to camp without harm. about the same time the brethren returned, a gun accidentally went off and broke the nigh fore leg of brother mathew's horse. those who saw the accident state that when the rain came on, some of the men put their guns in john brown's wagon, loaded and with the caps on. brother brown threw his coat on the guns, and soon after went to get his coat and plucking it up, some part of the coat caught the cock of the gun and raised it so that when the coat slipped off, the gun went off, and the ball struck the horse's leg on the back side about half way between the knee and upper joint. the bone was broke entirely off. there were several men and horses close by the wagon at the time. the wagon was set on fire, but soon put out with little damage. this makes four of the best horses lost within the last four days, but the last circumstance is by far the most painful, and breaks up brother markham's team. brother brown made heber a present of a little antelope meat. about dark the wind moved to the north and blew strong a little while and we had a little more rain. wednesday, april morning fine and pleasant, no indians. the wind blew strong from the northeast which makes it much cooler. there are many wolves and antelope around here, but no buffalo have been seen as yet. orders were given this morning for no man to leave the wagons except the hunters. the brethren had to make a road down to the small creek near which we camped. this occupied till about nine o'clock, when the wagons commenced crossing; the last wagon crossed at ten o'clock and then the camp proceeded on, president young, kimball, and several others going before to point out the road while the wagons were crossing the creek. brother luke johnson shot the horse dead which had his leg broke last night. the horse belonged to brother barney, but was in markham's team and was a good one, but they concluded it was better to shoot her than leave her alone to the mercy of the indians. our course for the first seven miles was a little east of south over a very level prairie and green with grass. the largest wild onions grow here i have ever seen. after traveling about seven miles we turned southwest, being within a mile of the main platte and opposite to grand island. we traveled till : and then stopped to feed, having come about eleven miles today. the roads are extremely dusty and the strong wind blows it into the wagons and everything is covered. we are now near to timber and a good chance for grass for the cattle. at : p.m. we moved again and traveled till six, having traveled about four miles, and during the day, about fifteen miles. we have camped about a quarter of a mile from the timber and there is plenty of grass to fill the stock tonight. the water is also clear and cool and good tasting. the evening is cloudy and very cool, which affects my head some. suppered on some antelope and went to bed early. thursday, april the wagons started at five o'clock this morning before breakfast, to find more grass as this is all eaten off. we traveled till : being about three miles, and then turned out the teams to feed. the morning very cool. there seems to be very little rain in this country and no dew. breakfasted on goose and mouldy bread. at twenty minutes after eight, the teams started again and after traveling about two miles came to a very pretty stream of good water, (wood river) about ten feet wide on an average, but at the fording place about a rod wide. we were detained some here, but all got over safely. we then traveled on a table or prairie gently ascending for four or five miles but very even and good traveling. at : p.m. we stopped beside a small lake to rest and feed teams, having traveled about ten miles today. the wind south and strong. one of orson pratt's horses is very sick, supposed to be the bots. he has lain down several times in the harness within the last three hours. i am not astonished, as the wagons and everything else is shrinking up, for the wind is perfectly dry and parching; there is no moisture in it. even my writing desk is splitting with the drought. at : p.m. we started again and traveled till about : over tolerable level prairie, distance about eight miles, and nearly a southwest course. the wind was strong from southwest till sundown and then turned to northeast. the clouds of dust were almost sufficient to suffocate everyone. i rode heber's horse this afternoon and went before the wagons. saw many antelope, and the brethren had a good chance to kill one, but they missed it, although three of them shot at it. we camped at night close to grand island where there is an abundance of rushes for cattle. there is also a white substance that seems to ooze out of the ground around here, and tastes like salt, but not so strong as common salt. brother orson pratt's horse is better and the day has passed without accident. friday, april arose at half past five. morning cool and pleasant. the teams have filled themselves with rushes. started at : and soon after the camp started, i started ahead on foot and have traveled about five miles. the prairie level and green with grass. we travel on the first bench about three quarters of a mile north of the timber on grand island. there are many wild geese on the prairie, also buffalo dung, but none very recent. there are immense patches of blue grass which from appearances, the buffalo are fond of. there are also numerous patches of buffalo grass which is very short, thick on the ground, and curly like the hair on a buffalo's hide, and much resembling it, except in color. about a mile from where we camped last night, we passed a place where the indians have camped no doubt during their hunt. they must have been very numerous for their camp has covered a number of acres of ground. president young, kimball and lyman are gone ahead on horseback to look out the road. we have thus far followed the indian trail, but it is now so grown over and so old it is scarce discernible. the wind blows strong from the north and the dust is very bad. the atmosphere is dull and cloudy. our course today has been about west. at a quarter to twelve we stopped to feed beside a small creek of clear, good, water, having traveled about eight miles. the grass along this creek is long and plentiful. we are about a half a mile from grand island. having the privilege of copying from brother bullock's journal, i will now record the names of the standing guard as organized april th, also the men selected by brother tanner to form the gun division as ordered saturday, april th. tarlton lewis, stephen h. goddard, seeley owens, thomas woolsey, john g. luce, horace thorton, charles d. barnam, sylvester h. earl, george scholes, rufus allen, william empey, john holman, george r. grant, william p. vance, james craig, datus ensign, william dykes, john dixon, samuel h. marble, artemus johnson, norton jacobs, addison everett, william wordsworth, john w. norton, francis m. pomroy, lyman curtis, horace m. frink, erastus snow, hans c. hanson, william c. a. smoot, barnabas l. adams, rodney badger, charles burk, alexander p. chesley, appleton m. harmon, david powell, joseph mathews, john wheeler, gillrid summe, mathew ivory, edson whipple, conrad klineman, joseph rooker, nathaniel fairbanks, ozro eastman, andrew s. gibbons, william a. king, thomas tanner, hosea cushing, and john h. tippets. the names of the gun detachment are as follows: thomas tanner, captain; stephen h. goddard, seeley owens, thomas woolsey, john g. luce, horace thornton, charles d. barnam, sylvester h. earl, george scholes and rufus allen. at twenty minutes after ten o'clock started again, the wind blowing from the north tremendously strong, and clouds of dust arose from under the wagon wheels. it has turned very cold and gloomy. we traveled again over a level prairie some distance from the river and turned off to camp under the bench soon after : p.m. having traveled about eight miles, our course a little southwest. the wagons were formed in an imperfect circle in such a manner as to have all the wagon mouths from the wind, which took near an hour to form the encampment. we are about a mile from water and a mile and a half from timber, with very little grass for our teams. it is now so cold that every man wants his overcoat on and a buffalo robe over it. we have had no accident and the brethren feel well, some are wrestling to keep themselves warm. some have had the good luck to bring a little wood with them but it seems as if many will have a cold supper. and some perhaps little or nothing as they have no bread cooked. eight p.m., the camp have found a good substitute for wood in the dried buffalo dung which lies on the ground here in great plenty, and makes a good fire when properly managed. brother kimball invented a new way of building a fire to cook on and which is well adapted to the use of this kind of fuel. he dug a hole in the ground about inches deep, inches long and inches wide. then at each end of this hole he dug another about the same dimensions as the first leaving about inches of earth standing between the middle and two end holes. at the end of these partitions he made a hole through about inches in diameter to serve as a draught. in the bottom of the middle hole the fire and fuel was placed, and across the top two wagon hammers to set the pots and pans on, so that the fire could have free circulation underneath. by this method much cooking was done with very little fuel. to save the trouble of carrying water so far a well was dug in a short time about feet deep and good water obtained. after supper i went and gathered some dried buffalo dung (politely called buffalo chips) to cook with in the morning. brother hanson played some on his violin and some of the brethren danced to warm themselves. i went to bed early to get warm but having only one quilt for covering, i suffered much with cold. brother kimball rode ahead again on horseback and suffered some from cold. may saturday, may the morning very cold indeed. inasmuch as there is little grass for the cattle, the camp started out at : and traveled till a quarter after eight, six miles before breakfast. soon after we started this morning three buffalo were seen grazing on the bluff about six miles distance. i could see them very plain with my glass. o. p. rockwell, thomas brown and luke johnson started on horseback to try to kill some. soon after they went, another herd of buffalo were seen to the northwest at the foot of the bluffs about eight miles off. i counted with my glass, , and orson pratt counted . three of the brethren went on their horses after the latter herd. i watched the movement with the glass and saw that sometime before the brethren got to them, the buffalo fled and were soon after out of sight. we stopped for breakfast close to grand island and at : proceeded again. after traveling four miles we arrived at a small lake on our right at twelve o'clock which evidently connects with the river in high water. a little previous to this time the hunters returned and reported that luke johnson shot at one and dropped him on his knees, but he got up again and ran after the herd. they did not get any, but saw more farther west and went to give chase to the latter herd. when they got near them, they turned down under the bluffs and joined the herd chased by the last hunting party. luke lost his cap and could not find it again. brother higbee said he could have shot one, but woolsey told him to hold on and pick out a good one. they being pretty near, selected a cow and designed both to shoot at her, but while they were making their plans the herd started and they missed their chance. about the time the hunters returned, another still larger herd was discovered still farther west, also at the foot of the bluffs. the president stopped near the above mentioned lake and selected eleven men to go and give chase to the last seen herd and he gave them their instructions. although they were at least eight miles from us, i distinctly counted with my glass and amongst them many calves. this being the first day buffalo has been seen on our journey and in fact the first ever seen by any except about five or six of the brethren, it excited considerable interest and pleasure in the breasts of the brethren, and as may be guessed, the teams moved slowly and frequently stopped to watch their movement. when the hunters were within a mile or two from the herd, two of the dogs gave chase to an antelope, which made directly towards the buffalo. one of the dogs chased it till it went into the midst of the herd and when the buffalo saw the dog, they commenced to canter into a closer huddle. the dog, however, evidently frightened with their savage appearance, stopped and retraced his steps. about this time elder kimball seemed to get inspired with the idea of chasing the buffalo and he immediately called for egan's fifteen shooter and started with it on full gallop. after the dog returned the buffalo did not move much from the place and the hunters moved gently along till they got pretty near them, at which time heber joined, just as the herd discovered them and commenced galloping off. the brethren's feelings who were left with the wagons were now strung up to the highest pitch, a feeling of exciting interest appeared to prevail throughout the camp, they having heard and read so much of the mad ferocity of the buffalo when hotly pursued, and knowing that all the hunters were inexperienced in regard to hunting the wild buffalo. while they felt for the safety of the hunters, they still desired to see as much of the chase as the distance would allow, and were wishful that the chase might be successful as a number have no meat and a piece of fresh meat would taste good to all men and save our bread stuff, and the desire to taste the much famed buffalo meat created a longing desire to see some of the herd fall. soon as the herd commenced galloping off, the hunters followed in pursuit at full gallop and soon closed in with them. at this time i got my glass and rested it on brother aaron farr's shoulder, determined to see as much of the chase as possible. i soon discovered o. p. rockwell ride into the midst of the herd which then appeared to number over , others having come in sight when the herd commenced to run. porter was soon enveloped in the cloud of dust caused by the heavy tramp of the buffalo on the dry sandy ground, but in a very short time the herd began to separate and scatter in every direction, a small party coming down the bluff again and some running west under the bluffs, others going over. the hunters closed in on the first party and commenced their fire, especially at one cow which they finally succeeded in separating from all the rest, and determined to keep to her until they killed her, except porter, who as soon as he had wounded her, left her with the hunters and pursued some of the rest. the cow was now in close quarters and after she had been shot through two or three times, elder kimball rode close to her with his fifteen shooter and fired over his horse's head, she dropped helpless and was soon dispatched. at the report of the gun which was very heavy loaded, elder kimball's horse sprang and flew down the bluff like lightning and he having let go the lines to shoot, her sudden motion overbalanced him and his situation was precarious to the extreme. the other hunters saw his situation and trembled for his safety but could render him no assistance. however, being a good horseman, he maintained his position in the saddle and soon succeeded in gaining the lines and by a vigorous effort succeeded after some time in reining in his horse and returned to the rest unharmed and without accident. all this movement passed about as quick as thought, and as soon as they saw the cow dead and all right they again followed in pursuit of the remaining buffalo. about this time three of the herd separated from the rest and came in a direction towards the camp on a gallop. president young seeing this, ordered a halt, and the wagons to get close together lest the buffalo should, in their fury and excitement, venture to go between the wagons and do much mischief. however, they were discovered by some of the hunters nearer the camp and some foot men who gave chase to them changed their course when within about a mile from the camp. at this time i had a very good view of their shape, color and appearance when running which i shall endeavor to describe hereafter. elder kimball arrived in time to aid in the chase of these three which lasted some time. the hunters made choice of a large and very furious bull, and worked with him some time, shooting him through several times but all this did not seem to impede his progress. o. p. rockwell said he had heard it said that a buffalo could not be hurt with a ball shot at his head. having a fair chance with this one, he determined to satisfy himself, and (previous to his being wounded) gaining a little in advance came right in front within about a rod of him and discharged his rifle pistol which struck the center of his head, but with no other effect than to make it smoke a little, some dust fly and the raving animal shake savagely. the brethren, john s. higbee and john pack, soon after succeeded in dropping him and laid him dead at their feet, john pack being the one that dropped him. during all this, other scenes were passing of equal interest. one of the calves was discovered within a few rods of the wagons, a shot fired at it and it was soon caught by the dogs, killed and put into a feed box. porter chased another calf to within a mile of the camp previous to his chasing the bull. some of the footmen surrounded and dispatched it, and soon after brought and put it in one of the wagons. other brethren were still away at the bluffs, but we had no certainty of their success until elder kimball, john pack, and several others came up to the camp after dispatching the bull and reported two other cows killed and three calves. this was a little before : p.m. when it was ascertained for a certainty that one was killed, the revenue cutter was unloaded and sent to fetch it to camp. it was reported that two other cows and three calves were killed. when elder kimball and others came up to the camp, president young requested some of the brethren to unload their wagons and go and fetch the others reported to be killed, while the wagons would strike towards the river and camp for the night. the chase lasted from soon after : until : p.m. soon four wagons were unloaded, the brethren having their loads on the ground in care of a guard, and were ready to start out. having a great desire to see a buffalo in his natural state, my feet being very sore, and the distance to the bluffs being over three miles, i got into brother aaron farr's wagon, he being one who unloaded to fetch in the meat, and we started for the one shot down by elder kimball, he and o. p. rockwell following on horseback. on our route, we met luke johnson and two other hunters returning. luke had a calf tied on his horse, himself on foot. when we arrived at the cow, we found that three of the brethren had come on foot and had already got the hide off, except the head. she was soon cut in two, put in the wagon with the rest of the meat, hide and head, and we started for the next cow which was about three quarters of a mile distant. this cow would probably weigh on foot, about pounds. she was not very fat, but the meat looked nice and clean. when we arrived at the next cow, we found several of the brethren at work with her, they had got her hide off and soon had her in the wagon. we then proceeded to camp and got in soon after sundown. the meat was unloaded in the semi-circle opposite the president's wagon and placed on the hide which was spread on the ground for the purpose of keeping it clean. the brethren's faces beamed with joy to see the meat begin to come into camp, and with some astonishment to view the size and ferocious appearance of the head, which still had the hide on. soon after the other wagons came in and each deposited its load in the same place. joseph mathews came in about the same time and reported that he had killed another calf after chasing it three miles, making the total number killed in the first day's buffalo hunt by the camp of the latter-day saints, already reported as follows: one bull, three cows and six calves, a circumstance far exceeding our expectations and best hopes, and all without the slightest accident or loss to man or property, except luke johnson's cap and a ramrod to a rifle. there is, however, one shade of suspense caused by the intelligence that joseph hancock has not returned to camp. he started out on foot when the three buffalo were first discovered this morning and has not been seen or heard of for sometime. considerable fear is entertained for his safety from the fact that he is lame, and it is evident, or at least considered so, that there are indians near because a large smoke as of prairie burning has been seen all the afternoon within some six or eight miles to the west and must have been set on fire by somebody and the probability is, it is indians, although none has been seen for several days. the meat was cut up into quarters and distributed one quarter to each company of ten, leaving some to be distributed in the morning, and in a short time every fire was loaded with it, and the camp had a good feast on the fruits of today's labors. soon after the hunters started out at noon we came to a long range of dog towns and saw many of the little prairie dogs playing around their holes. the extent of this dog town is yet unknown, for we have traveled over, and parallel with it about five miles this afternoon, and they seem to extend still farther west. in some places the town is nearly two miles broad, in others not so much, and must contain thousands of the little dogs. i could not get near enough to see their form distinctly, for they are so quick into their holes when anything approaches, you can only have a partial view of them. they appear to be about as long as a common grey squirrel but more chunky, a larger body and chubbed head. the tail is short, more resembling that of a dog, their color light brown. their bark resembles the chirp of an english throstle, and something like the chirp of a squirrel. they appear to live on grass as it is all eaten off close to the ground throughout the extent of their dog town, and the ground looks naked and barren as a desert. several of the brethren shot at the dogs but failed in killing any. we had a north wind this afternoon and cold weather, our course being nearly west over a level prairie, not far distant from the island. since noon we traveled about eight miles, and the encampment was formed at half past six o'clock near a small lake about a mile above the head of grand island. the grass is not so good here as it has been back, and but a poor chance for the cattle, etc., to fill themselves. the appearance of the wild buffalo at a distance is somewhat singular. the color of the back and about half way down the sides is a light brown, the rest is a very dark brown. the shoulder appears slightly rounding and humped. when running, the large shaggy head hangs low down, about half way in height between the ground and the top of the shoulder. they canter like any ox or cow, but appear far more cumbersome and heavy, especially about the fore parts, which look larger than they really are on account of the long, thick matty hair. they run tolerably fast, but a good horse will easily gain on them. they will run a long time without diminishing their speed. their meat is very sweet and tender as veal. sunday, may this morning is fine but cold. ice about half an inch thick. sometime in the night a buffalo and calf came within a short distance of the wagons. the guard discovered them and shot at the calf, wounding it in the hind leg. they caught it alive and tied it up near the wagons but concluded finally to kill and dress it. about six o'clock we were gladdened to see joseph hancock come into camp with a piece of buffalo meat. he reported that he killed a buffalo yesterday back on the bluffs, and there being no one with him he concluded to stay by it over night. he made a fire and scattered a little powder around his buffalo to keep off the wolves. some visited him during the night, but were awed by the fire. after he had told his story and taken breakfast, brother hancock started in company with four or five other brethren to fetch in the meat on horseback, as no wagons could get over the bluffs to it. they found that the wolves had devoured much of it, but the balance they brought along with them. they also killed two antelope and brought them into camp. the total number of buffalo now caught is five large ones and seven calves. edmund ellsworth killed one of the prairie dogs, and brought it to camp. it looks much like a squirrel, only the body is thicker and the tail short and no bush on it. the day grew pleasant till about noon, when it became cloudy and cold. president young, kimball and others started out to look out a camp ground where better feed can be obtained for our stock. they returned a little after two and gave orders to go on a few miles. there have been a number of buffalo seen in different directions, one grazing within three quarters of a mile from camp, but orders were not to hunt or shoot today. at three-fifteen the camp started and traveled two miles over dog towns as yesterday. at a little after four p.m. we camped beside a long lake of shoal, clear water near the banks of the platte. this lake is about three rods wide and connects with the river. the platte appears about two miles wide at this place but very shoal and muddy. there is no timber but plenty of grass, mostly last year's growth. the weather is more temperate and the wind ceased. president young, kimball and others went on to look out a crossing place over this lake, etc. on their way, they fell in with a buffalo cow and calf and chased them some to get a view of them but not to kill. on their return they said we should tarry here tomorrow and have some blacksmith work done and probably hunt some. half of the hide off the bull's face was brought into camp. on examination i found the mark where porter shot at his head. the ball made a small hole, barely cutting through the outer surface or grain of the hide which was near an inch thick. the hair near the top of the head is about a foot long. monday, may this morning cold and ice in the water pails. the hunters are going out on foot. tanner and davenport are fixing their forges to do some repairing, shoeing, etc. at about nine the hunters, twenty in number, started out with two wagons which had been unloaded for the purpose. at the same time, fifteen of the brethren on horseback started west to examine the route, etc. at two-thirty the party who went to look out the route returned and reported that brother empey had discovered a large war party of indians while he was chasing an antelope. the indians are in a hollow about twelve miles distance and about three hundred in number, some on their horses and some standing beside them holding the bridle. the company also saw nearly twenty scattered indians about four miles from here. when this report was made, orders were given to dispatch a number of the brethren on horses, well armed to warn the hunters and tell them to come to camp. in about half an hour, twenty-three men started out on this mission. before they reached the bluffs which are about four miles from here, some of the hunters were on their way to camp, having seen only one buffalo during the day. in a little time all the hunters were notified and were on their way back. they arrived about six o'clock, having got three antelope, and the horsemen who went after them got two calves which were all brought in and the day passed without accident. some of the brethren saw some objects at a distance, which, by their motions they were satisfied were indians. the day has been fine but cool and cloudy, with occasionally a few drops of rain. a number of wagon tires have been set and other blacksmithing, washing, drying meat, etc., done. the wind near south. the cannon was unlimbered at night and prepared for action in case it should be needed. tuesday, may the morning fine but cool, wind about southwest. two horses ran east as much as six or eight miles and were pursued by the brethren and brought back. william smoot was thrown from a horse and his senses knocked out of him by the fall. he soon recovered and appears to have sustained no injury. at seven-thirty the camp was called and received instructions from president young, especially in regard to leaving the wagons and scattering off hunting without counsel. he strongly urged the brethren not to do it any more and said if they did, some of them would be caught by the indians and if not killed would be severely abused. the instructions and regulations given april th were read and enjoined upon the camp to be observed more strictly. it was decided that the cannon wagon should be unloaded, the box put on another wagon so that the cannon can be always ready for action. an addition of ten volunteers was made to the standing guard and ordered that all horses and mules should be tied inside the circle at night, and the cattle and cows outside within a few rods of the wagons. a guard to be placed around the cattle when turned out to graze. it is thought best to travel with the wagons four abreast and the cannon to go in the rear. at nine o'clock the wagons commenced moving and passed over the lake near its junction with the river, at which place it is about ten or twelve feet wide. after traveling about a half a mile the camp stopped some time, waiting for some wagons behind. while stopping, three wagons were discovered on the opposite bank of the river, considered to be traders going back to council bluffs. the river is about two miles wide and no person here acquainted with it, consequently no one attempted to go over, which many desired. about eleven o'clock we proceeded, five wagons abreast so as to be better prepared for defense should the indians attack us. after traveling about two miles, one of the men from the wagons on the other side the river overtook us and we halted to see him. he said there are only nine of them. they have been to fort laramie for furs and are going to council bluffs. this is the sixteenth day since they left the fort with ox teams. he says the road is good on the other side and the river easily forded, being not more than knee deep in the deepest place and a good bottom. he cheerfully agreed to carry letters back for us but could not wait long. i wrote one to my family and in about half an hour a pretty large mail was made up to send back to winter quarters, and may the lord grant that it may arrive safely. brother johnson bought a buffalo robe of the man for about a pound and a half of coffee, and another brother bought one for a pound of sugar and a little pork. i feel my mind relieved by this unexpected privilege of writing back to my dear family and hope they will have the pleasure of perusing the contents. at twenty minutes after one the bugle sounded for a march, and the messenger is returning with the letters and a bag of provisions on his shoulder which the brethren have given him for carrying the letters. we traveled about four miles farther and at three-thirty, stopped to let the teams feed on a small spot where the fire has not touched, the rest having all been burned off within a few days. we have traveled today only about six miles, having stopped much. the country is still very level and nice traveling only for the dust. the wind south and our course nearly west. when the trader went back over the river, thomas woolsey, john brown and john pack accompanied him on horses to speak with a person whom brother woolsey is acquainted with. they returned soon after we stopped to feed and say that the river is very good to cross, not being more than two feet deep in the deepest place, and the bottom good. the horses broke through but very little. the traders say furthermore, that if we continue on this side, we shall have to cross the river twice where the water is much deeper and cannot be crossed only in a ferry. there is a good traveled road also, which would be an advantage we have not got on this side. during the time we stopped to feed, a guard was placed around the cattle and horses to keep them from straying far from the wagons. then men were called out and drilled with their loaded guns in the circle formed by the wagons. some objects are seen grazing about four miles west of us thought to be buffalo. thirteen in number. some of the hunters are going out to give them a chase, and try to kill some of them. at a quarter after five o'clock, the camp was called together and brother brown reported what the traders said about the route, etc., as above. the subject was then talked over and when it was considered that we are making a road for thousands of saints to follow, and they cannot ford the river when the snow melts from the mountains, it was unanimously voted to keep on this side as far as fort laramie at least. soon after this we started on again. saw a lone buffalo but a short distance from us but it galloped across the river. saw also a number of antelope and some deer. about seven o'clock we passed a spot where the indians have camped and must have been many of them. a while after sundown we arrived at a creek of good water and camped for the night, having traveled about nine miles today. the prairie level but all the grass burned off, except in small patches. we have camped on a small spot which has escaped the fire. elder kimball, who was one of the hunters who started out at four o'clock, said the objects seen from camp were antelope, but he had seen a herd of buffalo about a mile ahead of where we now are. he named this creek, buffalo creek. wednesday, may the morning fine and very pleasant. saw two small herds of buffalo a few miles from camp. at seven-thirty continued our journey. i went on foot about two miles and then stopped to count the horses, mules, oxen, etc., and afterwards walked on again to the first wagons. here elder kimball offered me his horse to ride. i then went ahead with the horsemen. we soon after came to a very bad slough and had to bear off to the north to find a place to cross it. the prairie after we crossed this slough about a mile wide from the river was very soft and it was necessary to bear still farther to the north. the horses' feet cut through the sod and the ground appeared wet under, although there has been no rain for some time. at eleven-thirty we stopped to feed on a small patch of unburnt grass, having come about nine miles, course about west, with a very strong south wind. there were two buffalo within about a half a mile from camp, grazing. some of the brethren went to view them, but the orders of the day are not to kill anything which the men cannot carry to camp. there are no appearances of indians near except the prairie which is still burning ahead of us, supposed to be set on fire by them. about one p.m. continued our journey and traveled till three p.m., when some of the hunters came in, bringing a live buffalo calf, also one they had killed. they reported that john brown, jackson redding and john s. higbee, luke johnson had each killed a calf, the one killed by brother higbee having previously been shot by amasa lyman. joseph mathews killed a cow and elder kimball, o. p. rockwell and john s. higbee chased the one brought in alive until a dog seized it and porter left his horse and caught it without shooting at it and led it to camp. the revenue cutter was unloaded and sent after the cow and calf left, they being about three miles off. we traveled on about a half an hour and found the prairie all in a blaze. president young and kimball thinking it unsafe to risk the wagons near the fire, ordered the camp to go back a half a mile to an island where we can have water for our teams and be secure from the fire. the prairie is all burned bare and the black ashes fly bad, making the brethren look more like indians than white folks. there is some feed on the island, and the cattle easily ford the stream to it. the calf is tied in the circle. when a dog goes near it, it will attack the largest and they flee from it, though not more than six or eight weeks old. about half past six the revenue cutter arrived with the meat, which was fatter than any we have had. they also brought in another calf which they killed while out for the cow, making a total of one cow and six calves brought into camp today. the meat was divided amongst the companies of ten, each having either a calf or half a quarter of a cow. thursday, may this morning at five-fifteen, president young called to the camp and proposed to go on to where we can find feed for the teams. the brethren assented and he gave orders to start as quickly as possible. however, some must feed their teams a little corn, some milk their cows, etc., and it took till near six-thirty to get started. during the night the lord sent a light shower of rain which has put the fire out except in one or two places and made it perfectly safe traveling. we have had a strong southeast wind through the night but the morning is calm and pleasant. we traveled about two miles and stopped on the unburned grass to feed at a quarter to seven. several antelope were surrounded by the brethren and some shot at them, killing one. the rest made their escape. we can see several large herds of buffalo within about two miles of the camp and many calves amongst them. president young and kimball rode ahead to find a place to stop for feed. the ground is hard and good traveling. at a quarter to nine, proceeded on, president young and kimball going ahead to point out the road. our course about northwest, the wind strong from west. we traveled near the river. saw thirteen elk together, also many antelope and numerous herds of buffalo on both sides of the river. jackson redding shot an antelope which luke johnson chased near the wagons. a young buffalo calf followed luke to camp, but the president advised him to leave it as it is only a few days old. we stopped near the river at a quarter to twelve, having traveled about six miles. we find a little more grass here, but the numerous herds of buffalo keep it eaten off close to the ground nearly all the way we have traveled today. the president gave orders that no more game should be killed until further orders. it appears we have got as much meat in camp as can be taken care of. while we were stopping for noon, some of the cows moved off towards a large buffalo herd, and when president young and kimball started ahead after dinner they discovered the cows near the buffalo. brother woolsey went to turn them back, but he had to run his mule some distance before he could prevent the cows from mingling with the buffalo. they brought the cows back to the wagons and then proceeded ahead again. one part of the horsemen's business today has been to drive the buffalo out of our track, judging it unsafe to risk them between the wagons and the river. the camp proceeded on at one-thirty and in about two miles distance found a lake of clear water. here we discovered the horsemen coming back, and found that the president had lost his large spy glass, while chasing the cows from the buffalo herd, a second time. he did not find it. we traveled slowly this afternoon, some of the horses and oxen having given out in consequence of lack of feed to sustain them. we traveled till six-thirty and camped near some islands in the river, having traveled about seven miles this afternoon and fifteen through the day, our course a little west of northwest. wind about west. some think we have traveled eighteen, some twenty and some even twenty-five miles today, but from the number of times we stopped and the slowness with which the teams moved, i feel satisfied that fifteen miles is plenty. about three quarters of a mile back we saw a buffalo cow which appears to be sick. she fought the dogs some time and then lay down, and the brethren went close to her, some venturing to feel and handle her. i was within six or eight feet of her and had a good view, as much as i wanted. she has lost all her hair and looks very poor and weak. the president ordered that the brethren leave her and not disturb her and she was left lying down, but it is doubtful the wolves will kill and eat her before morning. when the brethren went back to hunt the spy glass they found that the wolves had killed the calf and nearly eaten it up. what they had not eaten, they carried off with them. we have never been out of sight of herds of buffalo today, and from where we are camped, i am satisfied we can see over five thousand with the glass. the largest herd we have yet seen is still ahead of us. the prairie looks black with them, both on this and the other side of the river. some think we have passed fifty, and some even a hundred thousand during the day, or have seen them. it is truly a sight wonderful to behold, and can scarcely be credited by those who have not actually seen them. friday, may this morning the wind northwest and almost as cold as winter. the buffalo vastly numerous all around. about eight a.m. the camp was called together and measures taken to raise more teams to put to the canyon as some of the horses and even cattle have given out. the president chastised elder snow for not attending to the cows yesterday causing the president to lose his spy glass, it being brother snow's turn to drive the cows according to his own voluntary agreement. at a little before eleven o'clock, porter rockwell, thomas brown and joseph mathews started back to hunt the spy glass, and soon after they left, the camp proceeded onward. the day was cloudy and very cold. our course about northwest. we traveled about seven miles and camped at two-thirty near several small islands, on the banks of the river. about four p.m., porter and the others returned, having found the spy glass, which was a source of joy to all the brethren. at six-thirty the companies were called out to drill. i have been very sick all day with a complaint and have suffered much. saturday, may morning cold but fine. started out at nine o'clock and traveled till one p.m., distance seven and a half miles, course a little west of northwest. the prairie on both sides of the river is literally black with buffalo, and to try to say as to what number we have seen this morning would be folly. i should imagine that at a moderate calculation, we have seen over fifty thousand. they are more tame than they have been, and will stand till the wagons come within two hundred yards of them. porter has shot one about two years old, the meat looks nice. there is no difficulty in getting meat enough. it is with some difficulty that the horsemen can drive them away from the track as fast as the wagons come up. it is very warm today, and no wind. i have counted the revolutions of a wagon wheel to tell the exact distance we have traveled. the reason why i have taken this method which is somewhat tedious, is because there is generally a difference of two and sometimes four miles in a day's travel between my estimation and that of some others, and they have all thought i underrated it. this morning i determined to take pains to know for a certainty how far we travel today. accordingly i measured the circumference of the nigh hind wheel of one of brother kimball's wagons being the one i sleep in, in charge of philo johnson. i found the wheel feet inches in circumference, not varying one eighth of an inch. i then calculated how many revolutions it would require for one mile and found it precisely not varying one fraction which somewhat astonished me. i have counted the whole revolutions during the day's travel and i find it to be a little over eleven and a quarter miles, twenty revolutions over. the overplus i shall add to the next day's travel. according to my previous calculations we were two hundred eighty-five miles from winter quarters this morning before we started. after traveling ten miles i placed a small cedar post in the ground with these words written on it with a pencil. "from winter quarters, two hundred ninety-five miles, may , ' . camp all well. wm. clayton." some have past the day's travel at thirteen and some fourteen miles, which serves to convince more strongly that the distances are overrated. i have repeatedly suggested a plan of fixing machinery to a wagon wheel to tell the exact distance we travel in a day, and many begin to be sanguine for carrying it into effect, and i hope it will be done. our course this afternoon has been northwest, no wind and the prairie as bare as a poor english pasture, the grass being eaten off by uncountable herds of buffalo. no pen nor tongue can give an idea of the multitude now in sight continually, and it appears difficult to keep them away from the wagons. two calves have been killed and brought to camp and multitudes would be killed if the president did not prohibit the brethren from killing them only as we need the meat. truly, the lord's cattle upon the thousand hills are numerous. we are now camped on the banks of the river within a quarter of a mile from where the range of bluffs, which have appeared exceedingly ragged all day, strike the river, and when we move again we have got to cross over them. president young and kimball have been back on the bluffs on foot some distance and report that as far as they can see the grass is eaten perfectly bare and the prospect for feed for our teams is poor indeed. there are several buffalo lying dead around here, whether dead from old age or by the hands of hunters or of starvation, it is unknown. many of the brethren have to cook their victuals on dry buffalo dung, there being no wood near. sunday, may the morning very cold with wind southeast. at seven-fifty we proceeded on three and a half miles, going a little around some of the bluffs until we turned down on a low bottom and very sandy. we have camped near some islands and can get wood and water, but poor feed for the teams. we arrived here at nine-fifty and shall stay till morning. soon as the camp was formed, i went about three quarters of a mile below to the river and washed my socks, towel and handkerchief as well as i could in cold water without soap. i then stripped my clothing off and washed from head to foot, which has made me feel much more comfortable for i was covered with dust. after washing and putting on clean clothing i sat down on the banks of the river and gave way to a long train of solemn reflections respecting many things, especially in regard to my family and their welfare for time and eternity. i shall not write my thoughts here, inasmuch as i expect this journal will have to pass through other hands besides my own or that of my family but if i can carry my plans into operation, they will be written in a manner that my family will each get their portion, whether before my death or after, it matters not. the day is very warm and the wind has moved to the west. according to my calculations, we are now miles from winter quarters, lacking a few rods. i got a small board and wrote on it: "from winter quarters three hundred miles, may , . pioneer camp all well. distance according to the reckoning of wm. clayton." this was nailed on a post and in the evening i went and set it up about three hundred yards from here on a bend of the river. spent the afternoon reading and writing in elder kimball's journal. at three p.m. a meeting was called and the camp addressed by several. president young took tea with elder kimball, and afterwards they started out together with one or two others to look at the country ahead of us. they went a few miles and found a small stream which we shall have to cross. here they saw multitudes of buffalo coming to water. porter and phineas young went within six or eight rods of them to try to get one, but in the whole herd, they could not find one fit to kill. they are very poor, for there is no feed for them, and in fact they are so numerous that they eat the grass as fast as it springs. there are, however, some good cottonwood groves and good water at the stream. after sundown the wind blew strong from the northwest and the evening was cold and chilly. monday, may the morning fine but cool. the wind nearly ceased. last night i dreamed that i was in company with the camp which was stopping beside a considerable river of deep water. our horses and cattle were tied to stakes all around the camp to the distance of a quarter of a mile, some good timber thinly scattered around. i thought president young, kimball and several others started up the river in a flat boat without stating their object, leaving the brethren to guard the camp, cattle, etc. in their absence. when they had been gone sometime i thought a large herd of buffalo came on full gallop right amongst our horses and cattle, causing them to break their ropes and fly in every direction. the brethren seemed thunderstruck and did not know what to do. seeing a small skiff in the river, i sprang into it, and a paddle lying in it, i commenced rowing in pursuit of the president. it seemed as though i literally flew through the water passing everything on the way like a railway carriage. in a few minutes i overtook the brethren in the flat boat, took the skiff and threw it on shore and to my astonishment i saw that the skiff was made only of barks and cracked all over, and it seemed impossible to put it in the water without sinking it. the paddle with which i had rowed proved to be a very large feather and i had another feather in my left hand with which i steered the skiff. when i got into the flat boat, i made known what had passed in the camp, but the brethren seemed no ways alarmed. i awoke and behold, it was all a dream. dr. richards is going to deposit a letter in a stick of wood prepared for the purpose near this place in such a manner that the next company will discover it. he fixed it on a long pole and being assisted by president young and others raised it and fixed it firm in the ground. his distance from winter quarters three hundred and sixteen miles. at nine five the camp proceeded onward. after traveling two miles we crossed a small creek which elder kimball named skunk creek, easily forded, though the ground was soft on the west side. about this time the brethren at the head of the camp discovered a strange horse alone on the prairie. porter and thomas brown gave chase to try to catch it. brother john brown states that when the mississippi company passed on the other side last season, one of the brethren lost a mare and two colts, and this is supposed to be the oldest of the two. when brother woolsey and tippets came through from the battalion last winter they saw the same horse near here. we traveled till twelve five and finding a little better feed stopped for dinner having traveled a few rods over six miles. the last two miles was over very soft prairie and although the last year's grass has not been burned, the wheels cut through the sod frequently. at the creek four miles back, some of the brethren shot a buffalo which was brought into camp in the revenue cutter. the meat is said to be good and the fattest we have had. at two we continued our journey. about the same time porter and brown returned having failed to catch the horse. after traveling about half a mile we crossed a very bad slough, and beyond that for a mile the ground was wet and soft. the teams began to give out, and at half past four o'clock, the president ordered the wagons to strike for the timber which was a little out of our course, but necessary to favor the teams and obtain wood and water. we arrived near the timber and camped at four fifty, having traveled since my last guide post a little over nine and three-fourths miles, the last two miles the ground being dry and good traveling. some of the hunters killed a deer and we had some venison for supper. our course a little north of west. light wind from northwest. the day warm and pleasant. we have a little better feed for cattle, and on the island plenty of brouse for horses, better timber than we have had for some time past. it appears plain that vast herds of buffalo have wintered here, but have mostly left and gone eastward sometime ago, and we have the full growth of this year's grass which is small indeed. the grass evidently springs later the farther west we travel, and nature seems to have taught the wild cattle this lesson, hence their eastward progress. there are some scattering herds of buffalo around, but not nearly so numerous as they were some thirty miles back. the face of the country here is indeed beautiful, the soil rich on the bottoms, the ragged bluffs on each side of the river have a splendid appearance, and at about ten miles distance, west of where we now are, they seem to circle around until they form a junction. it appears evident also, that we are above the junction of the north and south forks of the platte, the north fork running nearly northwest and the south fork southwest. brother woolsey says these are the forks in reality, but are connected some miles higher up by a slough, and consequently the land between is set down by travelers as the main land rather than as an island. tuesday, may the morning cold. wind east; camp well. at : a.m. went with a number of the brethren who were going to dig some wolves out of a hole about a quarter of a mile from camp. they dug out four and brought them alive to camp. they are probably six or eight weeks old and about the size of an english hare, very vicious. at half past nine the camp moved onward over a very nice level, dry prairie for five miles. amongst the timber on the island could be seen many small cedar trees. at the end of five miles, we had to pass over a small ridge of low, sandy bluffs, which extended to the river. after passing nearly over the bluffs we stopped half an hour to water the teams and eat a little dinner, then proceeded on three miles farther and passed over a creek of clear water, but this could not be very good in consequence of so many dead buffalo lying in it. we proceeded on half a mile, and finding tolerably good feed, stopped for the night, having traveled eight and half miles today. weather fine, wind south and southeast; course a little west or northwest. we have seen few buffalo today, but there are signs of thousands having wintered in the neighborhood. the country looks beautiful, soil rich, only lacking timber. after the camp was formed, it being half a mile to water, the brethren dug two wells, and about four feet deep found plenty of good water. one of the wells is reported to run a pail full a minute. brother appleton harmon is working at the machinery for the wagon to tell the distance we travel and expects to have it in operation tomorrow, which will save me the trouble of counting, as i have done, during the last four days. took supper on some duck presented to elder kimball by george billings. wednesday, may morning cool, weather fine. brother appleton harmon has completed the machinery on the wagon so far that i shall only have to count the number of miles, instead of the revolution of the wagon wheel. we started at : , the first mile pretty soft, the rest tolerably hard and very good traveling. we have passed over vast beds of salt, or rather dust with a salt taste. it looks something like dirty flour. traveled eight miles in four hours and two minutes, and stopped at : to feed, nearly opposite two small islands. the feed tolerably good. our course northwest. considerable strong wind from southeast covering everything in the wagons with dust and sand. no timber on the bank of the river and but little on the islands. the hunters report that they have seen many dead buffalo between here and the bluff with the hides off and tongues taken out, a strong proof that indians have been here very recently, as the flesh looks fresh and lately killed. the range of bluffs on each side the river extend much farther apart, and near the foot of the south range can be seen timber scattering along, which is an evidence that the south fork ranges in that direction, although some are sanguine that we have not yet arrived at the junction. at half past three we moved on again and traveled four miles, camped at a quarter to six near a bunch of small islands, and a kind of bayou projecting from the river. our course this afternoon a little south of west, having come around a considerable bend in the river. the land good and good traveling. wind southeast. several of the brethren caught a number of small fish in the bayou or lake. the feed here is rather scanty. heavy clouds are rising in the west and northwest, and a fair prospect for some rain which is much needed. it is now certain that we are about fourteen and a half miles above the junction of the north and south forks of the platte, and although we have to make a new road all the way, we find no obstacles so far. brother woodruff reports that he has been beyond the bluffs north of the camp and saw upwards of wickeups where the indians have camped very recently. he found a cured buffalo skin and some pieces of other skins also. the hunters killed a two year old buffalo and brought it to camp. brother orson pratt reports that when we were five and a half miles back, we were in latitude ° ' ". thursday, may this morning cold and cloudy, cold enough for overcoats and buffalo robes. the buffalo which was killed yesterday was cut up and divided this morning amongst the companies of tens. some feelings are manifest this morning between brothers thomas tanner and aaron farr on account of the former taking the latter prisoner and putting him under a guard part of the night. perhaps aaron was a little out of order in conversing loud after the horn blew for prayers, but i think brother tanner's angry spirit more blameable. at : we moved onward nearly a west course four miles and at : stopped to feed teams at a spot which is a little better than we generally have. the wind strong from north and northeast. at half past twelve we proceeded on again and traveled till four o'clock, distance six and three quarters miles. at this distance we arrived at a stream about six rods wide which appears to come from the northeast, the water in appearance like the platte, the bottom of the river quick sand. water in the middle about two feet deep; at the sides quite shoal. it appears that travelers have never discovered this stream for it is not noticed in any works that we have seen. we crossed it without difficulty and camped on its banks. the weather cloudy and very cold, with a strong north wind. presidents young and kimball rode ahead as usual to look out the road. they report that the bluffs half a mile west come clear to the river and are considerably high. they found several ranges of them and finally found a valley running between some of the ranges through which we can pass by going about a mile around from our course. this stream according to measurement, twenty-five and one quarter miles above the junction of the two forks and miles from winter quarters, by estimation. president young named it the north bluff fork. a while before we arrived here four of the brethren went to chase a few buffalo which were lying down at the foot of the bluffs, but they did not get any. presidents young and kimball saw a very large rattlesnake near the river. brother kimball says the largest he ever saw in his life. i saw a small green snake today, very pretty, the back light green and the belly a pale yellow. presidents young and kimball suffered severely with cold while riding over the bluffs to look for a road. had to use buffalo dung for cooking, there being no timber. friday, may the morning cloudy and very cold. in the west could occasionally be seen streaks of lightning and distant thunder heard. at : a.m. the dark clouds having approached nearer, it commenced raining pretty hard, accompanied by lightning and thunder. the president ordered the horses got up just before the rain commenced; and after the storm ceased, we started onward at a quarter past ten. after traveling about a mile we passed among and around the high bluffs, our course lying nearly in a north direction for some time, then turning south and on again approaching the river, nearly southeast. when within about three quarters of a mile from the river, we stopped to feed at twenty minutes to two, having traveled six and a quarter miles. we have got on the level bottom again and are probably not more than three miles in a direct line from where we started this morning. presidents young and kimball went forward to point out the route, which is very good to travel, although considerably uneven. brother higbee killed an antelope and wounded another which made its escape while he was loading his rifle. we have better feed here than we have had for some time. we had a little more rain just as we came to a halt. we have not had much wind this morning but it is now increasing from the north. it is somewhat warmer than this morning. the atmosphere cloudy and looks as if we might have more rain. the land between the two forks for about miles is perfectly flat and very level without timber. the bluffs there rise suddenly, apparently in a line from fork to fork. there are many buffalo back in the valleys between the bluffs, and although there is no sign of the prairie having been burned, it is evident the buffalo have kept it eaten clean off, but have moved back and east, probably since the indians have been hunting them. some of the brethren have discovered fresh tracks where the indians have gone up this north stream, evidently very lately. but we are satisfied the lord hears the prayers of his servants and sends them out of the way before we come up to them. at three o'clock we proceeded on our journey, keeping above the lower prairie, which appeared soft and swampy. our road was very uneven. we went two and a half miles and at half past four stopped to learn the report of those gone ahead to look out the road. there is another high range of bluffs about half a mile west of us, extending to the river. elder kimball went across the several ranges of bluffs to the west side, and hunted for a road in various directions, but there did not appear to be any possibility of finding a road between the bluffs, without going many miles around. president young and he concluded it would be best to camp where the wagons are and in the morning cross right over the bluffs by doubling teams. accordingly the encampment was formed about five-thirty, the train having traveled eight and three quarters miles today. our course this afternoon nearly west, wind southeast. the feed for our teams grows much better, and on one of these high sandy bluffs i saw a large bed of flowers, not unlike the violet, and very rich. the sand on the bluffs in some places looks like large drifts of snow, and in other places seems to have deep chasms as if wasted by heavy rains. the atmosphere is still cloudy but not so cold as it has been. the hunters have killed two buffalo, three antelope and one badger during the day, which will be very acceptable. it was dark when the hunters returned to give the information. the revenue cutter was sent after the meat which was reported to be a mile and a half distant. it was late when they returned. there was an alarm made by the guard in the night supposing the indians were near. the camp were aroused to secure their horses, but we had no further trouble about them. i discovered that brother appleton harmon is trying to have it understood that he invented the machinery to tell the distance we travel, which makes me think less of him than i formerly did. he is not the inventor of it by a long way, but he has made the machinery, after being told how to do it. what little souls work. saturday, may this morning is very cloudy and very cold, more like a january morning than a may morning. the wind blows strong from the northeast. the brethren who killed the buffalo did not bring it to camp last night, but put it in the boat and left it till morning. about half past seven they brought it in and divided it to the captains of ten. at eight o'clock it commenced raining again but abated a little before nine. at nine o'clock we commenced moving and after traveling three-quarters of a mile began to ascend the sandy bluffs. it commenced raining again and it looks like rain for all day. it is very cold, the wind continues strong. the road was much of a zig zag over the bluffs, but only about a mile before we descended to the bottom. we traveled a piece farther and at half past ten o'clock it was considered best to turn out the teams until it ceases raining, after traveling two and a quarter miles. we found it unnecessary to double teams while crossing the bluffs and we got over without difficulty, much better than we had anticipated. about noon it again ceased raining and the signal was given to harness up teams. at half past twelve we proceeded and traveled till a quarter to three, distance four and a half miles, then formed the encampment in a circle about a quarter of a mile from the river. the road has been level but soft and wet, however not bad traveling. the bluffs are about half a mile to the north and several herds of buffalo grazing on them. some of the hunters are gone to try and get some meat. the wind still keeps up, and is cold, damp and uncomfortable. the feed appears better here than we have had for some days, and the cattle soon fill themselves which is a comfort and blessing to the camp. some of the brethren have been lucky enough to pick up a few sticks and dead wood but our chief dependence for fuel is dry buffalo dung which abounds everywhere, but the rain has injured it some for burning. about two miles back we passed a place where the indians have lately camped during their hunt. it is plain that whole families are amongst their number as the foot prints and moccasins of children have several times been seen. they evidently make use of the buffalo dung for fuel, and for seats, they dig up sods and lay them in a circle around their fire which is in the center. we have passed a number of these little temporary camping spots this afternoon. the reason why we did not travel farther was that elder kimball being gone ahead to look out the road, etc., he found as he came near the next bluffs that the feed is all eaten off by the numerous herds of buffalo and found also, that we shall have to travel over the bluffs and they appear wide and would be impossible for the teams to get over them tonight, hence the necessity of stopping here where we have good feed. the soil on this prairie looks good and rich but there is no timber. in fact there is none in sight, except a small grove on the other side the river about two miles west of the camp. late at night porter rockwell came in and reported that he killed a buffalo. the cutter was sent for it to bring it to camp. our course this afternoon nearly west. sunday, may morning fine, but chilly and cold. wind north. eric glines killed an antelope near the camp which was cut up and distributed. soon after breakfast, president young, elders kimball, woodruff and benson went on horseback to look out the best road over the bluffs. they returned at half past twelve and reported that we can pass through a valley between and around the bluffs, which will be about four miles across them. about : p.m. several buffalo were seen making their way from the bluffs towards our horses, some of which were very near them. brother eric glines started out with the intention of driving the buffalo away, and bringing the horses nearer camp. when he got near, the buffalo did not seem much disposed to move and he shot at one of them and wounded him. he moved a little farther and brother glines followed him and shot three times more at him. the buffalo then ran about forty rods, fell, and soon expired. i went to look at him. he is a large one, judged to weigh about pounds, and in pretty good order. i left the brethren skinning him and returned to camp where a meeting had been called at : p.m., and the brethren addressed by elders richards, markham, rockwood and kimball, chiefly on the subject of obeying counsel, and elder kimball remarked in regard to hunting on the sabbath. he would not do it even in case of necessity, but he did not feel disposed to find fault with the brethren. the laws and regulations for the camp of april th were then read by brother bullock and the meeting dismissed. about noon today brother appleton harmon completed the machinery on the wagon called a "roadometer" by adding a wheel to revolve once in ten miles, showing each mile and also each quarter mile we travel, and then casing the whole over so as to secure it from the weather. we are now prepared to tell accurately, the distance we travel from day to day which will supersede the idea of guessing, and be a satisfaction not only to this camp, but to all who hereafter travel this way. i have prepared another board to put up here on which the distance from winter quarters is marked at ¾ miles. i have also written on it that the last seventy miles are measured, and we shall continue to measure and put up guide posts as often as circumstances will permit through the journey. the whole machinery consists of a shaft about inches long placed on gudgeons, one in the axle tree of the wagon, near which are six arms placed at equal distances around it, and in which a cog works which is fastened on the hub of the wagon wheel, turning the shaft once round at every six revolutions of the wagon wheel. the upper gudgeon plays in a piece of wood nailed to the wagon box, and near this gudgeon on the shaft a screw is cut. the shaft lays at an angle of about forty-five degrees. in this screw, a wheel of sixty cogs works on an axle fixed in the side of the wagon, and which makes one revolution each mile. in the shaft on which this wheel runs, four cogs are cut on the fore part which plays in another wheel of forty cogs which shows the miles and quarters to ten miles. the whole is cased over and occupies a space of about inches long, inches high and inches thick. after the meeting was dismissed, the cutter was sent to fetch the meat in, killed by brother glines. they soon returned and the meat was distributed as usual. presidents young and kimball have walked out together towards the bluffs. after supper elder whipple made me a present of a half a candle made from buffalo tallow, by the light of which i continue this journal. although, as may be expected, the buffalo are generally poorer at this season of the year, yet brother whipple has obtained sufficient to make two candles from his portion of meat received yesterday morning. the candle burns very clear and pleasant. the tallow smells sweet and rich. i imagine it has a more pleasant smell than the tallow of domestic cattle. monday, may the morning very cold and chilly, wind northwest. dr. richards left another letter on the camp ground for the benefit of the next company. the letter is secured from the weather by a wooden case, and placed so that the brethren can hardly miss finding it. we started on our journey at : a.m. after traveling a mile and a half, we arrived at the foot of another range of bluffs which extend to the river, and began to ascend about a quarter of a mile north from the river, the road also turning to the north. a quarter of a mile farther, we crossed a stream of spring water about three feet wide. the road for a little distance on both sides the stream is rough, sandy and crooked. we then turned westward, and passed over a number of bluffs as there was no chance to go around them without going miles out of our course. on these sandy bluffs, there are very many small lizards about four or five inches long from nose to the end of the tail, which is an inch and a half long. the body looks short and chunky and is of a light grey color with two rows of dark brown spots on each side of the body which make it appear striped. the head is shaped something like the head of a snake. they appear perfectly harmless and are pretty in appearance. after traveling two and a quarter miles beyond the last mentioned stream, we arrived at the west foot of the bluffs. the last part of the road very sandy and there are several very steep places of descent. however all the teams got safely over without difficulty. at the west foot of the bluffs, there appears more grass than anywhere we have yet been, although the buffalo have eaten it off considerably. within a quarter of a mile from the bluffs, we crossed two small streams of spring water and at a mile from the foot of the bluffs, we crossed a stream of spring water about four feet wide with a very rapid current. the whole of this bottom seems full of springs and we have to keep near the bluffs to make a good road to travel, and in fact, we find it more or less soft and springy even close to the bluffs. a mile and a quarter west of the last mentioned spring is another small stream of very clear spring water. the others are rather muddy by running over sandy land. they all appear to have their rise in the bluffs a short distance from our road. at : we stopped to feed having traveled this morning, six and three quarters miles. our course west, weather fine, warm, and little wind. while we were resting, one of president young's horses (in care of phineas) mired down in a soft slough. a number of men soon collected and with a rope dragged it out, washed and rubbed it, and all was well again. latitude ° ' ". at two o'clock, we proceeded onward. after traveling a half a mile, we arrived at a very shoal stream of clear water about thirty feet wide but not over three inches deep in the channel which is about three feet wide. we forded it very easily and then passed over a short range of low sandy bluffs about a quarter of a mile wide and then entered on level prairie again, but we found it very soft and springy. within two and a half miles from the last mentioned stream we passed two others, one very small, the other about four feet wide. they both doubtless rise from springs at the foot of the bluffs. about ten minutes after three o'clock, word arrived that a buffalo was killed by the hunters about a mile from the road. two men were sent to skin and dress it. about the same time the revenue cutter arrived with two more buffalo, one said to have been killed by luke johnson and the other by john brown, also an antelope killed by amasa lyman. the wagons halted at a quarter to four, took the meat out of the boat, which immediately returned to fetch the other buffalo which was killed by porter rockwell. the meat was cut in quarters and put into the wagons and at half past four o'clock we again moved onward and traveled till : p.m. and camped on a nice dry bottom prairie where the grass is shorter than that we have passed all day. we traveled this afternoon six miles and during the day twelve and three quarters, about a west course. we are some distance from water but several wells were soon dug and good water obtained at about four feet deep. soon after we camped the boat came in with the other buffalo and the meat was all distributed equally around the camp, but it appears that some have already got more than they need and feel unwilling to take a good forequarter. the bluffs on the opposite side the river project to the river for some distance opposite this place. latitude ° ' ". tuesday, may the morning fine and very pleasant. at seven o'clock the president called the captains of tens to his wagons and gave them a pretty severe lecture. he referred to some who had left meat on the ground and would not use it because it was not hind quarter. some would murmur because a fore quarter of meat was alloted to them, etc., which is not right, for god has given us a commandment that we should not waste meat, nor take life unless it is needful, but he can see a disposition in this camp to slaughter everything before them, yea if all the buffalo and game there is on our route were brought together to the camp, there are some who would never cease until they had destroyed the whole. some men will shoot as much as thirty times at a rabbit if they did not kill it, and are continually wasting their ammunition, but when they have used all they have got, they may have the pleasure of carrying their empty guns to the mountains and back, for he will not furnish them. we have now meat enough to last some time if we will take proper care of it. as to the horsemen, there are none with the exception of brothers kimball, woodruff and benson, that ever take the trouble to look out a good road for the wagons but all they seem to care about is to wait till their breakfast is cooked for them, and when they have eaten it, they mount their horses and scatter away, and if an antelope comes across the track, the whole of us must be stopped perhaps half an hour while they try to creep up near enough to kill it, but when we come to a bad place on the route, all the interest they have is to get across the best they can and leave myself and one or two others to pick out a crossing place and guide the camp all the time. such things are not right, and he wants them to cease and all take an interest in the welfare of the camp, be united, and receive the meat as a blessing from god and not as a stink offering from the devil. it is not necessary to preach to the elders in this camp, they know what is right as well as he does, and he will not preach to them all the time. let the captains do the best they know how and teach their men to do likewise. the meeting dispersed, the meat was taken care of and at a quarter past eight we started out again, and traveled three and a quarter miles nearly a west course over a very hard prairie and good traveling and then arrived at a nice stream, rattlesnake creek, about twenty or twenty-five feet wide, a foot or inches deep and a very strong current. this stream must take its rise some distance back in the bluffs or else is supplied from many strong springs, for there is much water comes down it. we traveled on from this near the bank of the river about a northwest course over tolerably rough land till : and then stopped to feed having come six and a half miles this morning, the weather very hot. opposite the stream last mentioned on the south side the river, are several pine groves, or rather cedar groves. there is some little pine wood, such as knots and dead branches that can be picked up on the banks of the river. it has floated from above. this, with a little buffalo chips, makes a good fire for cooking. latitude noon ° ' ". rattlesnake creek was so named from the following incident: president young, as he rode up to the banks of the creek discovered that his horse stepped within a foot of a very large rattlesnake. he turned his horse away without harming it. soon afterward, one of the brethren came up on foot and stepped within two feet and a half of it. it immediately coiled up and sprang at him and would have struck him (as it sprang ½ feet) had he not jumped to one side. he took his rifle and shot the snake dead. the head of cedar bluffs, as named by fremont, is three miles west of where we camped last night. at : p.m. we continued our journey. our route lay near the banks of the river which seems narrower here. after traveling three and a half miles, we crossed a stream about six feet wide, and three quarters of a mile farther another stream of tolerably deep, clear water about five feet wide. this stream is very crooked and seems to run from the bluffs to the river in a perfect serpentine or zig zag direction. soon after starting this afternoon, we discovered some dog towns, the grass eaten perfectly bare all around. the feed is growing worse again, evidently eaten up by the buffalo. at noon, a heavy black cloud arose in the west and we had a little rain, accompanied by lightning and distant thunder. after passing the last mentioned creek about a mile, we had to change our course to nearly northwest on account of a bend in the river. we traveled till : and formed our encampment on the west bank of a running stream about eight feet wide and one foot deep which is five miles from the crooked creek, making our afternoon's travel nine and a quarter miles and the day's travel fifteen and three quarters. the bluffs and the river here are about a quarter of a mile apart, the river very wide, feed poor, plenty of float wood, pine and cedar, for fuel. the weather calm and warm, though cloudy. after encampment was formed, went with elder orson pratt to dr. richards' wagon to enter into arrangements for making a map of our route. the doctor wants me to do it, assisted by elder pratt's observations. he handed me fremont's map, and i retired to my wagon to commence operations, but soon found that the map does not agree with my scale nor elder pratt's calculations. i then proposed to elder pratt to wait until we get through the journey and take all the necessary data and then make a new one instead of making our route on fremont's. the subject is left here till morning. after supper i took my candle and finished this day's journal. at dark colonel markham called the camp together to tell the brethren their duty in regard to traveling, guarding teams, and standing guard at nights. the old laws of april th were talked over and additional by-laws added, but not being present i did not hear them, neither can i learn anything from those who were present, for they all say that there were so many little matters touched upon, and so many resolutions passed that they remembered only one--and that is, when any man goes out of the sound of the horn to fetch in his team, and sees another man's horse or mule or ox, a little beyond or near his, he shall drive it also to camp, and if he neglect to do so, he shall be sent back to do it even if it requires an escort to make him. about seven o'clock the wind shifted around to the north and blew strong and cold. wednesday, may it has rained a little most of the night and still looks gloomy, cloudy and like for a rainy day. inasmuch as the feed is not good here, it was thought best to move on before breakfast a few miles and seek better feed. we started out at : , the second division having the right to lead, but a part of the first division being ready a little before all the second were ready, they rushed on their teams, drove fast and those of the second division behind had to leave the track and run their teams to take their places. we traveled two and three quarters miles, our course eleven and one fourth degrees north of west, and then crossed a stream three feet wide, and one quarter of a mile farther crossed another four feet wide. our route lay within about one quarter of a mile from the bluffs and a mile from the river which takes a bend south from where we camped last night and runs close to the bluffs on the south side. we then turned our course to a little west of northwest as the river bends again to the bluffs on this side, and traveled a quarter of a mile farther and halted for breakfast at : , having traveled three and a quarter miles. the main body of the camp have stopped a quarter of a mile back, being three miles from where we started this morning. the road is mostly sandy, tall grass of last year's growth. the two streams we passed seem to form many ponds of clear water extending at short distances from each other from the bluffs to the river. elder kimball has been ahead over the bluffs to look out the road. it continues to rain a little occasionally with light north wind. elder kimball found that the bluffs project entirely to the river and are very sandy, but we can cross them without going out of our course. at twenty minutes to nine, we proceeded onward a little and then waited till the rest of the wagons came up. at the distance of nearly a mile and a half, we crossed a stream about twenty feet wide, not very deep, neither very good to cross, and exactly at the distance of a mile and a half, we arrived at the foot of the bluffs and began to ascend without doubling teams. some of the teams stuck by, but by the assistance of the extra men, they all got up. the bluffs are very high, sandy and rough, and the sand cuts down considerably, making it heavy on teams. these bluffs are three quarters of a mile from the east foot to the west foot following our trail which is nearly straight. about yards from the west foot of the bluffs, we crossed another stream five feet wide. it has rained heavily all the time since we started after breakfast and continues. consequently at half past ten the camp formed into platoons and then halted to wait for more favorable weather, having traveled six miles today over the worst road we have had from winter quarters, rendered worse, doubtless, by the heavy rains. about half past two the weather looked a little more favorable and orders were given to move on. we started at five minutes to three, about which time it again rained heavily. we traveled two miles and then formed our encampment in a semi-circle on the banks of the river, having traveled two miles and through the day, eight miles. the first mile this evening was over very soft prairie, the last hard and good. the rain still continues to pour down heavily and this has been the most uncomfortable day we have had and the hardest on our teams. the brethren, however, feel well and cheerful. the ox teams are improving in their condition, but the horses do not stand it as well. the stream at the east foot of the last mentioned bluffs was named wolf creek from the following circumstance: when elder kimball went ahead this morning to search out a road, he went up the creek about a mile and around over the bluffs to find, if possible, a better road than the one close to the river. while he was searching, about a mile north from the river he went down into a deep hollow surrounded by high bluffs and as he was riding along at the bottom, he turned his head to the left and saw two very large wolves at about five rods distance gazing at him. one of them he said was nearly as large as a two year old steer. when he saw these he looked around on the other side and saw several others about the same distance from him, very large ones, and all gazing fiercely at him. this startled him considerably, and more especially when he reflected that he had no arms. he made a noise to try to scare them away but they still stood, and he concluded to move away as soon as he could. they did not follow him and he saw a dead carcass near, which satisfied him that he had interrupted their repast. on mentioning this circumstance to president young, they named the creek "wolf creek." he traveled back and forth over ten miles searching out a road before breakfast. he also went out again afterwards and got badly wet. he then concluded to change his clothing and remain in his wagon. the evening is very cool and cloudy with wind from the northeast. the rain had ceased about six o'clock, but it still looks stormy. thursday, may the morning fair, but cloudy, light wind from northwest and cold. at : we started out again but had not traveled over a quarter of a mile before the roadometer gave way on account of the rain yesterday having caused the wood to swell and stick fast. one of the cogs in the small wheel broke. we stopped about a half an hour and appleton harmon took it to pieces and put it up again without the small wheel. i had to count each mile after this. three quarters of a mile from where we camped, we crossed a creek eight feet wide and two and a half feet deep. we then changed our course to about southwest a mile or so following the banks of the river, as the ground was wet and swampy nearer the bluffs. the river then winds around about three miles in a bend and then strikes a little north of west. the bluffs on the north appear to be about two miles from the river. we traveled till : and then halted to feed, having traveled seven and three quarters miles over tolerably good road, though at the commencement somewhat soft. on the opposite side the river, the bluffs project near its banks. they are rocky and almost perpendicular, beautified for miles by groves of cedar. opposite to where we are halted, we can see a ravine running up the bluffs and at the foot, a flat bottom of about fifteen acres. at the farther side of this bottom is a grove of trees not yet in leaf. brother brown thinks they are ash and that the place is what is called ash hollow and on fremont's map, ash creek. we all felt anxious to ascertain the fact whether this is ash hollow or not, for if it is, the oregon trail strikes the river at this place, and if it can be ascertained that such is the fact, we then have a better privilege of testing fremont's distances to laramie. we have already discovered that his map is not altogether correct in several respects, and particularly in showing the windings of the river and the distance of the bluffs from it. i suggested the propriety of some persons going over in the boat and brother john brown suggested it to president young. the boat was soon hauled by the brethren to the river, and orson pratt, amasa lyman, luke johnson and john brown started to row over, but the current was so exceedingly strong the oars had no effect. john brown then jumped into the river which was about two and a half feet deep and dragged the boat over, the others assisting with the oars. after some hard labor they arrived on the opposite shore and went to the hollow. they soon found the oregon trail and ascertained that this is ash hollow, brother brown having traveled on that road to near laramie last season with the mississippi company and knew the place perfectly well. they gathered some branches of wild cherry in full bloom, rambled over the place a little while and then returned to camp. about the same time the camp prepared to pursue their journey. the brethren arrived and made their report, and at : p.m. we proceeded onward. from the appearance of the bluffs ahead, our course this afternoon will be west and northwest. a light breeze from northwest. soon after we started, one of the brethren killed a large rattlesnake within a rod of the road made by the wagons and on the side where the cows travel. he killed it to prevent its injuring the cows and threw it away from the road. in the river one and a quarter miles above ash hollow, there are several small islands on which grow many trees of cedar. one of these islands is perfectly green over with cedar and looks beautiful. the bluffs also on the south side the river continue to be lined with cedar apparently for two miles yet and are very high and almost perpendicular, running pretty close to the river. on this side the river, the bluffs seem to bear farther to the north, being apparently about three miles from the river, and a few miles farther west they are as much as five miles from the river. after traveling three and a quarter miles from the noon stop, we crossed a tributary stream running into the platte, in a very crooked direction, being from four to eight rods wide and two and a half feet deep most of the way across, the bottom quick sand, current rapid and water of sandy color like the platte. some had to double teams to get over, but all got over safely. we proceeded on about four miles farther and found that the river bends considerably to the north. the bluffs also bend to the south, so that the low bluffs in front almost reach the banks only barely leaving room for a road. we went a little farther and camped for the night at half past five, having traveled this afternoon eight miles, making fifteen and three quarters miles during the day. elder kimball and several others went forward on horses to pick out our road as usual. i have seen several kinds of herbs growing today which appear new to me. one looks like penny royal, smells almost like it, but tastes hot and like the oil of cloves. elder kimball and others saw a very large wolf about half a mile west, and he appeared to be following them to camp. they turned and rode up to him and round him, struck their pistols at him, but they did not go off, being damp. he finally made his escape. the large stream we crossed this afternoon is named castle creek from the bluffs on the opposite side which much resemble the rock on which lancaster castle is built. the bluffs are named castle bluffs. we had a light shower this afternoon, but the evening is fine though very cool. friday, may the morning very fine and pleasant though tolerably cold. i put up a guide board at this place with the following inscriptions on it: "from winter quarters miles. from the junction of the north and south forks, ¼ miles. from cedar bluffs, south side the river, ½ miles. ash hollow, south side the river, miles. camp of pioneers may , . according to fremont, this place is miles from laramie. n. b. the bluffs opposite are named castle bluffs." at : we continued our journey. we found the prairie tolerably wet, many ponds of water standing which must have been caused by a heavy fall of rain, much more heavy than we had back. however, it was not very bad traveling. we made a pretty straight road this morning at about the distance of a mile from the river. the bluffs on the north appear to be five miles or over from our road. at : we halted for dinner, having traveled nearly seven and three quarters miles, course north of northwest, very warm and no wind. presidents young and kimball rode forward to pick the road, and near this place they saw a nest of wolves, caught and killed two with sticks. four or five others escaped to their hole. at half past one we proceeded onward and found the prairie wet, and grass high of last year's growth. after traveling four and three quarters miles we arrived at a range of low bluffs projecting to the river, which at this place bends to the north. there is, however, bottom of about a rod wide between the bluffs and the river, but as it is wet and soft, it was preferred to cross over the bluffs by bending a little more to the north. we traveled on the bluffs a little over a quarter of a mile and then turned on the bottom again. the bluffs are low and almost as level as the bottom. after we crossed the bluffs we found the road better. we saw about a mile this side of the foot of the bluffs, a very large bone almost petrified into stone. most of the brethren believe it to be the shoulder bone of a mammoth, and is very large indeed. about this time a badger was brought to the wagons which brother woodruff had killed. as i was walking along and looking over the river, i heard a rattlesnake, and looking down saw that i had stepped within a foot of it. it rattled hard but seemed to make away. we threw it away from the track without killing it. at five o'clock elder kimball rode up and stopped the forward teams till the last ones got nearer saying that some indians had come down from the bluffs to the brethren ahead. when the rest of the wagons came up we moved on a quarter of a mile farther and at half past five formed our encampment in a circle with the wagons close together as possible, having traveled seven and three quarters miles this afternoon, making fifteen and a half through the day. as the camp was forming the two indians came nearer, being a man and his squaw. they represented by signs that they were sioux and that a party of them are now on the bluffs north of us and not far distant. by the aid of glasses we could see several on the bluffs with their ponies, evidently watching our movements. this man was hunting when first seen and appeared afraid when he saw the brethren. the squaw fled for the bluffs as fast as her horse could go, but by signs made to them they gathered courage and came up. president young gave orders not to bring them into camp, and they soon rode off to the bluffs. the man has got a good cloth coat on and appears well dressed. the horses they rode are said to be work horses which makes us suspect they have stolen them from travelers. the day has been very warm and some of the teams gave out. we can see some timber on the bluffs on the other side of the river some miles ahead which is the first timber we have seen for more than a week, except some small cedar and the timber in ash hollow, all on the south side the river. we are nearly a mile from water and the brethren have to dig wells to obtain a supply for cooking. the feed here is very poor, not much but old grass. our course this afternoon has been a little north of west. lorenzo young shot two very large ducks with one ball and brought them to camp. elder kimball proposed tonight that i should leave a number of pages for so much of his journal as i am behind in copying and start from the present and keep it up daily. he furnished me a candle and i wrote the journal of this day's travel by candle light in his journal, leaving fifty-six pages blank. the evening was very fine and pleasant. the latitude at noon halt ° ' ". saturday, may morning beautiful, no wind and warm. we have not been disturbed by the indians; all is peace in the camp. at eight o'clock we continued our journey, making a more crooked road than usual, having to bend south to near the banks of the river. the prairie somewhat soft and a little uneven. after traveling five and a half miles we crossed a very shoal creek about twenty feet wide. the bluffs and river about a mile apart, but on the other side, the bluffs recede two miles back from the river and have lost their craggy and steep appearance, the ascent being gradual, while on this side they begin to be rocky, cragged and almost perpendicular though not very high. we traveled till half past eleven and then halted for noon, having traveled seven and a quarter miles, the road on this side the creek being better. our course about west of northwest with a light breeze from the east. elder kimball and others ahead as usual. the creek above mentioned was named crab creek because some of the brethren saw a very large crab in it. a mile east of this creek is a dry creek, down which, from appearances, a heavy stream runs at some seasons of the year, perhaps during heavy storms. the water running from the bluffs swells it to a considerable height and it is certain there are tremendous storms here. a while after we halted, porter rockwell came in and said he had been on the high bluff about a mile northwest of us and had seen the rock called chimney rock which appeared a long distance off. we have been in hopes to come in sight of it today and feel anxious in order to ascertain more certainly the correctness of fremont's distance. in order to satisfy myself, although my feet were blistered and very sore, i determined to take my telescope and go on the bluff to ascertain for myself whether the noted rock could be seen or not. at half past twelve i started out alone. i found the distance to the foot of the bluff a good mile, the ascent gradual. from the foot the bluff looks very high and rough, many huge rocks having broken from the summit from time to time and rolled down a long distance. i found the ascent very steep and lengthy in comparison to its appearance from camp. when i arrived on the top i found a nice slightly arched surface of about a quarter of an acre in extent, but barren and very little grass on it. huge comparatively smooth rocks peeped through the surface on one of which i wrote with red chalk: "wm. clayton. may , ." on the highest point i sat down and took a view of the surrounding country which is magnificent indeed. on the south at the distance of two miles from the river, there is a range of cedar trees on the bluffs which very much resemble some of the parks and seats of gentry in england. east i could see where we camped last night, the high grass still burning. northeast, north, and northwest, alternately, appeared high swelling bluffs and valleys as far as the eye could see or the glass magnify. west, the course of the platte for ten or fifteen miles and at about four or five miles distance, a large bend to the north brings it in contact with the bluffs on this side. at the distance, i should judge of about twenty miles, i could see chimney rock very plainly with the naked eye, which from here very much resembles the large factory chimneys in england, although i could not see the form of its base. the rock lay about due west from here. after gratifying my curiosity, and seeing the men collecting their teams for a march, i descended on the west side of the bluff. the descent at this point looks more alarming than on the other. the side being very steep and all along huge rocks standing so critically, that to all appearance, a waft of wind would precipitate them to the prairie below with tremendous force. in one place in particular, a ponderous mass of rock appears to hang from the edge of the bluff without any visible means of being retained in its position, and by gazing at it a little while, it is easy to imagine you can see it move and ready to overwhelm you instantly. at a little distance from the base of the bluff, i turned to gaze on the romantic scenery above and was struck at the appearance of a large rock projecting from one corner, which very much resembled a frog's head of immense size with its mouth part open. the thought was, those bluffs ought to be named and what name more appropriate than frog's head bluffs. after this reflection, i walked on to where i thought the wagons would come which started out at half past one. after traveling three and a quarter miles we crossed a dry creek about six rods wide, and a quarter of a mile farther, another about five feet wide and a half a mile farther, still another about six rods wide on an average. these all appear to be the sources of heavy streams of water at some seasons of the year. soon as we crossed this last one, i saw elder kimball wave his hat for the wagons to turn off to the north in order to cross the bluffs which struck the river a little farther. but a little to the west was a very high ridge and i concluded to walk on to it. found it to be a perfect ridge of gravel, very high and rounding on the top, not more than four or five feet wide and from north to south about feet long. elder pratt names this cobble hills, the gravel or cobbles varying in size of from fifty pounds in weight to the smallest pebble. at the north foot of this hill is what might be named a clay bank, being composed of a light colored kind of sandy clay and forms a kind of large table. a little distance farther, we crossed another dry creek about eight rods wide and then ascended the bluffs. the ascent is pretty steep for nearly half a mile, but hard and not difficult to travel. the wagon had to wind about some to keep around the foot of the bluffs, crossing the dry creek three times before we emerged from the bluffs to the banks of the river. we crossed another dry creek pretty steep on each side and then found ourselves once more on the prairie bottom. the bluffs are two and a quarter miles from the east to the west foot following our trail. the wind has blown from the southeast all day until lately, when a dead calm has succeeded. in the west a heavy thunder cloud has been gathering for two hours and vivid streaks of lightning observed in the distance. at twenty minutes to five the wind struck suddenly from the northwest, the blackest part of the cloud then lying in that direction. we had a few drops of rain only. then it seemed to turn off to the east. the scenery after this was indeed sublime, the sun peering out from under the heavy clouds reflecting long rays upwards which were imitated in the east. the romantic bluffs on the north and the lightning playing in the southeast all tended to fill my mind with pleasant reflections, on the goodness and majesty of the creator and governor of the universe, and the beauty of the works of his hands. at : we formed our encampment in a circle within a quarter of a mile of the banks of the river, having traveled this afternoon, eight and a quarter miles and through the day fifteen and a half, making the distance from winter quarters miles in five weeks and three and a half days. the feed on the lower bench of the prairie is tolerably good, while the higher land is quite bare. we have noticed today a great many petrified bones, some very large. all are turned into solid, hard stone, which proves that the atmosphere is pure and the country would doubtless be healthy, but is not adapted for farming purposes on account of the poor sandy soil and no timber at all on this side the river. i have noticed a variety of shrubs, plants and flowers all new to me today, many of which have a very pleasant smell and in some places the air appears impregnated with the rich odors arising from them. among the rest are numerous beds of the southern wood. there are also vast beds of flinty pebbles of various colors, some as white as alabaster. about : i observed a group of brethren standing together inside the camp. i went up and saw a young eagle which had been taken out of its nest on one of these high bluffs by george r. grant and orson whitney. although it is very young and its feathers have scarcely commenced growing, it measures from the tips of its wings when stretched, forty-six inches. its head is nearly the size of my fist and looks very ferocious. after this i went with john pack and horace whitney to the bluffs. on our way we saw a large wolf about as large as the largest dog in camp. he was within a quarter of a mile from camp. after traveling about a mile we arrived at the foot of a stupendous mass of rocks almost perpendicular, with only one place where it was possible to ascend. we went up with difficulty and by using our hands and knees, gained the top. we had to walk over a little space which was only about three feet wide and on the east side a perpendicular fall of about sixty feet. although from the camp this peak looks only large enough for a man to stand upon we found it large enough to seat comfortably about twenty persons. the top is composed of large rocks and very uneven. the prairie below looks a long distance under foot from this peak. descending we viewed the surrounding scenery which looks more like the ruins of an ancient city with its castles, towers, fortifications, etc., on all sides, and a dry stream coming through the center. we proceeded to the next high rock and found it very difficult of ascent. the top is nearly level and very pleasant. we discovered several other varieties of shrubbery, all smelling pleasant and strong. we saw that a horse has sometime stood on the top, but how he got there, we could not easily determine. at the east end there is a cedar tree flat on the top and on the underside almost looks like an umbrella. we made a calculation of the height of this bluff as well as we could and concluded it must be at least feet higher than the river. the surrounding country can be seen for many miles from its summit, and chimney rock shows very plainly. we descended at the east end and arrived in camp at dark well satisfied with our journey. some of the brethren have discovered a cave in one of these bluffs, and one went into it a little distance, but it being very dark and having no torch, he did not venture far. elder pratt reports that he saw on the top of one of the bluffs, a hole in a rock inches in diameter and a foot deep with five inches of very cold good water in it. he supposed it to be a spring. between the bluffs they also discovered a spring of pure cold water of a very good taste. dr. richards names these bluffs "bluff ruins" from their appearance being that of the ruins of castles, cities, etc. a little to the left is a small perpendicular rock much resembling chimney rock but smaller. the whole of the scenery around is one of romantic beauty which cannot be described with either pen or tongue. last night a large black dog, half wolf, supposed to belong to the indians, came to the camp. he has kept within two hundred yards of the wagons all day, and has followed us to this place. there have been many rattlesnakes seen today and six or seven killed. in fact, this place seems to abound with them. the evening was spent very joyfully by most of the brethren, it being very pleasant and moonlight. a number danced till the bugle sounded for bed time at nine o'clock. a mock trial was also prosecuted in the case of the camp vs. james davenport for blockading the highway and turning ladies out of their course. jackson redding acted as the presiding judge. elder whipple attorney for defendant and luke johnson attorney for the people. we have many such trials in the camp which are amusing enough and tend among other things to pass away the time cheerfully during leisure moments. it was remarked this evening that we have one man in camp who is entitled to the credit of being more even tempered than any of the others, and that is father chamberlain. he is invariably cross and quarrelsome, but the brethren all take it as a joke and he makes considerable amusement for the camp. opposite the encampment there are quite a number of small islands, but no timber on any of them. sunday, may the morning very fine and pleasant. brother egan commenced washing very early on the banks of the river. he kindly volunteered to wash my dirty clothing which i accepted as a favor. after breakfast president young, elders kimball, richards, pratt, woodruff, smith and benson and lyman walked out to view bluff ruins and returned at half past eleven. a while ago i went out a little distance to view an adder which george billings had discovered. it was a dark brown color about inches long and three quarters of an inch thick through the body. they are represented as very poisonous. about eleven o'clock nathaniel fairbanks came into camp having been bitten in the leg by a rattlesnake. he went on the bluffs with aaron farr and brother rolf and as they jumped off from the bluff, the snake bit him, the others having jumped over him farther. he said that in two minutes after he was bitten his tongue began to prick and feel numb. when he got to camp his tongue and hands pricked and felt numb as a person feels their feet sometimes when they are said to be asleep. the brethren immediately applied some tobacco juice and leaves, also turpentine, and bound tobacco on his leg which was considerably swollen. we laid hands on him and luke johnson administered a dose of lobelia in number six after he had taken a strong drink of alcohol and water. the lobelia soon vomitted him powerfully. he complains much of sickness at his stomach and dimness in his eyes. he appears to be in much pain. while the brethren of the quorum of the twelve were on one of the high detached bluffs they found the skeleton of a buffalo's head. brother woodruff wrote the names of all the quorum of the twelve present and set it upon the southwest corner of the bluff. john brown also wrote his name on it. elder pratt took the altitude of the bluff and found it to be feet above the surface of the river. he did not calculate the height above the sea, owing to the state of the atmosphere. he, however, predicted wind from the same cause. at twelve o'clock the camp was called together for meeting, and after singing and praying we were addressed by elder snow, followed by president young. the latter said there were many items of doctrine which he often felt like teaching to the brethren, but as to administering sealing ordinances, etc., this is no time or place for them, they belong to the house of god and when we get located we shall have an opportunity to build a house, etc. he expressed himself satisfied with the conduct of the camp in general. he is pleased to see so much union and disposition to obey council among the brethren and hoped and prayed that it may continue and increase. he wants the brethren to seek after knowledge and be faithful to acknowledge god in all things but never take his name in vain nor use profane language. if all the knowledge in this camp were put together and brother joseph were here in our midst, he could comprehend the whole of it and wind it around his little finger. and then think of the knowledge of angels, and above that, the knowledge of the lord. there is much for us to learn and a faithful man who desires eternal glory will seek after knowledge all the time and his ideas never suffered to rust but are always bright. he will not throw away the knowledge of small things because they are familiar, but grasp all he can and keep doing so and by retaining many small things he will thus gain a large pile, etc. he expressed his feelings warmly towards all the brethren and prayed them to be faithful, diligent and upright, for we are now sowing seed, the fruit of which will be plucked in after days whether good or bad. g. a. smith made a few remarks, also several others of the brethren. the president then stated that on sunday next he wants the brethren to understand that there will be meeting at eleven o'clock and the sacrament administered, and he wants the brethren to attend, all that can, and not ramble off and fatigue themselves but use the sabbath as a day of rest. he enjoined it upon bishops t. lewis, s. roundy, j. s. higbee and a. everett to see that the proper necessities were prepared for the sacrament. the meeting was then dismissed. a while after meeting i walked out with elder kimball a piece from the camp. we sat down and i read to him my journal of the last four days, with which he seemed well pleased. we then knelt down together and poured out our souls to god for ourselves, the camp and our dear families in winter quarters. while we were engaged in prayer the wind rose suddenly from the northwest, a heavy cloud having been gathering from the west all the afternoon. a sudden gust struck elder kimball's hat and carried it off. after we got through, his hat was nowhere in sight, but following the direction of the wind we soon saw it at a distance on the bottom of the prairie still flying swiftly. we both ran and chased it about three quarters of a mile and caught it a little from the river. while we were out together i remarked that the buffalo gnat had bitten us very severely. elder kimball said they bit him very badly last evening. their bite is very poisonous, and although they are extremely small, they punish a person very much with an itching, aching pain like a mosquito bite. about five o'clock the wind blew a perfect gale and continued till seven when it commenced to rain very heavily, large drops descending, accompanied with hail, which however, did not continue very long but the wind continued nearly all night. the lightning and thunder continued some time but not very severe. we saw the necessity of having good stout bows to our wagons, and the covers well fastened down, for the very stoutest seemed in danger of being torn to pieces and the wagons blown over. when the wind commenced blowing so strongly it turned very cold and long before dark i went to bed to keep warm. brother fairbanks seems considerably better. this evening president young, kimball and benson laid hands on him and he seemed much better afterwards. monday, may the morning very cold indeed, strong wind from northwest. at : we continued our journey and traveled over level prairie ten miles, then halted to feed at : . the bluffs on the north about two miles from us and the river one mile. about noon the weather began to moderate and grow warmer. while we were resting two indians came to camp, their object evidently being to get the dog which has followed us to this place. they tarried a little while and then went away taking the dog with them. at : p.m., we again proceeded and traveled till : p.m., distance six and a half miles, during the day ½. several of the horse teams gave out and they are evidently failing but the oxen are gaining daily. the mules stand the journey well and in fact all the teams, considering the scarcity of grass. about : we discovered a party of indians on the opposite side the river moving west. when we formed our encampment they crossed over the river. some of the brethren went to meet them carrying a white flag with them. when the indians saw the flag, some of them began to sing, and their chief held up a u. s. flag. it was soon ascertained that their object was to obtain something to eat. a number of them came to the camp and were conducted around by colonels markham and rockwood. they were shown a six and fifteen shooter also the cannon and the gunners went through the evolutions a number of times which seemed to please them much. they are all well dressed and very noble looking, some having good clean blankets, others nice robes artfully ornamented with beads and paintings. all had many ornaments on their clothing and ears, some had nice painted shells suspended from the ear. all appeared to be well armed with muskets. their moccasins were indeed clean and beautiful. one had a pair of moccasins of a clear white, ornamented with beads, etc. they fit very tight to the foot. for cleanness and neatness, they will vie with the most tasteful whites. they are thirty-five in number, about half squaws and children. they are sioux and have two recommends certifying as to their friendship, etc. the brethren contributed something to eat which was sent to them. our course today has been nearly west, with a cool wind. the evening fine but cold enough to freeze clothing stiff when laid on the grass to dry. elder kimball has been quite unwell all day and mostly kept to his wagon. opposite the camp on the south side the river is a very large rock very much resembling a castle of four stories high, but in a state of ruin. a little to the east a rock stands which looks like a fragment of a very thick wall. a few miles to the west chimney rock appears in full view. the scenery around is pleasant and romantic. after the indians had viewed the camp, they returned to their horses and the rest of the party who have camped on the banks of the river about a quarter of a mile west of us. elder sherwood returned with them and soon after came back accompanied by the chief and his squaw who signified a wish to abide with our camp tonight. the brethren fixed up a tent for them to sleep under; porter rockwell made them some coffee, and they were furnished with some victuals. the old chief amused himself very much by looking at the moon through a telescope for as much as twenty minutes. brother fairbanks is much better this evening. last night luke johnson discovered a very large petrified bone in the neighborhood of the bluffs as much as two feet wide, but he could not ascertain the length of it. after laboring sometime ineffectually to dig it up, he broke off two pieces and brought them to camp. they are very white and hard. it is now eleven o'clock. i have been writing in elder kimball's journal since dark, and have but little chance to write as much as i want in my own and his both, but i feel determined to do all i can to keep a journal of this expedition which will be interesting to my children in after days, and perhaps to many of the saints. the evening is very fine but cool and i retire to rest with the feeling: "god bless my dear family." tuesday, may the morning fine and very pleasant. most of the indians, men, women and children came early to camp on their ponies and marched around mostly trying to obtain something to eat. several little barters were made with them for moccasins, skins, etc. john s. higbee traded ponies with one of them. they have some good ponies and some inferior ones, but both male and females are neatly dressed and very tidy. they look cheerful and pleased to witness the camp, etc. at : we proceeded onward. after we started, the indians left us and went over the river. one mile from where we started, we began to ascend a low range of bluffs to avoid a large, high sandy ridge which projects to the river. we traveled three quarters of a mile and descended again to the level prairie. at : we halted to let the cattle and teams graze, the feed being good and plentiful, having traveled two and a half miles, mostly northwest around a bend of the river. the sun is very hot, the roads sandy and hard teaming. the river is probably three quarters of a mile wide here and on this side there are many small islands. at : continued our journey and traveled till half past one, distance four and three quarters miles over a very soft, wet, level prairie. we then halted to feed and rest our teams, as they have been hard drawn nearly all day. we have seen no game for several days except a few antelope and hares. the buffalo appear to have left this region and in fact there are little signs of many having been here. the feed is poor, mostly last year's growth and very short. one of the hunters killed an antelope, which was brought to camp and divided to the captains of tens. at : p.m. we started again and traveled till a quarter to six, distance four and three quarters miles, and during the day twelve miles. for three miles of the first of this afternoon we had a good road, but the last part has been very wet and soft, numerous ponds of water standing all around caused by heavy rains. we have camped on a very wet spot, but the feed being poor where it was drier, it was decided to stay for the benefit of the teams. our course has been about northwest, very little wind and the day very warm. chimney rock shows very plain and appears not more than two miles distance but is no doubt five miles distance or over. another antelope has been killed and brought in by the hunters. elder orson pratt is taking an observation to ascertain the height of chimney rock. the evening was very pleasant and the brethren passed away their time till after nine o'clock dancing. porter rockwell shot the two antelope spoken of above. he also shot two wolves. latitude six and a quarter miles back, ° ' ". wednesday, may the morning very fine and pleasant. i have spent the morning working on dr. richards' map. at eight o'clock continued on our journey. elder pratt taking observations to tell the distance our road lies from chimney rock. yesterday morning stephen markham traded a mule which was foundered and unable to work to one of the indians for a pony. they put him in the harness a little towards evening and again this morning. when crossing a very soft place the whipple tree unhitched and struck against his heels. he ran full gallop towards the head teams and twice through the line of wagons causing several teams, horses and oxen both, to spring from the road and run some distance before the men could stop them. after running nearly a mile some of the brethren caught the pony, brought him back and put him to the wagon again without any accident, except a little injury to the harness. after traveling four and five-eighths miles, we arrived at a point directly north of chimney rock which we ascertained by the compass, having traveled since it was first discovered ½ miles. we proceeded till twelve o'clock and halted to feed, having traveled seven and a quarter miles, a northwest course, the road very straight and hard excepting a few spots where the water stands caused by late heavy rains. we turned south a little to get to grass as the higher prairie is barren, and scarcely any grass on it. porter rockwell has killed two antelope and john brown one which were brought into camp and are being divided amongst the companies as usual. elder pratt found that chimney rock is feet high from its base to its summit and the distance from our road at the nearest point three miles. the latitude at noon halt ° ' ". at : resumed our journey making our road nearer the river than this morning. the road somewhat crooked but good traveling. after traveling five miles, turned directly south to avoid a bad slough and went a quarter of a mile and then formed our encampment at five o'clock on the banks of the river. the last quarter of a mile was not reckoned in the day's travel which exclusive of that is ¼ miles, course north of northwest. the feed here is good and sufficient to fill our teams well. joseph hancock killed an antelope which was brought into camp and distributed. soon after we camped, walked out to the bank of the river with presidents young and kimball to read to them some of the minutes of the old council. we were joined by dr. richards and tarried till seven o'clock, at which time a heavy black cloud was fast approaching from the west and was soon followed by a strong wind and a little rain which lasted only a short time. the evening afterwards warm and pleasant though somewhat cloudy. carloss murray has been trying to rear the young eagle caught on saturday. after stopping tonight, he put it under a wagon and a while afterwards the men ran the wagon back, one of the wheels ran over its head and killed it. i wrote in heber's journal till half past ten and then went to rest. thursday, may the morning very fine. we have seen a number of romantic spots on our journey, but i consider our view this morning more sublime than any other. chimney rock lies southeast, opposite detached bluffs of various shapes and sizes. to the southwest, scott's bluffs look majestic and sublime. the prairie over which our route lies is very level and green as far as we can see. the bluffs on the north low, and about three miles distant. the scenery is truly delightful beyond imagination. i have finished making dr. richards' map to chimney rock. elder pratt has measured the width of the river at this place by the sextant and found it to be exactly yards. at ten minutes to eight we continued our journey and traveled near the banks of the river till : , being eight miles. the route very good, hard and good traveling, although a little crooked. porter rockwell has killed two antelope and amasa lyman one, which were brought to the wagons and distributed. there are some heavy thunder clouds in the south and west and a nice breeze from northeast. at two o'clock we continued our journey over the same kind of dry level prairie, keeping not far distant from the banks of the river and making a straight road. at the distance of four and an eighth miles passed the meridian of the northernmost peak of scott's bluffs being ¾ miles from the meridian of chimney rock. these bluffs are very high, steep, and broken like many others, resembling ancient ruins. they are probably two miles from north to south extremity, but not very wide. we traveled till : and formed our encampment in a circle near the banks of the river which from this place seems to bend for some distance to the north, having traveled this afternoon five and three quarters miles and during the day thirteen and three quarters, mostly northwest. elders kimball and woodruff pointed out the road this forenoon. afternoon elder kimball rode with me in johnson's wagon while i read some of his journal to him. the evening is very cold, wind northeast, and raining some. feed is good and the camp generally well. another antelope was brought in by the hunters. the latitude of the northernmost peak of scott's bluffs ° ' ". friday, may the morning cool, damp, cloudy and some rain. wind northeast. at about eight o'clock the brethren were called together and the question asked: shall we go on in the rain or wait until it is fair? all agreed to stay until it was fair. i went to writing in heber's journal and wrote till nearly eleven o'clock. elder kimball came to the next wagon where some of the boys were playing cards. he told them his views and disapprobation of their spending time gaming and dancing and mock trying, etc., and especially the profane language frequently uttered by some. he reasoned with them on the subject and showed them that it would lead from bad to worse if persisted in until the consequences would become serious. he exhorted them to be more sober and wise. it growing fair, we started out at eleven o'clock, our first four miles being north of northwest in consequence of a bend in the river. we traveled beside a creek of very clear water about a mile. it rises about four miles northwest of where we camped last night and runs in a crooked direction till it empties into the river about a mile west of the camp. it rises from springs as was proved by horace whitney who traced it to its source where there is a spring rising out of a circular kind of wet swamp about six feet in diameter. the creek is about eight feet wide but not deep, the bottom is gravelly. near where it empties into the river, they discovered a number of large spotted trout, suckers and dais of a good size. the water tasted very good and cold. at the distance of four miles we arrived and traveled at the foot of the bluffs, the road sandy and heavy on teams. we soon turned from the bluffs on a level barren prairie, hard and good traveling. at nine miles descended on a lower bench of prairie where we found it wet and soft though not bad rolling. at : formed our encampment near the river, having traveled eleven and a half miles, the last seven a little south of west. the feed here is not very good. driftwood tolerably plentiful. we have seen a few small trees on the islands today but none on the north bank. vast quantities of southern wood and prickley pear grow on these sandy prairies where there is no grass. the evening cloudy and dull with cold northeast wind. while thomas brown and porter rockwell were out hunting about five miles north of here, the former saw five or six indians about a quarter of a mile from him. they also saw many new footprints of horses, which shows that there is a hunting party near. saturday, may the morning cold, wet and cloudy with wind from northeast. we shall not travel unless it grows fair and better weather. i spent the morning writing in elder kimball's journal, but felt very unwell having taken cold yesterday and been sick all night. about ten o'clock, the weather looked a little better and at half past ten the bugle sounded as a signal for the teams to be got together. after the teams were harnessed, the brethren were called together to the boat in the circle. president young taking his station in the boat, ordered each captain of ten to lead out his respective company and get all his men together. he then called on the clerk to call over the names of the camp to see if all were present. joseph hancock and andrew gibbons were reported to be absent hunting. brothers elijah newman and nathaniel fairbanks were confined to their wagons but answered to their names, the remainder all present. president young then addressed the meeting in substance as follows: "i remarked last sunday that i had not felt much like preaching to the brethren on this mission. this morning i feel like preaching a little, and shall take for my text, 'that as to pursuing our journey with this company with the spirit they possess, i am about to revolt against it.' this is the text i feel like preaching on this morning, consequently i am in no hurry. in the first place, before we left winter quarters, it was told to the brethren and many knew it by experience, that we had to leave our homes, our houses, our land and our all because we believed in the gospel as revealed to the saints in these last days. the rise of the persecutions against the church was in consequence of the doctrines of eternal truth taught by joseph. many knew this by experience. some lost their husbands, some lost their wives, and some their children through persecution, and yet we have not been disposed to forsake the truth and turn and mingle with the gentiles, except a few who have turned aside and gone away from us, and we have learned in a measure, the difference between a professor of religion and a possessor of religion. before we left winter quarters it was told to the brethren that we were going to look out a home for the saints where they would be free from persecution by the gentiles, where we could dwell in peace and serve god according to the holy priesthood, where we could build up the kingdom so that the nations would begin to flock to our standard. i have said many things to the brethren about the strictness of their walk and conduct when we left the gentiles, and told them that we would have to walk upright or the law would be put in force, etc. many have left and turned aside through fear, but no good upright, honest man will fear. the gospel does not bind a good man down and deprive him of his rights and privileges. it does not prevent him from enjoying the fruits of his labors. it does not rob him of blessings. it does not stop his increase. it does not diminish his kingdom, but it is calculated to enlarge his kingdom as well as to enlarge his heart. it is calculated to give him privileges and power, and honor, and exaltation and everything which his heart can desire in righteousness all the days of his life, and then, when he gets exalted into the eternal world he can still turn around and say it hath not entered into the heart of man to conceive the glory and honor and blessings which god hath in store for those that love and serve him. i want the brethren to understand and comprehend the principles of eternal life, and to watch the spirit, be wide awake and not be overcome by the adversary. you can see the fruits of the spirit, but you cannot see the spirit itself with the natural eye, you behold it not. you can see the result of yielding to the evil spirit and what it will lead you to, but you do not see the spirit itself nor its operations, only by the spirit that's in you. nobody has told me what has been going on in the camp, but i have known it all the while. i have been watching its movements, its influence, its effects, and i know the result if it is not put a stop to. i want you to understand that inasmuch as we are beyond the power of the gentiles where the devil has tabernacles in the priests and the people, we are beyond their reach, we are beyond their power. we are beyond their grasp, and what has the devil now to work upon? upon the spirits of men in this camp, and if you do not open your hearts so that the spirit of god can enter your hearts and teach you the right way, i know that you are a ruined people and will be destroyed and that without remedy, and unless there is a change and a different course of conduct, a different spirit to what is now in this camp, i go no farther. i am in no hurry. give me the man of prayers, give me the man of faith, give me the man of meditation, a sober-minded man, and i would far rather go amongst the savages with six or eight such men than to trust myself with the whole of this camp with the spirit they now possess. here is an opportunity for every man to prove himself, to know whether he will pray and remember his god without being asked to do it every day; to know whether he will have confidence enough to ask of god that he may receive without my telling him to do it. if this camp was composed of men who had newly received the gospel, men who had not received the priesthood, men who had not been through the ordinances in the temple and who had not had years of experience, enough to have learned the influence of the spirits and the difference between a good and an evil spirit, i should feel like preaching to them and watching over them and telling them all the time, day by day. but here are the elders of israel, men who have had years of experience, men who have had the priesthood for years--and have they got faith enough to rise up and stop a mean, low, groveling, covetous, quarrelsome spirit? no, they have not, nor would they try to stop it, unless i rise up in the power of god and put it down. i do not mean to bow down to the spirit that is in this camp, and which is rankling in the bosoms of the brethren, and which will lead to knock downs and perhaps to the use of the knife to cut each other's throats if it is not put a stop to. i do not mean to bow down to the spirit which causes the brethren to quarrel. when i wake up in the morning, the first thing i hear is some of the brethren jawing each other and quarreling because a horse has got loose in the night. i have let the brethren dance and fiddle and act the nigger night after night to see what they will do, and what extremes they would go to, if suffered to go as far as they would. i do not love to see it. the brethren say they want a little exercise to pass away time in the evenings, but if you can't tire yourselves bad enough with a day's journey without, dancing every night, carry your guns on your shoulders and walk, carry your wood to camp instead of lounging and lying asleep in your wagons, increasing the load until your teams are tired to death and ready to drop to the earth. help your teams over mud holes and bad places instead of lounging in your wagons and that will give you exercise enough without dancing. well, they will play cards, they will play checkers, they will play dominoes, and if they had the privilege and were where they could get whiskey, they would be drunk half their time, and in one week they would quarrel, get to high words and draw their knives to kill each other. this is what such a course of things would lead to. don't you know it? yes. well, then, why don't you try to put it down? i have played cards once in my life since i became a mormon to see what kind of spirit would attend it, and i was so well satisfied, that i would rather see in your hands the dirtiest thing you could find on the earth, than a pack of cards. you never read of gambling, playing cards, checkers, dominoes, etc., in the scriptures, but you do read of men praising the lord in the dance, but who ever read of praising the lord in a game at cards? if any man had sense enough to play a game at cards, or dance a little without wanting to keep it up all the time, but exercise a little and then quit it and think no more of it, it would do well enough, but you want to keep it up till midnight and every night, and all the time. you don't know how to control your senses. last winter when we had our seasons of recreation in the council house, i went forth in the dance frequently, but did my mind run on it? no! to be sure, when i was dancing, my mind was on the dance, but the moment i stopped in the middle or the end of a tune, my mind was engaged in prayer and praise to my heavenly father and whatever i engage in, my mind is on it while engaged in it, but the moment i am done with it, my mind is drawn up to my god. the devils which inhabit the gentiles' priests are here. the tabernacles are not here, we are out of their power, we are beyond their grasp, we are beyond the reach of their persecutions, but the devils are here, and the first thing you'll know if you don't open your eyes and your hearts, they will cause divisions in our camp and perhaps war, as they did with the lamanites as you read in the book of mormon. do we suppose that we are going to look out a home for the saints, a resting place, a place of peace where they can build up the kingdom and bid the nations welcome, with a low, mean, dirty, trifling, covetous, wicked spirit dwelling in our bosoms? it is vain! vain! some of you are very fond of passing jokes, and will carry your jokes very far. but will you take a joke? if you do not want to take a joke, don't give a joke to your brethren. joking, nonsense, profane language, trifling conversation and loud laughter do not belong to us. suppose the angels were witnessing the hoe down the other evening, and listening to the haw haws the other evening, would they not be ashamed of it? i am ashamed of it. i have not given a joke to any man on this journey nor felt like it; neither have i insulted any man's feelings but i have hollowed pretty loud and spoken sharply to the brethren when i have seen their awkwardness at coming to camp. the revelations in the bible, in the book of mormon, and doctrine and covenants, teach us to be sober; and let me ask you elders that have been through the ordinances in the temple, what were your covenants there? i say you should remember them. when i laugh i see my folly and nothingness and weakness and am ashamed of myself. i think meaner and worse of myself than any man can think of me; but i delight in god, and in his commandments and delight to meditate on him and to serve him and i mean that everything in me shall be subjected to him. now let every man repent of his weakness, of his follies, of his meanness, and every kind of wickedness, and stop your swearing and profane language, for it is in this camp and i know it, and have known it. i have said nothing about it, but i now tell you, if you don't stop it you shall be cursed by the almighty and shall dwindle away and be damned. such things shall not be suffered in this camp. you shall honor god, and confess his name or else you shall suffer the penalty. most of this camp belong to the church, nearly all; and i would say to you brethren, and to the elders of israel, if you are faithful, you will yet be sent to preach this gospel to the nations of the earth and bid all welcome whether they believe the gospel or not, and this kingdom will reign over many who do not belong to the church, over thousands who do not believe in the gospel. bye and bye every knee shall bow and every tongue confess and acknowledge and reverence and honor the name of god and his priesthood and observe the laws of the kingdom whether they belong to the church and obey the gospel or not, and i mean that every man in this camp shall do it. that is what the scripture means by every knee shall bow, etc., and you cannot make anything else out of it. i understand there are several in this camp who do not belong to the church. i am the man who will stand up for them and protect them in all their rights. and they shall not trample on our rights nor on the priesthood. they shall reverence and acknowledge the name of god and his priesthood, and if they set up their heads and seek to introduce iniquity into this camp and to trample on the priesthood, i swear to them, they shall never go back to tell the tale. i will leave them where they will be safe. if they want to retreat they can now have the privilege, and any man who chooses to go back rather than abide the law of god can now have the privilege of doing so before we go any farther. here are the elders of israel who have the priesthood, who have got to preach the gospel, who have to gather the nations of the earth, who have to build up the kingdom so that the nations can come to it, they will stop to dance as niggers. i don't mean this as debasing the negroes by any means; they will hoe down all, turn summersets, dance on their knees, and haw, haw, out loud; they will play cards, they will play checkers and dominoes, they will use profane language, they will swear! suppose when you go to preach, the people should ask you what you did when you went on this mission to seek out a home for the whole church, what was your course of conduct? did you dance? yes. did you hoe down all? yes. did you play cards? yes. did you play checkers? yes. did you use profane language? yes. did you swear? yes. did you quarrel with each other and threaten each other? why yes. how would you feel? what would you say for yourselves? would you not want to go and hide up? your mouths would be stopped and you would want to creep away in disgrace. i am one of the last to ask my brethren to enter into solemn covenants, but if they will not enter into a covenant to put away their iniquity and turn to the lord and serve him and acknowledge and honor his name, i want them to take their wagons and retreat back, for i shall go no farther under such a state of things. if we don't repent and quit our wickedness we will have more hinderances than we have had, and worse storms to encounter. i want the brethren to be ready for meeting tomorrow at the time appointed, instead of rambling off, and hiding in their wagons to play cards, etc. i think it will be good for us to have a fast meeting tomorrow and a prayer meeting to humble ourselves and turn to the lord and he will forgive us." he then called upon all the high priests to step forth in a line in front of the wagon and then the bishops to step in front of the high priests, which being done, he counted them and found their number to be four bishops and fifteen high priests. he then called upon all the seventies to form a line in the rear of the high priests. on being counted, they were ascertained to number seventy-eight. next he called on the elders to form a line in the rear of the wagon. they were eight in number. there were also eight of the quorum of the twelve. he then asked the brethren of the quorum of the twelve if they were willing to covenant, to turn to the lord with all their hearts, to repent of all their follies, to cease from all their evils and serve god according to his laws. if they were willing, to manifest it by holding up their right hand. every man held up his hand in token that he covenanted. he then put the same question to the high priests and bishops; next to the seventies, and then to the elders, and lastly to the other brethren. all covenanted with uplifted hands without a dissenting voice. he then addressed those who are not members of the church and told them they should be protected in their rights and privileges while they would conduct themselves well and not seek to trample on the priesthood nor blaspheme the name of god, etc. he then referred to the conduct of benjamin rolfe's two younger brothers, in joining with the higbees and john c. bennett in sowing discord and strife among the saints in nauvoo and remarked that there will be no more bennett scrapes suffered here. he spoke highly of benjamin rolfe's conduct, although not a member of the church and also referred to the esteem in which his father and mother were held by the saints generally. he then very tenderly blessed the brethren and prayed that god would enable them to fulfill their covenants and then withdrew to give opportunity for others to speak if they felt like it. elder kimball arose to say that he agreed with all that president young had said. he receives it as the word of the lord to him and it is the word of the lord to this camp if they will receive it. he has been watching the motion of things and the conduct of the brethren for some time and has seen what it would lead to. he has said little but thought a great deal. it has made him shudder when he has seen the elders of israel descend to the lowest, dirtiest things imaginable, the tail end of everything, but what has passed this morning will make it an everlasting blessing to the brethren, if they will repent and be faithful and keep their covenant. he never can rest satisfied until his family is liberated from the gentiles and their company and established in a land where they can plant and reap the fruits of their labors, but he has never had the privilege of eating the fruits of his labors yet, neither has his family, but when this is done he can sleep in peace if necessary but not till then. if we will serve the lord, remember his name to call upon him, and be faithful, we shall not one of us be left under the sod, but shall be permitted to return and meet our families in peace and enjoy their society again; but if this camp continues the course of conduct it has done, the judgment of god will overtake us. he hopes the brethren will take heed to what president young has said and let it sink deep in their hearts. elder pratt wanted to add a word to what has been said. "much good advice has been given to teach us how we may spend our time profitably by prayer, and meditation, etc." but there is another idea which he wants to add. "there are many books in the camp and worlds of knowledge before us which we have not obtained, and if the brethren would devote all their leisure time to seeking after knowledge, they would never need to say they had nothing with which to pass away their time. if we could spend hours out of the in gaining knowledge and only sleep one hour of the all the days of our life, there would still be worlds of knowledge in store for us yet to learn. he knows it is difficult to bring our minds to diligent and constant studies, in pursuit of knowledge all at once, but by steady practice and perseverance we shall become habituated to it, and it will become a pleasure to us. he would recommend to the brethren, besides prayer, and obedience, to seek after knowledge continually. and it will help us to overcome our follies and nonsense; we shall have no time for it. elder woodruff said he remembered the time when the camp went up to missouri to redeem zion, when brother joseph stood up on a wagon wheel and told the brethren that the decree had passed and could not be revoked, and the destroying angel would visit the camp and we should die like sheep with the rot. he had repeatedly warned the brethren of their evil conduct and what it would lead to, but they still continued in their course. it was not long before the destroying angel did visit the camp and the brethren began to fall as brother joseph had said. we buried eighteen in a short time and a more sorrowful time i never saw. there are nine here who were in that camp and they all recollect the circumstance well and will never forget it. he has been thinking while the president was speaking, that if he was one who had played checkers or cards, he would take every pack of cards and every checker board and burn them up so that they would no longer be in the way to tempt us. colonel markham acknowledged that he had done wrong in many things. he had always indulged himself, before he came into the church, with everything he desired and he knows he has done wrong on this journey, he knows his mind has become darkened since he left winter quarters. he hopes the brethren will forgive him and he will pray to be forgiven and try to do better. while he was speaking he was very much affected indeed and wept like a child. many of the brethren felt much affected and all seemed to realize for the first time, the excess to which they had yielded and the awful consequence of such things if persisted in. many were in tears and felt humbled. president young returned to the boat as brother markham closed his remarks and said in reply, that he knew the brethren would forgive him, and the lord will forgive us all if we turn to him with all our hearts and cease to do evil. the meeting was then dismissed, each man retiring to his wagon. and being half past one o'clock we again pursued our journey in peace, all reflecting on what has passed today, and many expressing their gratitude for what has transpired. it seemed as though we were just commencing on this important mission, and all realizing the responsibility resting upon us to conduct ourselves in such a manner that the journey may be an everlasting blessing to us, instead of an everlasting disgrace. no loud laughter was heard, no swearing, no quarreling, no profane language, no hard speeches to man or beast, and it truly seemed as though the cloud had burst and we had emerged into a new element, a new atmosphere, and a new society. we traveled six and three quarters miles about a north of northwest course and then arrived at the foot of the low bluffs which extend within about ten rods of the river, the latter forming a large bend northward at this point. at the foot of the bluffs the road was sandy and very heavy on our teams. like all other sandy places, it was perfectly barren, being only a tuft of grass here and there. after passing over the sand we changed our course to a little north of west, not, however, leaving the bluffs very far. the river bends again to the south. we then found the ground hard and good to travel over, but perfectly bare of grass for upwards of a mile. at five o'clock it commenced raining very hard accompanied by lightning and thunder and strong northeast wind. it also changed considerably cooler again. at five thirty o'clock we formed our encampment on the edge of the higher bench of prairie. the feed is tolerably good on the bottom but here there is none at all. we have passed a small grove of fair sized trees, all green, growing on the islands in the river which are tolerably many near here, but there is no timber yet on this side of the river. the brethren pick up drift wood enough to do their cooking. i spent the evening writing in this journal till half past twelve o'clock, but felt quite unwell. the distance we have traveled today is eight and a half miles, during the week seventy-four and a half, making us ½ miles from winter quarters. there is a creek of clear water about yards to the south from which the camp obtains what they want. sunday, may the morning fair and somewhat more pleasant, although there is yet appearance for more rain. i felt quite unwell through the night and also this morning, having severe pain. at nine o'clock most of the brethren retired a little south of the camp and had a prayer meeting, and as many as chose to, expressed their feelings. at a little before twelve they met again in the same spot to partake of the sacrament. soon afterwards all the members of the council of the k. of g. in the camp, except brother thomas bullock, went onto the bluffs and selecting a small, circular, level spot surrounded by bluffs and out of sight, we clothed ourselves in the priestly garments and offered up prayer to god for ourselves, this camp and all pertaining to it, the brethren in the army, our families and all the saints, president young being mouth. we all felt well and glad for this privilege. the members of the above council are brigham young, heber c. kimball, willard richards, orson pratt, george a. smith, wilford woodruff, amasa lyman, ezra t. benson, phineas h. young, john pack, charles shumway, shadrack roundy, albert p. rockwood, erastus snow, myself, albert carrington and porter rockwell. the two latter, having no clothing with them, stood guard at a little distance from us to prevent interruption. when we started for the bluffs, there was a heavy black thunder cloud rising from the southwest, and from all appearance it might rain any minute, but the brethren believed it would not rain till we got through and if it did we chose rather to take a wetting than to be disappointed of the privilege. it kept off remarkably till we got through and got our clothing on, but soon after it began to rain and after we got to camp it rained considerably, accompanied by strong wind. i never noticed the brethren so still and sober on a sunday since we started as today. there is no jesting nor laughing, nor nonsense. all appear to be sober and feel to remember their covenant which makes things look far more pleasant than they have done heretofore. i spent most of the afternoon in elder kimball's wagon with elder kimball, president young, lorenzo and phineas young. read the minutes of president young's discourse of yesterday. about five o'clock president young, kimball, benson and others walked out together to the bluffs. they invited me to go with them but i was so afflicted with cramps i could scarcely walk, and after drinking a cup of tea prepared by ellen sanders i went to my wagon and retired to bed early. the evening more pleasant with a light shower occasionally. elder kimball, president young, and others saw the black hills in the distance from a high bluff. monday, may the morning fine but cool. i feel quite unwell yet and have been sick all night. at a quarter past eight we proceeded onward, found good level traveling, the day cool and pleasant. we soon struck a wagon trail which evidently leads direct to fort laramie. at four miles, passed some high sandy bluffs. traveled till after twelve and then turned off a little to the southwest and at half past twelve o'clock halted for noon at the edge of lower land where there is some short green grass for our teams. the land we have traveled over this morning is naked and barren, course west of northwest, distance nine and a half miles. a high wind from northwest. latitude ° ' ". started again at : p.m., weather warm and wind ceased. at : p.m. formed our encampment on the east bank of a shoal stream about ten feet wide, having traveled this afternoon seven and a quarter miles, and during the day sixteen and three quarters. our course this afternoon a little north of west. about four miles back, passed some timber on this side of the river which is the first since the th inst, being a distance of miles without wood for fire, except driftwood, and much of the time nothing but buffalo chips. the last four or five miles have been sandy, the ground uneven and very heavy on our teams. the country looks perfectly barren; in some places there is nothing but a few weeds and garlick. some of the brethren picked considerable of the latter to eat. the feed is very poor indeed, but a little better than four miles back. john s. higbee has killed a deer and some of the brethren wounded two others. this deer which brother higbee killed is of the long tailed species, having a tail more than a half a yard long, and is the first one i ever saw of the kind. a while after we camped, president young and kimball went to the bluffs and again saw the black hills in the distance. they bowed before the lord and offered up their prayers together. the month of may has passed over and we have been permitted to proceed so far on our journey, being ¼ miles from our families in winter quarters, with the camp generally enjoying good health and good spirits, and although some things have passed which have merited chastisement, we have the privilege at the closing of the month of seeing a better feeling, a more noble spirit, and a more general desire to do right than we have before witnessed. i feel to humble myself and give god thanks for his continued mercies to me and my brethren and may his spirit fill our hearts and may his angels administer comfort, health, peace and prosperity to all our families and all the saints henceforth and forever. amen. june tuesday, june the morning very fine, warm and pleasant. all is still and quiet as a summer's morning, the camp well and in good spirits and a feeling of peace, union and brotherly love seems to dwell in every breast. my mind revolves back upon by-gone days and then to the present, and i truly feel thankful to my god for his mercies to me and for the privilege i now daily enjoy. the idea of dwelling with my family in a land of peace, in the midst of the saints of god is better felt than described, but the mild, still scenery of this morning puts me in mind of it. at nine o'clock we pursued our journey, the stream we passed over is called by grosclaude: "the raw hide." elder kimball let me have his horse to ride. i went in company with george a. smith who was on foot carrying his gun in fulfillment of president young's prophecy at the pawnee mission station. the wagons went on till half past eleven and then halted for noon. we were about a mile ahead of them. the distance they traveled was four and a half miles. at half past one, started out again and traveled till a little after four o'clock and saw fort laramie about four miles to the southwest. elder kimball and president young then came up to where brother woodruff and i were looking out for feed and we started on, president young having stopped the wagons, and went to the ford opposite to the fort. it was finally concluded to form our encampment here on the banks of the river. several men soon came down from the fort which is about two miles from here and made themselves known as a part of the mississippi company from pueblo. they have been here two weeks. it caused us much joy to meet with brethren in this wild region of country and also because we should have some news from the brethren in the army. luke johnson being up here with the boat and several others coming up, they got the boat into the river to go over and see the brethren. and luke johnson, john brown, joseph mathews and porter rockwell started over and about the same time, presidents young and kimball started back to bring the camp up. when the brethren got over the river brother brown met several whom he knew and soon returned bringing brother crow and his son-in-law over to this side. the brethren seemed pleased to meet us. brother crow reports deaths in the pueblo detachment since brothers tippets and woolsey left, viz. melcher oyler, arnold stevens. they also state that soloman tindall was on the point of death. the other portion of the battalion they had not heard from. the pueblo brethren are expected to receive their pay and start for this point, at latest by this date, and will probably be here in about two weeks. they also recorded that three traders from the mountains arrived here six days ago, having come from sweet water in six days and nights. they traveled day and night with horses and mules to prevent their starving to death as there is no feed up there. two of their oxen had died already, etc. the snow was two feet deep at sweet water when they left, so that we are evidently plenty soon enough for feed. at : the wagons arrived and formed encampment on the banks of the river in the form of a v, having traveled this afternoon, seven and a half miles and during the day, twelve, making a total from winter quarters to fort laramie ¼ miles and we have traveled it in seven weeks lacking a half a day, but we have traveled but a few miles on sundays. we have arrived so far on our journey without accident except the loss of two horses by indians and two killed. we have been prosperous on our journey, the camp are all in better health than when we left winter quarters and we see daily that the lord blesses us and directs the movements of this camp as seemeth him good and as is for our good and prosperity. the road today has been mostly sandy and heavy on teams with but little feed in any place. the country begins to have a more hilly and mountainous appearance. some of the black hills show very plain from here. the timber is mostly ash and cottonwood on the low bottoms near the river. there is some cedar on the bluffs. in one of the large ash trees in the middle of the camp is an indian babe or papoose. it cannot be said to be buried, but deposited, being first wrapped with a skin and then tied between two of the highest limbs of the tree. this is said to be the way they bury their dead. the bark is all peeled off the tree below, i suppose to prevent the wolves from getting up. wednesday, june the morning pleasant. about nine o'clock started over the river in company with the twelve and others to view the fort and also learn something in regard to our journey, etc. elder pratt measured the distance across the river at this spot and found it to be yards. the water is deep in the channel and the current runs about four miles an hour. after crossing we went up to the remains of an old fort called fort platte which is near the banks of the river, the outside walls still standing, but the inside is in ruins, having been burned up. the walls are built of adobes or spanish brick, being large pieces of tempered clay dried in the sun and apparently laid one on another without mortar or cement. the dimensions of this fort outside are feet east to west, and from north to south feet. there is a large door fronting to the south which has led to the dwellings which have been fourteen in number, built in the form of a parallelogram, leaving a large space in the center. the space occupied by the dwelling is not quite half of the whole fort. fronting to the east is another large door which opens upon a large open space ¾ feet by feet where it is supposed they used to keep horses, etc. at the northwest corner is a tower projecting out from the line of the walls six feet each way, or, in other words it is twelve feet square with port holes for cannon. at the northeast corner has been another projection extending eastward ½ feet and is ½ feet wide. the walls are feet high and inches thick. we took the dimensions of this with a tape line and then proceeded to fort laramie about two miles farther west. this latter fort was first built of wood about thirteen years since, and named fort william, but being destroyed was afterwards built seven years ago with adobes and named john. it stands on the bank of the laramie fork. laramie fork is a stream forty-one yards wide, a very swift current, but not deep. we tarried a little while with the mississippi brethren who have camped close by the fort and then went inside. we were politely welcomed by mr. bordeau who appears to be the principal officer. he conducted us up a flight of stairs into a comfortable room and being furnished with seats, we rested ourselves. president young and others entered into conversation with mr. bordeau. from him we learned that we cannot travel over four miles farther on the north side the platte before we come to bluffs which cannot be crossed with loaded wagons. the road is better on this side than the one we have traveled, it being hard and not sandy. feed scarce mostly lying in little patches near the river. they send their furs to fort pierre on the missouri river a distance of miles by land and receive all their stores and provisions back by the same teams, except their meat which they kill, there being buffalo within two days' drive. they have tried making a garden and planting corn which did well enough the first year, but afterwards they could raise nothing for want of rain. they have had no rain for two years until a few days ago. they have got a flat boat which will carry two wagons easily which we can have for fifteen dollars or he will ferry us over for $ . or c a wagon. from the door of this room one can see the same black hill seen on sunday evening and which is laramie peak. we could see the snow lying on it very plainly. we can also see several ranges of high hills in the distance which are no doubt parts of the black hills. we went across the square to the trading house which lies on the north side of the western entrance. the trader opened his store and president young entered into conversation with him. they trade solely with the sioux. the crows come here for nothing but to steal. a few weeks ago a party came down and stole twenty-five horses, all that they had at the fort, although they were within yards of the fort at the time and a guard around them. the sioux will not steal on their own land. a pair of moccasins are worth a dollar, a lariat a dollar, a pound of tobacco a dollar and a half, and a gallon of whiskey $ . . they have no sugar, coffee or spices as their spring stores have not yet arrived. they have lately sent to fort pierre, bales of robes with ten robes in each bale. their wagons have been gone forty-five days, etc. the blacksmith shop lies on the south side of the western entrance. there are dwellings inside the fort beside that of mr. bordeau's. the south end is divided off and occupied for stables, etc. there are many souls at this fort, mostly french, half-breeds, and a few sioux indians. elder pratt measured the river and found it forty-one yards. he also took the latitude which was ° ' ". brother bullock told me that several of the brethren had picked up a number of beads off the ant hills. curiosity led me to go and examine and i found it even so. it appears that the ants gather all the small pebbles they can carry and build them over their hills to prevent the strong winds from blowing them away, and amongst the rest, they picked up beads which have been lost off the indians' moccasins and robes, etc. i picked up quite a number. brother bullock and i took the dimensions of the fort which will be given in another place. we then got on board the boat and had a pleasant ride about three miles down the laramie fork to its mouth, the current being very swift. at the mouth, the brethren mostly got on shore and towed the boat up to camp. after dinner i went over again in the cutter which was going to fish with the seine in the laramie fork. they caught sixty or seventy small fish, salmon, suckers, etc. about six o'clock we returned to camp. the twelve have decided that amasa lyman shall go with brothers woolsey, tippets and stevens to pueblo. they start tomorrow. longitude at fort laramie ° ' ". i have seen three birds here which very much resemble the english magpie in size, shape and color, in fact i know of no difference between the two. we passed a number of currant bushes about four miles back, quite thick with young, green currants. on the morning of the th of june, i put up a guide board on the north side of the river at the ferry with the following inscription on it, viz. winter quarters ¼ miles, junction of the forks ½ miles. ash hollow ¼ miles, chimney rock ¼ miles, scott's bluffs ½ miles. wm. clayton, june , . elder pratt took the altitude of fort laramie and found it to be , feet above the level of the sea. fremont makes , , differing feet. thursday, june the morning cold with strong southeast wind. the first division commenced ferrying over the river at five o'clock and took a wagon over every fifteen minutes. after breakfast i went over and wrote a letter for elder kimball to james brown at pueblo, then walked up to a high bluff on the northwest to view the country, but not being able to see far from it, i went to another over a mile farther northwest. although this last was very high i could see nothing but a succession of high ranges of bluffs as far as i could see, except the narrow space through which the river winds its course. seeing some heavy thunder clouds rising very rapidly from the northwest i returned to camp and arrived just before the rain commenced. elders a. lyman, thomas woolsey, john h. tippets and roswell stevens started at : on horses and mules for pueblo. president young, kimball, richards and pratt accompanied them to the laramie fork and then held a council, kneeled down and dedicated them to god and blessed them. the four then forded the river and went on their journey, the others returned to camp. at half past : p.m. it commenced raining heavily accompanied by hail, lightning and very loud thunder, which lasted till : p.m. during the storm, the horses were mostly secured in the old fort. the ferrying ceased till it was fair again, and about five o'clock the first division were all over. the boat was then manned by the second division, john s. higbee, captain. they averaged a wagon across in eleven minutes and one in ten minutes and one in ten minutes and twenty seconds. the quickest trip made by the first division was thirteen minutes. about seven o'clock it commenced raining again from the southeast and rained heavily, consequently the brethren quit ferrying, leaving three companies of about fifteen wagons on the other side. all the wagons would have been taken over today if it had not been stormy. there is a report come in that there are , wagons on the road to oregon, but a little distance behind, but we are satisfied the report is exaggerated. there are eighteen wagons camped about three miles below and one of the men who has come to the fort says that they have counted over wagons. they have lost four horses by the indians. friday, june morning very fine. laramie peak shows very plain. the brethren commenced ferrying at : a.m., and at eight o'clock the last wagon was over. i walked up to a high bluff with carlos murray and picked up some stalactites clear as crystal supposed to be isinglass. the bluff is very high and almost perpendicular and it is dangerous to get to the crystals. at nine o'clock president young, kimball, w. richards, a. p. rockwood and t. bullock walked up to fort laramie and returned soon after eleven o'clock. they have learned very favorable reports about bear river valley, being well timbered, plenty of good grass, light winters, little snow and abundance of fish, especially spotted trout, in the streams. about half past eleven o'clock brother crow's company came down and joined in with the second division and at twelve we started on our journey again, following the oregon road. we traveled three miles and at minutes past : , halted near some good grass to let our teams feed. the weather is very warm though many light clouds are flying. the bluffs come near the river and are very high, steep, and look like sand. during the halt i went up on a very high bluff near by with my glass. i found it very difficult of ascent. from the top i could see laramie peak very plainly and also some hills a long way off to the northwest. the country looks very hilly as far as can be seen and the snow on the peak shows quite plain. at half past two we continued our journey and found the road sandy and very uneven. at the distance of seven and three quarters miles from fort laramie we descended a very steep pitch or hill. all the wagons had to be locked and we were some time getting down. we went on half a mile farther and formed our encampment in a circle at half past five, having traveled eight and a quarter miles today. at half past five we had a shower accompanied by a little lightning and heavy thunder. i will now give the list of names of brother crow's company who have joined the camp today to go with this pioneer camp. they are as follows: robert crow, elizabeth crow, benjamin b. crow, elizabeth jane crow, john mchenry crow, walter h. crow, geo. w. therlkill, matilla jane therlkill, milton howard therlkill, james william therlkill, william parker crow, isa vinda exene crow, ira minda almarene crow, archibald little, james chesney and lewis b. myers, seventeen in number, making the total number of souls in this pioneer camp, after deducting four gone to pueblo, . lewis b. myers is represented as knowing the country to the mountains, having traveled it, and i am told that he came as a guide to brother crow. they have five wagons, one cart, eleven horses, twenty-four oxen, twenty-two cows, three bulls and seven calves. inasmuch as there have been some changes in horses and mules, i will endeavor to state them and give the number we started with from fort laramie. two horses killed by accident. two horses stolen by the pawnees at gravel creek; one mule traded for a pony by brother markham; three horses and one mule gone with the brethren to pueblo; one horse traded by o. p. rockwell for three cows and two calves; one horse traded by john pack for three buffalo robes; one horse traded by t. brown for a pony at laramie; one pony traded by j. s. higbee to the sioux for a pony. these changes with the addition made by brother crow's company make the number as follows: horses , mules , head of oxen , cows , bulls , calves , dogs and chickens, and wagons and cart. saturday, june the morning pleasant though somewhat cloudy. elder kimball gave george billings a lecture about abusing his team, kicking them, etc. he gave george some very good advice. the horn sounded early to start but we were detained till half past eight on account of several oxen being missing. about that time they were found and we pursued our journey. after traveling a little over four miles we ascended a steep bluff. the road runs on the top of it a little distance in a very crooked direction, the surface in some places being hard, uneven rock, which shakes and jars the wagons very much. in one place there is a little descent and at the bottom a very sharp turn in the road over rough rock. here brother crow's cart turned over. however, it was soon righted and no injury done to anything. at the west foot is a steep, sandy descent but not difficult. the bluff is a half a mile across. about a half a mile from the west foot we turned from the river nearly a west course and crossed a low gravelly channel where it appears the river has run sometime and perhaps does now in high water. the road after this is considerably crooked and uneven. about a mile and a quarter farther we descended again on the same gravelly channel and traveled up it a piece and at : halted for noon opposite a very large spring noticed by fremont. the water of this spring is very clear and soft, but considerably warmer than the river water. we have traveled this morning six and a half miles. just as we halted, two men came down from the other road on mules to water. they are in company with eleven wagons and bound for west of the mountains. they say the other road from laramie is only ten miles to the spring while our road has been ¾ miles. about a half an hour after we stopped, we had a nice shower. the st division halted about a quarter of a mile back from here. latitude at the warm springs ° ' ". while we were halting, the company above referred to passed down the bluffs and went ahead of us. they have got many cows, etc., with them. at : p.m. we resumed our journey. after traveling a mile we turned in a narrow pass to the northwest between two high bluffs and traveled a quarter of a mile farther, then came to where the road rises a very high, steep bluff. at the foot is a short sudden pitch and then a rugged ascent for a quarter of a mile. the bluff is rocky and many large cobble stones lay in the road which made it hard on teams. appleton harmon took one of his yoke of cattle and assisted george billings to the top and brother johnson took appleton's steers and put them forward of his and brought up his wagon. appleton and johnson then took the three yoke of oxen and fetched up appleton's wagon which threw us nearly in the rear of all the wagons, none of the rest doubling teams. after arriving on the top the road was good but still rising for a quarter of a mile farther. we traveled on this high land five and a quarter miles which was very good traveling although it was considerably rolling. four and a half miles from the top of the last mentioned bluff, we passed a large lone rock, standing far away from any other. at five and a quarter miles we descended again from the bluff, the descent being steep and lengthy but sandy and good to travel. at the foot of the bluff we again crossed the gravelly channel and traveled on and alongside about a mile, then descended a little to the bottom prairie again. at : we formed our encampment on the west bank of a small stream and near a very good spring of cold water, having traveled this afternoon ½ miles and during the day seventeen. i have put up two guide boards today. one at and the other at miles from fort john or laramie, but the former name is on the guide boards. the bluffs we have passed today are mostly very high, rocky and broken, with pine growing on most or nearly all of them. we have pretty good feed here and plenty of wood and good water. the gentile camp is a little east of us. they say that there were two more companies arrived at fort laramie this morning as they left, and three other companies within twenty miles of laramie. they left this morning. they left independence on the nd of april. they are expecting the mail soon on mules, but they anticipate keeping ahead of all the companies. we find the road very crooked, but not bad traveling. about dark it rained some, accompanied by lightning and thunder. the camp was notified that tomorrow will be a day for fasting and prayer as last sunday. sunday, june morning cloudy, cool, and like for rain. at eight o'clock the eleven wagons passed us again. at nine the brethren assembled for prayer meeting a little from the camp, but many kept about their wagons, some washing and some at other things. at eleven o'clock, four missourians came up mounted, being part of a company a little behind. some of these are recognized by the brethren and they seem a little afraid and not fond of our company. they say the old settlers have all fled from shariton, missouri, except two tavern keepers, and i feel to wish that their fears may follow them even to oregon. at half past eleven just as the brethren again assembled for meeting it commenced raining hard, accompanied by lightning and heavy thunder which caused the meeting to break up abruptly. during the storm, the missouri company passed by us, having nineteen wagons and two carriages. most of their wagons have five yoke of cattle to each, and few less than four. they have many cows, horses and young cattle with them. they have a guide with them who lives on the st. mary's river at the columbia. he says we shall find water again about six miles from here and then no more for fifteen miles farther. it was then considered wise to move on this afternoon as we cannot well reach the second watering place in one day. soon after twelve o'clock the weather cleared off, the sun shone and looks like for being fine. the wind blows strong from the west. at half past : p.m. the camp began to move forward. about three quarters of a mile we crossed the same small stream again, and two miles further arrived at a sudden bend in the road to the south about two hundred yards and then as sudden to the north the same distance occasioned by the water having washed a deep gulf where the road ought to run. a mile beyond this the wagons came to a halt in a body of timber and brushwood at four o'clock, and halted while the brethren on horseback, viz. elder young, kimball and woodruff, went ahead to look for a camping ground. they returned at : and the camp proceeded on. having proceeded a quarter of a mile we passed the camp of the nineteen wagons close by the timber a little south of the road. several of the men came to look at the roadometer, having heard from some of the brethren that we had one. they expressed a wish to each other to see inside and looked upon it as a curiosity. i paid no attention to them inasmuch as they did not address themselves to me. at a quarter past : p.m. we formed our encampment in an oblong circle, at the foot of a low bluff on the west and close by water, having traveled five miles. the feed here is very good and plentiful. wind strong from the west. road very crooked, mostly a southwest and west course. there is plenty of timber all along and the soil looks good on the low lands. one of the men in the company of the nineteen wagons told g. a. smith that he had broken his carriage spring and seemed much troubled to know what to do to get along. he asked george if there was any man in our company who could fix it. george told him there was. after we were camped, burr frost set up his forge and welded the spring ready to put on before dark. monday, june morning fine. elder pratt gave me some instructions on the use of the sextant and showed me how to take an observation. he has promised to teach me to take observations and calculate latitude and longitude and i intend to improve the opportunity. at : the missouri company passed through again. and at ten minutes past seven we commenced our onward course. dr. richards left a letter in a guide board ¼ miles to fort john. i walked about five miles mostly in company with elder pratt conversing on astronomy and philosophical subjects. elder kimball then let me have his horse to ride. we traveled till eleven o'clock and then halted to feed on the west bank of a small stream and spring of clear water, having traveled ¾ miles, mostly a north of northwest course. the road more even and good traveling. soon after we halted, another company of missourians passed us, having thirteen wagons and mostly four yoke of oxen to each. they say they are from andrew county, missouri. at : we moved forward. at a quarter of a mile began to ascend a bluff which was a quarter of a mile from the bottom to the top, the ascent gradual and tolerably steep. from the top of this hill we had as pleasant a view of the surrounding country as i have ever witnessed. laramie peak appears only a few miles to the southwest, and from that around to the west, north, and northeast, a very extensive view of a beautiful country for many miles, indeed, as far as the eye could survey. from a fair view of the peak i am satisfied that the black hills, of which this is a prominent part, are so named from the vast forests of pine trees covering their surface and being of a dark green color within a few miles of them. the pine grows in the most rocky places and abounds on the highest hills, while on the lower bluffs it is sparsely scattered and in the bottom land, which looks rich and good, there are none. we have passed many noble trees and there is no lack of good pine timber in this region. the peak is very high, and very broken and craggy, the snow still lying on its summit and plainly visible with the naked eye. the ridge over which we passed was a half a mile over from the southeast to the northwest foot. at that distance we began to descend and had to lock the wagons in several places. the descent was rendered unpleasant by the many large cobble stones scattered in the road. many of the brethren threw them out of the road as we went along and the road is much improved. they have also dug down some places and leveled others, which will make the road much better for other companies. at half past three we arrived at horse creek and formed our encampment on the bottom land near the timber or rather in the midst of a grove of ash, cottonwood, etc., having traveled five and a quarter miles this afternoon over crooked road and during the day, thirteen miles. on this camp ground is one of the clearest and largest springs of water i have seen for a long time. elder kimball having discovered it, he calls it his spring or heber's spring. the creek is also clear and said to have trout in it. the feed is much better and more plentiful than we have ever met with on this journey. there is abundance of wild mint and sage growing here; the mint seems to perfume the air. the sage grows in abundance on all this sandy land. there are also many wild currant bushes in full bloom and prickley pears all along the road. the other companies were all within two miles when we arrived here, but mostly going on a few miles farther. a little before we stopped, we had a thunder storm which lasted upwards of an hour. during the latter part of it, it rained very heavily accompanied by hail and thunder and lightning. our hunters have killed a long-tailed deer and an antelope, which were distributed as usual. brother crow's hunter also killed a deer, but they are unwilling to conform to the rules of the camp in dividing and reserve it all to themselves. brother crow observed that if they got more than they could use they would be willing to let the camp have some. some of the other companies killed an antelope, took off the quarters and left the balance on the ground. brother pack picked it up and brought it along. after we stopped brother crow came near meeting with an accident while endeavoring to yoke up a pair of wild steers. it took a number of men to hold them, having lariats on their saddle-horns. they got the lariats entangled round their legs and brother crow also, throwing one of the steers down and he fast with it. they cut the rope and he was liberated without injury. myers, the hunter, roasts the young antlers of the deer and eats them. in regard to brother crow's meat, etc., i afterwards learned that the whole family had to depend on myers for what they eat, having no bread stuff, nor anything only what he kills, and the little flour and meal paid to him for a part of the ferryage, he having a small claim on bordeau. after supper, walked out with elder kimball and was joined by george a. smith. brother smith told me of a good opportunity of sending a letter to my family by some traders who are expected down every day and i feel to improve the opportunity. we had a very strong wind at night, so much that i could not write. tuesday, june morning fine though cool. at half past seven we proceeded on our journey crossing the horseshoe creek, which is about a rod wide. we traveled two and a quarter miles, winding around the foot of high bluffs and then began to ascend them. we found this ascent the worst we have ever had, being three quarters of a mile up, and having in that distance seven very steep rises. on most of them the teams had to double. we saw a buffalo about a half a mile to the south which is the first we have seen since about the st of may. two and a half miles from the east foot of the last bluff we passed over a small creek, nearly dry, and then ascended another high bluff but not nearly so bad a rise as the other one. at : we halted for noon near a very small creek with but little water in it, having traveled six and three quarters miles over hills and valleys, the roads being very crooked. about half an hour before we halted, harriet crow got run over with one of their wagons. the teams had stopped near the descent from the bluffs and she stepped on the wagon tongue to get a drink. the cattle started suddenly, threw her under the wheel which passed over her leg below the knee and downwards, passing over her foot above the toes. she screamed and appeared in great agony. we thought her leg was broken, but were soon satisfied to the contrary. her foot was badly bruised but i think there was nothing broken. one of the women washed it with camphor. she was then put into a wagon and we proceeded on. latitude ° ' ". at : we proceeded. after traveling a little over a mile and a half we passed another small creek, and again ascended a high bluff. we found this ridge more uneven than the other, it being a perfect succession of hills and hollows for five miles. the road was good and hard. while traveling on the top the wind blew very strong from the west and it was so cold that we suffered some. the road over was indeed very crooked but mostly bending to the north. we could see a long distance from the top. the country to the north looks more even but south and southwest very hilly and broken. at five miles we began to descend gradually, and while watching the roadometer i discovered it did not work right which made me pay more attention to it. at ten minutes past six we crossed a stream about thirty feet wide and nearly two feet deep with a very swift current. it is named on fremont's map as la bonte river. we formed our encampment on the west bank in the timber having traveled this afternoon ¾ miles and during the day ½. the evening is very cold and much appearance of rain. porter rockwell has killed a deer and someone else an antelope. porter says he has been on the platte which is about four miles from here following the la bonte. soon after we stopped, the men came into camp who were expected to carry a letter. they are camped about a mile west of us. i finished my letter to my family by candle light, as it is contemplated to start in the morning before breakfast and go a few miles to better feed. wednesday, june arose at : and at : a.m. we moved onward, keeping near the la bonte. at : halted for breakfast beside the traders' camp, having come a mile and a quarter. i sent my letter to them by aaron farr, a number of the brethren also sending letters. while we halted i got the roadometer fixed again and also put up a guide board marked "to fort john miles." these traders or mountaineers said they had left a kind of ferry made of three buffalo skins hung in a tree on the platte and wanted brother crow's company to have it. it was decided to send a company ahead to overreach the missouri companies and get the ferry before they could arrive, and also build a raft for us to cross on, kill game, etc. the men say it is about seventy miles to where we cross the river. nineteen wagons were sent ahead and about forty men to attend to this business. all of brother crow's company went, aaron farr, j. redding, the cutter, etc., being five wagons from the st division and fourteen from the nd. they started about half an hour before we started. we proceeded at : and immediately after starting had to cross a very steep gulf, being difficult for teams to get up, though it was not long. soon after this, four men passed us with pack horses and mules. they say they are from pueblo and going to green river; they told others they were from santa fe and going to san francisco. we found the road very hilly and uneven and crooked as yesterday. at three and three quarters miles passed over a branch of the la bonte, a stream about ten feet wide but not deep. the descent and ascent being very steep, most of the teams required assistance to get up. for half a mile before we crossed this stream and three and a half miles after, our road lay over a kind of red earth or sand about the color of red precipitate. most of the rocks and bluffs are of the same red color, only a deeper red. it affected my eyes much from its brightness and strange appearance. about one and a quarter miles west of the creek president young and kimball saw a large toad which had horns on its head and a tail. it did not jump like a toad but crawled like a mouse. this was seen near a large pile of rock or rather a hill. at : we halted for noon having come ten miles since breakfast. there is little water here for the teams. the day fine and nice west breeze. the road is very crooked, hilly, and mostly rocky, many large cobble stones covering the bluffs, the land barren and little grass. the ground here is covered with large crickets which are so numerous, to walk without stepping on them is almost impossible. at half past two o'clock we were on the move again. i put up another guide board a little east of the creek: " miles." we found the road much better this afternoon, not being so uneven, and tolerably straight excepting a bluff to climb a mile from the creek. at the foot of this bluff i saw a toad with a tail like a lizard, about three inches long. it had no horns but there was the appearance of horns just coming on each side of the head. it resembles a lizard in color, tail, and motion when running swiftly through the grass. its hide appeared hard and on its sides appeared numerous little sharp pointed fins or pricks. in other respects it resembled any common toad. at a quarter past one we formed our encampment on the east banks of a stream about a rod wide, two feet deep and swift current. it is named the a la pierre. we have traveled eight miles this afternoon and during the day ¼. we have a good place for feed but the higher land is barren, abounding only in wild sage. there are still some high bluffs around but the country west appears much more level. the evening fine but cool. after traveling six and a quarter miles from noon halt, passed a small creek, and again three quarters of a mile farther passed the same creek. sterling driggs killed an antelope and a deer. thursday, june the morning calm and very pleasant. there is wild mint growing on the bank of this stream in great plenty and abundance of wild sage on all the higher land. the mint smells natural, but the sage smells strong of turpentine and a little like camphor. started at half past seven and found good roads. at four and a half miles passed over a small creek about three feet wide but not much water, being only a few inches deep. a mile farther passed another creek about five feet wide, clear water and plentiful. at : we halted on the east bank of a stream about thirty feet wide and tolerably deep with a rapid current, having come eight and three quarters miles. we have had several long, steep bluffs to ascend and descend and two places at the creeks where it was hard for the teams to get up without help. we saw one of the missouri companies a few miles ahead of us. edmund elsworth killed an antelope. there is good feed here and plentiful. our road has been crooked mostly winding northward. the creek on which we camped last night is named a la pierre and about a mile from where the road crosses, it runs through a tunnel from ten to twenty rods under the high rocky bluffs. the tunnel is high enough for a man to stand upright in it, and when standing at the entrance one can see the light through on the other side. it seems as though this tunnel has been formed by some strange feat of nature. several of the brethren went to see it. lewis barney and another brother each killed an antelope which were brought into camp during the halt and divided. the brethren carried the two last about five miles on their shoulders. we have learned today from one of the travelers that there is one man living and making a farm in the bear river valley. at a quarter to : we continued our journey. found the road somewhat more even and good traveling. i put a guide board this morning at miles from fort john, and this afternoon after traveling three and a quarter miles from noon halt i put up another mark at miles. just as i finished setting it, i looked forward and saw the platte river again. after descending a half a mile we were on its banks, being miles since we left it on saturday last, after having wound around among the hills and bluffs all the way. when we arrived near the river the road was more level but sandy and harder on our teams. there are also some low places where the water stands, making it soft, but scarcely any feed for teams since we left the creek at noon. at a quarter to six we passed another stream about thirty feet wide and two feet deep, swift current and clear water. name is deer creek. there is plenty of timber on its banks and abundance of good, rich grass for our teams. we formed our encampment on the west bank in a grove of large timber. about a mile back we passed a sick horse supposed to be left by some of the companies ahead. brother markham bled it in its mouth, but could not get it along and had to leave it. the distance we have traveled this afternoon was nine miles and during the day ¾ miles, the last five miles being nearly a west course. soon after we camped, horace whitney went to fishing in this stream. we were soon satisfied that there are plenty of fish in it. i got a line and went to fishing also and in a few minutes caught two which would weigh a half a pound each. we then went a piece below the ford and by fishing till a little after dark i caught twenty-four nice fish which would average over a half a pound each, and some of them would weigh over a pound each. the ones i caught were of a very bright color and very much resembled the herring, but much larger. horace caught a cat fish and two suckers. a number of brethren also caught more and some less. there is abundance of fish in this stream and we might have caught enough for all the camp with the sein but it is ahead with those who are gone to build a raft. the twelve and some others walked out together to the river about a quarter of a mile up the stream. some of the brethren discovered a rich bed of stone coal where any quantity might easily be dug, and it is said to look good and is a fine quality. the land here on the bottom is rich and would doubtless yield good crops of grain and potatoes, etc. lewis barney killed an antelope this afternoon which was distributed as he saw fit, inasmuch as he was not appointed a hunter. the evening is very fine, calm and pleasant indeed. friday, june arose at four o'clock to try and get some more fish. morning fine and warm, but caught only four. i procured a sample of the stone coal from g. a. smith. it looks good. this place reminds me of england. the calm, still morning with the warbling of many birds, the rich grass, good streams, and plenty of timber, make it pleasant. at : we again continued our journey along the banks of the river which appears somewhat wider here than at laramie. at two and a half miles we passed a deep hollow, the banks on both sides being very steep. at four and a quarter miles put up a guide board at miles from laramie, having traveled it in a week lacking two and a quarter hours. at : we halted for noon in a grove of timber where there is plenty of good feed for a large company. the land since morning has been generally level, but sandy and no grass. the road somewhat crooked. about a mile back we came around a bend to the south caused by a deep ravine. we had to travel more than a mile to make a quarter of a mile direct. william empey, edmund elsworth, and francis m. pomeroy, each killed an antelope. several of the brethren have taken an interest in the guide boards and wherever they see a piece of board sufficiently large, they pick it up and preserve it. by this means we have now got enough to last miles. the distance we have traveled since morning is nine and a quarter miles, being miles in the week including sunday, or miles in six days. about half an hour after we halted, brother joseph hancock came in with the hind quarters of an antelope which he killed about three miles back. he could not carry the remainder and left it on the ground. at two o'clock we started again. after traveling one mile, we crossed a very crooked, muddy creek, about twelve feet wide and over a foot deep. the descent and ascent were both bad on account of a crook from one to the other. there is plenty of feed on its banks, but no wood. five and three-quarters miles farther another muddy creek about three feet wide and bad to cross on account of the clay being very soft in its banks. the balance of the road good, but considerably crooked. at half past five o'clock we came to a halt on account of seeing a number of wagons about a half mile ahead which proved to be two of the missouri companies camped on the banks of the river and preparing to cross here. it was also ascertained that there is no camping place beyond them unless we go some distance. it was decided to turn off to the river opposite where we are and camp for the night and the wagons proceeded accordingly. we went a half a mile from the road and at six o'clock formed our encampment near the river where there is plenty of timber, having come on the road this afternoon seven and three-quarters miles and during the day seventeen miles, exclusive of the distance we turned off to camp. the feed here is good and plentiful. the region on the banks of the river is pretty level, but a few miles to the south there are very high bluffs. very little chance for feed except in places on the banks of the river and generally where there is timber. these missourian companies inform us that the regular crossing place is twelve miles farther and that our brethren are gone on there and also the balance of the missourian companies. these men have got a light flat boat with them and have already got one load over. they say they have killed three bears between here and the bluffs. they have also killed a buffalo. there have been signs of bears seen by our brethren a number of times, but no bears for a certainty. we have only seen one buffalo since we left laramie until today, when several have been seen. one of the missourians brought a snow ball from the hill on the south. he gave rockwood a piece of it, and he brought it to camp. elder kimball and several others saw it which now convinces us snow is yet lying on these high bluffs. henson walker, charles barnum and brother owens have each killed an antelope this afternoon, making eight during the day. saturday, june morning very fine with nice east breeze. brother markham has learned this morning that obadiah jennings was the principal in killing bowman in missouri. bowman was one of the guard who let joseph and hyrum and the others get away when prisoners in missouri. the mob suspected him and rode him on a bar of iron till they killed him. at a quarter past eight o'clock we continued our journey. at one and a half miles crossed a deep gulch pretty difficult to descend but not bad to ascend. one and three-quarters miles farther, we crossed a small creek about two feet wide on a bridge which the brethren fixed, they having started ahead of the wagons for that purpose. one mile beyond the last mentioned creek we crossed another muddy stream about five feet wide, and one and a half feet deep. at a quarter to : , we halted after crossing another large ravine, having traveled seven and three-quarters miles over a sandy, barren prairie. in some places it is soft, although the soil is much like clay in appearance. the road somewhat crooked, and the day fine and warm. during the halt, brother rockwood called upon the brethren to help fix another ravine immediately west of us. many turned out and it was soon done. james case and s. markham went to the river opposite here to see if it could be forded. they waded their horses over and found the water about four feet six inches deep in the channel and the current very swift. of course it could not be forded with loads in the wagons, but the loading would have to be ferried in the boat. they made a report of this kind on their return to camp and about the same time brother chesley came down from the brethren ahead and reported their progress and the nature of the crossing place, etc. a number of the brethren in company with elder kimball and chesley went to the river opposite the camp to decide whether to cross here or go on. brother markham and case again went over, but it was finally concluded to go up to the other ferry. we accordingly started at half past two. i went ahead on foot. at three and a quarter miles, crossed a creek about five feet wide. at half past four the encampment was formed on the banks of the river, having come four miles, and during the day eleven and a quarter. it is about a half a mile from our camp to the place where they ferry. i arrived at the brethren's camp at four o'clock and learned that they arrived here yesterday about noon. two of the missourian companies arrived about the same time. the brethren concluded that a raft would be of no use on account of the swiftness of the current. the missourian company offered to pay them well if they would carry their company over in the boat and a contract was made to do so for $ . per load, the brethren to receive their pay in flour at $ . per hundred. they commenced soon after and this evening finished their work, and received the pay mostly in flour, a little meal and some bacon. they have made $ . with the cutter all in provisions which is a great blessing to the camp inasmuch as a number of the brethren have had no bread stuff for some days. during the afternoon yesterday, one of the men of the missourian company undertook to swim across the river with his clothes on. when he reached the current he became frightened and began to moan. some of our men went to him with the cutter and arrived in time to save his life. the missourian company seem to feel well toward us and express their joy at having got across the river so soon. rodney badger exchanged wagons with one of them and got a wagon as good as his own, only the tire wants setting. he got a horse, lbs. flour, lbs. of bacon and some crackers to boot. the provisions and horse are considered to be worth as much as his wagon. since the brethren arrived here they have killed three buffalo, a grizzly bear and three cubs, and two antelope. the buffalo are very fat and the meat is good and sweet. according to the idea of some french travelers camped here, the buffalo are making down east behind the hills opposite here, which they say is a certain sign that the indians are on sweet water hunting them. the brethren say that the buffalo are very plentiful back of these hills. when i returned to camp i learned that tunis rappleyee and artemas johnson were missing, the former having started for the hills to get a little snow; the latter having been hunting all day. a company were sent out with the bugle to find them. brother rappleyee returned about eleven o'clock. johnson was found by the brethren who returned still later. all agreeing with the report that the hills are eight or ten miles distance, although they do not appear more than one mile. there were four antelope killed by the brethren but divided according to the feelings of those who killed them. sunday, june the morning fine and pleasant. at nine o'clock the brethren assembled in the circle for prayer and after they had spent some time, elder kimball arose and addressed them exhorting them to be watchful and humble, to remember their covenants and above all things avoid everything that will lead to division, etc. he made use of the similitude of the potter and the clay to show that every man had the privilege of being exalted to honor and glory if he did not mar in the hands of the potter, but would continue passive, etc. his remarks were very touching and appropriate to our circumstances. president young followed next on the "liberty of the gospel" showing that it guarantees all fullness of liberty to every man which fact will tend to his salvation and increase, but does not give us liberty to break the laws of god, to wander off to the mountains and get lost, nor to kill the works of god's hands to waste it, etc. he was followed by elder pratt on the subject of our avoiding all excesses of folly of every description, inasmuch as it disqualifies from the society of just men and angels. he exhorted the brethren to be watchful and to seek after wisdom and knowledge. the meeting was dismissed at half past twelve and a company were then dispatched to get poles to lash the wagons together to prevent their rolling over when crossing. another company were sent over the river to build a raft to cross over provisions, etc. the brethren are gone to work and are diligently preparing to cross the river tomorrow. the day has been very hot, more like a summer day than any we have yet had on the journey. the ground seems to be alive with the large crickets, and it is said that the bears feed on them and pick them up very fast. a person who has never seen them could form no idea of the vast numbers of crickets in this region. i spent the day writing in elder kimball's journal. phineas young came in from the mountain, having killed a deer. monday, june morning cloudy and cool. at four o'clock the first division commenced ferrying their goods over the river in the cutter and some time afterwards commenced taking the wagons across on a raft which proved to be very slow work. the second division also began to take their goods over on a raft but the current was so strong they only took two loads over in it and then quit. the second division then got a rope stretched across the river from shore to shore and lashing two wagons fast together to keep them from rolling over, they dragged them over by the rope, letting them drift with the current to save breaking the rope. when the wagons struck on the sand on the other side the upper one keeled over, and finally rolled over the other one, breaking the bows considerably and losing iron, etc., in the wagon to the amount of $ . belonging to john pack. the other wagon had the reach broken and some of the bows. they next lashed four wagons together abreast and dragged them over the same way. all got over well except the upper one which turned on its side, but it was righted again without damage. they next tried one wagon alone, but as soon as it got into the current it rolled over and over, breaking the bows pretty badly. the plan of taking one wagon at a time on a raft is the safest, no accident having occurred with it and the wagons got over dry but it is very slow and would take us three or four days to get all the wagons across. the wind blows strong from the southwest which is much to our disadvantage. at : we had a very heavy thunder storm. the rain was heavy indeed, accompanied by hail and as strong a wind as i ever witnessed. after the storm was over the ferrying was continued, getting my trunk, etc., and the loads in brother johnson and harmon's wagons over, and also harmon's wagon, johnson's being got over just before the storm. it took till nearly ten o'clock to get the loading into the wagons and get regulated. the river has been rising all day and has risen very fast since the storm. the men have tried hard, much of the time being in the water and sometimes up to their armpits which is very fatiguing indeed. when they quit at night the first division had got eleven wagons over, the second division twelve, making twenty-three wagons after a very hard day's labor. there was no difficulty in getting the freight over for one man can carry it in the cutter faster than all the rest of the camp can get the wagons over. tuesday, june the morning fine but very windy. the brethren continued ferrying wagons over on the raft and also built two other rafts. the wind being so high they could not get along very fast. in the afternoon they commenced driving over some of the horses and cattle belonging to brother crow's company. they neglected to take the lariats off the horses and the buffalo horse was soon seen to be drowning. some of the men immediately went to it with the skiff and dragged him to the shore but could not succeed in bringing him to life. his natural make seemed to hurt him from swimming. the rest all got over safely. the cattle got over safely also; the current was very strong, the wind high and the river rising which made it look dangerous to swim the cattle across. it was concluded today to leave several brethren here to make a boat and keep a ferry till the next company comes up. by that means they will probably make enough to supply a large company with provisions. we have learned from a missourian that there is a large company of emigrants coming up on the north side of the platt above grand island. there are doubtless some of our brethren and if so they will probably reach us before we get through. the day continued windy and somewhat inclined to storm, but they succeeded in getting nearly twenty wagons over before night. wednesday, june the morning fine but strong west wind. the brethren continue ferrying. a company have gone back about three miles to make two canoes on which they intend to build a boat to be used here till the next company comes up. another company also went about half a mile up the river to make slabs or puncheons to lay on the canoes. a while before dark the brethren returned from below with two good canoes twenty-five feet long each and nearly finished and ready to put together. the ferrying continued all day but with great difficulty on account of the strong wind blowing down stream. when they started over with brother goddard's wagon the wind was blowing strong. james craig and wordsworth were on the raft with poles and when they got nearly half way across brother craig's pole stuck in the sand and threw him overboard. he swam back to shore and in spite of brother wordsworth's exertions, the wind and current carried the raft about two miles down the river. it was finally landed by the help of the cutter and without accident. they have had three rafts working today, two of which they now work by oars which are proving to be far superior to poles in this strong current. at the close of day there were still a number of wagons on the south shore. those which had been brought over could not be easily counted on account of their being scattered all along the banks of the river for about a mile in length. it was now contemplated to leave a company of brethren at this ferry to ferry over the gentile companies for a dollar and a half a load till the next company of our brethren arrive. this is the object for which the new boat is being built. they will thus earn a good stock of provisions for themselves and be prepared to set the brethren of the next company over without delay and will also be able to preserve the boat for our use, for it is the instructions of the president that when they have ferried our brethren over to cache the boat and come on with them. thursday, june the morning fine but windy and cold. the brethren renewed the ferrying early and soon after noon they had got the last wagon safely over which was a matter of rejoicing to all the camp. two companies of the missourians had arrived and made application to be set over at a dollar and a half a load. when the contract was made with the first company to be sent across as soon as our wagons were over, the other company of ten wagons offered to pay the brethren c per man extra if they would set them over first, making $ . over the stated price for ferriage being ten of the brethren to work at it. colonel rockwood had made a contract to the above effect with the first company and did not like to break it. however, he received a hint that this was colonel markham's day for the use of the boat and consequently colonel markham had a right to take the last offer if he chose. he took the hint and they went to work forthwith at a dollar and a half a wagon in provisions at missouri prices and c extra per man in what they preferred for themselves. the afternoon and evening was very cold indeed with a very strong wind. after president young and kimball got their wagons over, being about the last, orders were given for the camp to come together and form the wagons in a circle near the ferry. it took till near dark before all the wagons got up. the ferrying was continued all night and till daylight at which time many of the missourians' wagons in the two companies were over. friday, june morning very cold and windy. the brethren continued working at the new boat, others continued ferrying the missourians' wagons over. it was concluded not to start today but wait and assist in finishing the boat and also to take the provisions on which will be realized from these two companies. after dinner, i went with brother pack to fish in the last creek we crossed about a mile and a half distance. we found the fish numerous and had good luck. i caught sixty-five very nice ones which would average half a pound weight each. about six o'clock i started back but found i had got more than i could easily carry to camp. however, when i got about half way, brother cloward met me and helped to carry them. we arrived at the camp about sundown pretty well tired. the afternoon was very warm and pleasant. when we arrived the twelve and some others were going to council. i went with them. the names of those who are appointed to tarry were read over as follows: thomas grover, john s. higbee, luke johnson, appleton harmon, edmund ellsworth, francis m. pomeroy, william empey, james davenport, and benjamin f. stewart. thomas grover was appointed captain. the president then referred to brother glines who was wishful to stay but the president said he had no council for him to tarry, but he might do as he had a mind to. some explanations followed by glines, but the unanimous feeling of the brethren was to have him go on. the president preached a short sermon for the benefit of the young elders. he represented them as being continually grasping at things ahead of them which belong to others. he said the way for young elders to enlarge their dominion and power is to go to the world and preach and then they can get a train and bring it up to the house of the lord with them, etc. the letter of instructions was then read and approved by the brethren and the council was then dismissed. saturday, june morning fine but cool. at : the camp started out again in good health and spirits and the teams in very good order. it was remarked by several that their stock had fattened so much while stopping at the ferry, they hardly knew them. the grass appears to be rich and good. the first six miles of the road was nearly in a west direction over several considerably high bluffs. at that distance the road turns suddenly to the south and rises up a very high bluff which is upwards of a mile from the foot to the summit. there is some interesting scenery on the top of this bluff, especially a range of rough, coarse, sandy rocks of a dark brown color, rising abruptly above the surface of the land in huge masses and ranging east and west. the descent on the south side was rough, crooked and uneven, and about half way down was a bed of white earth mixed with black in places and others yellow. in one place you can pick up small fragments of rock of each color within a yard of each other. towards the foot, the road is still more uneven and there are several steep pitches and rises. at one o'clock we halted for noon on a spot of good grass about a quarter of a mile from a small spring which is the first water we have come to since leaving the ferry which is eleven and a quarter miles. there is no timber nearer than the bluffs probably two miles away and that is small cedar and little of it. the red buttes are nearly opposite to this place towards the southeast and appear to be two high bluffs of red earth or sand, presenting a very triangular, yet interesting appearance. after stopping about an hour it was decided to move on to the spring and we started accordingly and found it to be a small stream of water rising out of the quick sands. at the distance of twelve miles from the ferry there is quite a lake of water supposed to be supplied by a spring. indeed we could see the water boil up out of the mud in several places. the grass on the banks of this lake is good and plentiful but no timber within two miles or upwards. after watering teams at the lake, at ten minutes to three we continued our journey, bearing near a southwest course over rolling prairie. at the distance of eight miles from the spring there is a steep descent from a bluff and at the foot there is a high ridge of sharp pointed rocks running parallel with the road for near a quarter of a mile, leaving only sufficient space for wagons to pass. at the south point there is a very large rock lying close to where the road makes a bend, making it somewhat difficult to get by without striking it. the road is also very rough with cobble stones. at : we formed our encampment in a small spot surrounded by high bluffs, having traveled this afternoon ten and a quarter miles and during the day twenty-one and a half which is the longest distance we have traveled in one day since we left winter quarters, and this is considered by all to be the worst camping ground we have had on the journey, but we were obliged to take it for there is neither wood, grass, nor water since we left the spring. the land being perfectly sandy and barren, and nothing growing but wild sage and a small prickly shrub something like those on the moors in lancashire, england. there is some grass in this place for our teams but no wood. the brethren have to make use of the wild sage and buffalo chips to do their cooking. there are two small streams of water, one appears to come from the northwest and is not very bad water; the other is from the southwest and is so bad that cattle will not drink it. it is strong of salt or rather saleratus and smells extremely filthy. its banks are so perfectly soft that a horse or ox cannot go down to drink without sinking immediately nearly overhead in thick, filthy mud, and is one of the most horrid, swampy, stinking places i ever saw. it was found necessary to keep a guard out to prevent the cattle from getting into it and orders were given to drive them down a little east where feed is pretty good and it is not so dangerous of their miring. the mosquitoes are very bad indeed at this place which adds to the loathsome, solitary scenery around. porter rockwell returned from hunting soon after we had camped and reported that he had killed a fat buffalo about two miles off. a team was sent to fetch in the meat which they did not return till long after dark. elder kimball saw six buffalo while riding ahead to look out a camp ground. they are represented as being more tame. myers killed two buffalo, but took only the tallow and tongues and left the rest to rot on the ground. john norton and andrew gibbons left the camp at the springs and went out to hunt, expecting we should stay there till monday. gibbons has not been seen or heard of since. norton has returned and reports that he has killed a buffalo and left it back not far from the spring. about nine o'clock there was an alarm that an ox had mired. he was nearly covered but soon got out again. sunday, june morning fine, mosquitoes very bad. two more oxen found almost buried in the mud and all hands appeared wishful to leave this place and at a quarter past five o'clock we moved out. the first mile was bad traveling, there being several steep pitches in the road making it dangerous for axletrees. a number of the brethren went ahead with picks and spades and improved the road somewhat. after traveling three and three quarters miles we halted for breakfast at seven o'clock beside a small clear stream of spring water about a foot wide, but plenty for camping purposes. the feed on its banks good and plentiful but no wood yet. elder kimball states that when he and elder benson were riding ahead last evening to look out a camping ground they came within a quarter of a mile of this place but were not near enough to discover the water. a while before they arrived here, as they were riding slowly along, they saw six men suddenly spring up from the grass to the left of the road. the men were clothed in blankets some white and some blue and had every appearance of being indians and the brethren thought they were indians. the six mounted their horses and started on in a direction parallel with the road. the brethren also kept on their course. in a little while one of the supposed indians left the rest and rode towards the brethren and motioned with his hand for them to go back. they, however, kept on and paid no attention to his motion. when he saw them still coming, he wheeled round and joined the others who all put spurs to their horses and were soon out of sight behind a higher piece of land. soon as they were out of sight elder kimball and benson spurred their horses and rode to the ridge and as they arrived there they discovered a camp of the missourians about a quarter of a mile to the left of the road and the six indians were just entering the camp. the brethren were now satisfied that these indians were missourians and had taken this plan to keep us back from this good camp ground. it is considered as an old missouri trick and an insult to the camp, and if they undertake to play indian again, it is more than likely they will meet with indian treatment. their camp left here a little before we arrived this morning and it is now president young's intention to press on a little faster and crowd them up a little. we have learned from one of the emigrants a few miles in our rear that andrew gibbons tarried with their camp over night. when he returned to the spring and found our camp gone and the missourians' camp there, he told them of the dead buffalo killed by norton. they went and fetched what meat they wanted and feasted on it, he joining with them and faring well. at a quarter past nine we proceeded on our journey. after traveling three miles, we arrived at the willow spring and halted a little while to get water. this spring is about two feet wide and the water ten inches deep, perfectly clear, cold as ice water, and very good tasting. there is a willow grove extending for some distance above and below it which will answer very well for firing purposes. the grass is good and plentiful and it is one of the loveliest camping spots i have seen on the journey, though the land where the stream runs below the spring is soft and some danger of cattle miring. the spring is situated between two very high hills and is about three rods west of the road and shielded from the sun by a bank about eight feet high and the willow grove. a little piece before we arrived at the spring there are two very deep ravines to cross, which requires some care on the part of the teamsters to prevent accidents. at a quarter of a mile beyond the spring we began to ascend a very high hill which was one mile from the foot to the top and the ascent pretty steep. the summit of this hill is nicely rounding and considered to be much the highest we have traveled over. from the top can be seen a vast extent of country to the south, west, and north. for about twenty or thirty miles to the south there appears to be a tolerably level bottom over which our future road runs. beyond this there are vast ranges of high hills whose summits are spotted with snow. in the distance to the southwest can be seen a small body of water which we suppose to be a part of the sweet water river. to the west the ridges of rocks or hills appear nearer. they are probably not over fifteen miles from us. on the north we can see hills a long distance. the one opposite red buttes, near the spring where we halted yesterday noon, appears only a few miles distance. the view from this hill is one of romantic beauty which cannot easily be surpassed and as president young remarked, would be a splendid place for a summer mansion to keep tavern. we then descended on the southwest corner of the hill and found it to be just one mile farther to the foot. at the distance of three quarters of a mile farther we found a good place for feed, being plenty of grass, but no water nor wood. at a mile and a quarter still farther we crossed a very bad slough which is about a rod across and following the road, nearly three feet deep in water and stiff mud. most of the wagons crossed a little to the right of the road and found it not so difficult to cross, yet very soft. there is also plenty of good grass at this spot. a mile beyond this slough we ascended a very steep bluff though not very high and the descent on the southwest is also very steep. at : we halted to feed in a ravine where there is plenty of grass and a good stream of water about three hundred yards south from the road but destitute of wood. we have traveled this forenoon nine miles over barren, sandy land being no grass only in the spots above mentioned. during the halt it was decided that president young take the lead with his wagon and try to proceed a little faster. at five o'clock we again proceeded, the president's wagon going first; all the others keeping their places. i will here remark that it is the order of our traveling for each company of ten to go forward in their turn. the first ten in the first division taking the lead one day, then on the second day it falls in the rear of the first division, the second ten takes the lead and this continues till each company of ten have taken the lead one day a piece. then the first division falls in the rear of the second division which also begins by companies of ten to take the lead of the road as stated above and when each ten have had their day, the second division again falls in the rear of the first which continues in the same order. thus every man has his equal privilege of traveling one with another. after traveling two and a half miles we descended to the bottom land again and saw a small stream a little to the left of the road where there is plenty of grass. one and three quarters miles farther we crossed a creek of tolerably clear water about six feet wide and one foot deep, but neither grass nor timber on its banks. after traveling seven miles this afternoon we turned off from the road to the left and at : formed our encampment on a ridge near the last mentioned creek where there is good feed, having traveled this afternoon seven and a quarter miles, exclusive of allowance for turning from the road, and during the day twenty miles. we had been in hopes of reaching the sweet water but it appears we are yet some miles from it. the whole country around is entirely destitute of timber, not a tree to be seen, nor a shrub larger than the wild sage which abounds in all this region of country and will answer for cooking when nothing else can be found. some anxiety is felt on account of the absence of elder woodruff and john brown. they started ahead this morning with instructions to go on about fifteen miles and if they found a good place to camp, to stay. they have not been seen or heard of since. it is supposed they have fallen in with some of the companies either forward or back and have concluded to tarry with them over night. monday, june morning very fine and warm. from this place we can see a huge pile of rocks to the southwest a few miles. we have supposed this to be the rock of independence. after breakfast i went to view it and found that it was a vast pile of rocks extending from south to north about five hundred feet and in width, one hundred feet. the rocks are large and seem piled on one another with the edges up. there is no earth on the ridge but a little drift sand in which there are currant and rose bushes growing. i saw a large mouse on the top which had a long bushy tail like a squirrel. it sat up and acted in every respect like a squirrel, but in size and color resembled a mouse. at : the camp proceeded onward. after traveling three and a quarter miles we arrived on a bed of saleratus which was a quarter of a mile across and on which were several lakes of salt water. this place looks swampy and smells bad. the beds of saleratus smell like lime, but the saleratus itself is said to raise bread equal to the best bought in eastern markets. lorenzo young gathered a pail full in a short time with a view to test its qualities. large quantities may be gathered in a short time and when pulverized it looks clean and nice. we are now satisfied that the water we saw from the hills yesterday must have been some of these lakes as the sweet water is not yet in sight, but these being high, show at a long distance. the water is not very salty but brackish and tastes sickly. it is reported by travelers that these are poisonous, but it is probable that all the poison there is about them is their salt causing cattle to drink freely when they can get no other water, and the more they drink, the more thirsty they get till they burst themselves, which is said to be the effect of drinking the poison, viz., to burst. as we passed along a little farther we saw another large lake to the left and one to the right of the same nature, their banks mostly white with saleratus. at twelve o'clock we arrived on the banks of the sweet water, having traveled seven and a half miles over a very sandy road destitute of wood, water or grass. the distance from the upper ferry of the platte river to this place is forty-nine miles by the roadometer. there has formerly been a ford here but lately emigrants have found a better ford higher up the river. at this place the river is probably seven or eight rods wide and over three feet deep at the ford, but in some places it is much deeper still. the current is very swift, the water a little muddy, but pleasant tasting. by watching it closely it is easy to see on the surface numerous small bright particles floating which at first sight might be supposed to be salt, however the water itself has not the least saline taste. on the banks of the river there is plenty of good grass but destitute of wood there being only one solitary tree to be seen and that stands beside this fording place. the only chance for fuel appears to be the wild sage and other small shrubbery occasionally growing in spots on the low banks. after we halted, sister harriet young made some bread using the lake saleratus and when baked was pronounced to raise the bread and taste equal to the best she had ever used and it requires less of this than the common saleratus. a number of the brethren went back during the halt and filled their pails with it calculating to make use of it during our future journey. the day has been very hot and no wind which makes it unpleasant traveling. elder woodruff and brown again joined the camp on our arrival here and reported that they had spent the night in one of the gentile camps which are now some miles ahead of us. there are many high hills or ridges of the granite rock in the neighborhood, especially in the east and west, all entirely destitute of vegetation and which present a very wild and desolate as well as romantic aspect. i can describe their appearance only by saying that it seems as though giants had in by-gone days taken them in wheelbarrows of tremendous size and wheeled up in large heaps, masses of heavy clay which has consolidated and become solid, hard rock. the rock independence lies a little west of where we have halted and after dinner i went to view it as well as many others. it lies on the north bank of the river in this shape: the extreme southeast corner reaches to within about three rods of the river and runs in a direction northwest while the river at this place runs nearly a west course. it is composed of the same barren granite as other masses in this region and is probably yards long, yards wide and yards in perpendicular height as near as i could guess. the ascent is difficult all around. travelers appear to have ascended it mostly at the southeast corner where there are some hundreds of names of persons who have visited it, both male and female, painted on the projecting surfaces with black, red, and some with yellow paint. about half way up there is a cavern about twelve feet long and three feet wide at the bottom but at the top about ten feet wide and eight feet high, formed by a very large heavy mass of rock having sometime fallen over an opening or cavity leaving scarcely room enough for a man to enter. however there are three places by which it may be entered though not without difficulty. there are a number of names inside the cavern put on with black paint, doubtless being the names of persons who have visited it. on the top of the rock the surface is a little rounding something like a large mound with large masses of loose rock lying scattered around. proceeding forward you descend, when nearly half way of the length, to a considerably lower surface which continues some distance and then rises high again to about the same height as the first section. on the top there are a number of small pools of water, no doubt collected during heavy rains and having no chance to run off, they stand until evaporated into the atmosphere. some of the pools are eight inches deep and taste like rain water. it is more difficult descending from the rock than to ascend it on account of its being hard and slippery and nothing to hang on, and a visitor has to be careful or he will arrive on the ground with bruised limbs. at three o'clock p.m. they started on and on arriving at the rock found it to be one and a quarter miles from noon halt. we put up a guide board opposite the rock with this inscription on it. "to fort john ¼ miles. pioneers, june , . w. r." the letters w. r. are branded on all the guide boards at the doctor's request so as to have a mark that the saints might know; and his brand is generally known by the saints. after traveling on the banks of the river one mile beyond the rock, we forded over and found it nearly three feet deep in the channel. all the wagons got over without difficulty or much loss of time. we then continued a southwest course four and a half miles farther and arrived opposite devil's gate which lies a little to the west of the road; and a quarter of a mile beyond this, the road passes between two high ridges of granite, leaving a surface of about two rods of level ground on each side the road. the road then bends to the west and a quarter of a mile farther, passes over a small creek two feet wide but bad crossing on account of its being deep and muddy, requiring caution in the teamsters to prevent accident. president young, kimball and others went to view the north side of devil's gate and returning reported that the devils would not let them pass, or meaning that it was impossible to go through the gateway so called. we proceeded on a little farther and at : formed our encampment on the bank of the river having traveled this afternoon seven and three quarters miles, and during the day fifteen and a quarter. the feed here is good and plentiful and a little cedar can be obtained at the foot of one of the rocky ridges about a quarter of a mile back. after we had camped i went back to view the devil's gate where the river runs between two high rocky ridges for the distance of about yards. the rock on the east side is perpendicular and was found by a barometrical measurements by elder pratt to be feet ¼ inches high. the one on the west side is about the same height but not perpendicular bending a little from the river gradually to the top. the river has a channel of about three rods in width through this pass which increases its swiftness and, dashing furiously against the huge fragments of rock which have fallen from the mountain, makes a roar which can be heard plainly in the camp. one of the brethren fired off his rifle at the foot of the rock and the report resembled much like that of a cannon. others tumbled fragments of rocks from a projection at the entrance about feet high, which made a very loud rumbling sound caused by the echoes. the scenery is one of romantic grandeur and it seems wonderful how the river could ever find a channel through such a mass of heavy, solid rock. the view from this evening's encampment over the surrounding country is sublime. to the east, south, and southwest the sweet water mountains tower high and appear spotted with snow; and about twenty to thirty miles distance from the river to the west are also hills and ridges interspersed as far as the eye can reach, except the land immediately on the river which appears even for many miles. these high, barren, rocky ridges on the north side of the river seem to continue for many miles. tuesday, june morning fine. at : we continued our journey and about yards from where we camped, crossed a very crooked creek about six feet wide descending from the southwest. after traveling three miles over heavy, sandy roads, we crossed another creek about six feet wide; and three and three quarters miles farther, a creek two feet wide. somewhere near this last creek, brother lorenzo young broke one of his axle trees which detained him some time. one of the missourian companies came up soon after the accident and took his load into one of their wagons and by splicing a piece of wood on his axle tree, he was enabled to follow our camp. at : we halted on the banks of the river, having traveled ten miles over a very sandy, barren land, there being no grass only on the creeks and river banks. during the halt, elder pratt took an observation and found the latitude of this place ° ' ". president young went back to meet lorenzo but soon found he was coming on with the missourian company who were approaching near us. he immediately turned about and on arriving back gave orders to get up the teams and proceed so as to keep ahead of the other company who say they have traveled from independence rock without halting. however, they passed before we could start and got ahead of us. the day has been hot and a little wind. at : we continued, finding the road again leaving the river. at half a mile, we passed a very large lake on our left which covers an area of over acres of land. its banks are mostly white with the alkali or saleratus. after passing this lake the road runs south, passing between high sandy bluffs after which it again turns around gradually towards the west and descending a steep bluff over very heavy, sandy land. after traveling five and three quarters miles crossed a creek about six feet wide and a foot deep. the bank on each side is very steep and sandy, making it difficult for teams to get up. here sterling driggs had his harness broken to pieces by his horses springing suddenly when attempting to rise out of the creek. they cleared themselves from the wagon which was hauled up by a yoke of oxen so as not to hinder the rest from crossing. the banks of this creek are well lined with sage instead of grass which is very large and thick on the ground on account of which elder kimball named this sage creek. after passing this creek one and three quarters miles we again arrived on the banks of the river and continued to travel near to it. at two and a quarter miles farther crossed a creek three feet wide, but not much to be depended on for water. at : we formed our encampment at the foot of a very high gravelly bluff and near the river, having traveled this afternoon ten and three quarters miles and during the day twenty and three quarters miles over mostly a very sandy road. this is a very good camp ground, there being plenty of grass for our teams which is well worth traveling a few miles extra. from this place the country seems fortified by hills and mountains especially on the west. lewis barney and joseph hancock have each killed an antelope during the day, but there appears to be no buffalo in the neighborhood. wednesday, june morning fine and warm. after breakfast i went to the top of the high bluff expecting to get a good view of the country west but was disappointed in consequence of the many ridges or bluffs but a little distance beyond us. at seven o'clock the camp moved forward and immediately after saw a graveyard on the left of the road with a board stuck up with these words written on it: "matilda crowley. b. july th, , and d. july , ." on reflecting afterward that some of the numerous emigrants who had probably started with a view to spend the remainder of their days in the wild oregon, had fallen by the way and their remains had to be left by their friends far from the place of destination, i felt a renewed anxiety that the lord will kindly preserve the lives of all my family, that they may be permitted to gather to the future home of the saints, enjoy the society of the people of god for many years to come, and when their days are numbered that their remains may be deposited at the feet of the servants of god, rather than be left far away in a wild country. and oh, lord, grant this sincere desire of thy servant in the name of thy son jesus. amen. after traveling one and a half miles we crossed a very shoal stream of clear, cold water about five feet wide. there is but little grass here although a number of bitter cottonwood trees grow on the banks. there being no name on the map for this creek, it was named bitter cottonwood creek to designate it in our future travel. it is probable that this stream is caused by the melting of the snow on the mountains and if so, could not be depended on for a camp ground late in the summer. after passing this creek, the river runs between some of the high rocky ridges, the road at the same time bending a little southwest to pass around them. after traveling five miles beyond the last mentioned creek, we again descended to the banks of the river where would be a pretty good camp ground although the grass is not so plentiful as in many other places on the banks of the river. we traveled till : on the river banks then halted for noon where the road and river separated a little farther and hence we would probably not find grass again for a number of miles. the land continues very sandy making it hard on teams; our course about west, the day very warm with a light south breeze. we traveled eight and a half miles this morning. there are some small cedar trees on the rocky bluffs which is the only timber seen since we passed the bitter cottonwood. latitude of this place ° ' ". at : we continued our journey and after proceeding half a mile, found the river turns between the granite ridges in a northwest direction and seems to have but a narrow space to pass through in several places. the road at the same place turns south to avoid the ridges for over a mile and then bends to the southwest for some distance farther. the road at the foot of these rocky hills is extremely sandy and heavy traveling. on arriving at the south side of the hills, we were suddenly cheered with a very plain view of the wind river chain of the rocky mountains towering high up in the air and perfectly white with snow. some of the peaks appear to run up very high, but we are evidently many miles from them yet. after we passed this place, the road gradually bends to the west and northwest and at the distance of six and three quarters miles from our noon halt brings us to the banks of the river again. we continued on the banks of the river till : , at which time we formed our encampment, having traveled this afternoon eight and a half miles and during the day seventeen. as usual there is plenty of grass on the river banks but no wood. there are some dry buffalo chips and wild sage which answer tolerably well for cooking. the land over which we have traveled, except in the several places above mentioned, is perfectly barren except for wild sage which abounds, but there is scarcely a spear of grass to be seen. these granite ridges continue from the rock independence to this place, mostly on the north side the river. here they recede from the river a few miles and then cease. there are two of the missourian companies camped, one about a half a mile and the other a mile west of us and we are given to understand we have got a long distance to travel without grass or water. it is stated that a man from one of these companies left his company a few days ago and went ahead to examine the route, etc. on their arrival here they found him in one of these rocky hills hid up for fear of the indians. he reports that he has been to the pass and that we shall find water about fourteen miles from here. he has come from the pass in two nights and hid up in the day time to avoid indians, but has seen none. he says it is not over twenty-eight miles to the pass from here. after we camped, burr frost set up his forge and set some wagon tires and repaired the wheels of the wagons for one of the missourians. there are no buffalo to be seen yet and not much game of any kind. lewis barney killed two antelope and the brethren mostly killed one or two every day. the sweet water mountains do not appear very high but have considerable snow lying on them in some places. they appear to run nearly parallel with the river to about from twenty to thirty miles distance to the south. thursday, june morning fine but cool. it was calculated to make an early start so as to pass the two companies of the missourians and get the best chance for feed at night, but they started out a half an hour before we were ready. we proceeded onward at : and a little over a mile from where we camped, found the river again bending northwest while the road continues near a west course and soon rises a high bluff. on the top of this, we appear to have a level road for many miles. after traveling five miles from morning, we arrived at a level strip of land on the north side of the road where there is plenty of grass and apparently swampy and soft. it extends in the same direction with the road a mile and a half and appears to terminate where the road crosses the lower land although the grass and hollow continue southward for some distance. just above where the road crosses at the west end there is some water standing around a small, circular, swampy spot of land probably about a half an acre. near the edge at the northwest corner is a hole dug which is called the ice spring. the water in the hole smells strong of sulphur or alkali and is not pleasant tasting, but under the water which is over a foot deep there is as clear ice as i ever saw and good tasting. some of the brethren had broken some pieces off which floated and i ate some of it which tasted sweet and pleasant. the ice is said to be four inches thick. the water is very cold although the weather is warm. a quarter of a mile farther than the spring, there is a small lake or spring of alkali on the left of the road and a little farther, still another lake. the latter is more pleasant tasting than the other, not being so strong of sulphur. it tastes very much like lye water mixed with salt. the ground around these lakes is white with alkali or saleratus and a number of the brethren picked up their pails full but we have learned that it ought to be used with care, it being so much stronger than common saleratus, if the same quantity is used it makes the bread quite green. after traveling from the ice spring ten and a quarter miles over a very uneven road, we descended a very steep bluff close in the rear of one of the missourian companies. the other had halted a few miles ahead and we passed by them. while winding around and descending from this bluff we came in sight of the river again and about the same time. elder kimball picked up an indian arrow point made of flint stone and nearly perfect. it was almost as white as alabaster. at : we tarried a little south from the road and formed our encampment in a line so as to enclose a bend in the river, having traveled seventeen and three quarters miles without halting on account of there being no water fit for cattle to drink. the feed here is very good and plenty of willow bushes for fuel. the river is about three rods wide and clearer and very cool. the last five or six miles of the road were not so sandy but hard and good traveling. one of the missourian companies have gone on, but the other camped a piece down the river at the fording place. a while before dark when the brethren were fetching up their teams, john holman, while bringing up president young's best horse, having his loaded rifle in his hand, the horse undertook to run back past him and to prevent his running back, he jammed his gun at him. the cock caught in his clothes, the gun went off lodging the ball in the animal's body. it entered a little forward of the nigh hind leg on the under side of his belly making quite a large hole. the horse walked to camp but it is the opinion of many he cannot survive long. he appears to be in great pain, the sweat falling from his forehead in large drops. president young is evidently filled with deep sorrow on account of this accident but attaches no blame to john who seems grieved very much. the brethren generally feel sorrowful, this being the second horse shot by accident on this mission. friday, june president young's horse is dead. the morning is fine but very cool. at twenty minutes to seven o'clock, we pursued our journey fording the river a quarter of a mile below where avc left the road last night. we found it still nearly three feet deep and the current very swift. after proceeding a half a mile beyond the ford, we crossed a stream about a rod wide which appears to come from the northeast and empties into the river a little farther up. half a mile beyond this stream, we turned from the river to the northwest and began to ascend a very high bluff which we found pretty steep and over a mile and a half to the top. the road then gradually bends around towards the river and begins to descend over hill and hollow and at four and a quarter miles from where we camped, strikes the river again and continues a quarter of a mile on its banks. here would be a pretty good place to camp, there being sufficient grass for a large company. after traveling a quarter of a mile near the river we encountered another high sandy ridge, the road again winding to the north to cross it. the descent on the west side is very steep and unpleasant. we strike the river again after traveling one and a quarter miles from where we last left it, but it is the opinion of many that by fording the river twice at the foot of the ridge we could save a mile and they think it can be forded. colonel rockwood has paid particular attention to the place and reports that one hour's labor for men would dig down the foot of the ridge so as to make it good passing and save rising the ridge and a mile's travel without fording the river. after leaving the west foot of this ridge, we crossed a stream about twenty-five feet wide and again a quarter of a mile farther the same, only about six feet wide. on examining it, we found it to be a branch of the river running around a piece of land about a quarter of a mile across and forming a semi-circular island. the last crossing was soft on both banks. the high sandy bluffs on each side the river seem to approach much nearer to each other and leave only a small strip of low land on each bank. at : passed a creek two feet wide and halted for noon having traveled eight and three quarters miles, the wind blowing very strong from the northwest and making it cold and unpleasant traveling and filling the wagons with dust. the latitude at this halt by elder pratt's observation is ° ' ". at : we proceeded again, our road running on the river banks two miles then turning to the northwest and ascending a succession of hills one after another for three miles farther, winding around and over hill and valley in some places over a good hard road, and in other places over rocks and broken fragments of rock, making it severe on wagons and requiring great care in teamsters. about a half mile north of the road at the top of this ridge there is a heavy bank of snow which some of the brethren went to visit and amused themselves by snowballing each other. brother carrington says there is every appearance of a rich lead mine in the same place, he having examined the place minutely. the brethren brought some snow to the wagons and we ate some of it which tasted refreshing in the heat of the day. after arriving on the top of these ridges we began to descend gradually over rolling land, but the descent is not nearly equal to the ascent. at the distance of seven and a quarter miles from noon halt, we crossed a narrow wet swamp quite difficult for teams to get the loads over without help and one and a quarter miles beyond the swamp a creek a foot wide and a quarter of a mile farther still another one two feet wide. these all unite in one about yards to the left below the middle creek and then appear to pass under a snow bank which at present forms a kind of bridge over the creek. at : we formed our encampment on the north banks of a creek about five feet wide, having traveled this afternoon eleven and a half miles and during the day twenty and a quarter. this creek is very clear and cold. its banks are well lined with willows and about a mile below the camp there is a grove of white poplar in which house logs may be obtained sixteen feet long and a foot through. there are several banks of snow a little to the north and some of the brethren have found ice four or five inches thick and brought a quantity of it to camp. on the banks of the creek there are some groves of gooseberry bushes with small green berries on them. there are also some strawberry roots and flowers and a little white clover has been found, but there is yet no appearance of the great abundance of such things as travelers have represented. the land appears somewhat more likely to yield the nearer we approach to the mountains, but all calculations for farming in this region would be likely to fail on account of the scarcity of timber. it would only be natural to suppose that the nights are very cold here, while so much snow lies around. it requires considerable clothing to keep comfortable, but in the middle of the day it is equally hot. some of the brethren have traveled up the banks of the sweet water river and represent it as tumbling and foaming over rocks and descending very rapidly on account of the great rise of the ground from noon halt to this place. they say it runs within a mile and a half south of this but it is probable it is only a branch of it as we are evidently not near the main branch yet. there is one of the gentile companies camped about a mile below, making the third company we have passed lately and it is the intention to keep ahead of them and have the advantage of the good feed and camping grounds. saturday, june morning very cold and considerable ice froze in the water pails during the night. at : we crossed the creek and pursued our journey. at one mile we passed a small creek which rises from springs a little south of the road where there is a small grove of small timber. elder pratt has gone ahead with the barometer to try to find the culminating point or highest dividing ridge of the south pass as we are evidently at the east foot of the pass. fremont represents that he did not discover the highest point on account of the ascent being so gradual that they were beyond it before they were aware of it, although in company with a man who has traveled it back and forth for seventeen years. at two and three-quarters miles beyond the last small creek, we crossed the branch of the sweet water about two rods wide and two feet deep, the water clear and cold. this would be a good camp ground were it not so cold, as it must be from the fact that large deep banks of snow are now lying on its banks both above and below the road. where the snow doesn't lie, there is good grass and plenty of willow groves for fuel. two and a quarter miles beyond this branch we crossed another stream about eight feet wide on an average, though where the ford is, it is nearly three rods wide and two feet deep. this water is also very clear and the banks well lined with willows and grass. it is considered a superior camping ground to the one back. there seem to be a great many antelope at the foot of the mountains which is about all the game to be seen. after crossing the last stream, we climb another high range of hills over a good road, gently rolling. from the top of this is a pleasant view of the surrounding country but all entirely destitute of timber except on and at the base of the mountains many miles distance from the road. we have also a good view of table rock to the southwest as well as the high, broken, white capped chain of the wind river mountains on the north. at : we halted on the main branch of the sweet water having traveled eleven miles. the river here is about three rods wide, three feet deep and current very swift. the water is clear and cold as the snow which lies on its banks in places six or eight feet deep. this is a lovely place for a camp ground, there being abundance of good, rich grass about eight inches high and plenty of willows for fuel. some of the boys and girls amused themselves by snowballing each other on one of the large snow banks a few rods below the camp. soon after we halted eric glines came up, having left the brethren at the upper ferry on the platte river on wednesday morning. he camped one night alone, the other nights he camped with missourians. he does not assign any reason why he followed us, but evidently considering to repent and obey council than to continue obstinate and rebellious. the weather is now warm and pleasant and but little wind. at : we moved onward, ascending again on pretty high land where we found good traveling. the latitude at our noon halt was ° ' ". after traveling seven miles this afternoon we arrived on a level spot of lower land and some grass, and inasmuch as we have found no stream as laid down on fremont's map since leaving the sweet water, neither is there much appearance of any for some miles farther, the wagons halted while president young and some others went over the ridge to the north to look for a camp ground as some of the brethren said the sweet water was close by. president young soon sent a message for the camp to proceed, leaving the road and taking a northwest course. at : we formed our encampment on the banks of the sweet water, at the distance of a little over a quarter of a mile from the road, having traveled this afternoon seven and a quarter miles, and during the day eighteen and a quarter. this is a good place to camp, there being plenty of grass and willows. there are many small pebbles of hard flint rock on the flat land a little back and some almost as clear as glass. elders kimball, pratt and some others are some miles ahead and not having returned at dark, a number of the brethren were sent to meet them. they soon returned in company with elder kimball who reported that he had been on as much as six miles to where the head waters of the atlantic divide from those of the pacific--that elder pratt was camped there with a small party of men direct from oregon and bound for the u. s. it is now a certainty that we are yet two miles short of the dividing ridge of the south pass by the road. this ridge divides the headwaters of the atlantic from those of the pacific and although not the highest land we have traveled over, it may with propriety be said to be the summit of the south pass. the wind river mountains appear very high from this place but on the south there is very little appearance of mountains, table rock itself appearing but a little elevated. sunday, june morning fine but cold. the ox teams started at five minutes to eight and the remainder shortly after. we soon met eight of the oregon men on their way back having over twenty horses and mules with them mostly laden with packs of robes, skins, etc. several of the brethren sent letters back by them. at two and three-quarters miles, arrived at the dividing ridge where elder pratt took a barometrical observation and found the altitude , feet above the level of the sea. this spot is ½ miles from fort john and is supposed to divide the oregon and indian territory by a line running north and south. at two miles farther we arrived at where elder pratt camped last night on the head waters of the green river and although the stream is small, we have the satisfaction of seeing the current run west instead of east. the face of the country west looks level except far in the distance where a range of mountains peers up, their surface white with snow. there is good grass here but no timber nor in fact any in sight except on the mountains. since leaving the pass we have descended considerably, winding around and between high bluffs or hills, but the road is good. one of the oregon men is returning with us today and then intends to wait for the next companies, etc., and act as a pilot for them. his name is harris and he appears to be extensively known in oregon and the subject of much dispute on account of his having found out a new route to oregon much south of the old one. he appears to be a man of intelligence and well acquainted with the western country. he presented a file of the oregon papers commencing with february , , and five following numbers for our perusal during the day. he also presented a number of the california star published at yerba buena by samuel brannan and edited by e. p. jones. i had the privilege of perusing several of these papers during the day but found little interesting news. mr. harris says he is well acquainted with the bear river valley and the region around the salt lake. from his description, which is very discouraging, we have little chance to hope for even a moderately good country anywhere in those regions. he speaks of the whole region as being sandy and destitute of timber and vegetation except the wild sage. he gives the most favorable account of a small region under the bear river mountains called the cache valley where they have practiced caching their robes, etc., to hide them from the indians. he represents this as being a fine place to winter cattle. after halting some time we proceeded onward and crossed the stream which is about three feet wide, then halted on its banks at twelve o'clock, having traveled six and a quarter miles, the day warm. the latitude at this halt was ° ' ". at : we started again and proceeded over gently rolling land and good hard road till : when we formed our encampment on the west banks of the dry sandy, having traveled this afternoon nine miles and during the day fifteen and a quarter. the country west for many miles appears destitute of timber and the view is very extensive. there is very little grass to be seen anywhere and not much near this creek. there is but little water in the creek at first sight, but by digging and tramping on the quick sand, sufficient can easily be obtained to supply a large company. elder kimball has been on the road nearly two miles farther but discovered no chance for a camping ground better than this. mr. harris has described a valley forty miles above the mouth of the bear river, and thirty miles below the bear springs which might answer our purpose pretty well if the report is true. it is about thirty miles long and fifteen miles wide and tolerably well timbered. we generally feel that we shall know best by going ourselves for the reports of travelers are so contradictory it is impossible to know which is the truth without going to prove it. it is three years today since our brethren joseph and hyrum were taken from us and it was the general feeling to spend the day in fasting and prayer but the gentile companies being close in our rear and feed scarce, it was considered necessary to keep ahead of them for the benefit of our teams, but many minds have reverted back to the scenes at carthage jail, and it is a gratification that we have so far prospered in our endeavors to get from under the grasp of our enemies. monday, june morning fine but cool. many of the brethren are trading with mr. harris for pants, jackets, shirts, etc., made of buckskins and also the skins themselves. he sells them high. the skins at $ . and $ . ; a pair of pants $ . , etc. he will take rifles, powder, lead, caps or calico and domestic shirts in exchange but puts his own price on both sides and it is difficult to obtain even a fair trade. at half past seven we proceeded on our journey, mr. harris waiting for the other companies. after traveling six miles the road forks, one continuing a west course, the other taking a southwest course. we took the left hand road which leads to california. this junction of the road is ½ miles from fort john. we then continued to travel over a desert land yielding nothing but wild sage and occasionally a grass root and weeds until : when we arrived and halted for noon on the banks of the little sandy, having traveled thirteen and a half miles without signs of wood, water or feed for our teams. this stream is about twenty feet wide on an average but at the fording place over three rods, two and a half feet deep, muddy water and swift current. there is not much grass and no timber except willow bushes. there is a variety of roots bearing very handsome colored flowers. one of the brethren has picked up a large piece of petrified wood. it resembles the outside layer of a cottonwood tree next to the bark, and appears to have rotted and broken off short then petrified and turned to a solid, heavy, hard, flint stone, but retaining its original shape and appearance. at : we commenced fording the river and found it in no way difficult until a number of the wagons had gotten over and the banks began to be soft and muddy. several of the latter teams required help. at : all were safely over with no loss except two tar buckets considered to be of no worth. we then proceeded on, expecting to go about eight miles farther, but after traveling a little over a mile we were met by elder g. a. smith who introduced us to mr. bridger of bridger's fort on his way to fort john in company with two of his men. mr. bridger being informed that we had designed to call at his place to make some inquiries about the country, etc., he said if we would turn off the road here and camp, he would stay with us till morning. a camping place being selected we turned off from the road about a quarter of a mile and formed our encampment near the sandy at six o'clock, having traveled this afternoon one and three-quarters miles, exclusive of allowance for leaving the road, and during the day fifteen and a quarter miles. we have pretty good feed here, enough to fill the teams well. a while after we camped, the twelve and several others went to mr. bridger to make some inquiries concerning our future route, the country, etc. it was impossible to form a correct idea of either from the very imperfect and irregular way he gave his descriptions, but the general items are in substance as follows: we will find better grass as we proceed farther on. his business is to fort laramie. his traders have gone there with robes, skins, etc., to fill a contract, but having started later than they intended the men at laramie have taken advantage of the delay and he is going to see to the business himself. there is no blacksmith shop at his fort at present. there was one but it was destroyed. there have been nearly a hundred wagons gone on the hastings route through weber's fork. they cross the blacks fork and go a little south of west from his place and pass below the mountains which cross green river. the green river runs over an extent of country of miles. it is impossible for wagons to follow down green river, neither can it be followed with boats. some have gone down with canoes, but had great difficulty getting back on account of the rapid current and rough channel. cannot pass the mountains close to the river even with horses. for some distance beyond this chain of mountains, the country is level and beyond that it is hard black rock which looks as if it were glazed when the sun shines on it, and so hard and sharp it will cut a horse's feet to pieces. when we get below the mountains, the green river falls into a level country for some distance after which it winds through a mountainous country perfectly barren to the gulf of california. from bridger's fort to the salt lake, hastings said was about one hundred miles. he has been through fifty times but can form no correct idea of the distance. mr. hastings' route leaves the oregon route at his place. we can pass the mountains farther south, but in some places we would meet with heavy bodies of timber and would have to cut our way through. in the bear river valley there is oak timber, sugar trees, cottonwood, pine and maple. there is not an abundance of sugar maple but plenty of as splendid pine as he ever saw. there is no timber on the utah lake only on the streams which empty into it. in the outlet of the utah lake which runs into the salt lake there is an abundance of blue grass and red and white clover. the outlet of the utah lake does not form a large river, neither a rapid current but the water is muddy and low banks. some of his men have been around the salt lake in canoes. they went out hunting and had their horses stolen by the indians. they then went around the lake in canoes hunting beaver and were three months going around it. they said it was miles around it. the utah tribe of indians inhabit the region around the utah lake and are a bad people. if they catch a man alone they are sure to rob and abuse him if they don't kill him, but parties of men are in no danger. they are mostly armed with guns. there was a man opened a farm in the bear river valley. the soil is good and likely to produce corn were it not for the excessive cold nights which he thinks would prevent the growth of corn. there is a good country south of the utah lake or southeast of the great basin. there are three large rivers which enter into the sevier lake unknown to travelers. there is also a splendid range of country on the north side of the california mountains calculated to produce every kind of grain and fruit and there are several places where a man might pass from it over the mountains to the california settlements in one day. there is a vast abundance of timber and plenty of coal. there is also plenty of coal in this region near the mountains. north of the california mountains there is walnut, oak, ash, hickory, and various kinds of good timber on and in the neighborhood of the mountains and streams southeast of the great basin. there can be a wagon road made through to it and no lack of water. the great desert extends from the salt lake to the gulf of california which is perfectly barren. he supposes it to have been an arm of the sea. the three rivers before mentioned are southwest of the desert. there is a tribe of indians in that country who are unknown to either travelers or geographers. they make farms and raise abundance of grain of various kinds. he can buy any quantity of the very best of wheat there. this country lies southeast of the salt lake. there is one mountain in that region and the country adjoining in which he considers if ever there was a promised land, that must be it. there is a kind of cedar grows on it which bears fruit something like juniper berries of a yellow color about the size of an ordinary plum. the indians grind the fruit and it makes the best kind of meal. he could easily gather a hundred bushels off one tree. he has lived on this fruit and used to pick his hat full in a very short time. there are a great many little streams head in this mountain and many good springs. it is about twenty days' travel with horses from the salt lake, but the country to it is bad to get through and over a great part of it, nothing for animals to subsist on. he supposes there might be access to it from texas. on one of the rivers there is a splendid copper mine, a whole mountain of it. it also abounds in gold, silver and has a good quick silver mine. there is iron, coal, etc. the land is good; the soil rich. all the valleys abound with persimmons and grapes which will make the best kind of wines. he never saw any grapes on the utah lake, but there are plenty of cherries and berries of several kinds. he thinks the utah lake is the best country in the vicinity of the salt lake and the country is still better the farther south we go until we meet the desert which is upwards of miles south from the utah lake. there is plenty of timber on all the streams and mountains and abundance of fish in the streams. there is timber all around the utah lake and plenty of good grass; not much of the wild sage only in small patches. wild flax grows in most of the valleys and they are the richest lands. he passed through that country a year ago last summer in the month of july, and they generally had one or two showers every day, sometimes a very heavy thunder shower but not accompanied by strong wind. by following under the mountain south of the utah lake we find another river which enters into another lake about fifty miles south of the utah lake. we shall find plenty of water from here to bridger's fort except after we cross green river and travel five miles beyond it where we shall have to travel eighteen or twenty miles without water, but there is plenty of grass. after crossing green river we follow down it four or five miles to the old station then cross over to a stream which heads in the mountains west. the station is more than half way from here to his place. we shall have no streams to ferry between here and the fort except green river. the indians south of the utah lake and this side the desert raise corn, wheat and other kinds of grain and produce in abundance. the utah's abound more on the west of the mountains near the salt lake than on the east side, ten to one, but we have no need to fear them for we can drive the whole of them in twenty-four hours but he would not kill them, he would make slaves of them. the indians south of the utah lake raise as good corn, wheat, and pumpkins as were ever raised in old kentucky. he knows of a lead mine between the mountains and laramie on a timbered creek near the horseshoe creek. he has found lead there and thinks there is considerable silver in it. it can be found in a cave on the side of the mountain not far from the road. such was the information we obtained from mr. bridger, but we shall know more about things and have a better understanding when we have seen the country ourselves. supper had been provided for mr. bridger and his men and the latter having eaten, the council dismissed, mr. bridger going with president young to supper, the remainder retiring to their wagons conversing over the subject touched upon. the evening was very fine but mosquitoes numerous. tuesday, june morning very pleasant till the sun got up a little, then it was very hot. we started at : and traveled over very good roads through barren land till : then halted for noon on the banks of the big sandy, having traveled six and three-quarters miles. the second division have passed over the river but the first division halted on the north side. this stream appears to be about seven rods wide at this place and about two feet deep in the channel, but it is not generally so wide, but deeper. there is some timber on its banks and plenty of grass in places for teams. at : we again proceeded, president young and some others going ahead in the cutter wagon to look out a camp ground for the night. our course still lies about southwest, the road generally good over gently rolling, hard, sandy land and in some places the surface is covered with loose fragments of hard rock. after traveling nine and a half miles president young rode up and reported that we would have to go at least six miles farther before we could get feed. it was then a quarter after six, but the teamsters spurred up in order to get through. most of the road after this for four miles was very hilly and uneven and in places the loose fragments of rocks made it very bad traveling, but many were thrown from the road by the spare men. the weather grew cooler towards evening, some large clouds rising in the west which favored the teams considerably. at : we found ourselves on the lowlands on the banks of the river again and formed our encampment, having traveled since noon seventeen miles and during the day twenty-three and three-quarters, which is the greatest day's journey we have made since leaving winter quarters. the camp was formed by moonlight. there seems to be plenty of feed for teams but no wood for fuel. many of the brethren have gone down sick within the past three days and a number more this evening. they generally begin with headache, succeeded by violent fever, and some go delirious for a while. brother fowler was seized this afternoon and this evening is raving. it is supposed by some that this sickness is caused by the use of the mineral saleratus or alkali picked up on the lakes and surface of the land and it is considered poisonous. some consider also that we inhale the effluvium arising from it, which has the like effect. it appears to be an article which ought to be used with great care if used at all. there has been no case considered dangerous yet, nor any of long duration. wednesday, june morning hot. we resumed our journey at : , several others of the brethren being reported sick. president young, kimball and others rode ahead again. we found the roads very good but sandy and filling the wagons with dust. at : we arrived on the banks of green river, having traveled eight miles and formed our encampment in a line under the shade of the cottonwood timber. this river is about sixteen to eighteen rods wide and altogether too deep to be forded. its banks are well lined with cottonwood but none large enough to make a canoe. there are also many patches of wild apple trees, and rose bushes abound bearing pretty roses. this river is ½ miles from fort john or laramie. there is a narrow strip of land which might answer for farming on each bank of the river. the grass grows good and plentiful but still not so much as has been represented. after dinner the brethren commenced making two rafts, one for each division, and a while afterwards elder samuel brannan arrived, having come from the pacific to meet us, obtain council, etc. he is accompanied by smith of the firm of jackson heaton & bonney, bogus snakers of nauvoo. there is another young man in company with them. they have come by way of fort hall and brought with them several files of the california star. they had eleven deaths on board their ship during their voyage over, the others i understand are doing well, raising grain, etc. towards evening a storm blew up from the west and although we had no rain we had tremendous wind. the first division finished their raft before dark. there is a slough a little down the river where some of the brethren have caught some very nice fish, but the mosquitoes are so very troublesome it is difficult abiding out of doors. july thursday, july this morning found myself laboring under a severe attack of the fever, accompanied with violent aching in my head and limbs. the brethren commenced ferrying but got only fourteen wagons over on account of the very high wind. friday, july the day was more pleasant and the ferrying continued more rapidly. i got over the river before noon but remained very sick. afternoon the twelve had a council and decided to send three or four men back to serve as guides to the next company. saturday, july the morning more unfavorable. the brethren got the last wagon over before noon, no accident having happened, and about the time they finished it commenced raining, accompanied by thunder and wind. it was concluded for some of the brethren to go on and look out a camp ground a few miles ahead so as to shorten the distance of the next day's travel. the brethren returned about noon and gave orders to harness up and proceed, and at : we moved forward and went on three miles, then formed encampment in the midst of an army of mosquitoes. these insects are more numerous here than i ever saw them anywhere, everything was covered with them, making the teams restive in the wagons. there is plenty of grass for teams and it is the intention to tarry here till monday morning. at night president young gave the brethren some instructions about trading at fort bridger and advised them to be wise, etc. five men were selected to go back and meet the next company, viz., phineas young, george woodard, aaron farr, eric glines and rodney badger. they are to take the cutter wagon instead of each taking a horse which cannot be spared by the camp. sunday, july the morning fine and warm. the five brethren have started back to meet the other company. president young, kimball and others went back with them to ferry them over green river. some of the brethren assembled for meeting in the circle. at : p.m. the brethren returned from the ferry accompanied by twelve of the pueblo brethren from the army. they have got their discharge and by riding hard overtaken us. they feel well and on arriving in camp gave three cheers, after which president young moved that we give glory to god which was done by hosannas. william walker was with them but has gone back with the five brethren to meet his wife. the spot where we are now camped is opposite to the junction of the big sandy and green river. on the other side the river there is a range of singular sandy buttes perfectly destitute of vegetation, and on the sides can be seen from here, two caves which are probably inhabited by wild bears. the view is pleasant and interesting. during the afternoon one of brother crow's oxen was found to be poisoned through eating some kind of a weed and was much swollen. i understand it was dead when they found it. monday, july at eight o'clock we pursued our journey, many of the brethren still being sick though generally improving. after traveling three and a half miles on the bank of the river the road then leaves it bending westward. we have now a very pleasant view of the bear river mountains far to the southwest, their summits capped with snow. we found the land somewhat rolling, destitute of grass and several very steep places of descent. at : we arrived on the banks of blacks fork and formed our encampment, having traveled twenty miles, the last sixteen and a half without sight of water. this stream is about six rods wide, very swift current but not deep. the bottoms on each side are very pleasant but not much grass for teams. there is one place in the road where we might have saved a crook of nearly a mile by digging down bank which would probably have detained us about twenty minutes, but it was not discovered till most of the wagons had passed over. tuesday, july morning very pleasant. we started on our journey at : and after traveling three and three-quarters miles, crossed hams fork, a rapid stream about three rods wide and two feet deep; and this would be a good place to camp, there being an abundance of high bunch grass on the banks. one and a half miles farther we crossed blacks fork which appears to be about eight rods wide and two and a half feet deep, but little grass near it. we then leave the river and wind over uneven road with many pitches caused by heavy rains washing the land, which is generally barren. after traveling eleven miles beyond the last stream, crossed a small creek about two feet wide but no grass. at four o'clock we crossed back over blacks fork and formed our encampment on its banks, having traveled eighteen and a quarter miles. at this place there is a fine specimen of the wild flax which grows all around. it is considered equal to any cultivated, bears a delicate blue flower. there is also an abundance of the rich bunch grass in the neighborhood of the river back and many wild currants. the prairies are lined with beautiful flowers of various colors--chiefly blue, red and yellow, which have a rich appearance and would serve to adorn and beautify an eastern flower garden. wednesday, july this morning we proceeded at : and after traveling two and a half miles, forded black's fork once more. here also is abundance of good grass, wild flax and handsome flowers. after traveling two and three-quarters miles farther, forded a stream about two rods wide and two feet deep, very swift current, also lined on its banks with bunch grass. at twelve o'clock we halted for noon on the banks of the last stream, having traveled nine miles over pretty rough road. the day very windy and filling the wagons with dust. some of the wagons have gone on expecting to reach bridger's fort before they halt. at : we moved forward and found the road more even, though in many places rendered bad by the cobble stones. after traveling seven and a half miles we arrived opposite to nine indian lodges erected on the south of the road. here we halted a while and found tim goodale here, one of the trappers who passed us at the platte ferry. there are not many indians here but they appear to have a great many handsome ponies. we then continued on and after fording four creeks on an average about a rod wide, we arrived at fort bridger which is proved by the roadometer to be miles from fort john. we went half a mile beyond the fort and formed our encampment after crossing three more creeks, having traveled this afternoon eight and three-quarters miles and during the day seventeen and three-quarters. the grass is very plentiful in this neighborhood and much higher than we have generally seen it. the whole region seems filled with rapid streams all bending their way to the principal fork. they doubtless originate from the melting of the snow on the mountains and roar down their cobbly beds till they join black's fork. bridger's fort is composed of two double log houses about forty feet long each and joined by a pen for horses about ten feet high constructed by placing poles upright in the ground close together, which is all the appearance of a fort in sight. there are several indian lodges close by and a full crop of young children playing around the door. these indians are said to be of the snake tribe, the utahs inhabiting beyond the mountains. the latitude of fort bridget is ° ' " and its height above the level of the sea according to elder pratt's observations is , feet. it is doubtless a very cold region and little calculated for farming purposes. to the west is a pretty high mountain which appears well covered with timber. the country all around looks bleak and cold. thursday, july morning fine but high wind. it is concluded to stay a day here to set some wagon tires, etc. many have gone to trade their rifles and some clothing for buckskins. h. egan traded two rifles and got twenty pretty good skins for them. the day continued warm with high wind. evening there was a council and some complaints listened to from george mills against andrew gibbons. it was decided for thomas williams and s. brannan to return from here and meet captain brown's company from pueblo. inasmuch as the brethren have not received their discharge nor their paw from the united states, brother brannan goes to tender his services as pilot to conduct a company of fifteen or twenty to san francisco if they feel disposed to go there and try to get their pay. williams came clothed with authority to arrest tim goodale or one of his men for stealing a horse at pueblo, but he can get no encouragement from president young to make the attempt. friday, july we started at eight o'clock, the brethren who go back bidding good bye to the camp and proceeding on their back journey while we moved westward over pretty rough roads. after traveling six and a quarter miles, we arrived at the springs and halted a while to rest our teams. we then proceeded on three-quarters of a mile and began to ascend a long steep hill, near the top of which and eight miles from fort bridger, elder pratt took an observation and found the latitude ° ' ". arriving on the top we found the table tolerably level for several miles then began to descend to the bottom again. the descent from this hill is the steepest and most difficult we have ever met with, being long and almost perpendicular. at three o'clock we crossed the muddy fork, a stream about twelve feet wide, and formed our encampment on the west bank, having traveled since the halt six and three-quarters miles and during the day thirteen. here is plenty of tall bunch grass and a pretty good chance for our teams. the day has been windy, warm and dusty. saturday, july started this morning at eight o'clock, weather warm with tolerably high wind. after traveling three and a half miles we passed a small copperas spring at the foot of a mountain a little to the left of the road. the water is very clear but tastes very strong of copperas and alum and has a somewhat singular effect on the mouth. it runs a little distance over the red sand which abounds in this region and where it is saturated with water almost looks like blood at a little distance. after passing this spring the road winds around the foot of mountains gradually ascending for some distance till finally arriving on the summit of a high ridge. here elder pratt took a barometrical observation and found the height to be , feet above the level of the sea. on arriving at the west side of the ridge two and a half miles from the last mentioned spring we found a very steep, rough place to descend and found it necessary to halt and fix the road. about half way down there is a place over huge rocks, leaving barely enough room for a wagon to get down, but by labor it was soon made passable. a little farther, the brethren had to dig a place considerably to make a pass between the mountains. president young and kimball labored hard with a number of others and in about a half an hour made a good road. at twenty miles from fort bridger, passed another spring and a little farther after arriving on the bottom land, the road turns nearly south through a beautiful low bottom filled with grass. at : we halted for noon, having traveled nine miles. latitude ° ' ". after halting an hour and a half we proceeded again and after traveling three and a half miles began to ascend the dividing ridge between the colorado waters and the great basin. this mountain is very high and the ascent steep, rendering it necessary to make a crooked road to gain the summit. the height is , feet according to elder pratt's observations. the surface at the top is narrow. here three bears were seen to run over a still higher mountain on the left. the descent was very steep, having to lock the wagons for half a mile. we then descend and travel on the bottom a few miles between high rugged mountains till the road seems suddenly to be shut up by a high mountain ahead. the road here turns suddenly to the left and goes east about yards then winds again southwest. after ascending and descending another high ridge, we crossed a small creek about ten feet wide and at : formed our encampment on the southwest banks, having traveled this afternoon nine miles and during the day eighteen over the most mountainous course we have yet seen. after camping, mr. miles goodyear came into camp. he is the man who is making a farm in the bear river valley. he says it is yet seventy-five miles to his place, although we are now within two miles of bear river. his report of the valley is more favorable than some we have heard but we have an idea he is anxious to have us make a road to his place through selfish motives. elder pratt has found a beautiful spring of clear, sweet, cold water about a hundred yards southwest from the camp. water excellent. sunday, july morning fine with ice a quarter of an inch thick on the water pails. walked on the mountain east with president young and kimball, from whence we had a pleasing view of the surrounding valley which is about ten miles wide. abundance of timber on the mountains south and southwest and beyond that plenty of snow. after having prayers, we again descended and at the foot discovered a very strong sulphur spring. the surface of the water is covered with flour of sulphur and where it oozes from the rocks is perfectly black. the water in the creek shows sulphur very clearly and smells bad. during the day some of the brethren discovered an oil spring about a mile south. the substance which rises out of the ground resembles tar and is very oily. some have oiled their gun stocks with it and oiled their shoes, others have gone to fill their tar buckets and are sanguine it will answer well to grease wagons. it is somewhat singular to find such a great contrast of substances within so short a distance. here is pure water, sulphur, and oily tar within a mile of each other, and matter of curiosity all around for the contemplation of the curious. porter, brother little and others have been out with goodyear to view the route he wishes us to take. they represent it as being bad enough, but we are satisfied it leads too far out of our course to be tempted to try it. there are some in camp who are getting discouraged about the looks of the country but thinking minds are not much disappointed, and we have no doubt of finding a place where the saints can live which is all we ought to ask or expect. it is evident the country grows better as we proceed west, and vegetation is more plentiful and looks richer. after dark, a meeting was called to decide which of the two roads we shall take from here. it was voted to take the right hand or northern road, but the private feelings of all the twelve were that the other would be better. but such matters are left to the choice of the camp so that none may have room to murmur at the twelve hereafter. monday, july morning cloudy and cool. we pursued our journey at : . at one and a quarter miles rose a very steep, low hill, narrow but very steep on both sides. one half a mile farther crossed the bear river, a very rapid stream about six rods wide and two feet deep, bottom full of large cobble stones, water clear, banks lined with willows and a little timber, good grass, many strawberry vines and the soil looks pretty good. about a half a mile beyond the ford, proceeded over another ridge and again descended into and traveled up a beautiful narrow bottom covered with grass and fertile but no timber. four and three-quarters of a mile beyond bear river, passed a small spring of good clear cold water. at : halted for noon in the same narrow bottom near a ridge of high, rough rocks to the right, having traveled nine and three-quarters miles. there is scarcely any wagon track to be seen, only a few wagons of hasting's company having come this route; the balance went the other road and many of them perished in the snow; it being late in the season and much time was lost quarreling who would improve the roads, etc. there is a creek of clear water close by, deep but scarcely any current. president young was taken very sick awhile before we halted. after resting two hours the camp moved on again, except president young and kimball's wagons, who concluded to remain there today on account of the president's sickness. after traveling one and a half miles we crossed the creek at the foot of a high mountain and a little farther crossed back again. a mile farther, began to ascend a long steep hill, narrow on the summit and steep descent. we then wound around between high hills till arriving again on a narrow rich bottom. at the foot of the hill we crossed last, there is a spring of very good cold water, and in fact, there are many good springs all along the road. at six o'clock we formed our encampment near a very small creek and a good spring, having traveled this afternoon six and three-quarters miles and during the day sixteen and a half. there is an abundance of grass here and the country appears to grow still richer as we proceed west, but very mountainous. there are many antelope on these mountains and the country is lovely enough but destitute of timber. about a quarter of a mile west from the camp is a cave in the rock about thirty feet long, fifteen feet wide and from four to six feet high. there are many martins at the entrance and on observing closely, can be seen myriads of small bugs. it is supposed from appearances that there is some property cached in the cave. soon after we camped, we had a light shower accompanied by thunder. this country evidently lacks rain, even the grass appears parched. tuesday, july awhile before noon, elder kimball and howard egan arrived from the company back. a meeting was called but suddenly dispersed by a thunder shower. after the rain ceased, elder kimball proposed that a company start from the camp with elder pratt to proceed to the weber river canyon and ascertain if we can pass through safely, if not, to try and find a pass over the mountains. he reported that president young is a little better this morning, but last evening was insensible and raving. colonel rockwood is also very sick and quite deranged. a company of twenty-two wagons, mostly ox teams, started on soon after dinner, in company with elder pratt, and soon after, elders kimball and egan returned to the back company. the day has been very hot and sultry, and mosquitoes are very troublesome. wednesday, july the day has been very hot, with occasionally a light breeze. several of the brethren have been out hunting, and brought in several antelope which appear to abound in this region. brothers woodruff and barnabas adams went back to the other wagons this morning. they returned at night and reported that president young is considerably better, but brother rockwood remains very sick. there are one or two new cases of sickness in our camp, mostly with fever which is very severe on the first attack, generally rendering its victims delirious for some hours, and then leaving them in a languid, weakly condition. it appears that a good dose of pills or medicine is good to break the fever. the patient then needs some kind of stimulant to brace his nerves and guard him against another attack. i am satisfied that diluted spirits is good in this disease after breaking up the fever. at night had a light shower. the following is a list of the names of those who are gone on to look out and make a road, etc., viz.: orson pratt, commander of company, o. p. rockwell, jackson redding, stephen markham, nathaniel fairbanks, joseph egbert, john s. freeman, marcus b. thorpe, robert crow, benjamin b. crow, john crow, walter h. crow, walter crow, george w. therlkill, james chesney, jewis b. myers, john brown, shadrack roundy, hans c. hanson, levi jackman, lyman curtis, david powell, oscar crosby, hark lay, joseph mathews, gilbert summe, green flake, john s. gleason, charles burke, norman taylor, a. p. chesley, seth taft, horace thornton, stephen kelsey, james stewart, robert thomas, c. d. barnham, john s. eldridge, elijah newman, francis boggs, levi n. kendall, david grant. first division: seven wagons, fifteen men; second division: sixteen wagons, twenty-seven men besides crow's family of women and children. total, twenty-three wagons and forty-two men. thursday, july morning pleasant but cloudy. at twelve o'clock president young, kimball and all the rear wagons arrived, eight in number. the president is much better. brother rockwood is considerably better. orders were given for this company to harness up, and during the time till we started onward at half-past one we had a very refreshing shower. after traveling two miles we passed another spring of good water at the foot of a high hill a little to the right of the road. at half-past three we formed our encampment at the foot of some high red bluffs, having traveled four and a half miles, and enjoyed two more pleasant showers. feed here good and a beautiful spring of good, clear, cold water a little to the left of the road. the evening fine and pleasant. friday, july this morning we have had two pleasant showers accompanied by pretty loud thunder. at : , we proceeded onward, passing through a narrow ravine between very high mountains. after traveling one and a quarter miles passed a deep ravine, where most of the teams had to double to get up. one-half mile farther, crossed the creek and found the crossing place very bad. harvey pierce broke his wagon reach and bolster. the wagon had to be unloaded, but with little delay was soon repaired, during which time a number of the brethren fixed a new place to cross the creek. after passing this place, following the course of the creek, the mountains seem to increase in height, and come so near together in some places as to leave merely room enough for a crooked road. at half past twelve we halted to feed, having traveled six and three-quarters miles and are yet surrounded by high mountains. as we halted, o. p. rockwell came up from elder pratt's company. he reports that it is about twenty-five or thirty miles to the canyon. they have found the road leading over the mountains to avoid the canyon and expect to be on top today at noon. the day is pleasant with a nice breeze. grass plentiful and pretty high, but no timber yet, except small cedar on the sides of the mountains. numerous springs of clear water all along the base of the mountains. during the halt two of the brethren went to the top of the mountain on the north of the camp. they looked like babes in size. at : , we proceeded onward and found the pass between the mountains growing narrower, until it seemed strange that a road could ever have been made through. we crossed creek a number of times, and in several places found the crossing difficult. after proceeding a few miles, we saw patches of oak shrubbery though small in size. in the same place and for several miles there are many patches or groves of the wild currant, hop vines, alder and black birch. willows are abundant and high. the currants are yet green and taste most like a gooseberry, thick rind and rather bitter. the hops are in blossom and seem likely to yield a good crop. the elder-berries, which are not very plentiful, are in bloom. in some places we had to pass close to the foot of high, perpendicular red mountains of rock supposed to be from six hundred to a thousand feet high. at a quarter to seven we formed our encampment, having traveled this afternoon nine and a half miles, and during the day sixteen and a quarter. we are yet enclosed by high mountains on each side, and this is the first good camping place we have seen since noon, not for lack of grass or water, but on account of the narrow gap between the mountains. grass is pretty plentiful most of the distance and seems to grow higher the farther we go west. at this place the grass is about six feet high, and on the creek eight or ten feet high. there is one kind of grass which bears a head almost like wheat and grows pretty high, some of it six feet. there is a very singular echo in this ravine, the rattling of wagons resembles carpenters hammering at boards inside the highest rocks. the report of a rifle resembles a sharp crack of thunder and echoes from rock to rock for some time. the lowing of cattle and braying of mules seem to be answered beyond the mountains. music, especially brass instruments, have a very pleasing effect and resemble a person standing inside the rock imitating every note. the echo, the high rocks on the north, high mountains on the south with the narrow ravine for a road, form a scenery at once romantic and more interesting than i have ever witnessed. soon after we camped, i walked up the highest mountain on the south. the ascent is so steep that there is scarce a place to be found to place the foot flat and firm, and the visitor is every moment, if he makes the least slip or stumbles, in danger of being precipitated down to the bottom and once overbalanced, there is no possibility of stopping himself till he gets to the bottom, in which case he would doubtless be dashed to pieces. after resting about half a dozen times i arrived at the top and found the ascent equally steep all the way up. in many places i had to go on my hands and feet to keep from falling backwards. from this mountain i could see the fork of weber river about a mile west of the camp; looking back i could see the road we had come for several miles, but in every other direction nothing but ranges of mountains still as much higher than the one i was on as it is above the creek. the scenery is truly wild and melancholy. after surveying the face of the country a little while, i began to descend and found the task much more difficult than ascending, but by using great care and taking time, i got down without accident a little before dark. solomon chamberlain broke his forward axle tree about two miles back. a wagon was unloaded and sent back to fetch him up. he is yet very sick. saturday, july arose to behold a fine pleasant morning, my health much better. this is my thirty-third birthday. my mind naturally reverts back to my family and my heart is filled with blessings on their heads more than my tongue is able to express. the richest blessings that ever were bestowed upon the head of woman or child could not be more than i desire for them, whatever be my lot. president young is reported as having had a very sick night. a forge was set up and some repairs done to wagons and brother chamberlain's repaired also. the cattle and mules seem very uneasy and continue lowing and braying all the morning. i suppose it is in consequence of the singular echoes, they no doubt thinking they are answered by others over the mountains. at : the camp renewed the journey and one mile farther arrived at the red fork of the weber river. we also seem to have a wide space to travel through and now turn to the right in a western course, the ravine having run mostly southwest. the distance we have traveled through this narrow pass is twenty-three miles. yesterday was the first day we have been out of sight of snow a whole day since we arrived at fort john. we could not see it for the high mountains although surrounded by it. on arriving at this stream we see it again on the mountains to the east. this stream is about four rods wide, very clear water and apparently about three feet deep on an average. its banks lined with cottonwood and birch and also dense patches of brush wood, willows, rose bushes, briers, etc. by stepping to the top of a small mound at the bend of the road, the mouth of the canyon can be seen very plainly, as also the mountains between which we pass to avoid it. the canyon appears to be about eight or ten miles west of us. i should judge not over that. president young being so very sick found he could not endure to travel farther. accordingly elder kimball and some others went to select a camping ground and soon returning reported a place a little farther. the camp moved on and formed encampment on the banks of the river having traveled two and a half miles, the day very hot and mosquitoes plentiful. several of the brethren have caught some fine trout in this stream which appears to have many in it. in the afternoon elders kimball, richards, smith, benson and others went onto a mountain to clothe and pray for president young who continues very sick. on returning they rolled down many large rocks from the top of the mountain to witness the velocity of their descent, etc. some would roll over half a mile and frequently break to pieces. john nixon found and brought to camp a very singular kind of thistle which i have never seen before nor recollect of ever reading of the like. he found it on the low land near the camp and says there are many more like it. it is a great curiosity and worthy of description. the stem is about four feet long, about six inches wide and a quarter of an inch thick. it is formed of a double leaf or case and when broken is hollow, although the stem lies close together, perfectly flat. it is ornamented with prickles from bottom to top. these leaves are but sparsely scattered all along up the stem. the top is a kind of crown and bush formed by the same kind of prickly leaves and is about ten inches long by five inches broad, forming a very handsome head or crown. but the great curiosity of this thistle is a perfect resemblance of a snake coiled around the crown as though in the act of guarding it against foes. the head of the snake lies on the top of the crown at one end and is ornamented by a small bunch of flowers like common thistle flowers on the snake's head. at the extremity of the tail is a bunch of small burrs covered with prickles something resembling the rattles on a rattlesnake's tail. the body of the snake is formed of the same kind of substance as the thistle itself and has a very singular appearance. it seems that two of the great enemies of mankind have combined, the most bitter and destructive guarding the more innocent. the serpent tempted the woman causing her to sin, in consequence of which the earth was cursed and decreed to produce thorns and thistles, etc., but this is the first time i ever saw the snake guard the thistle. in the evening elders kimball, g. a. smith and howard egan rode down the river to visit the canyon. they returned about ten o'clock and said they had been eight miles down the river but at that distance did not arrive at the canyon and being late they concluded to return to camp. sunday, july this morning the camp was called together and addressed by elder kimball. he reports president young as being a very sick man. he proposed to the brethren that instead of their scattering off, some hunting, some fishing, and some climbing mountains, etc., that they should meet together and pray and exhort each other that the lord may turn away sickness from our midst and from our president that we may proceed on our journey. it was decided to assemble at ten o'clock and at the sound of the bugle the brethren met in a small grove of shrubbery which they have made for the purpose opposite the wagons. during the meeting, elder kimball proposed to the brethren that all the camp, except president young's and eight or ten other wagons with brethren enough to take care of him, etc., proceed on tomorrow and go through, find a good place, begin to plant potatoes, etc., as we have little time to spare. the proposition was acceeded to by unanimous vote and after a number had expressed their feelings the meeting adjourned till two o'clock at which time they again assembled and listened to remarks from a number of the brethren. elder kimball again gave much good instruction and prophesied of good things concerning the camp. the bishops broke bread and the sacrament was administered. good feelings seem to prevail and the brethren desire to do right. a number yet continue sick, but we expect all will soon recover. the day is very hot with very little air moving. elder kimball consented for me to go on tomorrow with the company that goes ahead. monday, july morning fine and warm, president young considerably better. at : we started onward leaving president young and kimball's wagons and several others. we found the road very rough on account of loose rocks and cobble stones. after traveling two and a quarter miles, we forded the river and found it about eighteen inches deep but proceeded without difficulty. soon after we were over, elder snow came up and said the camp were requested to halt awhile till dr. richards came. one of his oxen is missing and he wished to go on. we concluded to move on a little to where the road should turn off between the mountains to avoid the canyon. elder pratt went three miles out of his road and had to return again. three-quarters of a mile from the ford we found the place to make the cutoff and there halted awhile. i put a guide board up at this place marked as follows: "pratt's pass to avoid canyon. to fort bridger ¼ miles." brother pack, having charge of the company, concluded to move on slowly and be making our way up the mountains. we accordingly started and after traveling a mile from the forks began to ascend and wind around the mountains. we found the road exceedingly rough and crooked and very dangerous on wagons. three and a half miles from the forks of the road the brethren made a bridge over a small creek over which we crossed having passed a number of springs near the road. two and a quarter miles farther we arrived on the summit of the dividing ridge and put a guide board up, " miles to fort bridger." at this place elders kimball, woodruff, g. a. smith and h. egan rode up to view the road, etc. the descent is not very steep but exceedingly dangerous to wagons being mostly on the side hill over large cobble stones, causing the wagons to slide very badly. after traveling a little way, g. a. smith's wagon wheels gave way going down a steep pitch. the spokes are loose in the hub, and worked about so that when the wagon slides they dish inward, etc. at two o'clock, we halted beside a small creek to water teams, having traveled ten and a half miles over exceedingly rough road. a wagon was unloaded, and sent for g. a. smith's loading which is reported to be two miles back. while they were gone, many turned out their teams to graze. at : the men returned with the wagons, putting the loading into several so as to proceed and at : we started forward, the road turning suddenly to the right for about three-quarters of a mile and then a southwest course again. here we ascend a very long steep hill for nearly a mile, then descend by a very crooked road. i think a better road might be made here and this high hill avoided and save a mile's travel. after traveling a little over three miles, we crossed a creek about a rod wide and eighteen inches deep, pretty steep going down but good going out. we went on a little farther and at half past five camped on a small spot surrounded by willow bushes full of mosquitoes, having traveled this afternoon three and a quarter miles and during the day thirteen and three-quarters. the day has been hot and no wind. teams sweat much and it has been a pretty hard day's travel. there is not much grass here, but is said to be more plentiful a little farther. several accidents have happened to wagons today but nothing serious except brother g. a. smith's. dr. richards' wagons arrived in camp at the same time the rest did. the sick are getting better. in the evening the brethren picked up a lot of dry willows and made a coal pit to set g. a. smith's tire before we can leave tomorrow. the evening and night were very cold. tuesday, july this morning fine and warm. the coal pit is burned and burr frost set elder smith's wagon tire and did various other repairs to a number of other wagons which took till nearly eleven o'clock, about which time the camp started onward. one of brother crow's men returned from elder pratt's company and reported that their camp is about nine miles from here. he is hunting stray cattle. he says the road is very rough from here and about a mile beyond where they are camped the road begins to ascend over a high range of mountains. elder pratt has been to the top but cannot see the salt lake from there. their company is gone on. i walked ahead of the camp nearly four miles and picked many gooseberries nearly ripe. they are very plentiful on this bottom. the brethren spent much time cutting brush wood and improving the road. after traveling four miles, halted about half an hour to water teams and eat dinner. the road over which we have traveled is through an uneven gap between high mountains and is exceedingly rough and crooked. not a place to be met with scarcely where there would be room to camp for the dense willow groves all along the bottom. we then proceeded on and traveled over the same kind of rough road till a little after : p.m. then camped on a ridge, having traveled today seven and a quarter miles. the last three miles has been the worst road of the two, it being through willow bushes over twenty feet high, also rose and gooseberry bushes and shaking poplar and birch timber. although there has been a road cut through, it is yet scarcely possible to travel without tearing the wagon covers. we have crossed this creek which elder pratt names canyon creek eleven times during the day and the road is one of the most crooked i ever saw, many sharp turns in it and the willow stubs standing making it very severe on wagons. as we proceed up, the gap between the mountains seems to grow still narrower until arriving at this place where there is room to camp, but little grass for teams. there are many springs along the road but the water is not very good. in one place about a mile back there is a very bad swamp where the brethren spent some time cutting willows and laying them in to improve it. we have got along today without much damage which is somewhat favorable for the road is awful. at this place the ground around is represented as being swampy and dangerous for cattle. it is reported that there is no place to camp beyond this till where elder pratt's company camped and this is so small they have to huddle the wagons together. the soil continues sandy, except in the low moist places where it looks black and good. there is some pine occasionally in sight on the mountains, but timber here is scarce. we have passed through some small patches today where a few house logs might be cut, but this is truly a wild looking place. wednesday, july we started onward at half past six, the morning fine and pleasant. we crossed the creek once more and about a half a mile from where we camped, the road turns to the right leaving the creek and ascending the mountains gradually. much time was necessarily spent cutting down stumps, heaving out rocks and leveling the road. it is an exceedingly rough place. there are several springs at the foot of the mountain and one a mile from the top which runs above the ground a little distance, then sinks under again. the last half mile of the ascent is very steep and the nearer the top the steeper it grows. there is considerable timber up this gap but mostly destroyed by fire. we saw a prairie pheasant while going up and some wild gooseberries. at eleven o'clock, the teams began to arrive on the dividing ridge and in less than an hour, all were safely up. from this ridge we can see an extensive valley to the west but on every other side high mountains, many of them white with snow. it seems as though a few hours' travel might bring us out from the mountains on good road again. we halted on the ridge a little while and then prepared to descend, many locking both hind wheels, a precaution not at all unnecessary. we found the road down exceedingly steep and rendered dangerous by the many stumps of trees left standing in the road. the brethren cut up many of them which delayed us much. about a mile down is a bridge formed of small trees laid one on another to fill up a deep ravine. it is steep on both sides and here joseph rooker turned his wagon over, however, without much damage. a mile and a half from the top is a spring and small stream of very good cold water where we halted to let teams drink. this would make a tolerably good camp ground in case of necessity. after this, the road is not so steep but is very rough and winds between high hills or mountains through willows and brush wood and over soft places, crossing the creek a number of times. at four and a half miles from the top of the ridge, we arrived at a good spring of cold water, plenty of grass and a good place to camp. our teams have now been in the harness about ten hours without eating and the feeling of many was to stay here, but some wanted to go on and we continued. turning suddenly to the right a little below this spring we began to ascend another high ridge and while ascending some of the teams began to fail. there are a great many service berries on this ridge growing on what we supposed to be wild apple trees. the berries are good and rich when ripe. the descent from this ridge is not nearly so steep as the other one, yet many locked both hind wheels. after descending, we found another small creek and a very rough road again. at : , we formed our encampment near the creek, having traveled fourteen miles in thirteen hours. there is but little grass here and a poor chance for cattle. orson pratt's company are camped a half a mile ahead of us and our camp was formed by colonel markham. he says they have had many new cases of sickness but mostly getting better. the cannon is left back on the other side of the mountains. about a mile back from this place there is a small grove of sugar maple and considerable other timber along the creek. there are also beds of nice green rushes in several places. thursday, july this morning is cloudy and some like for rain. we started on at : and soon came up with elder pratt's company. there were several bad places in the road where the brethren spent considerable time fixing them. as we near the mouth of the canyon, there is a small grove of elder bushes in bloom and considerable oak shrubbery. we named this a canyon because of the very high mountains on each side leaving but a few rods of a bottom for the creek to pass through and hardly room for a road. it is evident that the emigrants who passed this way last year must have spent a great deal of time cutting a road through the thickly set timber and heavy brush wood. it is reported that they spent sixteen days in making a road through from weber river which is thirty-five miles but as the men did not work a quarter of their time much less would have sufficed. however, it has taken us over three days after the road is made although a great many hours have been spent in improving it. in this thick brush wood and around here there are many very large rattlesnakes lurking, making it necessary to use caution while passing through. after traveling one and three-quarters miles, we found the road crossing the creek again to the north side and then ascending up a very steep, high hill. it is so very steep as to be almost impossible for heavy wagons to ascend and so narrow that the least accident might precipitate a wagon down a bank three or four hundred feet, in which case it would certainly be dashed to pieces. colonel markham and another man went over the hill and returned up the canyon to see if a road cannot be cut through and avoid this hill. while passing up, a bear started near them but soon was out of sight amongst the very high grass. brother markham says a good road can soon be made down the canyon by digging a little and cutting through the bushes some ten or fifteen rods. a number of men went to work immediately to make the road which will be much better than to attempt crossing the hill and will be sooner done. agreeable to president young's instructions, elder pratt accompanied by george a. smith, john brown, joseph mathews, john pack, o.p. rockwell and j. c. little started on this morning on horses to seek out a suitable place to plant some potatoes, turnips, etc., so as to preserve the seed at least. while the brethren were cutting the road, i followed the old one to the top of the hill and on arriving there was much cheered by a handsome view of the great salt lake lying, as i should judge, from twenty-five to thirty miles to the west of us; and at eleven o'clock i sat down to contemplate and view the surrounding scenery. there is an extensive, beautiful, level looking valley from here to the lake which i should judge from the numerous deep green patches must be fertile and rich. the valley extends to the south probably fifty miles where it is again surrounded by high mountains. to the southwest across the valley at about twenty to twenty-five miles distance is a high mountain, extending from the south end of the valley to about opposite this place where it ceases abruptly leaving a pleasant view of the dark waters of the lake. standing on the lake and about due west there are two mountains and far in the distance another one which i suppose is on the other side the lake, probably from sixty to eighty miles distance. to the northwest is another mountain at the base of which is a lone ridge of what i should consider to be rock salt from its white and shining appearance. the lake does not show at this distance a very extensive surface, but its dark blue shade resembling the calm sea looks very handsome. the intervening valley appears to be well supplied with streams, creeks and lakes, some of the latter are evidently salt. there is but little timber in sight anywhere, and that is mostly on the banks of creeks and streams of water which is about the only objection which could be raised in my estimation to this being one of the most beautiful valleys and pleasant places for a home for the saints which could be found. timber is evidently lacking but we have not expected to find a timbered country. there may be timber on the mountains which the long distance would render impossible to be seen with the naked eye, but the mountains through which we have passed have very little on them. in some places may be seen a grove of small fir or cedar or pine and in the valleys some cottonwood and other small timber. there is doubtless timber in all passes and ravines where streams descend from the mountains. there is no prospect for building log houses without spending a vast amount of time and labor, but we can make spanish brick and dry them in the sun; or we can build lodges as the pawnee indians do in their villages. for my own part i am happily disappointed in the appearance of the valley of the salt lake, but if the land be as rich as it has the appearance of being, i have no fears but the saints can live here and do well while we will do right. when i commune with my own heart and ask myself whether i would choose to dwell here in this wild looking country amongst the saints surrounded by friends, though poor, enjoying the privileges and blessings of the everlasting priesthood, with god for our king and father; or dwell amongst the gentiles with all their wealth and good things of the earth, to be eternally mobbed, harassed, hunted, our best men murdered and every good man's life continually in danger, the soft whisper echoes loud and reverberates back in tones of stern determination; give me the quiet wilderness and my family to associate with, surrounded by the saints and adieu to the gentile world till god says return and avenge you of your enemies. if i had my family with me, how happy could i be, for i dread nothing so much as the journey back again and when i think of the many dangers from accident which families traveling this road are continually liable to and especially this last mountain road from weber river, it makes me almost shudder to think of it and i could almost envy those who have got safely through, having their families with them, yet they will doubtless have a hard time of it the coming winter. brother crow's family especially have very little bread stuff with them, they say enough to last them two months and they are dependent on the success of their hunter for support through the winter. this valley appears to be fortified by mountains, except on the banks of the lake, on many of which there is still snow lying in large quantities. it is certain that good limestone abounds in these ridges and it is supposed coal can be found with little labor. from this hill i passed down the creek which we named the last creek about a mile and there saw a bed of bull rushes of the largest kind i ever saw, some of them being fifteen feet high and an inch and a half in diameter at the bottom. the grass on this creek grows from six to twelve feet high and appears very rank. there are some ducks around and sand hill cranes. many signs of deer, antelope, and bears, but not many have been seen here. there have been fresh buffalo signs seen a few days' travel back, but those animals evidently do not stay in this region unless some come to winter. the ground seems literally alive with the very large black crickets crawling around up grass and bushes. they look loathsome but are said to be excellent for fattening hogs which would feed on them voraciously. the bears evidently live mostly on them at this season of the year. after spending about four hours' labor the brethren succeeded in cutting a pretty good road along the creek and the wagons proceeded on, taking near a southwest course. we found the last descent even but very rapid all the way. at half past five, we formed our encampment on a creek supposed to be brown's creek, having traveled seven and a quarter miles today. we are now five and a quarter miles from the mouth of this canyon making the whole distance of rough mountain road from the weber river to the mouth of the canyon on this side a little less than thirty-five miles and decidedly the worst piece of road on the whole journey. at this place, the land is black and looks rich, sandy enough to make it good to work. the grass grows high and thick on the ground and is well mixed with nice green rushes. feed here for our teams is very plentiful and good and the water is also good. there are many rattlesnakes of a large size in this valley and it is supposed they have dens in the mountains. the land looks dry and lacks rain, but the numerous creeks and springs must necessarily tend to moisten it much. the grass looks rich and good. a while after we camped, elder pratt and company returned and reported that they had been about fifteen miles north from here and this region is as suitable a place to put in our seeds as they have seen. approaching nearer the lake, the land is mostly sunken and many small lakes in it. a few miles north of this, is a good spot to break up and plant potatoes, sow our seeds, etc. there is a little timber on the creek. from twelve to fifteen miles north at the foot of the mountain they saw many hot sulphur springs issuing from the rocks, as many as fifty in number. one of them, the largest, falls out of the rocks and then forms a pool apparently ten feet deep and a rock is in the center. the water of this is so hot a person cannot bear his hand in it but a very few seconds. it is strong of salt and sulphur and the bottom appears green as though it was covered with verdigris. a council was held at the doctor's wagon and it was decided to move early tomorrow to the place designated; also, to send two men back to the president and company to report our progress, etc., then to commence forthwith and plow and plant about ten acres with potatoes this week if possible and thus continue till the seed is secured. john pack and joseph mathews were selected to return to president young's company. the evening was fine and pleasant and the night feels much warmer than in the ravines of the mountains. friday, july this morning elders pack and mathews started to meet the president and at the same time the camp moved on to the final location. we traveled two miles and then formed our encampment on the banks of the creek in an oblong circle. the grass here appears even richer and thicker on the ground than where we left this morning. the soil looks indeed rich, black and a little sandy. the grass is about four feet high and very thick on the ground and well mixed with rushes. if we stay here three weeks and our teams have any rest they will be in good order to return. as soon as the camp was formed a meeting was called and the brethren addressed by elder richards, mostly on the necessity and propriety of working faithfully and diligently to get potatoes, turnips, etc., in the ground. elder pratt reported their mission yesterday and after some remarks the meeting was dismissed. at the opening, the brethren united in prayer and asked the lord to send rain on the land, etc. the brethren immediately rigged three plows and went to plowing a little northeast of the camp; another party went with spades, etc., to make a dam on one of the creeks so as to throw the water at pleasure on the field, designing to irrigate the land in case rain should not come sufficiently. this land is beautifully situated for irrigation, many nice streams descending from the mountains which can be turned in every direction so as to water any portion of the lands at pleasure. during the afternoon, heavy clouds began to collect in the southwest and at five o'clock we had a light shower with thunder. we had rains for about two hours. the brethren have plowed up considerable land and broken several of their plows, but there have been three plows going nearly all day. at night, the camp was called together and addressed by elder richards on a subject which seemed little welcome to many from the way it was handled. it was a sermon of ---- from end to end. some felt a little insulted but it all passed off well and jokingly. saturday, july the plowing is renewed and many are gone to planting potatoes. there is one drag going. others are still at work on the dams. john pack and joseph mathews returned at dark last night and reported the president and company a few miles up last creek. they have gone back this morning to fix two bridges at the mouth of the canyon. the day is fine and hot with a nice breeze. at a quarter to twelve, president young and kimball arrived and the wagons also began to arrive at the same time. the president seems much better and the sick generally are getting better. most of the brethren express themselves well; pleased with the place, but some complain because there is no timber. there appears to be a unanimous agreement in regard to the richness of the soil and there are good prospects of sustaining and fattening stock with little trouble. the only objection is a lack of timber and rain. the latter god will send in its season if the saints are faithful and i think yesterday was a proof that he listens to and answers the prayers of the saints. we can easily irrigate the land at all events which will be an unfailing and certain source of water, for the springs are numerous and the water appears good. about : p.m. we were favored with another nice shower accompanied by thunder and some wind. it continued raining till nearly dark; the balance of the evening fine. elder kimball says that it is contemplated to send out an exploring party to start on monday and proceed north to the bear river and cache valleys. they design taking several wagons with them and presidents young and kimball accompany the expedition. another company is to start at the same time and go west to the lake, then south to the utah lake and return down this valley. sunday, july morning fine and pleasant. at ten o'clock a meeting was held in the camp and the brethren addressed successively by elders g. a. smith, h. c. kimball and e. t. benson, these mostly expressing their feeling of gratification for the prospects of this country, each being highly satisfied with the soil, etc. elder kimball referred especially to the manifold blessings we have been favored with during the journey. not a man, woman, or child has died on the journey, not even a horse, mule, ox, cow or chicken has died during the whole journey. many exhortations were given to the brethren to be faithful, obey the council of those in authority and we shall be blessed and prosperous. at : p.m. by request of elder kimball, the following persons viz.: howard egan, hans c. hanson, jackson redding, carlos murray, thomas cloward, george billings, philo johnson, charles harper, edson whipple, wm. a. king, hosea cusing, robert byard, orson k. whitney and horace whitney, assembled themselves in a willow grove adjacent to the camp where elder kimball addressed them in substance as follows [the whole reported by horace whitney]: "most of you here present have become adopted into my family, except a very few calling them by name and horace, who has become connected with my family by marriage, but i do not care for that, you are all the same to me, and your interest is my interest for what's mine is yours and what's yours is your own. if i have the privilege of building a house, i want you to help me and i will help you. horace will want to build a house for some of his father's family if they should come up and there is plenty of timber in the hills. when my family comes up, we may conclude to settle somewhere else. if so, there will be plenty to buy us out if we shall have made any improvements. i want you all to be prudent and take care of your horses, cattle and everything entrusted to your care. it would be a good plan and probably will be done for those who stay here, to go back on the sweet water and kill buffalo, etc., for winter consumption. we shall go tomorrow if brigham is well enough, in search of a better location--if indeed, such can be found--if not, we shall remain here. there should be an enclosure made for the purpose of keeping the horses and cattle in nights for there are plenty of indians in the vicinity. i should advise you to keep the sabbath day holy whether others do or not. i want you to put all the seed into the ground that you think will come to maturity. i am satisfied that buckwheat will do as well here as any other seed we can grow. i want also some peach stones and apple seeds to be planted forthwith. brother byard and hans i would like to have immediately engage in making garments of buck skins, brother cloward in making shoes and brother johnson in making hats as soon as practicable. if you wish to go hunting, fishing, or to see the country, select a week day and not the lord's day for that purpose. do not let us get giddy and light minded as the nephites did of old, but strive to work righteousness in the beginning, inasmuch as we have reached the promised land. if it is advisable to work in a family capacity, we will do so; and if in a church capacity, we should be equally willing to do that. i am going out on a scout with the brethren and i shall probably want one or two of you to go with me and also one or two wagons. i am not going to take anything back with me to winter quarters except what is actually necessary--even some of my clothes i shall leave behind. i shall leave bishop whipple with you. he is quite a steady and economical man, and as such i recommend him to you. i want every man to be as industrious as possible while i am gone and get into the ground all the turnips, cabbage and other seeds you can. in case a storm of snow should come on, it would be advisable to drive all the cattle among the willows where they can remain until the snow goes off. i want you all to work together until such time as every man can have his inheritance set off to him. i feel towards you as a father towards his children and i want you to banish all peevishness from your midst and accommodate yourselves as much as possible to each other's wishes. i have it to say that my boys have been faithful to their various duties on this journey and other people have noticed it and expressed the opinion that they never saw such an attentive set of men in their lives, and i consider that their conduct is worthy of imitation. i want you to be sober and prayerful and remember me and my family in your prayers." a number of other good ideas were advanced by brother heber and then we closed the meeting by prayer. at : p.m. the brethren again assembled within the camp and were successively addressed by elders woodruff, orson pratt and w. richards sustaining the ideas advanced by the other brethren this morning. some remarks followed from lorenzo young, john pack and others and the meeting was dismissed. it is contemplated to send some wagons back to lighten the loads and assist the next company over these rough roads. it is now certain that there is considerable timber in the ravines and valleys between the mountains, several large bodies having been seen by the brethren since our arrival. there is a mountain lying northeast from here on which is considerably large timber. it is supposed to be about ten miles distance. the northern expedition is given up for the present on account of president young's health. a company intend to go tomorrow to the lake and survey that region. if they go, they will probably be gone a day or two. monday, july morning cloudy and pleasant. the brethren commenced plowing early, others are gone to planting, etc., and the brethren appear to feel well. some of the sick have been to bathe in one of the hot springs and pronounce the effects wonderfully beneficial. others are going this morning to try the same experiment. another company are gone to make a road to the timber through a ravine a little north of this. about ten o'clock, president young sent me a horse with instructions to join him and some others going on a short exploring expedition. i immediately started and found the company consisted of president young, elders kimball, woodruff, g. a. smith, benson, richards and carrington. we took a course northward passing by the land where the brethren are plowing and planting. the land indeed looks rich and light. about three-quarters of a mile north of the camp, we arrived on a beautiful table land, level and nicely sloping to the west. here we halted to view it and the more we viewed, the better we were satisfied that it is as handsome a place for a city as can be imagined. at the east part there is a considerable creek of clear cold water descending from the mountains and just above this place it branches into two forks, one running northwest, the other southwest, and the two nicely surrounding this place, and so well arranged that should a city be built here the water can be turned into every street at pleasure. we passed on and began to ascend the mountains, the president signifying a wish to ascend a high peak to the north of us. after some hard toil and time we succeeded in gaining the summit, leaving our horses about two-thirds the way up. president young felt pretty well fatigued when he got up. some of the brethren feel like naming this ensign peak. from this place, we had a good view of the salt lake and could see that the waters extend for a great many miles to the north of us. there appears to be land, although white with salt, all the way to the mountain on the northwest which we had previously supposed was surrounded by water. we can see a pretty large stream winding from the south to the north through the valley but keeping not many miles distant from these mountains towards the lake. after satisfying ourselves we began to descend, president young and lorenzo, who joined us a while before we went up, going down on the east side where they were joined by elders woodruff, benson, and richards with the horses. elders kimball, smith, carrington and myself descended on the northwest corner and found the descent very lengthy and difficult. these hills are mostly rocky of a kind of soft stone in some places, in others a harder kind of flint stone. on arriving on the level again, we wound our way southward to meet the other brethren and after passing a little way saw one of the sulphur springs where a pretty large stream of sulphur water boils out of the rock at the foot of the mountain and thence branches out into several smaller streams for some distance till these enter a small lake. this water is about as warm as dish water and very salty. there is much filthy kind of substance collected on it and the smell arising from it is truly nauseating and sickly, though generally supposed to be in no way unhealthy. elder kimball left us here on seeing elder woodruff's carriage and the other brethren returning back towards the camp. in the meantime, elders smith, carrington and myself went lower down towards the lake in search of some fresh water to quench our thirst. we found a nice clear stream of cold water but a little way from the sulphur spring and having drunk of it, we concluded to go on and see the river which we had noticed from the mountain. we took nearly a west course and soon struck the old road made by emigrants last year. we found the land exceedingly rich all along, good grass and abundance of rushes. we found many wet places but no signs of swamps, nor danger of miring. after traveling about two miles, we arrived at the river having followed the road to the ford. this river is about five rods wide on an average, three and a half feet deep at the ford but in other places much deeper. the current is slow and the water of a dark lead color. the banks are about five feet high and the soil to the water level of a rich, black alluvial. there is no timber on the banks here and not many willow bushes. we went over the river and found the soil equally good on the other side. while here we observed elder woodruff's carriage and the brethren again proceeding northward. we started back to meet them, it being the intention to go to the large, hot sulphur spring. we could but remark all along, the richness of the soil and the abundance of high, good looking grass. on arriving at the foot of the mountain beside another sulphur spring, we saw the carriage come on to the first spring but apparently judging it unsafe to cross, they wheeled around and returned back to camp. elders smith, carrington and myself then concluded to go on and view the big spring which we found to be about two miles farther. before arriving at it, there is a large shoal salt lake and on the banks are numerous sulphur springs varying in the appearance of the surface and losing themselves in the lake. there were many plovers on and around this lake. we arrived at the big spring about four o'clock and making our horses fast, we went down to where it boils out of the rock. this spring is also situated at the foot of the mountains and at the base of a large rock, perpendicular on the west side and gradually losing itself on the east in the mountain. the spring, as i have said, is at the base of this rock. there is a circular hole about four feet wide and a yard high from the top to the surface of the water from whence the water boils out in a considerable stream. the water itself in the spring seems to be about two feet deep. there is a rock at the mouth of the spring where a person can stand and see inside. standing on this rock with your face near the mouth of the spring a strong warm sulphurous air is felt to come in gusts out of the rock and it is so hot that it requires only a few minutes to start the perspiration. on putting my hand in the spring, i was startled with the heat and found i could not bear to hold my hand in five seconds. it is as hot as the hottest dish water ever used for dishes. immediately on emerging from the rock, the water forms a lake about three rods in diameter and evidently pretty deep. the water is exceedingly clear and nice to look at but very salty indeed. we could see the water boil up in many parts of the lake. the water escapes at the north side of the lake at the base of the rock and there forms a stream about four feet wide and eighteen inches deep. we concluded we would go down the stream six or eight rods to wash our feet, naturally expecting the water to be cooler, but on taking off our boots and socks we found it impossible to hold our feet in it a moment and could barely wash by dashing the water on with our hands and suddenly dipping them in and out. it is supposed this would boil an egg in about ten minutes. at five o'clock we returned back to camp and supposed that the spring is about four miles distance. we arrived in camp at six o'clock. the brethren have planted about three acres of potatoes, some peas, beans, and are now planting four or five acres of corn. elder kimball stated that on returning with the carriage to the creek near the camp to get some water, he discovered that he had lost his spy glass. he retraced his steps on foot to the top of the peak and back without finding it, and on arriving at the bottom he saw elders richards and benson bathing in one of the warm sulphur springs. although wet with perspiration he took off his clothes and plunged in and found the effects very pleasant and beneficial. after bathing they started back for camp and but a few rods distance found the glass near the road. some of the brethren have commenced making a garden about two miles to the southeast and indeed their operations and industry are truly pleasing and noble. the more i view the country, the better i am satisfied that the saints can live here and raise abundant crops. elder kimball has kindly offered me a horse to ride and view the country as much and when i have a mind to while we stay here. this morning joseph mathews and john brown started west to go to the mountain. they returned this evening and report that they have been at the foot of the mountain and judge it to be about sixteen miles distance. they say the wild sage is very plentiful on the other side the valley, showing that the land is not so rich there as here. they found a horse, near the mountain and have brought it to camp, supposed to have strayed from emigrants who have previously passed this way. towards sundown heavy clouds were noticed in the south and southwest. we expected a shower, but it passed off to the east. tuesday, july morning fine and warm. the atmosphere appears very different here to what it did amongst the mountains. the evenings and nights are very warm and pleasant and the air appears pure. two of the utah indians came to camp early this morning to trade. two ponies were bought of them for a rifle and musket. these two are but of moderate size, pleasing countenance and dressed in skins. at half past eight amasa lyman, rodney badger, roswell stevens, and brother brannan arrived in camp. they report that the pueblo company will be in tomorrow or the day after. the brethren are still busy plowing and planting. burr frost has his forge up and quite a number of plows have been rigged up by the assistance of the carpenters. elder lyman, i understand, reports that they heard of a large company on their way and he thinks we may expect them in or days. elders lyman and brannan joined the exploring party with president young and kimball and the company started off soon after their arrival. a company of brethren have been to the mountains to get more lumber to build a skiff. they returned this evening bringing a very handsome pine log about twenty inches through and which, probably, when whole, would measure sixty feet long. the day has been very fine and warm. the horses and cattle seem in good spirits and are getting fat. they are full of life and ambition. presidents young and kimball have had their wagons moved a little distance from the camp to the other side the creek. during the afternoon, two more indians came in to trade. some of the brethren are making unwise trades, giving twenty charges of powder and balls for a buck skin, while the usual price is three charges. this is wrong. wednesday, july morning fine and warm. several of the indians have remained in camp over night. they seem very peaceable and gentle and anxious to trade. the brethren are making a saw pit to saw lumber for a skiff. joseph hancock and lewis barney have been off hunting in the mountains two days. they state there is abundance of good timber for building in the mountains but difficult to get at it. the timber is mostly balsam fir and poplar and many sticks will make two good logs. at half past three president young and company returned. they have been at the salt lake and report it to be about twenty-five miles distance. no water after they leave the river except salt water. the lake is very clear and the water heavy, so much so, that a man cannot possibly sink. even not where more than four feet deep and they tried to fall down on their knees but could not touch the bottom. they can sit or lie in the water perfectly easily without touching the bottom. one of the brethren lay down on the water and another got on him but could not sink him. they suppose the water will yield % pure salt. they gathered some off the rocks which is as pure, white and fine as the best that can be bought in market. there is a cave in the mountain west of the camp which is sixty feet from the entrance to the far end. the indians appear to have frequently visited it and there are yet the remains of their fires. there appears to be no fresh water beyond the river and the brethren are more and more satisfied that we are already on the right spot. at eight o'clock the brethren were called together and addressed by president young on various subjects, pointing out items of law which would be put in force here, his feelings towards the gentiles, etc. he said they intended to divide the city into blocks of ten acres each with eight lots in a block of one and a quarter acres each. the streets to be wide. no house will be permitted to be built on the corners of the streets, neither petty shops. each house will have to be built so many feet back from the street and all the houses parallel with each other. the fronts are to be beautified with fruit trees, etc. no filth will be allowed to stand in the city but the water will be conducted through in such a manner as to carry all the filth off to the river jordan. no man will be suffered to cut up his lot and sell a part to speculate out of his brethren. each man must keep his lot whole, for the lord has given it to us without price. the temple lot will be forty acres and adorned with trees, ponds, etc. the whole subject was interesting to the brethren and the items will probably be given more fully hereafter. the twelve were appointed a committee to lay off the city, etc. thursday, july we have had a very strong cold, east wind all the night and the morning is tolerably cool. at eleven o'clock i was moved up to the other camp about three-quarters of a mile. at ten o'clock we had a light shower. it rained pretty heavily all around but mostly passed by here. at three o'clock, the pueblo brethren came in sight, the soldiers appearing in military order, many of them mounted. they have twenty-nine wagons in the company and one carriage. presidents young, kimball and the twelve went to meet the brethren and met them in the canyon. they report that they had very heavy rain there, the water rising in the creek three feet in a very short time, caused by the rush from the mountains. the brethren arrived at the lower camp at half past three and marched in headed by the fifes and side drum. they have camped a little west of the other camp. the brethren are represented as feeling well and cheerful. at five o'clock the twelve returned here and an hour later went over north to the mountains, i suppose to hold a council. friday, july day warm. twelve held a council with the officer of the battalion, then rode up to the hot spring. evening a general meeting of the camp and addressed by president young. he told his feelings concerning the soldiers, they have saved the people by going when required, etc. he rejoiced that they are here. he expressed his feelings warmly towards the brethren and also told his feelings towards the gentiles. the meeting was opened by hosannas three times and closed by requesting the battalion to build a bower tomorrow on the temple lot where we can assemble for meetings, etc. saturday, july this morning the brethren commenced making the bower on the temple lot a little southwest from our camp. they will make it about forty feet long and twenty-eight feet wide. walked with president young, kimball, richards and others to the mississippi camp. brother thomas richardson is very sick and several others of the soldiers. soloman tindal is yet alive but looks feeble. elder kimball conversed sometime with captain james brown. there are from twenty to thirty of the utah indians here and some squaws trading with the brethren. they are generally of low stature, pleasing countenance but poorly clad. while we were there, a dispute arose between two of the young men and they went to fighting very fiercely. one broke his gun stock on the other's head and i expected to see a pretty serious affray, many of the others gathering around. soon an old man came up, father to one of the young men engaged in the quarrel and he used his heavy whip very freely about both their heads and faces. the antagonist of the son struck the old man and he immediately gathered a long pole and broke it over the young man's head. he succeeded in quelling the broil and gave them a long lecture. they then mostly left and resumed their trading a little distance from the camp. in the afternoon, we had a pretty smart thunder shower and considerable wind. in the evening i walked down to the pueblo camp and there learned the following particulars: these indians who are now here are of the shoshones, about fifteen or twenty in number, and several women among them. there were four or five of the utahs here this morning when the shoshones came up. one of the utahs had stolen a horse from one of the shoshones and the latter party saw him with the horse here. he had traded the horse for a rifle but was unwilling either to give up the horse or rifle hence the quarrel spoken of above. when the old man separated them, the thief went down and hid himself in the camp below. soon after, he saw another horse walking by, which he knew to belong to the shoshones. he sprang on his own horse and drove the other one before him towards the mountains on the southeast as hard as he could ride. the shoshones being informed of it, four of them started in pursuit and as he got in between the mountains they closed in on him, one of the pursuers shooting him dead while another one shot his horse. they returned and made this report to the others of the tribe at the camp at the same time exhibiting fresh blood on one of the rifles. they appear to be much excited and continually on the watch. when the men returned, they sat down and made a meal of some of these large crickets. they appear to be crisped over the fire which is all the cooking required. many of the brethren have traded muskets and rifles for horses and ordinary muskets will buy a pretty good horse. they appear to be displeased because we have traded with the utahs and say they own this land, that that the utahs have come over the line, etc. they signified by signs that they wanted to sell us the land for powder and lead. the shoshones are poorer clad than the utahs. they are about the same in stature and there are many pleasing countenances among them. colonel markham reports that there are three lots of land already broke. one lot of thirty-five acres of which two-thirds is already planted with buckwheat, corn, oats, etc. one lot of eight acres which is all planted with corn, potatoes, beans, etc. and a garden of ten acres, four acres of which is sown with garden seed. he says there are about three acres of corn already up about two inches above the ground and some beans and potatoes up too. this is the result of eight days' labor, besides making a road to the timber, hauling and sawing timber for a boat, making and repairing plows, etc. there have been thirteen plows and three harrows worked during the week. august sunday, august we have had another cool windy night. at ten o'clock in the morning the brethren assembled for meeting under the bower on the temple lot, all the members of the quorum of the twelve being present except president young who is quite sick again. after the meeting had been opened by singing and prayer by elder g. a. smith, elder kimball arose and made some remarks to the following effect, as reported by brother bullock: "i would enquire whether there is a guard out around our cattle; if not, let one be placed immediately. the indians left here very suddenly this morning and we don't know their object. if we don't take good care of what we have, we will not have any more. it is all in the world we shall ever have, for 'to him that receiveth i will give more.' we are the sons of god and he will do with us as we would do to our children, and inasmuch as i am faithful in taking care of my neighbors' goods, i shall be entitled to the same from them, for we are commanded to do unto others as we want others to do to us. every penurious man who takes advantage of others will come down to poverty. if we have to follow the steps of our savior we have to follow and experience the same things; you will have to feel for men so as to know how to sympathize with them and then you can feel for them. i feel for this people and grow more feeling for them every day. our father in heaven is more tender to us than any mother to her little child. if i am faithful to serve others, others will be willing to serve me." orson pratt requested the prayers of the saints in his behalf: "it is with peculiar feelings that i arise before so many of the saints in this uncultivated region inhabited by savages. my mind is full of reflection on the scenes through which we have passed and being brought through the deserts of sage to this distant region. god's ways are not as our ways. it is not wisdom that the saints should always foresee the difficulties they have to encounter for then they would not be trials. we expected some revelations to take place and behold they are revealed in the book of mormon and doctrine and covenants, for we are to congregate among the remnants of joseph. we did think our wives and children would be built up among the strongholds of the gentiles, we thought we should be as missourians to them. jehovah had different purposes. he designed that this people should be brought out almost as an entire people. the book of mormon never would have been fulfilled if the saints had not left the gentiles as a people, for when the gentiles rejected the gospel it was to be taken among the lamanites. so long as the gospel, the priesthood and the main body of the people remained with them, the fullness of the gospel was not taken away from the gentiles. this movement is one of the greatest that has taken place among this people. i feel thankful as one of the twelve for the privilege of coming out as one of the pioneers to this glorious valley where we can build up a city to the lord. for many years i have not read that good old book, but i remember the predictions in it and some that are now very nearly fulfilled by us. isaiah says, (chapter ) speaking of the city of zion, it shall be 'sought out, a city not forsaken,' etc. many in this congregation know what is meant by the garments of salvation and the robe of righteousness. righteousness and praise shall spring forth before all the nations of the earth and they will not hold their peace. there are many of you that feel you can cry day and night to the people in the cause of righteousness until it shall triumph. 'for as a young man marrieth a virgin,' etc.--this belongs and refers to us. 'i will no longer give thy corn to be meat for thine enemy.' this has not been fulfilled heretofore but will be. the corn that we toil to raise from the earth, it shall not be given to our enemies, they that gather it shall eat it, and they shall drink in the courts of his holiness. this wine is also to be drunk in the courts of the lord's house. we have gathered out the stones out of the road and thousands will yet fulfil this prophecy. it has reference to the latter times that were to dawn upon the world in the last dispensation. 'thou shalt be called, sought out, a city not forsaken.' if ever there was a place sought out it is this, we have enquired diligently and have found it. this cannot refer to jerusalem, but to this very place, point and spot that the pioneers have found where a city shall be built unto the lord, where righteousness will reign and iniquity not be allowed. isaiah and joel both spake very plainly on this subject. 'it shall come to pass in the last days that the house of the lord shall be established,' etc. in what part of the earth could it be established more than in this place where this congregation is gathered. in the midst of the spires of the mountains we have found a place large enough to gather a few thousand of the saints. you may travel europe, asia, africa and america but you cannot find a place much higher where any people can raise crops and sustain themselves. the house of the lord will be established on the tops of the mountains when we shall have once reared here. the experience of the saints proves that there was no house of the lord, and we can say: travel over this earth but you cannot find the house of the lord. the lord must give the pattern of the building and order it, and give directions to his servants. the lord wants his house built precisely to the pattern that he gives and he is bound to speak to and bless and make them his own children in that house and i verily believe i shall see it and see thousands come flocking to the house to learn the way of salvation. and i want to see the time that i shall see thousands raising their voices on this consecrated land. there are many testimonies in the prophets all bearing upon this subject. joseph, in the book of doctrine and covenants speaks of this very subject and it appears there will be some sinners in zion who will be afraid and a devouring fire will rest upon every dwelling place in zion. 'he that walketh righteously' etc., 'he shall dwell on high, bread shall be given him, his water shall be sure.' isaiah was on the eastern continent when he spoke this and was speaking of a very distant place. it will be pretty difficult to get a ship of war up to this place. when we get used to this healthy climate, the people will not say, i am sick, but will be able to smite the gentiles. they will grow up strong and will not be in jeopardy from sickness. the wilderness shall become as a fruitful field and a fruitful field as a forest. we know the time will come that the great jehovah will cause springs of water to gush out of the desert lands and we shall see the lands survive that the gentiles have defiled. isaiah speaks of the heritage of jacob being in a high place. this is about four thousand feet above the level of the sea and the high mountains will still catch the hail and we shall be in a low place. we will not feel discouraged but will feel full of vigor and circumscribe all things to the very heavens, for this is what we desire above all things. let us endeavor to covenant in our hearts, that we will serve the lord; that we will keep his commandments and obey his counsel. i wish that all of us should be faithful and as president young said the other evening, every man is expected to do his duty. the lord will be with us still; he will shield, guard and defend us by day and be our refuge by night, and our salvation. i feel to say in the name of the lord jesus christ, you shall be blest if you keep the commandments of god. amen." elder kimball hopes the brethren will be attentive to what they hear for if you bring an evil upon this people you will bring destruction upon yourself. if you do things according to counsel and they are wrong, the consequences will fall on the heads of those who counseled you, so don't be troubled. i do not want to be wrapt in the skins of some men who have taken a course that has brought destruction upon themselves and others, and they will have to answer for it. i am a man that would not speak to a man's daughter to marry her until i have first spoken to her father and mother also, and then it is done by common consent. but i preach the truth, every word of it. president young instructed the battalion last evening and counseled them for their comfort and the counsel is for the brethren to keep their guns and their powder and their balls and lead and not let the indians have it for they will shoot down our cattle. they stole guns yesterday and had them under their blankets and if you don't attend to this you are heating a kettle of boiling water to scald your own feet. if you listen to counsel you will let them alone and let them eat the crickets, there's a plenty of them. i understand they offered to sell the land and we were to buy it of them, the utahs would want to pay for it too. the land belongs to our father in heaven and we calculate to plow and plant it and no man will have power to sell his inheritance for he cannot remove it; it belongs to the lord. i am glad i have come to a place where i feel free. i am satisfied and we are in a goodly land. my family is back, my teams are helping on several families and leaving ours. if my family were here i would not go over that road again. i believe in brother joseph's religion which he said was a key that would save every man or woman, and that it is for every man to mind his own business and let other people's business alone. we will all have farms and cultivate them and plant vineyards, and if we are faithful, five years will not pass away before we are better off than we ever were in nauvoo. if we had brought our families along everybody else would have come; and we must lose another year. we could not bring all the soldiers' families for the same reason that we did not bring our own families. i thank the lord that there are so many of the soldiers here. if they had tarried in winter quarters there would have been many more deaths among them. we brought many of these pioneers to save their lives, many of them were very sick and were carried out of their beds and put into the wagons. they have mostly recovered their health and we have been prosperous and have been permitted to arrive here alive. there has not one died on the journey, nor an ox nor horse nor anything except one of brother crow's oxen which was poisoned. we lost several horses by accident and we shall be prosperous on our journey back again if we are faithful, those of us who go, and we shall see and enjoy the society of our families again. we will one day have a house built here and have the forts and go into the house and administer for our dead. elder richards then read an order from lieut. cooke of the mormon battalion on the pacific, after which elder bullock read a letter from jefferson hunt to james brown, dated july , , after which and a few other remarks, the meeting was dismissed. at : the congregation assembled and opened by singing and prayer by elder woodruff. bread and water were then administered by the bishops after which elder richards, after a few preliminary remarks, read the "word and will of the lord," as given in winter quarters. elder kimball made some remarks and the brethren manifested that they received and would obey the revelations by uplifted hand. he was followed by remarks by elder amasa lyman, mostly sustaining the positions taken by the previous speakers. elder kimball again rose to lay before the brethren some items of business, whereupon it was decided that the three companies form into one camp and labor together that the officers be a committee to form the corral, and that the corral be formed tomorrow. that horses and mules be tied near the camp at nights; that we build houses instead of living in wagons this winter; that we go to work immediately putting up houses; that we work unitedly; that the houses form a stockade or fort to keep out the indians; that our women and children be not abused and that we let the indians alone. colonel rockwood remarked that a log house by would cost forty dollars and one of adobes half as much. captain brown was in favor of setting men to work building both log and adobe houses to hasten the work. captain lewis said that inasmuch as timber is scarce and we have spades and shovels and tools enough, as many as can be used, he is in favor of building adobe houses and saving the timber. lieutenant willis said you can put up an adobe house before a man could get the logs for a log house. adobe houses are healthy and are the best for equinoxial gales. elder brannan has a man in california who will take three men, make adobes for a thirty foot house, build the house and put a family in it in a week. his printing office was put up in fourteen days and a paper printed. elder richards said we want brick made and lime burned. if wood is put into houses it will be a waste of it. we want all the timber to make floors and roofs. we want the walls up and we are men enough to put them up in a few days and have the women protected. it was voted to put up a stockade of adobe houses. samuel gould and james drum reported themselves as lime burners. sylvester h. earl, joel j. terrill, ralph douglas and joseph hancock reported themselves as brick makers. elder kimball then remarked that those who intend to send ox teams back to winter quarters must be ready a week from tomorrow morning. if the cattle's feet are too tender, have them shod, or have new shoes in the wagons. those oxen to rest and be released from plowing, etc. do not get the indians around here. i want you to have nothing to do with them. after a few remarks on general items, the meeting dismissed. monday, august we have had another cool night, but morning fine. the other companies commenced moving their wagons up and we also moved a little farther east. during the day the whole camp was formed in an oblong circle. about noon ezra t. benson and several others started back to meet the next company. they carried a letter, the following being a copy of the same: "pioneer camp. valley of the great salt lake, august , . to general chas. c. rich and the presidents and officers of the emigrating company. beloved brethren: we have delegated our beloved brother ezra t. benson and escort to communicate to you by express the cheering intelligence that we have arrived in the most beautiful valley of the great salt lake, that every soul who left winter quarters with us is alive and almost everyone enjoying good health. that portion of the battalion that was at pueblo is here with us together with the mississippi company that accompanied them and they are generally well. we number about souls and we know of no one but who is pleased with our situation. we have commenced the survey of a city this morning. we feel that the time is fast approaching when those teams that are going to winter quarters this fall should be on the way. every individual here would be glad to tarry if his friends were here, but as many of the battalion, as well as the pioneers, have not their families here and do not expect that they are in your camp, we wish to learn by express from you, the situation of your camp as speedily as possible that we may be prepared to counsel and act in the whole matter. we want you to send us the names of every individual in your camp, or in other words, a copy of your camp roll, including the names, number of wagons, horses, mules, oxen, cows, etc., and the health of your camp, your location, prospects, etc. if your teams are worn out, if your camp is sick and not able to take care of themselves, if you are short of teamsters or any other circumstance impeding your progress. we want to know it immediately for we have help for you, and if your teams are in good plight and will be able to return to winter quarters this season or any portion of them, we want to know it. we also want the mail, which will include all letters and papers, and packages belonging to our camp, general and particular. should circumstances permit, we would gladly meet you some distance from this, but our time is very much occupied. notwithstanding, we think you will see us before you see our valley. let all the brethren and sisters cheer up their hearts and know assuredly that god has heard and answered their prayers and ours and led us to a goodly land, and our souls are satisfied therewith. brother benson can give you many particulars that will be gratifying and cheering to you which we have not time to write, and we feel to bless all the saints. in behalf of the council. willard richards, clerk. brigham young, president. this morning, elders pratt and sherwood commenced surveying the city to lay it off in lots but finally concluded to wait until the chain could be tested by a standard pole which will have to be gotten from the mountains. some of the brethren are preparing to make moulds for adobes. in the evening, elder kimball's teams returned from the mountains with some good house logs and poles for measuring, etc. the day has been very warm but the nights begin to be very cool. the northeast winds seem to prevail here at this season and coming from the mountains of snow are cold when the sun is down. after dark president young sent for me to come to his wagon and told his calculations about our starting back. he wants me to start with the ox teams next monday so as to have a better privilege of taking the distances, etc. he calculates the horse teams to start two weeks later, and if the first company arrives at grand island before the other comes up to wait for them there, kill and dry buffalo, etc. he wants the roadometer fixed this week and elder kimball has selected william king to do the work. tuesday, august morning fine, but cool. elder carrington starts for the mountains to look for limestone. during the day i went and bathed at bullock's bathing place in one of the warm sulphur springs. i found the effects very refreshing and beneficial. spent most of the day making a table of distances, etc. the day very hot. wednesday, august this morning william a. king has commenced making a new roadometer. the day very hot and close. thursday, august again at the roadometer, day very warm. j. c. little and others have returned and report that they have been at the utah lake. as they went up they saw bodies of two dead indians lying on the ground proving that there was one of each tribe killed the other day. they consider it to be about forty miles to the utah lake and on the east side is a handsome valley about six or eight miles wide. they are now convinced that the stream which runs a few miles below here is the utah outlet, they having followed it to its junction with the lake. friday, august the day very warm. saturday, august today william a. king has finished the roadometer which will now tell the distance for one thousand miles without keeping any account. about noon a very large whirlwind struck the south side of the camp forming a cloud of dust about twenty feet in diameter and making a loud roar. it carried a chicken up some distance, tore up the bowers, and shook the wagons violently in its course. it passed off to the northeast and seemed to break at the mountains. this morning fifteen of the brethren commenced building a dam a little above the camp so as to bring the water around and inside the camp. they finished early in the afternoon and we have now a pleasant little stream of cold water running on each side the wagons all around the camp. where the water runs off or overflows the gutters, it soon becomes miry and cattle will sink a half a yard in mud. this is owing to the lightness of the soil, it being very light and rich. in the evening, many of the brethren went and were baptized in the dam by elder kimball for the remission of sins, elders pratt, woodruff, and smith attending to confirmation. i went and was baptized amongst the rest. it has been recommended for all the camp to be baptized and this evening they have commenced it. sunday, august morning cloudy with strong northeast wind. the brethren have resumed baptizing and a number have obeyed the ordinance both male and female. at ten o'clock, a meeting was held in the bowery and instructions given to the brethren. at two o'clock, sacrament was administered and of the brethren selected to make adobes. wrote a letter for heber to elder martin and others. monday, august at eleven o'clock, brannan, captain james brown and several others started for san francisco. elder j. c. little accompanies them to fort hall. i spent three hours taking observations with the barometer with elder pratt to ascertain the height of the land on the creek above the city. ensign peak, etc. the twelve had decided on a name for this place and a caption for all letters and documents issued from this place, which is as follows: salt lake city, great basin, north america. tuesday, august this morning, president young and kimball have gone to the adobe yard to commence building some houses in that region. they have already got many good logs on the ground. colonel markham reports that in addition to the plowing done week before last, they have plowed about thirty acres which is mostly planted, making a total of about eighty acres. the plowing ceased last week and the brethren are now making adobes, hauling logs, etc. elder sherwood continues surveying the city. tanner and frost are setting wagon tires and have set fifty-two today. the brethren who went to the lake on monday to boil down salt have returned this evening and report that they have found a bed of beautiful salt ready to load into wagons. it lies between two sand bars and is about six inches thick. they suppose they can easily load ten wagons without boiling. i have received from elder kimball a pair of buckskin pants, as a present i suppose, but as i have on similar occasions been branded with the idea of receiving a great many kindnesses without consideration, i will for this once state a little particular on the other side the question. i acknowledge that i have had the privilege of riding in a wagon and sleeping in it, of having my victuals cooked and some meat and milk, and occasionally a little tea or coffee furnished. my flour i furnished myself. i have had no team to take care of. howard egan has done most of my washing until a month ago in consideration of the privilege of copying from my journal, using my desk, ink, etc. the balance of my washing i have hired. now what have i done for brother kimball? am i justly indebted on this journey? answer: i have written in his journal pages of close matter on an average of words to a page, which if paid at the price of recording deeds in illinois would amount to over $ . . i have collected the matter myself, besides writing letters, etc. this has been for his special benefit. i have kept an account of the distance we have traveled for over miles of the journey, attended to the measurement of the road, kept the distances from creek to creek and from one encampment to another; put up a guide board every ten miles from fort john to this place with the assistance of philo johnson. i have mapped some for dr. richards and keeping my own journal forms the whole benefit to be derived by my family by this mission. i have yet considerable to write in elder kimball's journal before i return. i am expected to keep a table of distances of the whole route returning from here to winter quarters and make a map when i get through, and this for public benefit. now how much am i considered to be in debt, and how often will it be said that i was furnished by others with victuals, clothing, etc., that i might enjoy this journey as a mission of pleasure. i have spent most of this day calculating the height of this spot above the level of the sea for elder pratt. wednesday, august early this morning, a large company of the utah indians came to visit the camp and it was with difficulty they could be kept outside the wagons. there are few of them who have any clothing on except the breech clout and are mostly of low stature. they have scarcely anything to trade and not many women and children with them. they are camped about three miles north of west and supposed to be going north hunting. one of them was detected stealing some clothing which lay on the bushes to dry, but was made to leave it. when they found they were not permitted inside the circle, they soon moved off to their camp. the brethren have commenced laying the adobe wall today which will be twenty-seven inches thick and nine feet high. the adobes are inches long, inches broad and ½ inches thick. the brethren in camp have finished the skiff and launched her in the creek to soak. about five o'clock, a child of therlkill's was found in the creek south of the camp drowned. various efforts were made to restore it but unsuccessfully. the child was about three years old and its parents mourn the accident bitterly. the day has been very hot, but as usual, at sundown we have a strong, cool wind from the northeast. thursday, august spent the forenoon with elder pratt in taking observations to ascertain the height of the temple block above the utah outlet which he found to be sixty-five feet. the altitude one mile up the creek above the temple block is feet and the altitude of the temple block above the level of the sea is , feet. the latitude ° ' ". the blacksmiths are very busy shoeing oxen and there is prospect that the ox teams will start back on monday or tuesday. the soldiers are getting dissatisfied at being kept here so long from their families and yesterday several of them left the camp secretly to go to winter quarters and this morning others are gone, but it is probable that president young knows nothing of it yet although about a dozen are already gone and others are preparing to follow them. on tuesday president young laid a foundation for four houses; elder kimball four, colonel markham one, dr. richards one, and lorenzo young two, and today dr. richards has laid the foundation of another, george a. smith two and wilford woodruff two, making a total of seventeen houses mostly fourteen feet wide and from twelve to seventeen long. elder kimball has his house four logs high. friday, august spent the day mostly writing. the brethren have got bushels of salt with twenty-four hours labor. saturday, august started at : in company with a number of others for the salt lake. we arrived at three o'clock and estimated the distance twenty-two miles. we all bathed in it and found the reports of those who had previously bathed in no ways exaggerated. we returned back to the river where we arrived at eleven o'clock at the beginning of a light thunder shower. there is no pure fresh water between the river and the lake. sunday, august president young preached on the death of little children, etc. evening the company composing those who are returning with the ox teams met and voted that shadrach roundy and tunis rappleyee be captains. they received instructions to start tomorrow and travel leisurely to grand island and there wait for the last company of horse teams. j. c. little and company returned yesterday from utah lake, and this morning the exploring company returned. monday, august spent most of the day fixing the roadometer, also finished marking the distances, camping places,, etc., on dr. richards' map from devil's gate to little sandy. evening took the wagon in company with jackson redding and howard egan to the warm spring to try the roadometer. we found the distance to be one and a half miles. most of the company of ox teams have started today for winter quarters. they will go to the canyon and wait there till morning. after dark, elder kimball called a number of us together in the tent and each one present selected a lot for himself and family. i had previously selected lots , and on block , but president young broke into our arrangements and wished and reserved, consequently i made choice of lots , and on block . tuesday, august started out at : and found the distance to the mouth of the canyon five miles, the difference arising from making a road across instead of following the first one. one and three quarters of a mile farther arrived at where the company had camped for the night and found them all ready to start, only waiting for president young to arrive and give some instructions, but he sent word he should not come and we started forward. elders kimball and richards soon overtook the company, gave some instructions, then returned and the company moved on. on arriving at birch spring, we encamped for the night, having traveled thirteen and a half miles. there is considerable danger of cattle miring near the spring and several have already had to be pulled out. this company consists of seventy-one men with thirty-three wagons. after camping, the brethren were called together by captain roundy for the purpose of organizing. he briefly stated the manner of the organization of the camp when we left winter quarters and it was unanimously voted to organize after the same pattern which was done as follows: st division st ten joseph skeen, captain wm. burt artemas johnson james dunn james cazier joseph shipley geo. cummings samuel badham thos. richardson roswell stevens nd ten zebedee coltrin, captain wm. bird chester loveland josiah curtis lorenzo babcock john s. eldridge samuel h. marble horace thornton geo. scholes rd ten francis boggs, captain geo. wardle sylvester h. earl seeley owens almon m. williams clark stillman tunis rappleyee, captain of st division. james cazier captain of guard in st division. nd division st ten jackson redding, captain robert biard wm. carpenter benj. w. rolfe henry w. sanderson thos. cloward bailey jacobs lisbon lamb john pack wm. clayton nd ten john h. tippets, captain lyman stevens francis t. whitney lyman curtis james stewart john s. gleason chas. a. burke myron tanner wm. mclellan rufus allen norman taylor rd ten allen cumpton, captain franklin allen john bybee david garner j. averett harmon d. persons john g. smith solomon tindal philip garner chas. hopkins barnabas lake th ten andrew j. shoop, captain albert clark francillo durfee james hendrickson erastus bingham john calvert loren kenney daniel miller benj. roberts luther w. glazier jarvis johnson thos. bingham shadrack roundy, captain of nd division. john gleason, captain of guard. the soldiers were numbered with the nd division, rd and th tens. those who have horses to ride were then numbered and their duty pointed out, which is to lead the way and fix the road where it needs it; look out camping places; drive the loose cattle and hunt for the camp. their names are as follows: john pack, captain, samuel badham, francillo durfee, benj. roberts, thomas bingham, james hendrickson, john eldridge, r. i. redding, seeley owens, barnabas lake, wm. bird, daniel miller, james cazier. wednesday, august we had a little rain this morning and the air very cool. we started at : a.m. and found the road rough indeed. when ascending the mountain from brown's creek, most of the teams had to double, it generally requiring six yoke of oxen to bring up an empty wagon. the descent is also very rough and especially where the road crosses the dry creek which is a great many times. canyon creek appeared rougher than when we first went up it and it took till near night to get to the end of the creek, having traveled only fifteen and three quarters miles during the day. thursday, august we got started again about : a.m., all except chas. a. burke. one of his oxen was missing. before noon several of the loose cattle gave out through being over driven. we arrived and camped on red mountain creek at six o'clock, having traveled sixteen and a quarter miles. the day has been very hot but nights are very cold. friday, august morning very cold. started out at seven and traveled till : , the day being cool, then rested and baited an hour. at : proceeded again and arrived at cache or reddings cave at : p.m., having traveled twenty and a half miles, but it was nearly seven o'clock before the company arrived. saturday, august started at : a.m. and traveled till : then baited an hour. we found bear river not over fifteen inches deep. we camped on sulphur creek at five o'clock having traveled sixteen and a half miles and after camping i went with the brethren to fill their tar buckets at the oil spring. we followed a wagon trail made by a part of hasting's company last year about a mile and found the spring situated in a ravine a little to the left of the road just at the edge of a high bench of land. the ground is black over with the oil for several rods but it is baked hard by exposure to the sun. it is difficult to get the clear oil, most of it being filled with dust and gravel. it smells much like british oil and is said to do well for greasing wagons. john gleason has found a coal bed in the edge of the mountain across the creek. the coal looks good and burns freely. sunday, august many of the cattle were missing this morning but after much search were found about four miles southwest from camp. we started at nine o'clock and traveled till one, then halted an hour at the copperas spring. most of the wagons halted at the spring four miles back. the water of this spring is not bad, cattle drink it freely. at two o'clock we began to ascend the ridge and at five formed our camp near the muddy fork having traveled seventeen and three quarters miles, the day cool and cloudy. monday, august we started early this morning and arrived at fort bridger at one o'clock. we found the grass pretty much eaten off and only stayed an hour and a half while some of the brethren traded some, then went on eight miles farther and camped on a stream two rods wide, having traveled twenty-one and a half miles, the day very cool. tuesday, august this morning many of the cattle had strayed several miles from camp which prevented our starting till eight o'clock. we traveled eight and a half miles, then halted an hour on black's fork. we proceeded again and had a pretty heavy thunder shower and arrived at ham's fork at : , then camped for the night, having traveled twenty-three miles. most of the wagons did not arrive till nearly night, but we had no place to camp short of this and here we have good range for cattle. wednesday, august we traveled today twenty-three miles and camped on green river. we found several places where the road is shortened some, but it is yet about sixteen miles from water to water. thursday, august started at eight o'clock and went on to the big sandy and before the majority of the company arrived, e. t. benson and escort came up with letters from the companies. they say there are nine companies between here and the platte with wagons and about , head of stock. they report the companies well and getting along tolerably fast, some they expect we shall meet within three days. after eating they proceeded on. after sundown a large party of mounted indians came up, and camped on the opposite side the river. they have been on the sweet water hunting and are said to be of the shoshone tribe. friday, august many of the brethren traded sugar, powder, lead, etc., to the indians for robes and skins and meat. we started soon after seven and traveled to the crossing of the big sandy. then after halting an hour, continued to the little sandy, making twenty-five and a quarter miles today, but it was nine o'clock before some of the wagons arrived. the feed is mostly eaten up on the creeks near the road and there is none except on the banks of streams. bailey jacobs killed a large antelope which is a matter of rejoicing as we are nearly out of bread stuff and had little meat for several days. we started back from the valley with lbs. of flour, lbs. of meal and a few beans each, and we have to depend on getting meat on the road for the rest. i was told there were lbs. of flour put up for me, but i find it is not so. saturday, august started at eight o'clock and traveled till half past three before halting when we arrived at the crossing of the pacific creek and halted to camp for the night having traveled twenty-three miles. there is no grass from little sandy to this place except a very little on dry sandy but the water there has some taste of alkali and teams do not like it. here there is considerable grass along the creek and very good water but no wood except wild sage. we had a heavy thunder shower about four o'clock and considerable hail. it was dark before the ox teams arrived. some of the men had killed a buffalo a few miles back, but it is very poor. sunday, august it was decided to remain here today to rest the teams, but our ten obtained leave to go on to sweet water, expecting to meet the company, and after reading the letter of instructions from the council to this camp, my wagon proceeded on slowly. at the springs, we saw an aged indian squaw near the road dwelling in a shelter composed merely of wild sage and apparently dependent on passing emigrants for subsistence. she is doubtless left to perish on account of age and infirmity, but it is likely she will live some time on what she receives from those who pass by. when we arrived near the summit of the dividing ridge or south pass, two indians rode towards us and motioned for us to stop. not seeing the other wagons coming after, we stopped to wait for the wagons and the indians soon arrived. they made signs that a large party of them were over the mountain north and they wanted to "swap." while they were conversing a number more rode over the ridge and soon after a still larger number. about this time the wagons came in sight and when the brethren saw so many indians they were alarmed. john pack rode back to the main camp to get some of the brethren to come up, but j. r. said he would not budge a foot. the brethren behind were much alarmed, some expecting to be scalped and one w. carr ran and hid himself in the sage bushes. no one returned with john pack but norman taylor and the wagons proceeded towards us. in the meantime, after learning the object for which the indians sought us, that none of them were armed except two, and by a certificate that the first visitor was a shoshone chief, brother lamb and myself signified that we would trade with them and soon some of them returned with antelope, buck and elk skins and robes to trade. i traded some balls and a little powder for one robe, one elk skin, two buckskins and nine antelope skins and a pair of moccasins. lamb bought five antelope skins. while we were trading, the other wagons arrived and also commenced trading. the indians, about sixty in number, about twenty of them boys, all mounted, seemed highly pleased to trade with us which we did mostly through the chief. by request of the chief, i gave him a certificate stating that he appeared friendly and wanted to trade with the whites, etc. the chief gave us a very strong invitation to go to their camp to trade and made signs that they would feed us well and we should sleep with them. i answered him by signs that we should camp when we arrived where the road crossed the sweet water but they were very anxious to have us then turn off the road and camp. after we started, the chief came up and wanted to swap a good mule for my spy glass but i refused. i had let him look through it and he seemed very wishful to try it. when they saw we were determined to go on, they left us and returned to their camp while we pursued our journey to the first crossing of sweet water where we arrived and camped at six o'clock, having traveled fourteen miles. monday, august this morning the cattle belonging to the camp behind came to us early, having strayed away. john pack and bailey jacobs went to drive them back and to trade some with the indians. we calculated to go on about eleven miles but before we started, father eldridge came up with his wagon and said he expected spencer's st company up soon. we then concluded to stay here until they arrived and about three o'clock, their wagons began to cross the creek. i was glad to find aaron and loren farr, and william walker in this company with their families all well and in good spirits. from sister olivia, i received some articles sent by my family which were very acceptable indeed and made me feel grateful. this company all appear well and cheerful and are not much troubled on account of lack of teams. i spent the evening with loren and their families. the balance of our camp arrived before dark. tuesday, august our camp except this ten has started on, but brother spencer has concluded to halt here today and i spent the day copying tables of distances for loren and also gave him a plot of the city. september wednesday, september we bid farewell to brother spencer's company and proceeded on. after traveling about a mile, we met p. p. pratt going to see brother spencer and to get some cattle. he says some of the back companies have lost many head and can scarcely move. a few miles farther we met the nd of spencer's company. we traveled till nearly dark and camped with the returning pioneers at the cold spring, having traveled twenty-two and a quarter miles. the day fine and pleasant. we find the grass pretty much eaten off all the way. john g. smith was appointed captain of the nd division in place of shadrach roundy who returns. thursday, september started about eight o'clock and after traveling two miles passed russell's company of and about five miles farther we passed elder rich's and g. b. wallace's . they all agree to the health and prosperity of their companies but have lost many cattle and have had hard work to get along. we passed captains foutz and hone on this long drive with their companies all well, but complaining much for lack of teams. i conversed some with edward hunter and elder taylor. brother hunter will give cash for some cattle if he can buy them. we arrived on sweet water at six o'clock but the ox teams did not get in till eight o'clock, having traveled twenty-four and a half miles. the evening was very cold, windy and like for rain. brother roundy returned back to the valley this morning, having met his family. friday, september we started on this morning following the new road at the north side of the sweet water, the road sandy in places but much better than the old road. after traveling about two miles, we saw a lone buffalo about two miles to the south. john pack and lisbon lamb went to try to kill him and finally succeeded, on which our ten halted and sent back a wagon for the meat which detained us about three hours, after which we proceeded again. a little before the road fords the river the second time, there is an alkali lake a little north from the road. we joined the company and also met j. b. noble's company where the road joins the old one again. brother noble's company are all well and not so bad off for teams as some of the other companies. we proceeded on a few miles farther and met j. m. grant with willard snow's which is the last company on the road. brother grant had a child die last night and his wife is yet very sick and not much expected to recover. this company have lost many cattle and are so bad off for teams as not to be able to travel more than ten miles a day which would make it some day in october before they get through. we went on nearly two miles farther, then camped for the night near bitter cottonwood creek, having traveled fifteen and three quarters miles. most of the company camped back with brother snow's company. saturday, september we started late this morning and traveled over a very sandy road till five o'clock, then camped on ravine creek, having traveled sixteen miles. sunday, september there being alkali springs near, we concluded to go to independence rock at which place we arrived about three o'clock having traveled twelve and a half miles. soon after we camped, lamb and jacob cloward went to chase some buffalo and succeeded in killing one. i walked over the rock and had some solemn meditations and felt to humble myself and call upon the lord for myself and family, for this company, the twelve and all the companies on the road. experience has taught me many maxims of late and i intend to profit by them. be not hasty to promise, lest thy promise be considered worthless. make not many promises without reflection, lest thou fail to fulfill them and it dampen the confidence of thy friend. if thou promise many things and regard not to fulfill them and it damp the confidence of thy friend, then be assured that thy friends will despise thy promises and have no dependence in them. seek not to speculate out of a good brother. monday, september this morning the cattle were found down the sweet water about six miles from camp which made it late before we started. while passing the alkali lakes, a number of the brethren filled the bags with saleratus. we found the road very sandy to greasewood creek and after that it was somewhat better. about three o'clock the wind began to blow very strong and cold and we had heavy rain for about two hours. we proceeded on and arrived at the willow spring a little before dark in the midst of a heavy shower of rain. thomas cloward left one of the old oxen sent back by wallace on the road. it died before morning. all except our ten and william's stayed back at greasewood creek. we tried in vain to make a fire but finally went to bed wet and cold, having eaten nothing since morning. some of the teamsters have only a light summer coat with them and they suffer considerably. we traveled twenty-one and a half miles today. tuesday, september this morning our cattle were all missing and it still rains and snows very heavily. pack and t. cloward started early on foot to hunt the cattle but after following them over seven miles in the storm and seeing that they had kept on the road towards the platte river, they returned to camp. it rained and snowed heavily till eleven o'clock at which time the balance of the camp arrived. john pack asked the company to let us have some of their loose cattle to bring on our wagons till we overtook ours again, but the captains both generously refused for some cause or other. however, some of the brethren took their cattle out of their teams and let us have them and we moved onward. after traveling about thirteen miles we saw our cattle about four miles to the left of the road at the foot of a mountain. we halted and lamb took one of the mules to fetch the cattle to the road. soon after pack and jackson redding came up and learning that we had found the cattle, they started to them to drive them to camp and lamb being relieved, returned to the wagon. we harnessed up and arrived at the mineral spring about six o'clock, having traveled sixteen and a quarter miles. this spring has been represented as poisonous but if it is so, it must be in consequence of minerals under the water. the water has no bad taste till the cattle trample in it. it then becomes almost black as ink and this is probably what makes it poisonous. wednesday, september we started at eight o'clock and arrived at the upper platte ferry soon after twelve o'clock. we found n. jacobs and company there hunting. we forded the river and found it about two feet deep in the channel. we halted on the banks about two hours at which time the whole camp arrived. we then proceeded on. the main company went about five miles but we went till we found a good camping place in a grove of timber on the banks of the river where the road runs through, then halted for night, having traveled nineteen miles. thursday, september this morning norton jacob's company joined us at eight o'clock and we moved forward. found the road rough, it being cut up by the other companies in wet weather. we arrived on deer creek about sundown and camped for the night, having traveled twenty-two and a quarter miles. the day fine and very pleasant. joseph hancock killed an elk which the brethren packed to camp on horseback about sixteen miles. friday, september we have had a strong southwest wind all night and the morning is somewhat cool. we started a little before eight o'clock and had good traveling. we saw many herds of buffalo but the hunters did not get any while passing. we arrived at the river a la perle at three o'clock and camped for the night having traveled seventeen and a half miles. a while before dark, some of the men came in with a part of a buffalo which they killed. lewis barney also killed a young one which was considerably fat. the meat was all packed in on horses. one of the men killed a wolf out of which we got considerable grease for the wagons. it was decided to have a guard each night the remainder of the journey, every man to stand in his turn, four each night. saturday, september got up at twelve o'clock and stood guard till daylight. the morning very fine and pleasant. three of the brethren arrived from the camp back and said that during the night before last the indians had stolen sixteen or seventeen of their horses and they were in pursuit of them. we were detained some on account of several of the horses having rambled off, but about nine o'clock we started on and traveled to the la bonte river, distance nineteen and a half miles. there are many buffalo around here also and although we have plenty of meat, the brethren continue to kill them. we find the feed eaten off bare almost every place we come to and it is difficult to find grass to sustain our teams. sunday, september we traveled this day seventeen and three quarters miles and camped by heber's spring on horseshoe creek. we found the spring had ceased running but there was water in the creek a little north. the roadometer has broken down today over the same ground it broke as we went west. our bread stuff is now out and we have to live solely on meat the balance of the journey. john pack has got flour enough to last him through. we have all messed together until ours was eaten, and now john pack proposes for each man to mess by himself. he has concealed his flour and beans together with tea, coffee, sugar, etc., and cooks after the rest have gone to bed. such things seem worthy of remembrance for a time to come. monday, september we fixed the roadometer this morning, then traveled to dead timber creek, distance fifteen miles. here we find good feed and plenty of wood and water. tuesday, september started at nine o'clock and traveled till about five, then camped on the platte river, having traveled twenty-four and a quarter miles. in consequence of some things which have passed and some which at present exist, i have concluded to go on as fast as circumstances will permit to winter quarters and i intend to start tomorrow. some have opposed it, but not with a good grace. however, i have no fears that the council will censure me when they know the cause. if they do, i will bear the censure in preference to what i now bear. before dark luke johnson, william a. empey and appleton harmon came up from laramie, having learned from an indian that wagons were near. they say that a party of sioux warriors have got the brethren's horses, seventeen in number, on the raw hide, about eighteen miles north. they say that about fifty armed men might go and probably get them, but not fewer. the sioux are at war with the crows and pawnees and reports say that there is a large party of the pawnees a little down the river. wednesday, september we started a little after eight, forded the platte without any difficulty and at three o'clock concluded to stop for the night, having traveled twenty-one and a quarter miles over very sandy road. the ox teams have kept nearly up with us and it is evident they intend to keep with us or kill their teams, and being aware that if the teams are injured we shall be blamed for it, we have given up going ahead to save the teams. thursday, september today we traveled nineteen and a half miles over good road and camped near the river amongst good grass. friday, september this morning thomas brown, ezra beckstead, mathew welch, benjamin roberts, david perkins and william bird started to go through to winter quarters in consequence of having no bread. we traveled nineteen and three quarters miles and camped again on the platte. the road very good. saturday, september last night john pack's gray horse was stolen from his wagon. he lays it to the brethren ahead and with norton jacobs and joseph hancock has heaped a pretty long string of severe abusive language on them which i consider to be premature, unjustifiable and wicked. two frenchmen came to the camp and said they were camped below on a trading excursion among the sioux. inasmuch as some of the brethren wanted to trade with them, it was concluded to move down opposite to them. we accordingly traveled four and a quarter miles then again camped on the banks of the river and the brethren bought a number of buffalo robes, etc. norton jacobs bought five robes for seven common calico shirts. sunday, september the traders say they will move down the river today to where there are plenty of buffalo. our camp also traveled ten and three quarters miles and camped a little below chimney rock. there are many herds of buffalo around and lewis barney killed one which will give us a little fresh meat. the weather has been very fine and warm for some days past. this evening there are some signs of stormy weather. monday, september today we traveled seven and a quarter miles, the day very hot. we turned off the road to camp at rubidoos' request while they killed some buffalo. they gave us some very nice meat. tuesday, september we have concluded to wait here until the balance of the company arrives. afternoon went over the river and had a good feast on buffalo ribs with the frenchmen. the victuals were cooked by a squaw but looked much cleaner than our men cook it. evening it became cloudy and soon followed by cold rain which continued till two o'clock. wednesday, september at one o'clock, i got up to stand guard and found the night extremely cold and unpleasant on account of rain. the morning is cloudy and cold. the wagons have not yet come in sight which makes us think there is something the matter with them. thursday, september today jackson redding and sanderson went back to see if they could see the other wagons. they returned at night and said the company were within a few miles having been detained at laramie to recover their horses, most of which they got. they state that news has come to the fort by a sioux indian that the twelve and their company had all their horses stolen at the pacific springs during a snow storm. the sioux stole them supposing them to belong to the shoshones. the man that brought the news stole seventeen but lost eight in the mountains, the remainder he brought to laramie and the brethren there knew some of them and demanded them. he gave them up, at least all they could prove and four of the brethren started with them to meet the twelve. the indian says there were nine of them who stole the horses. friday, september we resumed our journey this morning and traveled thirteen and a half miles, then camped where the road runs close to the river. the weather is again fine and hot in the day time but the nights are cold and frosty. joseph hancock killed a buffalo cow and john norton an antelope which will supply the company with a little meat each, most of whom are without. saturday, september the day cloudy and some like for a storm. we made an early start and traveled to crab creek, distance twenty and a quarter miles then camped for the night. the land on both sides the river is literally spotted with vast herds of buffalo, but our hunters are not very lucky as yet. from the fact of there being so many buffalo in this region, we are inclined to believe we shall see but few lower down and this is probably the best chance we will have to lay in a supply to last us home. during the afternoon, joseph hancock killed a buffalo cow and captain rappleyee sent a wagon to fetch the meat to camp. when it arrived john pack took the hind quarters and the best meat off the rest of the cow, together with all the tallow, then sent for rappleyee to take what he had left and divide it amongst the company. when rappleyee saw what he had done, he felt angry and pack and he had some high words on the subject. brother pack's conduct has caused many unpleasant feelings against him among the brethren. he takes all the tallow he can lay his hands on, and all the best meat and has now got more than will serve him home while many of the rest have scarcely any and that of the poorest pieces. he has plenty of flour, meal, beans, tea, coffee, sugar, etc., while most of the camp are destitute of everything but meat, and while he continues to take the tallow and best of the meat there will be hard feelings against him. he has disgraced himself in the estimation of many within the past few days. i do not think i can ever forget him for his treatment of me, but i cherish no malice nor feelings of revenge, but i hope and pray that i may forever have wisdom to keep from under his power. there have been six or eight buffalo killed by the camp and it is intended to stay here tomorrow and try to get meat to last us through as it is not likely we shall have another privilege as good as this. most of the camp now begin to feel that it is necessary for us to make our way home as fast as possible to save our teams and escape the cold rain and snowstorms. sunday, september many of the brethren are gone out hunting. the weather continues fine and warm. in the afternoon we had a strong northwest wind. during the day the second division killed more than enough meat to last them home, but were totally unwilling to let the first division have any although they killed none, not having but two or three guns in the division. this also has tended to increase the feeling of envy and bitterness which already exists too much. thomas cloward has manifested feelings and conduct worse than the general run of gentiles and unworthy of a saint. he seems to have drunk into pack's spirit for they act very much alike. monday, september those of the first division who have no meat have concluded to move on a few miles to where there are more buffalo as they have mostly left here, but the second division will not move till they have dried their meat some. we went on three miles and then camped where there are plenty of buffalo over the river. lisbon lamb, lewis barney and john norton volunteered to go and kill what meat they can for those who have none. they have got enough to last them through. it is said that our coming down here has given feelings but it is plain and evident that there are several men who will find fault and deal out wholesale censure whatever is done, and for my part i shall remember john pack, thomas cloward, norton jacobs and joseph hancock for some time to come. such little, selfish, unmanly conduct as has been manifested by them, is rarely exhibited except by the meanest classes of society. a man who will openly and boldly steal is honorable when compared with some of their underhanded conduct. during the day the brethren killed five cows and one bull which are considered sufficient to last the first division home. tuesday, september we waited till after nine o'clock for the second division to come up but not being yet in sight we moved onward, traveled seventeen and a half miles, then camped on sand hill creek about a mile from the river. we have seen more buffalo today than i ever saw in one day, supposed to be not less than , . we had some trouble to make a road through them safely. we also saw two horses with the herd. jackson redding went to try and catch them but found them perfectly wild. wednesday, september we got an early start this morning and traveled till four o'clock, distance twenty and a quarter miles. we camped near the river in high grass. the road has run close to the river all day except a few miles beyond castle creek and although the ground is perfectly dry, it is very rough, it having been cut up in wet weather. watch and wolfe creeks had abundance of water in them, as much as when we went up. castle river was about a foot deep. we have not seen many buffalo today but after we camped, john norton shot two at one shot. l. barney also killed a young cow. the weather is yet fine and very warm. thursday, september this day we traveled only sixteen and a quarter miles, then camped a quarter of a mile east of rattlesnake creek on the banks of the river. in this creek, there is still a very heavy current of water running. it appears that some of the brethren left their fires burning this morning and the prairie has caught fire and is still burning furiously. october friday, october this morning i wrote a short letter and left it in a post for the company behind. we traveled twenty miles and camped on bluff creek. the day fine and very warm. saturday, october this morning we calculated to travel eleven miles, but on arriving at the north bluff fork, we found no grass and were compelled to continue on. we traveled till the road strikes the river and some grass, then camped, having traveled eighteen and a half miles. three buffalo have been killed today and there are considerable in this region. two of the oxen gave out and had to be left on the road. sunday, october this morning we traveled four and a quarter miles, then camped opposite some islands where there is pretty good feed and willows. the day has been exceedingly warm and the brethren have dried a good quantity of meat. considerable anxiety and feeling has originated in the breasts of two or three brethren in consequence of a rumor being circulated which deeply concerns one individual but it is not known whom. in the evening, a strong north wind blew up which made it turn very cool. monday, october cool and pleasant. we traveled twenty and three quarters miles and found that the last company have made a new road near the bluffs to avoid a very bad slough. we went a little on the old road and then struck across to the new road but had considerable difficulty in crossing the slough. we camped beside a small lake of not very good water and several miles from timber. tuesday, october pleasant day. we traveled nineteen miles, then turned off the road about a half a mile to camp near a small bunch of timber. the brethren have killed a good many buffalo today. they are very plentiful here, and wolves abundant. wednesday, october the largest part of the company again concluded to tarry a day again although there is little feed here. some determined to go on a piece and amongst the rest, i felt more willing to go on than to tarry. accordingly eleven wagons started, viz. jackson redding, william a. empey, lewis barney, roswell stevens, cummings, joseph hancock, h. w. sanderson, john pack, thos. cloward, zebedee coltrin and norton jacobs. we traveled seventeen and a half miles and then turned off the road about a half a mile to camp. thursday, october we started a little before : a.m. and traveled till nearly dark and had then to run over a mile from the road to camp. we traveled nineteen and a quarter miles. wind very strong from the north and a very cold day. friday, october just as we started this morning, twelve or fifteen indians were seen running over the river towards us. they soon came up to the wagons which were somewhat scattered and although they shook hands, they showed savage hostility. four of the oxen were not yet yoked up; these they drove off from the wagons which now began to draw together. they soon satisfied us that they were bent on robbing us and without ceremony took jack redding's horse from behind the wagon. lamb went to take it from them and seized the lariat which another immediately cut with his knife. lamb then got on the horse, but no sooner on than two indians pulled him off and marched off with the horse. they stole jack redding's knife out of its sheath and one from john pack. they also tried to get jack off the horse he was riding, but he kept his seat. they tried skeen's horse but he kicked one of them over. the indians then tried to get the men out of their wagons so that they might get in and plunder, but every man kept in his wagon to guard it and we concluded to turn about and go back to the company. we accordingly started and the indians turned back towards the timber with the horse, four oxen, two knives and a sack of salt. after traveling back about six miles, we met the company, told the story and bore their slang and insults without saying much, but not without thinking a great deal. the whole company were then formed in two lines. all the arms were loaded and each man that could raise a gun was ordered to walk beside the wagons, the horsemen to go ahead. we then proceeded on and when we came opposite to where we met with the indians, the horsemen went down and found the oxen where we left them. they brought them and we traveled till dark, then camped near the river, having traveled five and a quarter miles from last night, exclusive of the distance we went back. a strong guard was placed around the cattle and camp and kept up through the night. many hard speeches have passed among the brethren, such as "damned hypocrites," "damned liars," "mutineers," etc., and most of those who started ahead are ordered to travel in the rear all the time. this savage, tyrannical conduct was one thing which induced some to leave and undertake to go through alone and more peaceably and it will still leave feelings of revenge and hatred which will require some time to cover up. young babcock shook his fist in zebedee coltrin's face and damned him and said he could whip him. for my part, i shall be glad when i get in more peaceable society, and i think i shall not easily be caught in such a scrape again. saturday, october we have had no disturbance from indians. we started at six o'clock and went on five miles to get better feed. we then halted for breakfast. the remainder of the day's travel was mostly over dog towns. a united states soldier came up to the wagons and went with us a few miles. he says there are ninety of them on the island surveying and looking out a place to build a fort. we traveled seventeen and a quarter miles today, then camped near a low bench of land where there is plenty of grass and water and willows for fuel. a number of the soldiers came over to camp. they say the pawnees are perfectly enraged and savage and that the worst band of between four and five hundred are on the north side the platte about forty miles below. sunday, october morning fine but cold wind. the captains called the camp together and asked whether we shall wait here three days or a week for the twelve, or shall we continue on to winter quarters. thirty men voted to go on, seventeen voted to wait and the remainder did not vote. the majority having voted to go on, we started and traveled very slowly till about five o'clock, then turned off to the river to camp, having traveled sixteen miles. there are many new tracks of indians on the sand bar, but we have seen none today. monday, october morning, cloudy and cold. we have had a little very cold rain and there is great appearance for more. we started on but it continued to rain heavily till near noon. the afternoon was fair but very cold. we traveled twenty-one and a quarter miles and camped amongst high grass close to timber. there is every chance for indians tonight if any are near. the camp in general are much dissatisfied with the camping place. tuesday, october this morning the weather was severely cold with strong wind. some of the cattle were missing and the owners not going to hunt them till the rest were ready to start on, we were detained till eleven o'clock and then proceeded. we found plenty of water in wood river but did not lose much time crossing. we took one of the late wagon trails and arrived on prairie creek a little before sundown, having traveled fifteen and three quarters miles. we have seen no indians yet and all goes well but the cold weather. wednesday, october morning very cold indeed with strong northwest wind. we found the creek difficult to cross, it being soft and miry, but all soon got over safely and we proceeded on. the road is sandy about five or six miles on the bluffs and very crooked all the way. we arrived and camped on the loup fork at dark, having traveled twenty-one and three quarters miles. the day has been excessively cold. thursday, october much time was lost this morning in hunting for a place to cross the river. it was finally concluded to cross a mile higher up and we proceeded to the place. while going up we saw a company of horsemen and two wagons on the other side the river, which we soon recognized to be our brethren from winter quarters. all the wagons got over safely and camped on the hill, having traveled two miles. the company is a part of the old police going to meet the next company. we were gladdened with the news they bring from winter quarters. friday, october the brethren of the police started early this morning to go on and meet the next company. they got well over the river but not without getting into the water to lift at the wagon wheels. it was late when we started on account of some oxen being missing and there are some who will not look for their cattle till all the rest are ready to start. we traveled till a little after three and camped on the banks of the loup fork, distance twelve and three quarters miles, day warmer. saturday, october the night has been very stormy, there being a strong wind, rain, and very cold. we made an early start and by noon arrived at the mission station. we found the pawnees busy gathering corn, probably nearly a thousand of men, women and children. they soon began to come to the wagons and their chiefs made inquiries by signs about the chirrarots or sioux. some of the brethren gave them to understand that the sioux were within five days of them. the chief immediately gave the word to the rest and in half an hour the squaws had loaded their corn on ponies and mules and then began to march towards the river. they show great fear of the sioux. they were very anxious to have us camp with them tonight but we kept moving on. one of the wagons was upset crossing a ravine. several of the brethren traded for corn. at three o'clock, we arrived and turned out the teams on beaver river, having traveled seventeen and a quarter miles. soon after we arrived, some of the indians came up, having followed with the idea of trading. they have conducted themselves peaceably so far, but they are not to be trusted. in consequence of their following us, it was the feeling of most of the brethren to go on a few miles after dark. at : we started on and traveled till : being six and a half miles, then camped beside the lakes. evening very fine and pleasant. we have traveled twenty-three and three quarters miles today. sunday, october we started early and traveled to looking glass, then halted for breakfast. morning windy and cold. after breakfast, we started on again and traveled till four o'clock, distance sixteen and a quarter miles, then camped at a point of timber near a creek or lake and not far from the loup fork. monday, october started at eight o'clock and traveled to shell creek distance eighteen and three quarters miles, day pleasant but cool. tuesday, october the night was excessively cold and this morning there is considerable ice. we got an early start and traveled to where the road leaves the river and crosses to the horn. at this place there is a liberty pole set up by some of the brethren. we have traveled today twenty-three and a quarter miles and we now find that the grass is all burned off ahead of us as far as we can see, probably to the elk horn. we are cheered by a view of the timber on that stream. wednesday, october we started early and found the prairie all burned off to the elk horn except in small patches. we arrived at the horn about noon and soon after commenced crossing where hosea stout and company crossed. the water was nearly three feet deep and the bottom somewhat soft, but we were soon all over without accident except john pack, who broke his wagon tongue. we then had to make a road through high, strong grass for upwards of half a mile and found a very bad creek or slough to cross. when we again struck the main road, we found it good and started for the papea where we arrived soon after dark, all except one wagon which was left a mile back. the evening cool and windy. thursday, october this morning, brother empey, lamb and myself started early accompanied by six horsemen and arrived in winter quarters a little before noon. i found my family all well except moroni who is very sick and his mother is somewhat sick. their circumstances are not good, but in other respects they have been prosperous for which i thank my god. there has been much sickness here and many deaths during the fall and many are now suffering for lack of some of the comforts of life. we have been prosperous on our journey home and have arrived in nine weeks and three days, including a week's delay waiting for the twelve and killing buffalo. our health has been remarkably good, but we have lacked provisions, many of us having nothing but dry buffalo meat. i have succeeded in measuring the whole distance from the city of the great salt lake to this place, except a few miles between horse creek and the a la bonte river which was taken from the measurement going up. i find the whole distance to be , miles and am now prepared to make a complete traveler's guide from here to the great salt lake, having been careful in taking the distance from creek to creek, over bluffs, mountains, etc. it has required much time and care and i have continually labored under disadvantages in consequence of the companies feeling no interest in it. the health of my family has encouraged me for all that is past and my secret gratitude shall ascend to heaven for the unbounded kindness and mercies which the almighty has continually poured upon them in my absence. (http://mormontextsproject.org), with thanks to steven fluckiger, mariah averett, and lauren mcguinness. sinners and saints a tour across the states, and round them with three months among the mormons by phil robinson author of "in my indian garden," "under the punkah," "noah's ark,'" etc., etc. new and cheaper edition london inscribed, with author's gratitude, to a friend, john stuart downing. contents. -- chapter i. from new york to chicago. by the pennsylvania limited--her majesty's swine--glimpses of africa and india--"eligible sites for kingdoms"--the phoenix city--street scenes--from pig to pork--the sparrow line--chicago mountain--melancholy merry-makers. chapter ii. from chicago to denver. fathers of waters--"rich lands lie flat"--the misery river--council bluffs--a "live" town, sir--two murders: a contrast--omaha--the immorality of "writing up"--on the prairies--the modesty of "wish-ton-wish"--the antelope's tower of refuge--out of nebraska into colorado--man-eating tiger. chapter iii. in leadville. the south park line--oscar wilde on sunflowers as food--in a wash-hand basin--anti-vigilance committees--leadville the city of the carbonates--"busted" millionaires--the philosophy of thick boots--colorado miners--national competition in lions--abuse of the terms "gentleman" and "lady"--up at the mines--under the pine-trees. chapter iv. from leadville to salt lake city. what is the conductor of a pullman car?--cannibalism fatal to lasting friendships--starving peter to feed paul--connexion between irish cookery and parnellism--americans not smokers--in denver--"the queen city of the plains"--over the rockies--pride in a cow, and what came of it--sage-brush--would ostriches pay in the west?--echo canyon--the mormons' fortifications--great salt lake in sight. chapter v. the city of the honey-bee. zion--deseret--a city of two peoples--"work" the watch-word of mormonism--a few facts to the credit of the saints--the text of the edmunds bill--in the mormon tabernacle--the closing scene of the conference. chapter vi. legislation against plurality. a people under a ban--what the mormon men think of the anti-polygamy bill--and what the mormon women say of polygamy--puzzling confidences--practical plurality a very dull affair--but theoretically a hedge-hog problem--matrimonial eccentricities--the fashionable milliner fatal to plurality--absurdity of comparing moslem polygamy with mormon plurality--are the women of utah happy?--their enthusiasm for women's rights. chapter vii. sua si bona norint. a special correspondent's lot--hypothecated wits--the daughters of zion--their modest demeanour--under the banner of woman's rights--the discoverer discovered--turning the tables--"by jove, sir, you shall have mustard with your beefsteak!" chapter viii. could the mormons fight? an unfulfilled prophecy--had brigham young been still alive?--the hierarchy of mormonism--the fighting apostle and his colleagues--plurality a revelation--rajpoot infanticide: how it was stamped out--would the mormons submit to the process?--their fighting capabilities--boer and mormon: an analogy between the drakensberg and the wasatch ranges--the puritan fanaticism of the saints--awaiting the fulness of time and of prophecy. chapter ix. the saints and the red men. prevalent errors as to the red man--secret treaties--the policy of the mormons towards indians--a christian heathen--fighting-strength of indians friendly to mormons. chapter x. representative and unrepresentative mormonism. mormonism and mormonism--salt lake city not representative--the miracles of water--how settlements grow--the town of logan: one of the wonders of the west--the beauty of the valley--the rural simplicity of life--absence of liquor and crime--a police force of one man--temple mysteries--illustrations of mormon degradation--their settlement of the "local option" question. chapter xi. through the mormon settlements. salt lake city to nephi--general similarity of the settlements--from salt lake valley into utah valley--a lake of legends--provo--into the juab valley--indian reminiscences--commercial integrity of the saints--at nephi--good work done by the saints--type of face in rural utah--mormon "doctrine" and mormon "meetings." chapter xii. from nephi to manti. english companies and their failures--a deplorable neglect of claret cup--into the san pete valley--reminiscences of the indians--the forbearance of the red man--the great temple at manti--masonry and mormon mysteries--in a tithing-house. chapter xiii. from manti to glenwood. scandinavian mormons--danish ol--among the orchards at manti--on the way to conference--adam and eve--the protoplasm of a settlement--ham and eggs--at mayfield--our teamster's theory of the ground-hog--on the way to glenwood--volcanic phenomena and lizards--a suggestion for improving upon nature--primitive art. chapter xiv. from glenwood to monroe. from glenwood to salina--deceptiveness of appearances--an apostate mormon's friendly testimony--reminiscences of the prophet joseph smith--rabbit-hunting in a waggon--lost in the sage-brush--a day at monroe--girls riding pillion--the sunday drum--waiting for the right man: "and what if he is married?"--the truth about apostasy: not always voluntary. chapter xv. at monroe. "schooling" in the mormon districts--innocence as to whisky, but connoisseurs in water--"what do you think of that water, sir?"--gentile dependents on mormon charity--the one-eyed rooster--notice to all! chapter xvi. jacob hamblin. a mormon missionary among the indians--the story of jacob hamblin's life--his spiritualism, the result of an intense faith--his good work among the lamanites--his belief in his own miracles. chapter xvii. through marysvale to kingston. piute county--days of small things--a swop in the sage-brush; two bishops for one apostle--the kings of kingston--a failure in family. chapter xviii. from kingston to orderville. on the way to panguitch--section-houses not mormon homes--through wild country--panguitch and its fish--forbidden pleasures--at the source of the rio virgin--the surpassing beauty of long valley--the orderville brethren--a success in family communism. chapter xix. mormon virtues. red ants and anti-mormons--ignorance of the mormons among gentiles in salt lake city--mormon reverence for the bible--their struggle against drinking-saloons in the city--conspicuous piety in the settlements--their charity--their sobriety (to my great inconvenience)--the literature of mormonism utterly unreliable--neglect of the press by the saints--explanation of the wide-spread misrepresentation of mormonism. chapter xx. down the ontario mine chapter xxi. from utah into nevada. rich and ugly nevada--leaving utah--the gift of the alfalfa--through a lovely country to ogden--the great food devouring trick--from mormon to gentile: a sudden contrast--the son of a cinder--is the red man of no use at all?--the papoose's papoose--children all of one family. chapter xxii. from nevada into california. of bugbears--suggestions as to sleeping-cars--a bannack chief, his hat and his retinue--the oasis of humboldt--past carson sink--a reminiscence of wolves--"hard places"--first glimpses of california--a corn miracle--bunch-grass and bison--from sacramento to benicia. chapter xxiii. san franciscans, their fruits and their falsehoods--their neglect of opportunities--a plague of flies--the pigtail problem--chinamen less black than they are painted--the seal rocks--the loss of the eurydice--a jeweller's fairyland--the mystery of gems. chapter xxiv. gigantic america--of the treatment of strangers--the wild-life world--railway companies' food-frauds--california felix--prairie-dog history--the exasperation of wealth--blessed with good oil--the meek lettuce and judicious onion--salads and salads--the perils of promiscuous grazing. chapter xxv. the carlyle of vegetables--the moral in blight--bee-farms--the city of angels--of squashes--curious vegetation--the incompatibility of camels and americans--are rabbits "seals"?--all wilderness and no weather--an "infinite torment of flies." chapter xxvi. through the cowboys' country. the santa cruz valley--the cactus--an ancient and honourable pueblo--a terrible beverage--are cicadas deaf?--a floral catastrophe--the secretary and the peccaries. chapter xxvii. american neglect of natural history--prairie-dogs again; their courtesy and colouring--their indifference to science--a hard crowd--chuckers out--makeshift colorado. chapter xxviii. nature's holiday--through wonderful country--brown negroes a libel on mankind--the wild-flower state--the black problem--a piebald flirt--the hippopotamus and the flea--a narrow escape--the home of the swamp-goblin--is the moon a fraud? chapter xxix. frogs, in the swamp and as a side-dish--negroids of the swamp age--something like a mouth--honour in your own country--the land of promise--civilization again. chapter i. from new york to chicago. by the pennsylvania limited--her majesty's swine--glimpses of africa and india--"eligible sites for kingdoms"--the phoenix city--street scenes--from pig to pork--the sparrow line--chicago mountain--melancholy merry-makers. "does the fast train to chicago ever stop?" was the question of a bewildered english fellow-passenger, westward-bound like myself, as i took my seat in the car of the pennsylvania limited mail that was to carry me nearly half the distance from the atlantic to the pacific. "oh, yes," i replied, "it stops--at chicago." by this he recognized in me a fellow-innocent, and so we foregathered at once, breakfasted together, and then went out to smoke the calumet together. -- to an insular traveller, it is a prodigiously long journey this, across the continent of america, but i found the journey a perpetual enjoyment. even the dull country of the first hour's travelling had many points of interest for the stranger--scattered hamlets of wooden houses that were only joined together by straggling strings of cocks and hens; the others that seemed to have been trying to scramble over the hill and down the other side but were caught just as they got to the top and pinned down to the ground with lightning conductors; the others that had palings round them to keep them from running away, but had got on to piles as if they were stilts and intended (when no one was looking) to skip over the palings and go away; the others that had rows of dwarf fir-trees in front of them, through which they stared out of both their windows like a forward child affecting to be shy behind its fingers. these fir-trees are themselves very curious, for they give the country a half-cultivated appearance, and in some places make the hillsides and valleys look like immense cemeteries, and only waiting for the tombstones. even the levels of flooded land and the scorched forests were of interest, as significant of a country still busy over its rudiments. "all charcoal and puddles," said a fellow-traveller disparagingly; "i'm very glad we're going so fast through it." now for my own part i think it looks very uncivil of a train to go with a screech through a station without stopping, and i always wish i could say something in the way of an apology to the station-master for the train's bad manners. no doubt people who live in very small places get accustomed to trains rushing past their platforms without stopping even to say "by your leave." but at first it must be rather painful. at least i should think it was. on the other hand, the people "in the mofussil" (which is the anglo-indian for "all the country outside one's own town") did not pay much attention to our train. everybody went about their several works for all the world as if we were not flashing by. even the dogs trotted about indifferently, without even so much as noticing us, except occasionally some distant mongrel, who barked at the train as if it was a stray bullock, and smiled complacently upon the adjoining landscape when he found how thoroughly he had frightened it away. there seemed to me a curious dearth of small wild life. the english "country" is so full of birds that all others seem, by comparison, birdles. once, i saw a russet-winged hawk hovering over a copse of water-oak as if it saw something worth eating there; once, too, i saw a blue-bird brighten a clump of cedars. now and again a vagabond crow drifted across the sky. but, as compared with europe or parts of the east which i know best, bird-life was very scanty. and presently philadelphia came sliding along to meet us with a stately decorum of metalled roads and well-kept public grounds, and we stopped for the first of the twelve halts, worth calling such, which i had to make in the miles between the atlantic and the pacific. how treacherously the trains in america start! there is no warning given, so far as an ordinary passenger can see, that the start is under contemplation, and it takes him by surprise. the american understands that "all aboard" means "if you don't jump up at once you'll be left behind." but to those accustomed to a "first" and a "second" and a "third" bell--and accustomed, too, not to get up even then until the guard has begged them as a personal favour to take their seats--the sudden departure of the american locomotive presents itself as a rather shabby sort of practical joke. the quiet, unobtrusive scenery beyond philadelphia is english in character, and would be still more so if there were hedges instead of railings. by the way, whenever reading biographical notices of distinguished americans i have been surprised to find that so many of them at one time or other had "split rails" for a subsistence. but now that i have followed the "course of empire" west, i am not the least surprised. i only wonder that every american has not split rails, at one time or another, or, indeed, gone on doing it all his life. for how such a prodigious quantity of rails ever got split (even supposing distinguished men to have assisted in the industry in early life) passes my feeble comprehension. all the way from new york to chicago there are on an average twenty lines of split rails running parallel with the railway track, in sight all at once! and after all, this is only one narrow strip across a gigantic continent. in fact, the two most prominent "natural features" of the landscape along this route are dwarf firs and split rails. but no writer on america has ever told me so. nor have i ever been told of the curious misapprehension prevalent in the states as to the liberty of the subject in the british isles. in america, judging at any rate from the speech of "the average american," i find that there is a belief prevalent that the english nation "lies prostrate under the heel of a tyrant." what a shock to those who think thus, must have been that recent episode of the queen's pigs at slough! six swine and a calf belonging to her majesty found themselves, the other day, impounded by the slough magistrates for coming to market without a licence. slough, from geographical circumstances over which it has no control, happens to be in buckinghamshire, and this country has been declared "an infected district," so that the bailiff who brought his sovereign's pigs to market, without due authority to do so, transgressed the law. two majesties thus came into collision over the calf, and that of the law prevailed. such a constitutional triumph as this goes far to clear away the clouds that appeared to be gathered upon the political horizon, and the shadows of a despotic dictatorship which seemed to be falling across england begin to vanish. the written law, contained probably in a very dilapidated old copy in the possession of these rural magistrates, a dogs'-eared and, it may be, even a ragged volume, asserted itself supreme over a monarch's farmyard stock, and dared to break down that divinity which doth hedge a sovereign's swine. there are some who say that in the british isles men are losing their reverence for the law, and that justice wears two faces, one for the rich and another for the poor. they would have us believe that only the parasites of princes sit in high place, and that the scales of justice rise or fall according to the inclinations of the sceptre, with the obsequious regularity of the tides that wait upon the humours of the moon. but such an incident as this, when the justices of slough, those intrepid hampdens, sate sternly in their places, and, fearless of royal frowns and all the displeasure of windsor, dispensed to the pigs, born in the purple, and to the calf that had lived so near a throne, the impartial retribution of a fine--with costs--gives a splendid refutation to these calumnies. where shall we look in republican history for such another incident? or where search for dauntless magistrates like those of slough, who shut their eyes against the reflected glitter of a court, who fined the royal calf for risking the health of hodge's miserable herd, and gave the costs against the imperial pigs for travelling into buckinghamshire without a licence? fiat justitia, ruat coelum. there was no truckling here to borrowed majesty, no sycophant adulation of royal ownership; but that fine old english spirit of courageous independence which has made tyrants impossible in our island and our law supreme. it was of no use before such men as these, the stout-hearted champions of equal justice, for the bailiff to plead manorial privilege, or to threaten the thunders of the house of brunswick. they were as implacable as a bench of rhadamanthuses, and gave these distinguished hogs the grim choice between paying a pound or going to one. nor, to their credit be it said, did either bailiff, calf, or pigs exhibit resentment. on the contrary, they accepted judgment with that respectful acquiescence which characterizes our law-abiding race, and the swine turned without a murmur from the scene of their repulse, and trotted cheerfully before the bailiff out of buckinghamshire back to windsor. the bailiff, no doubt, bethought him of the past, and wished the good old days of feudalism were back, when a king's pig was a better man than a buckinghamshire magistrate. but if he did, he abstained from saying so. on the contrary, he paid his fine like a loyal subject, and gathering his innocent charges round him went forth, more in sorrow than in anger, from the presence of the magisterial champions of the public interests. the punished pigs, too, may have felt, perhaps, just a twinge of regret for the days when they roamed at will over the oak-grown shires, infecting each other as they chose, without any thought of contagious diseases acts or vigilant justices. but they said nothing; and the spectacle of an upright stipendiary dispensing impartial justice to a law-abiding aristocracy was thus complete. to return to my car. beyond philadelphia the country was waking up for spring. the fields were all flushed with the first bright promise of harvest; blackbirds--reminding me of the indian king-crows in their sliding manner of flight and the conspicuous way in which they use their tails as rudders--were flying about in sociable parties; and flocks of finches went jerking up the hill-sides by fits and starts after the fashion of these frivolous little folk. a mica-schist (it may be gneiss) abounds along the railway track, and it occurred to me that i had never, except in india, seen this material used for the ornamentation of houses. yet it is very beautiful. in the east they beat it up into a powder--some is white, some yellow--and after mixing it with weak lime and water, wash the walls with it, the result being a very effective although subdued sparkle, in some places silvery, in others golden. nearing harrisburg the country begins to resemble upper natal very strongly, and when we reached the susquehanna, i could easily have believed that we were on the mooi, on the borders of zululand. but the superior majesty of the american river soon asserted itself, and i forgot the comparison altogether as i looked out on this truly noble stream, with the finely wooded hills leaning back from it on either side, as if to give its waters more spacious way. and then harrisburg, and the same stealthy departure of the train. but outside the station our having started was evident enough, for a horse that had been left to look after a buggy for a few minutes, took fright, and with three frantic kangaroo-leaps tried to take the conveyance whole over a wall. but failing in this, it careered away down the road with the balance of the buggy dangling in a draggle-tail sort of way behind it. nature works with so few ingredients that landscape repeats itself in every continent. for there is a limit, after all, to the combinations possible of water, mountain, plain, valley, and vegetation. this is strictly true, of course, only when we deal with things generically. specific combinations go beyond arithmetic. but even with her species, nature delights in singing over old songs and telling the tales she has already told. for instance here, after passing harrisburg, is a wonderful glimpse of naini tal in the indian hills--memorable for a terribly fatal landslip three years ago--with its oaks and rhododendrons and scattered pines. in the valleys the streams go tumbling along with willows on either bank, and here and there on the hillsides, shine white houses with orchards about them. the houses men build for themselves when they are thinking only of shelter are ugly enough. elegance, like the nightingale, is a creature of summer-time, when the hard-working months of the year are over and nature sits in her drawing-room, so to speak, playing the fine lady, painting the roses and sweetening the peaches. but, ugly though they are, these scattered homesteads are by far the finest lines in all the great poem of this half-wild continent, and lend a grand significance to every passage in which they occur. and the pathos of it! look at those two horses and a man driving a plough through that scrap of ground yonder. there is not another living object in view, though the eye covers enough ground for a european principality. yet that man dares to challenge all this tremendous nature! it is david before goliath, before a whole wilderness of goliaths, with a plough for a sling and a ploughshare for a pebble. here all of a sudden is another man, all alone with some millions of trees and the alleghanies. and he stands there with an axe in his hands, revolving in that untidy head of his what he shall do next to the old hills and their reverend forest growth. the audacity of it, and the solemnity! it would be as well perhaps for sentiment if every man was quite alone. for i find that if there are two men together one immediately tries to sell the other something; and to inform him of its nature, he goes and paints the name of his disgusting commodities on the smooth faces of rocks and on tree-trunks. now, any landscape, however grand, loses in dignity if you see "bunkum's patent" inscribed in the foreground in whitewash letters six feet high. what a mercy it is these quacks cannot advertise on the sky--or on running water! for the river is now at its grandest and it keeps with us all the afternoon, showing on either side splendid waterways between sloping spurs of the hills densely wooded and strewn with great boulders. but on a sudden the mountains are gone and the river with them, and we speed along through a region of green grass-land and abundant cultivation. land agents might truthfully advertise it in lots as "eligible sites for kingdoms." and so on, past townships, whose names running (at forty miles an hour) no man can read, and round the famous "horseshoe curve"--where it looks as if the train were trying to get its head round in order to swallow its tail--down into valleys already taking their evening tints of misty purple, and pink, and pale blue. and then derry. just before we arrived there, two freight trains had selected derry as an opportune spot for a collision, and had collided accordingly. there could have been very little reservation about their collision, for the wreck was complete, and when we got under way again we could just make out by the moonlight the scattered limbs of carriages lying heaped about on the bank. in some places it looked as if a clumsy apprentice had been trying to make packing-cases out of freight wagons, but had given up on finding that he had broken the pieces too small. and they were too big for matches. so it was rather a useless sort of collision, after all--and no one was hurt. but "the pennsylvania limited" has very little leisure to think about other people's collisions, and so we were soon on our way again through the moonlit country, with the hills in the distance lying still and black, like round-backed monsters sleeping, and the stations going by in sudden snatches of lamplight, and every now and then a train, its bell giving a wail exactly like the sound of a shell as it passes over the trenches. and so to pittsburg, and, our "five minutes" over, the train stole away like a hyena, snarling and hiccoughing, and we were again out in the country, with everything about us beautified by the gracious alchemy of the moonlight and the stars. and the ohio river rolled alongside, with its steamers ploughing up furrows of ghostly white froth, and unwinding as they went long streamers of ghostly black--and then i fell asleep. when i awoke next morning i was in indiana, and very sunny it looked without a hill in sight to make a shadow. the water stood in lakes on the dead level of the country, and horses, cattle, sheep, and here and there a pig--a pregustation of chicago--grazed and rooted, very well satisfied apparently with pastures that had no ups and downs to trouble them as they loitered about. and as the morning wore on, the people woke up, and were soon as busy as their windmills. in the fields the teams were ploughing; in the towns, the children were trooping off to school. but the eternal level began at last, apparently, to weary the pennsylvania limited, for it commenced slackening speed and finding frivolous pretexts for coming nearly to a standstill--the climax being reached when we halted in front of a small, piebald pig. we looked at the pig and the pig looked at us, and the pig got the best of it, for we sneaked off, leaving the porker master of the situation and still looking. but these great flats--what a paradise of snipe they are, and how golf-players might revel on them! birds were abundant. crows went about in bands recruiting "black marauders" in every copse; blackbirds flew over in flocks, and small things of the linnet kind rose in wisps from the sedges and osiers. and there was another bird of which i did not then know the name, that was a surprise every time it left the ground, for it sate all black and flew half scarlet. could not these marsh levels be utilized for the indian water-nut, the singhara? in asia where it is cultivated it ranks almost as a local staple of food, and is delicious. a noteworthy feature of the country, by the way, is the sudden appearance of hedge-rows. no detail of landscape that i know of makes scenery at once so english. and then we find ourselves steaming along past beds of osiers, with long waterways stretching up northwards, with here and there painted duck, like the european sheldrake, floating under the shadows of the fir-trees, and then i became aware of a great green expanse of water showing through the trees, and i asked "what is that? the water must be very deep to be such a colour." "that is lake michigan," was the answer, "and this is chicago we are coming to now." and very soon we found ourselves in the station of the great city by the lake, with the masts of shipping alongside the funnels of engines. but not a pig in sight! i had thought that chicago was all pigs. and what a city it is, this central wonder of the states! as a whole, chicago is nearly terrific. the real significance of this phoenix city is almost appalling. its astonishing resurrection from its ashes and its tremendous energy terrify jelly-fishes like myself. before they have got roads that are fit to be called roads, these chicago men have piled up the new county hall, to my mind one of the most imposing structures i have ever seen in all my wide travels. chicago does not altogether seem to like it, for every one spoke of it as "too solid-looking," but for my part i think it almost superb. the architect's name, i believe, is egan; but whence he got his architectural inspiration i cannot say. it reminds me in part of a wing of the tuileries, but why it does i could not make up my mind. then again, look at this chicago which allows its business thoroughfares to be so sumptuously neglected--some of them are almost as disreputable-looking as broadway--and goes and lays out imperial "boulevards" to connect its "system of parks." these boulevards, simply if left alone for the trees to grow up and the turf to grow thick, will before long be the finest in all the world. the streets in the city, however, if left alone much longer, would be a disgrace to--well, say port said. the local administration, they say, is "corrupt." but that is the standing american explanation for everything with which a stranger finds fault. i was always told the same in new york--and would you seriously tell me that the municipal administration of new york is corrupt?--to account for congestion of traffic, fat policemen, bad lamps, sidewalks blocked with packing-cases, &c., &c. and in chicago it accounts for the streets being more like rolling prairie than streets, for cigar stores being houses of assignation, for there being so much orange peel and banana skin on the sidewalks, &c., &c. but i am not at all sure that "municipal corruption" is not a scapegoat for want of public spirit. but let the public spirit be as it may, there can be no doubt as to the private enterprise in chicago. take the iron industry alone--what prodigious proportions it is assuming, and how vastly it will be increased when that circum-urban "belt line" of railways is completed! take, again, the pullman factories. they by themselves form an industry which might satisfy any town of moderate appetite. but chicago is a veritable glutton for speculative trade. the streets at all times abound with incident. here at one corner was a hansom cab, surely the very latest development of european science, with two small black children, looking like imps in a drury lane pantomime, trying to pin "april fool" on to the cabman's dependent tails. could anything be more incongruous? in the first place, what have negro children to do with april fooling? and in the next, imagine these small scraps in ebony taking liberties with a hansom! a group of cowboy-and-miner looking men were grouped in ludicrous attitudes of sentimentality before a concertina-player, who was wheezing out his own version of "old country" airs. on the arm of one of the group languished a lady with a very dark skin, dressed in a rich black silk dress, with a black satin mantle trimmed with sumptuous fur, and half an ostrich on her head by way of bonnet and feathers. the men there, as in most of america, strike me as being very judicious in the arrangement of their personal appearance, especially in the trimming of their hair and moustachios; but many of the women--i speak now of chicago--sacrificed everything to that awful american institution, the "bang." i know of no female head-dress in asia, africa, or europe so absurd in itself or so lunatic in the wearer as some of the chicago bangs. ugliness of face is intensified a thousandfold by "the ring-worm style" of head-dress with which they cover their foreheads and half their cheeks. prettiness of face can, of course, never be hidden; but i honestly think that neither a black skin, nor lip-rings and nose-rings, nor red teeth, nor any other fantastic female fashion that i have ever seen in other parts of the world, goes so far towards concealing beauty of features as that curly plastering which, from ignorance of its real name, i have called "the ring worm style of bang." here, too, in chicago i found a man selling "gophers." now, i do not know the american name for this vanish-into-nothing sort of pastry, but i do know that there is one man in london who declares that he, and he alone in all the world, is aware of the secret of the gopher. and all london believes him. his is supposed to be a lost art--but for him--and i should not be surprised if some lover of the antique were to bribe him to bequeath the precious secret to an heir before he dies. but in chicago peripatetic vendors of this cate are an every-day occurrence, and even the juvenile ethiop sometimes compasses the gopher. what its american name is i cannot say; but it is a very delicate kind of pastry punched into small square depressions, and every mouthful you eat is so inappreciable in point of matter that you look down on your waistcoat to see if you have not dropped it, and when the whole is done you feel that you have consumed about as much solid nutriment as a fish does after a nibble at an artificial bait. have you ever given a dog a piece of warm fat off your plate and seen him after he had swallowed it look on the carpet for it? so rapid is the transit of the delicious thing that the deluded animal fancies that he has as yet enjoyed only the foretaste of a pleasure still to be, the shadow only of the coming event, the promise of something good. it is just the same with yourself after eating a gopher. of course i went to see the stock-yards, and my visit, as it happened, had something of a special character, for i saw a pig put through its performances in thirty-five seconds. a lively piebald porker was one of a number grunting and quarrelling in a pen, and i was asked to keep my eye on him. and what happened to that porker was this. [ ] he was suddenly seized by a hind leg, and jerked up on to a small crane. this swung him swiftly to the fatal door through which no pig ever returns. on the other side stood a man-- that two-handed engine at the door stands ready to smite once, and smite no more, and the dead pig shot across a trough and through another doorway, and then there was a splash! he had fallen head first into a vat of boiling water. some unseen machinery passed him along swiftly to the other end of the terrible bath, and there a water-wheel picked him up and flung him out on to a sloping counter. here another machine seized him, and with one revolution scraped him as bald as a nut. and down the counter he went, losing his head as he slid past a man with a hatchet, and then, presto! he was up again by the heels. in one dreadful handful a man emptied him, and while another squirted him with fresh water, the pig--registering his own weight as he passed the teller's box--shot down the steel bar from which he hung, and whisked round the corner into the ice-house. one long cut of a knife made two sides of pork out of that piebald pig. two hacks of a hatchet brought away his backbone. and there, in thirty-five seconds from his last grunt--dirty, hot-headed, noisy--the pig was hanging up in two pieces, clean, tranquil, iced! the very rapidity of the whole process robbed it of all its horrors. it even added the ludicrous to it. here one minute was an opinionated piebald pig making a prodigious fuss about having his hind leg taken hold of, and lo! before he had even made up his mind whether to squeal or only to squeak, he was hanging up in an ice-house, split in two! he had resented the first trifling liberty that was taken with him, and in thirty-five seconds he was ready for the cook! that the whole process is virtually painless is beyond all doubt, for it is only for the first fraction of the thirty-odd seconds that the pig is sentient, and i doubt if even electricity could as suddenly and painlessly extinguish life as the lightning of that unerring poniard, "the dagger of mercy" and the instantaneous plunge into the scalding bath. of the chicago stock-yards, a veritable village, laid out with its miniature avenues intersecting its mimic streets and numbered blocks, it is late in the day to speak. but it was very interesting in its way to see the poor doomed swine thoughtlessly grunting along the road, and inquisitively asking their way, as it seemed, of the sheep in block or of the sulky texan steer looking out between the palings of block ; to watch the cattle, wild-eyed from distress and long journeying, snorting their distrust of their surroundings, and trying at every opportunity to turn away from the terribly straight road that leads to death, into any crossway that seemed likely to result in freedom; to see for the first time the groups of western herdsmen lounging at the corners, while their unkempt ponies, guarded in most cases by drowsy shepherd-dogs, stood tethered in bunches against the palings. all day long the air is filled with porcine clamour, and some of the pens are scenes of perpetual riot. for the pig does not chant his "nunc dimittis" with any seemliness. his last canticles are frivolous. it is impossible to translate them into any "morituri te salutant," for they are wanting in dignity, and even self-respect. with the cattle it is very different. but few of them were in such good case as to make high spirits possible, and many were wretched objects to look at. dead calves lay about in the pens, and there was a general air of distress that made the scene abundantly pathetic. but, after all, it does not pay to starve or overdrive cattle, and we may confidently expect therefore, that in chicago, of all places in the world, they are neither starved nor overdriven systematically. the english sparrow has multiplied with characteristic industry in chicago, but further west i lost it. i saw none between omaha and salt lake city. so the sparrow line, i take it, must be drawn for the present somewhere west of clinton. i do not think it has crossed the mississippi yet from the east. but it is steadily advancing its frontiers--this aggressive fowl--from both sea-boards, and just as it has pushed itself forward from the atlantic into illinois, so from the pacific it has got already as far as nevada. the tyranny of the sparrow is the price men pay for civilization. only savages are exempt. here in america, they have developed into a multitudinous evil, dispossessing with a high hand the children of the soil, thrusting their saxon assumption of superiority upon the native feathered flock of grove and garden, and driving them from their birthright. they have no respect for authorities, and entertain no awe even for the irish aldermen of new york. in australia it is the same. imported as a treasure, they have presumed upon the sentiment of exiled englishmen until they have become a veritable calamity. so they have been publicly proclaimed as "vermin," and a price set upon their heads "per hundred." indeed, legislatures threaten to stand or fall upon the sparrow question. here in america, men and women began by putting nesting-boxes for the birds in the trees and at corners of houses; i am much mistaken if before long they do not end by putting up ladders against the trees to help the cats to get up to catch the sparrows. i looked everywhere for "chicago mountain"--a new england joke against the phoenix city--and at last found it behind a house at the corner of pine and colorado streets. they say (in boston) that chicago, being chaffed about having no high land near it, set to work to build itself a mountain, but that when it had reached its present moderate elevation of a few feet, the city abandoned the project. but i am inclined to think that this fiction is due to the spite of the new englanders, who, it is notorious, have to sharpen the noses of their sheep to enable them to reach the grass that grows between the stones; for on looking at the mountain in question i perceived it to be merely a natural sand-dune which it has not been thought worth while to clear away. further to acquaint myself with the city, i went into sundry "penny gaffs," or cafés chantants, and found them to my surprise patronized by groups of men sad almost to melancholy. it was the music, i think, that made them feel so. its effect on me i know was very chastening. i felt inclined to lift up my voice and howl. but the intense gravity of the company restrained me, and i left. yet i am told that inside these very places men stab each other with bowie knives and shoot each other with revolvers, and are even sometimes quite disagreeable in their manners. but so far as my own experience goes i seldom saw a gathering so unanimously solemn. i might even say so tearful. it is possible, of course, that the music eventually maddens them, that it works them up about midnight into a homicidal melancholy. but there was no profligacy of blood-shedding while i was there. they did not even offer to murder a musician. footnotes: . need i say that i do not refer to the small field-rat of that name? chapter ii. from chicago to denver. fathers of waters--"rich lands lie flat"--the misery river--council bluffs--a "live" town, sir--two murders: a contrast--omaha--the immorality of "writing up"--on the prairies--the modesty of "wish-ton-wish"--the antelope's tower of refuge--out of nebraska into colorado--man-eating tiger. from chicago to omaha by the chicago and "northwestern" route is not an exhilarating journey. when nature begins to make anything out here in america she never seems to know when to stop. she can never make a few of anything. for instance, it might have been thought that one or two hundred miles of perfectly flat land was enough at a time. but nature, having once commenced flattening out the land, cannot leave off. so all the way from chicago to omaha there is the one same pattern of country, a wilderness of maize-stubble and virgin land, broken only for the first half of the way by occasional patches of water-oak, and for the second half of willows. just on the frontier-line of these two vegetable divisions of the country lies a tract of bright turf-land. what a magician this same turf is! it is wendell holmes, i think, who says that anglo-saxons emigrate only "in the line of turf." the better half of the journey passed on sunday, and the people were all out in loitering, well-dressed groups "to see the train pass," and at the stations where we stopped, to see the passengers, too. where they came from it was not easy to tell, for the homesteads in sight were very few and far between. yet there they were, happy, healthy, well-to-do contented-looking families, enjoying the day of rest--the one dissipation of the hard-worked week. what a comfortable connecting link with the outer world the railway must be to these scattered dwellers on this prairie-land! so through illinois to the mississippi. how wonderfully it resembles the indus where it flows past lower sind. a minaret or two, a blue-tiled cupola and a clump of palms would make the resemblance of the mississippi at clinton to the indus below rohri complete. and both rivers claim to be "the father of waters." i would not undertake to decide between them. in modern annals, of course, the american must take pre-eminence; but what can surpass the historic grandeur that dignifies the indian stream? and so into iowa, just as flat, and as rich, and as monotonous as illinois, and with just the same leagues of maize-stubble, unbroken soil, water-oaks and willows. and then, in the deepening twilight, to cedar rapids, with the pleasant sound of rushing water and all the townsfolk waiting "to see the train" on their way from church, standing in groups, with their prayer-books and bibles in their hands. by the way, what an admirable significance there is in he care with which these young townships discharge their duties to their religion and the dead. the church or prayer-house seems to be always one of the first and finest buildings. with only half-a-dozen homesteads in sight in some places, there is the church and while all the rest are of the humblest class of frame houses, the church is of brick. the cemeteries again. before even the plots round the living are set in order, "god's acre" (often the best site in the neighbourhood) is neatly fenced and laid out. and i thought it somehow a beautiful touch of national character, this reverent providence for the dead that are to come. and just before i went to sleep, i saw out in the moonlit country a cemetery, and on the crest of the rising ground stood one solitary tombstone, the pioneer of the many--the first dead settler's grave. in this new country the living are as yet in the majority! awakening, find myself still in iowa, and iowa still as flat as ever. not spirit enough in all these hundred miles of land to firk up even a hillock, a mound, a pimple. but to make a new proverb, "rich lands lie flat;" and iowa; in time, will be able to feed the world--aye, and to clothe it too. in the mean time we are approaching the missouri, through levels in which the jack-rabbit abounds, and every farmer, therefore, seems to keep a greyhound for coursing the long-eared aborigines. the willows, conscious of secret resources of water, are already in leaf, and overhead the wild ducks and geese are passing to their feeding-grounds. here i saw "blue" grass for the first time, and i must say i am glad that grass is usually green. elsewhere in the states, english grass is called "blue grass;" but in some parts, as here in this part of iowa, there is a native grass which is literally blue. and it is not an improvement, so far as the effect on the landscape goes, upon the old fashioned colour for grass. and then the missouri, a muddy, shapeless, dissipated stream. the people on its banks call it "treacherous," and pronounce its name "misery." it is certainly a most unprepossessing river, with its ill-gotten banks of ugly sand, and its lazy brown waters gurgling along in an overgrown, self-satisfied way. it is a bullying stream; gives nobody peace that lives near it; and is perpetually trying in an underhanded sort of way to "scour" out the foundations of the hollow columns on which the bridges across it are built. but the abundance of water-fowl upon its banks and side-waters is a redeeming feature for all who care to carry a gun, and i confess i should like to have had a day's leisure at council bluffs to go out and have a shot. the inhabitants of the place, however, do not seem to be goose-eaters, for, close season or not, i cannot imagine their permitting flocks of these eminently edible birds to fly circling about over their houses, within forty yards of the ground. the wild-goose is proverbially a wary fowl, but here at council bluffs they have apparently become from long immunity as impertinent and careless as sparrows. council bluffs, as the pow-wow place of the red men in the days when iowa was rolling prairie and bison used to browse where horses plough, has many a quaint legend of the past; and in spite of the frame houses that are clustered below them and the superb cobweb bridge--it has few rivals in the world--that here spans the missouri, the bluffs, as the rendezvous of sagamore and sachem, stand out from the interminable plains eloquent of a very picturesque antiquity. and so to omaha. "but i guess, sir, om'a's a live town. yes, sir, a live town." my experiences of omaha were too brief for me to be just, too disagreeable for me to be impartial. before breakfast i saw a murder and suicide, and between breakfast and luncheon a fire and several dog-fights. perhaps i might have seen something more. but a terrible dust-storm raged in the streets all day. besides, i went away. i am beginning already to hate "live" towns. i. it was during the afghan war. i had just ridden back from general roberts' camp in the thull valley, on the frontiers of afghanistan, and found myself stopped on my return at the kohat pass. "it is the orders of government," said the sentry: "the pass is unsafe for travellers." but i had to get through the pass whether it was "safe" or not, for through it lay the only road to general browne's camp, to which i was attached. so i dismounted, and after a great deal of palaver, partly of bribes, partly of untruths, i not only got past the native sentries, but got a guide to escort me, through the thirty miles of wild afridi defiles that lay before me. the scenery is, i think, among the finest in the world, while, added to all is the strange fascination of the knowledge that the people who live in the pass have cherished from generation to generation the most vindictive blood feuds. the villages are surrounded by high walls, loopholed along the top, and the huts in the inside are built against the wall, so that the roofs of them can be used by the men of the village as lounges during the day, and as ramparts for sentries during the night. within these sullen squares each clan lives in perpetual siege. the women and children are at all times permitted to go to and fro; but for the men, woe to him who happens to stray within reach of the jezails that lie all ready loaded in the loopholes of the next village. the crops are sown and reaped by men with guns slung on their backs, and in the middle of every field stands a martello-tower, in which the peasants can take shelter if neighbours sally out to attack them while at work. rope-ladders hang from a doorway half-way up the tower, and up this, like lizards, the men scramble, one after the other, as soon as danger threatens, draw in the ladder, and through the loop-holes overlook their menaced crops. a wonderful country truly, and something in the air to day that makes my guide ride as hard as the road will permit, with his sword drawn across the saddle before him. my revolver is in my hand. and so we clatter along, mile after mile, through the beautiful series of little valleys, grim villages, and towers. now and again a party of women will step aside to let us pass, or a dog start up to bark at us, but not a single man do we see. yet i know very well that hundreds of men see us ride by, and that a jezail is lying at every loophole, and covering the very path we ride on. we reach a sudden turn of the path; my guide gallops round it. he is hardly out of my sight when bang! bang! it is no use pulling up, and the next instant i am round the corner too. a man, with his jezail still smoking from the last shot, starts up from the undergrowth almost under my horse's feet, and narrowly escapes being ridden down. another man comes running down the hillside towards him. in front of me, some fifty yards off, is my guide, with his horse's head towards me and his sword in his hand, and on the path, midway between us, lies a heap of brightly-coloured clothing--a dead afridi! for a second both guide and i thought that it was we who had drawn the fire from the ambushed men. but no, it the poor afridi lad lying there in the path before us, and the victim of a blood feud. he had tried, no doubt, to steal across from his own village to some friendly hamlet close by, but his lynx-eyed enemies had seen him, and, lying there on either side of his path, had shot him as he passed. but what a group we were! myself, with my revolver in my hand, looking, horror-stricken, now at the dead, and now at his murderers; my guide, in the splendid uniform of the indian irregular cavalry, emotionless as only orientals can be; the two murderers talking together excitedly; in the middle of us the dead lad! but there was still another figure to be added, for suddenly, along the very path by which the victim had come, there came running an old woman--perhaps she had followed the lad with a mother's tender anxiety for his safety--and in an instant she saw the worst. without a glance at any of us, she flung herself down with the cry of a breaking heart, by the dead boys side, and as my guide turned to ride on and i followed him, as the murderers slipped away into the undergrowth, we all heard her crooning, between her sobs, over the body of her murdered son. ii. i was in omaha. i had just crossed thirteenth street, and, turning to look as i passed, at the catholic church, had caught an idle glimpse of the folk in the street. among them was a woman at the wooden gateway of a small house, hesitating, so it seemed to me afterwards, about pushing it open, for though she had her hand upon the latch, yet she did not lift it, but appeared to me, at the distance i passed and the cursory glance i gave, to be listening to what somebody was saying to her through the window. had i been only a few yards nearer! at the moment that i saw her, the wretched woman was gazing with fixed and horrified eyes upon a face--a grim and cruel face--that glared at her from a window, and at a gun that she saw was pointed full at her breast. and the next instant, just as i had turned the corner, there was the report of fire-arms. it did not occur to me to stop. but suddenly i heard a cry, and then a second shot, and somehow there flashed upon my mind the picture of that hesitating woman by the wicket, with her knitted shawl over her head, and the wind blowing her light dress to one side. i did not turn back, however. for the woman and the shots had only the merest flash of a connexion in my mind. but after a few steps a man came running past me, going perhaps for the doctor, or the police, or the coroner, and the scared look on his face suddenly once more wrenched back to my imagination the woman at the wicket. so i turned back into thirteenth street, and there, in the middle of the road, with a man stooping over her and two women, transfixed by sudden terror into attitudes that were most tragic, i saw the woman lying. her face was turned up to the bright sunlit sky, her shawl had fallen back about her neck, and her hair lay in the dust. she was already dead. and her murderer? he too had gone to his last account; and as i stood there in that dreary omaha road, with the wind raising wisps of dust about the horror-stricken group, and thought of the two dead bodies lying there, one in the roadway, the other in the house close by, my mind reverted involuntarily to the fancy that at that very moment the two souls, man and wife, were standing before their maker, and that perhaps she, the poor mangled woman, was pleading for mercy for the man, her husband, the lover of her youth--her murderer. -- in the evening, when a cool breeze was blowing, and imagination pictured the trees holding up screens of green foliage before the hotel windows to shut out the ugly views of half-built streets, i entertained feelings that were almost kindly towards omaha; but the memory of the day that was happily past, as often as it recurred to me, changed them to gall again. all day long there had been a flaring, glaring sun overhead and the wind that was blowing would have done credit to the deserts through which i have since marched with the army in egypt. it went howling down the street with the voices of wild beasts, and carried with it such simooms of sand as would probably in a week overwhelm and bury in ninevite oblivion the buildings of this aspiring town. and not only sand, but whirlwinds of vulgar dust also, with occasional discharges of cinders, that came rushing along the road, picking up all the rubbish it could find, dodging up alleys and coming out again with accumulations of straw, rampaging into courtyards in search of paper and rags, standing still in the middle of the roadway to whirl, and altogether behaving itself just as a disreputable and aggressive vagabond may be always expected to behave. of course i was told it was a "very exceptional" day. it always is a "very exceptional day" wherever a stranger goes. but i must confess that i never saw any place--except aden, and perhaps east london, in south africa--that struck me on short acquaintance as so thoroughly undesirable for a lengthened abode. the big black swine rooting about in the back yards, the little black boys playing drearily at "marbles" with bits of stone, the multitude of dogs loafing on the sidewalks, the depressing irregularity of the streets, the paucity of shade-trees, the sandy bluffs that dominate the town and hold over the heads of the inhabitants the perpetual threat of siroccos, and the general appearance (however false it may have been) of disorder--all combined with various degrees of force to give the impression that omaha is a place that had from some cause or another been suddenly checked in its natural expansion. its geographical position is indisputably a commanding one, and already the great smelting works, with one exception the busiest in the states, the splendid workshops of the union pacific railway, and the thriving distillery close by, give promise of the great industries which in the future this town, with its wonderful advantages of communication, as the meeting-point of great railway high-roads, will attract to itself. omaha has an admirable opera-house, and when its hotel is rebuilt it will be able to offer visitors good accommodation. it has also an imposing school-house imposingly advertised by being on top of a hill, and the refining grace of gardens is not completely absent, while the "stove-pipe" hat gives fragmentary evidence of advanced civilization. but all this affords encouragement for the future only; at present omaha is a depressing spot. and so i left the town without regret; but i did not make any effort to shake off the dust of omaha. that was impossible; it had penetrated the texture of my clothing so completely that nothing but shredding my garments into their original threads would have sufficed. now i had read something of omaha before i went there, had seen it called "a splendid western city," and been invited to linger there to examine its "dozens of noble monuments to invincible enterprise," which, with "the dozen or more church spires," are supposed to break the sky-line of the view of this "metropolis of the north-western states and territories." it is possible, therefore, that my profound disappointment with the reality, after reading such exaggerated description, may have tinged my opinion of omaha, and, combined with the unfortunately "exceptional" day i spent there, have made me think very poorly of the former capital of nebraska. that it has a great future before it, its position alone guarantees, and the enterprise of nebraska puts beyond all doubt; but the sight-seer going to omaha, and expecting to find it anything but a very new town on a very unprepossessing site, will be as greatly disappointed as i was. equally unfortunate is the "writing up" which the valley of the platte has received. who, for instance, that has travelled on the railway along that great void can read without annoyance of "beautiful valley landscapes, in which thousands of productive farms, fine farm-houses, blossoming orchards, and thriving cities" are features of the country traversed? no one can charge me with a want of sympathy with the true significance of this wonderful western country. and i can say, therefore, without hesitation that the dreariness of the country between omaha and denver junction is almost inconceivable. there is hardly even a town worth calling such in sight, much less "thriving cities." the original prairie lies there spread out, on either hand, in nearly all its original barrenness. interminable plains, that occasionally roll into waves, stretch away to the horizon to right and left, dotted with skeletons of dead cattle and widely scattered herds of living ones. here and there a cow-boy's shed, and here and there a ranch of the ordinary primitive type, and here and there a dug-out, are all the "features" of the long ride. an occasional emigrant waggon perhaps breaks the dull, dead monotony of the landscape, and in one place there is a solitary bush upon a mound. a hawk floats in the air above a prairie-dog village. a plover sweeps past with its melancholy cry. no, the journey to north platte--where a very bad breakfast was put before us at a dollar a head--is not attractive. but here again it is the possible in the future that makes the now desolate scene so full of interest and so splendidly significant. as a grazing country it can never, perhaps, be very populous; but in time, of course, those ranches, now struggling so bravely against terrible odds, will become "fine farm-houses," and have "blossoming orchards" about them. but as yet these things are not, and for good, all-round dreariness i would not know where to send a friend with such confidence as to the pastures between omaha and north platte. oh! when are we to have pullman palace balloons? condemned to travel, my soul and my bones cry out for air-voyaging. that some day man should fly like a bird has been, in spite of superstition, an article of honest belief from the beginning of time, and in the dove of archytas alone we have proof enough that, even in those days, the successful accomplishment of flight was accepted as a fact of science. during the middle ages so common was this belief that every man who dabbled in physics was pronounced a magician, and as such was credited with the power of transporting himself through the air at will. some, indeed, actually claimed the enviable privilege, friar bacon among others. but history records no practical illustration of their control of the air, while more than one death is chronicled of daring men who, with insufficient apparatus, launched themselves in imitation of birds upon space, and fell, more or less precipitately, to earth. the italian who flapped himself off stirling castle trusted only to a pair of huge feather wings, which he had tied on to his arms, and got no farther on his way to france than the heads of the spectators at the bottom of the wall; while the monk of tübingen started on his journey from the top of his tower with apparatus that immediately turned inside out, and increased by its weight the momentum with which he came down plumb into the street. beyond north platte the same melancholy expanses again commence, the same rolling prairies, with the same dead cattle and the same herds of live ones, an occasional waggon or a stock-yard or snow-fence being all that interrupts the flat monotony. but approaching sterling a suspicion of verdure begins in places to steal over the grey prairie, and flights of "larks," with a bright, pleasant note, give something of an air of animation to isolated spots. here is a plough at work, the first we have passed, i think, since we left omaha, and the plover piping overhead seem to resent the novelty. cattle continue to dot the landscape, and all the afternoon the platte rolls along a sluggish stream parallel to the track. the train happened to slacken pace at one point, and a man came up to the cars. he was a beggar, and asked our help to get along the road "eastward." one of his arms was in a sling from an accident, and his whole appearance eloquent of utter destitution. and the very landscape pleaded for him. beggary at any time must be wretchedness, but here in this bleak waste of pasturage it must almost be despair. and as the train sped on, the one dismal figure creeping along by the side of the track, with the dark clouds of a snowstorm coming up to meet him, was strangely pathetic. and then sterling. may sterling be forgiven for the dinner it set before us! and then on again, across long leagues of level plain, thickly studded with prickly pear patches and seamed with the old bison and antelope tracks leading down from the hills to the river. there are no bison now. they cannot stand before the stove-pipe hat. the sombreroed hunter, with his lasso, the necklace of death, was an annoyance to them; they spent their lives dodging him. the befeathered indian, "the chivalry of the prairie," who pincushioned their hides full of arrows, was a terror to them, and they fell by thousands. but before the stove-pipe hat the bison fled incontinently by the herd, and have never returned. the prairie-dogs peep out of their holes at us as we passed. the bashfulness of "wish-ton-wish," as the red man calls the prairie-dog, is as nearly impudence as one thing can be another. it sits up perkily on one end at the edge of its hole till you are close upon it, and then, with a sudden affectation of being shocked at its own immodesty, dives headlong into its hole; but its hind-legs are not out of sight before the head is up again, and the next instant there is the prairie-dog sitting exactly where you first saw it! such a burlesque of shyness i never saw in a quadruped before. a solitary coyote was loitering in a hungry way along a gulch, and i could not help thinking how the most important epochs of one's life may often turn upon the merest trifles. now, here was a coyote ambling lazily up a certain gulch because it had happened to see some white bones bleaching a little way up it. but in the very next gulch, which the coyote had not happened to go up, were three half-bred greyhounds idling about, just in the humour for something to run after. but they could not see the coyote, though it was really only a few yards off, nor could the coyote see them. so the dogs lounged about in a listless, do-nothing, tired-of-life sort of way, thinking existence as dull as ditch water, while the coyote, unconscious of the narrow escape of its life that it ran, trotted slowly along--scrutinized the old bones--scratched its head--yawned out of sheer ennui, and then trotted along again. now, what a difference it would have made to those three dogs if they had only happened to loaf into the next gulch! and what a prodigious difference it would have made to the coyote if it had happened to loaf into the next gulch! the prickly pear, that ugly, fleshy little cactus, with its sudden summer glories of crimson and golden blossoms, fulfils a strange purpose in the animal economy of the prairies. in itself it appears to be one of the veriest outcasts among vegetables, execrated by man and refused as food by beast. yet if it were not for this plant the herds of prairie antelope would have fared badly enough, for the antelope, whenever they found themselves in straits from wolves or from dogs, made straight for the prickly pear patches and belts, and there, standing right out on the barren, open plain, defied their swift but tender-footed pursuers to come near them. for the small, thick pads of the cactus, though they lie so flat and insignificantly upon the ground, are studded with tufts of strong, fierce spines, and woe to the wolf or the dog that treads upon them. the antelope's hoofs, however, are proof against the spines, and one leap across such a belt suffices to place the horned folk in safety. these patches and belts, then, so trivial to the eye, and in some places almost invisible to the cursory glance, are in reality towers of refuge to the great edible division of the wild prairie nations, and as impassable to the eaters as was that girdle of fire and steel which von moltke buckled so closely round the city of the napoleons. but here we are approaching denver. the cottonwood has mustered into clusters, a prototype of the future of these now scattered ranches. dotted about here and there in suitable corners, on river bank or under sheltering bluff, single trees are growing side by side with single stockyards or single cow-boys' huts, but every now and again, where nature offers them a good site for a colony, the trees congregate, select lots, and permanently locate. it is not very different after all, with human beings. nature here is undoubtedly tempting, and denver itself must surely be one of the most beautiful towns in the states. through great reaches of splendid farm-land, with water in abundance and the cottonwood and willow growing thickly, we pass to our destination as the twilight settles on the country. a whole day has again been spent in the train! we had awaked in the morning to see from the car windows the people of nebraska going out to their day's work in the fields, and here in the evening we sit and watch the colorado folk coming home to their rest after the day's work is over. truly this steam is a latter-day apocalypse and this america a land of magnificent distances. i found out on this trip that my fellow-travellers (and the fact holds good nearly all over america) took the greatest interest in british india, and finding that i had spent so many years there, they plied me with questions. on some journeys it would be the political aspect of our government of hindostan that interested, at others the commercial or the social. but going through colorado, one of the haunts of the "grizzly" and the "mountain lion," i had to detail my experiences of sport in india. above all, the tiger interested them. it is the only animal in the world that may be said to give the grizzly a point or two. and there are some even who deny this; but i, who have shot the tiger, and never seen a grizzly, naturally concede the first place in perilous courage to stripes, the raja of the jungle. in one particular aspect, at any rate, the tiger is supreme among quadrupeds. it has the splendid audacity to make man his regular food. now, it is generally supposed that the "man-eater" is a specially formidable variety of the species; that it is only the boldest, strongest, and fiercest of the tigers that preys on man. but the very reverse is of course the truth. when hale and strong the tiger avoids the vicinity of men, finding abundant food in the herds of deer and other wild animals that share his jungles. but when strength and speed of limb begin to fail, the brute has to look for easier prey than the courageous bison or wind-footed antelope, and so skulks among the ravines and waste patches of woodland that are to be found about nearly every village. then when twilight obscures the scene, he creeps out noiseless as a shadow, and lies in ambush in a crop of standing grain or bhair-tree brake, and watches the country folk go by from the fields in twos and threes, driving their plough cattle before them. after a while, there comes sauntering past alone, a man or a woman who has lagged behind the company; yet not so far behind but that the friends ahead can hear the scream which tells of the tiger's leap, though too far for help to be of use. during four years human beings and , head of cattle were killed by these animals in one district in bombay, while many single tigers have been known to destroy over a hundred people before they were shot. one in the mandla district caused the desertion of thirteen villages and threw out of cultivation two hundred and fifty square miles of country; while another, only one of many similar cases, was credited with the appalling total of eighty human victims per annum! the yearly loss in cattle and by decrease of cultivation through the ravages of these fearful beasts has been estimated at ten million pounds sterling! no wonder, then, that even these doughty grizzly-slayers of the rockies respect the tiger's name. chapter iii. in leadville. the south park line--oscar wilde on sunflowers as food--in a wash-hand basin--anti-vigilance committees--leadville the city of the carbonates--"busted" millionaires--the philosophy of thick boots--colorado miners--national competition in lions--abuse of the terms "gentleman" and "lady"--up at the mines--under the pine-trees. starting from denver for leadville in the evening, it seemed as if we were fated to see nothing of the very interesting country through which the south park line runs. at first there is nothing to look at but open prairie land sprinkled with the homesteads of agricultural pioneers, but as the moon got up there was gradually revealed a stately succession of mountain ridges, and in about two hours we found ourselves threading the spurs of the sangre di christi range and following the platte river up toward its sources. crossing and recrossing the cañon, with one side silvered, and the other thrown into the blackest shadow by the moon, and the noisy stream tumbling along beside us in its hurry to get down to the lazy levels of the great nebraska valley, i saw glimpses of scenery that can never be forgotten. it was fantastic in the extreme; for apart from the jugglery of moonlight, in itself so wonderful always, the ideas of relative distance and size, even of shape, were upset and ridiculed by the snowy peaks that here and there thrust themselves up into the sky and by the patches and streaks of snow that concealed and altered the contour of the nearer rocks in the most puzzling manner imaginable. and all this time the little train--for the line is narrow-gauge--kept twisting and wriggling in and out as if it were in collusion with the hills, and playing into their hands to disconcert the traveller. i have seen at different times great curiosities of engineering, as in travelling over the ghats in western india, where everything is stupendous and at times even terrific, where danger seems perpetual and disaster often inevitable. in passing by train from colombo to kandy in ceylon, and crossing sensation rock, the railway cars actually hang over the precipice, so that when you look out of the window the track on which you are running is invisible, and you can drop an orange plumb down the face of this appalling cliff on to the tops of the palm-trees, which look like little round bushes in the valley down below. from durban to pietermaritzburg again, on the line along which, when it was first opened, the engine-driver brought out from england refused to take his train, declaring it to be too dangerous, but along which, nevertheless, the british troops going up to zululand were all safely carried. the south park line, however, can compare with these, and must be accepted as one of the acknowledged triumphs of railway enterprise. for much of its length the rocks had to be fought inch by inch, and they died hard. the result to-day is a very picturesque and interesting ride, with a surprise in every mile and beauty all the way. on the way to the "city of the carbonates," i heard much of leadville ways and life. that very morning the energetic police of the town had arrested two young ladies for parading the sunflower and the lily too conspicuously. one had donned a sunflower for a hat, the other walked along holding a tall lily in her hand. the leadville youth had gathered in disorderly procession behind the aesthetic pair. so the police arrested the fair causes of the disturbance. i told oscar wilde of this a few days later. "poor sweet things!" said he; "martyrs in the cause of the beautiful." he was on his way to salt lake city at the time, and i told him how the mormon capital was par excellence "the city of sunflowers," and assured him that the poet's feeding on "gilliflowers rare" was not, after all, too violent a stretch of imagination, as whole tribes of indians (and longfellow himself has said that every indian is a poem, which is very nearly the same thing as a poet) feed on the sunflower. the apostle of art decoration was delighted. "poor sweet things!" said he; "feed on sunflowers! how charming! if i could only have stayed and dined with them! but how delightful to be able to go back to england and say that i have actually been in a country where whole tribes of men live on sunflowers! the preciousness of it!" it is a fact, probably new to some of my readers: that the wild sunflower is the characteristic weed of utah, and that the seeds of the plant supply the undiscriminating red man with an oil-cake which may agreeably vary a diet of grasshoppers and rattlesnakes, but has not intrinsically any flavour to recommend it. so south kensington must not rush away with the idea that the noble savage who has the crow for his "totem," feeds upon the blossoms of the vegetable they worship. it is the prosaic oil-cake that the pi-ute eats. but all i heard got mixed up eventually into a general idea that every man in the place who had not committed a murder was a millionaire, and all those who had not lost their lives had lost a fortune. the mines, too, got gradually sorted up into two kinds--those that had "five million now in sight, sir," or those whose "bottoms had fallen out." but one fact that pleased me particularly was the "anti-vigilance" committee of leadville. every one knows that a "vigilance committee" consists of a certain number of volunteer guardians of the peace, who call (with a rope) upon strangers visiting their neighbourhood and offer them the choice of being hanged at once for the offences they purpose committing or of going elsewhere to commit them. the strangers, as it transpires in the morning, sometimes choose one course and sometimes the other. this is all very right and proper, and conduces to a general good understanding. but in leadville, the citizens started an anti-vigilance committee and so the vigilance committee sent in their resignations to themselves--and accepted them. i do not think i ever heard of a fact so appalling in its significance. but the humour of it is that the anti-vigilance committee managed somehow to keep the peace in leadville as it had never been kept before. it reminded me of an incident of the afghan war. a certain tribe of hill-men persisted in killing the couriers who carried the post from one british camp to the other, and the generals were nearly at their wits' end for means of communication, when the murderers sent in word offering to carry the post themselves--and did so, faithfully! it was in leadville also that lived the barber who, going forth one night, was met by two men who told him peremptorily to take his hands out of his pockets, as they intended to take out all the rest. but he had nothing in his pockets except two derringers, so he pulled his hands out and shot the two men dead where they stood. next morning the citizens of leadville placed the barber in a triumphal chair, and carried him round the town as a bright example to the public, presented him with a gold watch and chain as a testimonial of their esteem for his courage--and then escorted him the first stage out of the town, advising him never to return. but this was in the leadville of the very remote past-- or thereabouts--and not in the carbonate city of the present, . the town is now as quiet as such a town can be, a wonderfully busy place and a picturesque one. and while my companions talked i sat in the wash-hand basin and smoked. why the wash-hand basin? because there was nowhere else to sit. the "smoking-car" of this particular train happened to be also the gentlemen's lavatory, a commodious snuggery measuring about eight feet by five. and as there were only eight smokers on board we were not so crowded as we should have been if there had been eighteen, and then, you see, we made more room still by two of the eight staying away. for the rest, two of us sat in the wash-hand basins, one on a stool between our legs, another on a stool with his knees against the gentlemen opposite, and the balance stood. we were an example of tight packing even to the proverbial sardine. but i found the water-tap at the edge of the basin an inconvenient circumstance. i would venture to suggest to american railway companies that for the comfort of smokers when sitting in the basins they should place these taps a little farther back. i suppose i ought to give some mining statistics about leadville. but the very fact that i shall be neglecting an obvious duty if i omit all statistics, nearly decides me to omit them. the deliberate neglect of an obvious duty is, however, a luxury which only the very virtuous can indulge in; and to compromise therefore with the situation, i would state that the mining output of leadville is to-day about eleven times as great as it was two years ago, and that five years ago there was no output at all. that is to say, this town of leadville, with a population, floating and permanent together, of some , souls, and yielding from its mines about a thousand dollars per head of the total population, was five years ago a camp of a few hundred miners, as a rule so disappointed with the prospect of the place that another year of the status quo would have seen leadville deserted. but the secret of the carbonates being "ore-iferous" was discovered, and tabor, like the fossil of some antediluvian giant, was gradually revealed by the pick of the miner, in all his plutocratic bulk. a few years ago he was selling peanuts at the corner of a street. to-day he moves about, king of denver, with leadville for an appanage. his potentiality in cheques increases yearly by another cipher added to the total, and drags at each remove a lengthening chain of wealth. why do men go on accumulating money when they are already masters of enough? surely it is better to be rich than a pauper? but in colorado this is not the general opinion. men there prefer to be ruined rather than be merely rich. and the result is that you could hardly throw a boot out of the hotel window without hitting an ex-millionaire. not that i would advise anybody to go throwing boots promiscuously out of hotel windows in leadville. you would run a good chance of following your boots. "do you see that man there, paring his boot with a knife?" asked my companion. "yes," said i, "i see him; there is a good deal of him to see." "well," said he, "that's so-and-so. he sold so-and-so for $ , about a year ago. but he busted last fall. and if you get into conversation with him, he'll be glad to borrow a dollar from you." "then i shall not get into conversation with him," i replied. "and do you see that old fellow on the other side, leaning against the hitching post, outside the post office?" "well," said i, "they seem to be mostly leaning against the hitching-post, but i presume you mean the gentleman in the middle." "yes," was the reply. "that's so-and-so. he struck the so-and-so, got $ , for his share about six weeks ago--and is busted." and so on ad infinitum. the problem was a very puzzling one to me at first--why do such men make fortunes if they take the first opportunity of throwing them away? but the solution, i fancy, is this--that these men do not care for money. it is to them what knowledge is to the philosopher, a means of acquiring more--worthless in itself, but, as leading to larger results, worthy of all eagerness in its pursuit. they do not put wealth before themselves as an accumulation of current coins, capable of purchasing everything that makes life materially pleasant. they contemplate it merely in the bulk. much in the same way a whaler never thinks of the number of candles in the spermaceti into which he has struck a harpoon. he looks at his quarry only as a "ten barrel" or a "fifteen barrel" whale, as the case may be. he does not content himself with the illuminating potentialities of the creature he pursues. he is only anxious as to how it will barrel off, and the barrels might be pork, or potatoes, or anything else. so with the man who goes out mine-hunting. he harpoons a lode, lays open so many "millions" of ore, sells it to a company for a "million" or two, and straightway goes and "busts" for so many "millions." it does not seem to concern such a one that a "million" of dollars is so many guineas, or roubles, or napoleons, or mohurs, and so forth, and that if he goes on to the end of his life, he can never achieve more than money. his arithmetic goes mad, and he begins computing from the wrong end of the line. ten thousands of dollars make one -cent piece, two -cent pieces make one quarter, five quarters make one nickel, five nickels make one cent, and "quite a lot" of cents make one fortune. so at it he goes again, trying to foot up a satisfactory balance with thousands for units--and "busts" before he gets to the end of the sum. leadville itself as i first saw it, ringed in with snow-covered hills, a bright sun shining and a slight snow falling, remains in my memory as one of the prettiest scenes in my experience. in switzerland even it could hold its own, and triumph. i wandered about its streets and into its shops and saloons, curious to see some of those men of whom i had heard so much; but whatever may have been their exercises with bowie-knife and pistol at a later hour of the day, i was never more agreeably disappointed than by the manners and bearing of the leadville miners early in the morning. there is nothing gives a man so much self-reliance as having thick boots on. this fact i have evolved out of my own consciousness, for when i was out in the colonies i often tried to analyze a certain sense of "independence" which i found taking possession of me. the climate no doubt was exceptionally invigorating, and i was a great deal on horseback. but i had been subjected to the same conditions elsewhere without experiencing the same results. and after a great deal of severe mental inquiry, i decided that it was--my thick boots! and i was right. no man can feel properly capable of taking care of himself in slippers. in patent-leather boots he is little better, and in what are called "summer walking-shoes" he still finds himself fastidious about puddles, and at a disadvantage with every man he meets who does not mind a rough road. but once you begin to thicken the sole, self-reliance commences to increase, and by the time your boots are as solid as those of a colorado miner you should find yourself his equal in "independence." and some of their boots are prodigious. the soles are over an inch thick, project in front of the toes perhaps half an inch, and form a ledge, as it were, all round the foot. what a luxury with such boots it must be to kick a man! the rest of the costume was often in keeping with the shoe leather, and in every case where the wearers did not belong to the shops and offices of the town, there was a general attention to strength of material and personal comfort, at a sacrifice of appearance, which was refreshing and unconventional. they are a fine set, indeed, this miscellaneous congregation of nationalities which men call "colorado diggers." there is hardly a stupid face among them, and certainly not a cowardly one. and then compare them with the population of their native places--the savages of the east of london, the outer barbarians of scandinavia, the degraded peasantry of western ireland! the contrast is astonishing. left in europe they might have guttered along in helpless poverty relieved only by intervals of crime, till old age found them in a workhouse. but here they can insist on every one pretending to think them "as good as himself" (such is, i believe, the formula of this preposterous hypocrisy), and, at any rate, may hope for sudden wealth. above all, a man here does not go about barefooted, like so many of his family "at home," or in ragged shoe-leather, like so many more of them; but stands, and it may even be sleeps, in boots of unimpeachable solidity. so he goes down the street as if it were his own, planting his feet firmly at every step, and, not having to trouble himself about the condition of the footway, keeps his head erect. depend upon it, thick boots are one of the secrets of "independence" of character. but leadville, this wonderful town that in four years sprang up from to , inhabitants, is not entirely a city of miners. on the day that i was there larger numbers than usual were in the streets, in consequence of an election then in progress holding out promises of unusual entertainment. besides these there is, of course, the permanent population of commerce and ordinary business; and i was struck here, as i had not been before since i left boston, with the natural phenomenon of a race reverting to an old type. boston reminded me at times of some old english cathedral city. leadville was like some thriving provincial town. the men would not have looked out of place in the street, say, of reading; while the women, in their quiet and somewhat old-fashioned style of dressing, reminded me very curiously of rural england. indeed, i do not think my anticipations have ever been so completely upset as in leadville. all the way from new york i have been told to wait "till i got to colorado" before i ventured to speak of rough life, and leadville itself was sometimes particularized to me as the ultima thule of civilization, the vanishing-point of refinement. but not only is leadville not "rough;" it is even flirting with the refinements of life. it has an opera-house, a good drive for evening recreation, and a florist's shop. there were not many plants in it, it is true, but they were nearly all of them of the pleasant old english kinds--geraniums, pansies, pinks, and mignonette. two other shops interested me, one stocked with mineral specimens--malachite, agate, amethyst, quartz, blood-stone, onyx, and an infinite variety of pieces of ore, gold, silver, lead, iron, copper, bismuth, and sulphur--with which pretty settings are made, of a quaint grotto-work kind, for clocks and inkstands. the other a naturalist's shop, in which, besides fossils, exquisite leaves in stone and petrified tree-fragments, i found the commencement of a zoological collection--the lynx with its comfortable snow-coat on, and the grey mountain wolf not less cozily dressed; squirrels, black and grey, "the creatures that sit in the shade of their tails," and the "friends of hiawatha" with various birds--the sage hen and the prairie chicken, the magpie (very like the english bird), and the "lark,"--a very inadequate substitute indeed for the bird that "at heaven's gate sings," that has been sanctified to all time by shelley, and the idol of the poets of the old world--and heads of large game, horned and antlered, and the skin of a "lion." it is a curious fact that every country should thus insist on having a lion. for the real african animal himself i entertain only a very qualified respect. for some of his substitutes, the panther of sumatra and the far east, the (now extinct) cat of australia, and the puma of the united states, that respect is even more moderate in degree. "the american lion" is, in fact, about as much like the original article as the american "muffin" is like the seductive but saddening thing from which it takes its name. the puma, which is its proper name, is the least imposing of all the larger cats. it cannot compare even with the jaguar, and would not be recognized by the true lion, or by the tiger, as being a kinsman. it is just as true of lions as it is of glenfield starch--"when you ask for it, see that you get it." i admit that it is very creditable to america that in the great competition of nations she should insist on not being left behind even in the matter of lions, but surely it would be more becoming to her vast resources and her undeniable enterprise if she imported some of the genuine breed, instead of, as at present, putting up with such a shabby compromise as the puma. this tendency to exaggeration in terms has i know been very frequently commented upon. but i don't remember having heard it suggested that this grandiosity must in the long-run have a detrimental effect upon national advancement. presuming for instance that an american understands the real meaning of the word "city," what gross and ridiculous notions of self-importance second-class villages must acquire by hearing themselves spoken of as "cities." or supposing that one understands the real meaning of the word "lady," how comes it that an ill-bred, ill-mannered chambermaid is always spoken of as a "lady"? if the name is only given in courtesy, why not call them princesses at once and rescue the nobler word from its present miserable degradation? i was in the chicago hotel and a coloured porter was unstrapping my luggage. i rang the bell for a message boy, and on another black servant appearing i gave him a written note to take down to the manager. but in that insolent manner so very prevalent among the blacker hotel servants in america, he said: "that other gentleman will take it down." "other gentleman!" i gasped out in astonishment; "there is only one gentleman in this room, and two negro servants. and if," i continued, forgetting that i was in america, and rising from my chair, "you are not off as fast as you can go, i'll--" but the "gentleman" fled so precipitately with my message that i got no further. now could anything be more preposterous than this poor creature's attempt to vindicate his right to the flattering title conferred upon him by the boots, and which he in turn conferred upon the barman, until everybody in the hotel, from the manager downwards, was involved in an absurd entanglement of mutual compliments? it may of course be laughed at as a popular humour. but a stranger like myself is perpetually recognizing the mischief which this absurd want of moral courage and self-respect in the upper classes is working in the country. nor have americans any grounds whatever to suppose that this sense of "courtesy" is peculiar to them. it is common to every race in the world, and most conspicuous in the lowest. the kaffirs of africa and the red indians address each other with titles almost as fulsome as "gentleman," while in india, the home of courtesy and good breeding, the natives of the higher castes address the very lowest by the title of maharaj("great prince"). it is accepted by the recipient exactly in the spirit in which it is meant. he understands that the higher classes do not wish to offend him by calling him by his real name, and his oriental good taste tells him that any intermediate appellation might be misconstrued. so he calls himself, as he is called, by the highest title in the land. there is no danger here of any mistake. every one knows that the misfortune of birth or other "circumstances beyond his control" have made him a menial. but no one tells him so. he is "maharaj." for myself, i adopted the plan of addressing every negro servant as a "sultan." it was not abusive and sounded well. he did not know what it meant any more than he knows the meaning of "gentleman," but i saved my self-respect by not pretending to put him on an equality with myself. at leadville the hotel servants are white men, and the result is civility. but i was in the humour at leadville to be pleased with everything. the day was divine, the landscape enchanting, and the men with their rough riding-costumes, strange, home-made-looking horses, mexican saddles (which i now for the first time saw in general use) and preposterous "stirrups," interested me immensely. of course i went up to a mine, and, of course, went down it. and what struck me most during the expedition? well, the sound of the wind in the pine-trees. it was a delightful walk--away up out of the town, with its suburbs of mimic pinewood "chalets" and rough log-huts, and the hills all round sloping back from the plateau so finely, patched and powdered with snow-drifts, fringed and crowned with pine-trees, here darkened with a forest of them, there dotted with single trees, and over all, the swiss magic of sunlight and shadow; away up the hill-side, through a wilderness of broken bottles and battered meat cans, a very paradise of rag-pickers, among which are scattered the tiny homes of the miners. women were busy chopping wood and bringing in water. children were romping in parties. but the men, their husbands and fathers, were all up at the mines at work, invisible, in the bowels of the mountain; keeping the kobolds company, and throwing up as they went great hillocks of rubbish behind them like some gigantic species of mole, or burrowing armadillo of the old glyptodon type. and so on, up the shingle-strewn hillside thickly studded with charred tree-stumps, desolation itself--a veritable graveyard of dead pine-trees. above us, on the crest of the mountain, the forest was still standing, and long before we reached them we heard the wind-haunted trees of pan telling their griefs to the hills. it is a wonderful music, this of the pine-trees, for it has fascinated every people among whom they grow, from the bear-goblin haunts of asiatic kurdistan through the elf-plagued forests of germany to the spirit-land of the canadian indians. it is indeed a mystery, this voice in the tree-tops, with all the tones of an organ--the vox-humana stop wonderful--and in addition all the sounds of nature, from the sonorous diapason of the ocean to the whisperings of the reed-beds by the river. when i came upon them in leadville the pines were rehearsing, i think, for a storm that was coming. lower down the slope, the trees were standing as quiet as possible, and in the town itself at the bottom of the hill the smoke was rising straight. but up here, at the top, under the pine-trees, the first act of a tempest was in full rehearsal. and all this time wandering about, i had not seen one single living soul. there stood the sheds built over the mines. but no one was about. at the door of one of them was a cart with its horses. but no driver. this extraordinary absence of life gave the hill-top a strange solemnity--and though i knew that under my feet the earth was alive with human beings, and though every now and then a little pipe sticking out of a shed would suddenly snort and give about fifty little angry puffs at the rate of a thousand a minute, the utter solitude was so fascinating that i understood at once why pine-covered mountains, especially where mines are worked, should all the world over be such favourite sites in legend and ballad for the home of elfin and goblin folk. the afternoon was passing before i set out homeward and i could hardly get along, so often did i turn round to look back at the views behind me. and in front, and on either side, were the hills, with their hidden hoards of silver and lead, watching the town, whence they know the miners will some day issue to attack them, and on their slopes lay mustered the shattered battalions of their pines, here looking as if invading the town, into which their skirmishers, dotted about among the houses, had already fought their way; there, as if they were retreating up the hillside with their ranks closed against the houses that pursued them, or straggling away up the slopes and over the crest in all the disorder of defeat. and so, down on to the level of the plateau again, with its traffic and animation and all the busy life of a hardworking town. chapter iv. from leadville to salt lake city. what is the conductor of a pullman car?--cannibalism fatal to lasting friendships--starving peter to feed paul--connexion between irish cookery and parnellism--americans not smokers--in denver--"the queen city of the plains"--over the rockies--pride in a cow, and what came of it--sage-brush--would ostriches pay in the west?--echo canyon--the mormons' fortifications--great salt lake in sight. what is the "conductor" of a pullman car? is he a private gentleman travelling for his pleasure, a duke in disguise, or is he a servant of the company placed on the cars to see to the comfort, &c., of the company's customers? i should like to know, for sometimes i have been puzzled to find out. the porter is an admirable institution, when he is amenable to reason, and i have been fortunate enough to find myself often entrusted to perfectly rational specimens. the experiences of travellers have, as i know from their books, been sometimes very different from mine--ladies, especially, complaining--but for myself i consider the union pacific admirably manned. but it is a great misfortune that the company do not run hotel cars. i was told that the reason why we were made over helplessly to such caterers as those at north platte and sterling for our food was, that the custom of passengers is almost the only source of revenue the "eating-houses" along the line can depend upon. without the custom of passengers they would expire--atrophise--become deceased. what i want to know is why they should not expire. i, as a traveller, see no reason whatever, no necessity, for their being kept alive at a cost of so much suffering to the company's customers. let them decease, or else establish a claim to public support. during a long railway journey the system is temporarily deranged and appetites are irregular, so that some people can not eat when they have the opportunity, and when they could eat, do not get it. some day, no doubt, a horrible cannibalic outrage on the cars will awaken the directors to the peril of carrying starving passengers, and the luxury of the hotel-car will be instituted. not that i could censure the poor men of the south seas or central africa for eating each other. there seems to me something a trifle admirable in this economy of their food. but cannibalism must, in the very nature of it, be deterrent to the formation of lasting friendships between strangers. so long as two men look upon each other as possible side dishes, there can be no permanent cordiality between them. mutual confidence, the great charm of sincere friendship, must be wanting. you could never be altogether at your ease in a company which discussed the best stuffing for you. meanwhile, the custom of carrying their own provisions is increasing in favour among passengers, so that, hotel cars or not, these barmecide "eating-houses" may yet expire from inanition. the waiting (done by girls) is, i ought to say, admirable--but then so it was at sancho panza's supper and at duke humphrey's dinner-table. and yet the hungry went empty away. between cheyenne and ogden the commissariat is distinctly better, and the unprovided traveller triumphs mildly over the more careful who have carried their own provisions. but, striking a balance on the whole journey, there is no doubt that the comfort of the trip, some sixty odd hours, from omaha to ogden, is materially increased by starting with a private stock of food. bitter herbs without indigestion is better than a stalled ox with dyspepsia. an old roman epicure gravely expressed his opinion that africa could never be a progressive country, inasmuch as its shrimps were so small. and i think i may venture to say that if the cookery in the central states does not improve, the country must gradually drift backwards into barbarism. for there is a most intimate connexion between cookery and civilization. it is the duty of the historian, and not the task of the traveller, to trace national catastrophes to their real causes--often to be found concealed under much adventitious matter, and when found often surprising from their insignificance--and i leave it, therefore, to others to specify the particular feature of irish cookery that tends to create a disinclination to paying rent. that the agitated demeanour of the after-dinner speakers during irish tenant-right meetings' was due solely to the infuriating and ferocious course of food to which they had just submitted, is as certain as that the extraordinary class of noises, cavernous and hollow-sounding, produced by their applausive audiences was owing to the fact that they had not dined at all. in the west of ireland (where i travelled with those "experts in constitutional treason" who were then organizing the "no rent" agitation), the agitators and conspirators had no time for long dinners, as the mobs outside were as impatient as hunger, so they sat down, invariably, to everything at once--mutton, bacon, sausages, turkey and ham, with relays of hot potatoes every two minutes. while one conspirator was addressing the peasantry, the upper half of his body thrust out of the lower half of the window, and only his legs in the dining-room, the rest were eating against time, and as soon as the speaker's legs were seen to get up on tiptoe, which they always did for the peroration, the next to speak had to rise from his food. the result was of course incoherent violence. but a closer analysis is required to detect the causes of irish dislike to rent. that it would be eventually found that potatoes and patriotism have an occult affnity i have no doubt; but, as i have said above, such research more properly belongs to the province of the historian. the spartan stirring his black broth with a spear revealed his nature at once, and the single act of the scythians, using their beefsteaks for saddles until they wanted to eat them, gives at a glance their character to the nation. at any rate, it is as old as athenaeus that "to cookery we owe well-ordered states;" for states result from the congregation of individuals in towns, and towns are the sum of agglomerated households, and households, it is notorious, never combine except for the sociable consumption of food. so long as, in the dark ages, every man cooked for himself, or, in the primitive days of cannibalism, helped himself to a piece of a raw neighbour, there could be no friendly heartiness at meals; but, as soon as cooks appeared, men met fearlessly round a common board, towns grew up round the dinner-table, and, as athenaeus remarks, well-ordered states grew up round the towns. but if we were to judge of the prospects of the people who live, say, about green river or north platte, by the character of the food (as supplied to travellers) the opinion could not be very complimentary or encouraging. it is a prevalent idea in england that americans smoke prodigiously, even as compared with "the average britisher." now, in america there is very little smoking. you may perhaps think i am wrong. a great many americans, i allow, buy cigars in the most reckless fashion. but (apart from the fact that cigars are not necessarily tobacco) i find that as a rule they throw away more than they smoke. speaking roughly, then, i should say so-called "smokers" in this country might be divided into three classes: those who buy cigars because they cost money; those who buy them because cigars give them a decent excuse for spitting; and those who buy them under the delusion that the friend who is with them smokes, and that hospitality or courtesy requires that they should humour his infatuation. of the trifling residue, the men who smoke because, as they put it, "they like it," it is not worth while to speak. now, one of the results of this general aversion to tobacco is that when a foreigner addicted to the weed comes over and tries to smoke, he is hunted about so, that (as i have often done myself) he longs to be in his coffin, if only to get a quiet corner for a pipe. in hotels they hunt you down, floor by floor, till they get you on to a level with the street, and then from room to room till they get you out on to the pavement. there is nowhere where you can read and smoke--or write and smoke--or have a quiet chat with a friend over a pipe--or in fact smoke at all, in the respectable, civilized, christian sense of the word. of course, if you like, you can "smoke" in the public hall of the hotel. but i would just as soon sit out on the kerbstone at the corner of the street as among a crowd of men holding cigars in their mouths and shouting business. out on the kerbstone i should at any rate find the saving grace of passing female society. in private houses again, smokers are consigned to the knuckle end of the domicile and the waste corners thereof, as if they snatched a fearful joy from some secret fetish rites, or had to go apart into privacy to indulge in a little surreptitious cannibalism. in the streets, friends do not like you to smoke when with them, and there are very few public conveyances in which tobacco is comfortably possible. in trains there is a most conspicuous neglect of smokers. i found, for instance, on my journey from new york to chicago, that the only place i could smoke in was the end compartment of the fourth car from my own. that is to say, let it be as stormy and dark as it may, you have to pass from other car to the other half the length of the train, and when you do get to "the smoking compartment" you find it is only intended to hold five passengers. i confess i am surprised that these palace cars, otherwise so agreeable, should be such hovel cars for smokers. nor, by the way, seeing that the company specially notifies that the passage from one car to the other is "dangerous" while the train is in motion, do i think it fair that smokers should be encouraged, and indeed compelled, to run bodily risks in order to arrive at their tobacco. some day no doubt there will be pullman smoking cars, and when there are--i will find something else to grumble at. imagine then my astonishment when arriving at the windsor hotel at denver, i was shown into a bona-fide smoking-room, with cosy chairs, well carpeted, with a writing table properly furnished, all the newspapers of the day, and a roaring fire in an open fireplace! here at last was civilization. here was a room where a man might sit with self-respect, and enjoy his pipe over a newspaper, smoke while he wrote a letter, foregather over tobacco with a friend in a quiet corner! no noise of loquacious strangers, no mob of outsiders to make the room as common as the street, no fusillade of expectoration, no stove to desiccate you--above all, no coloured "gentleman" to come in and say, "smoke nut 'lard here, sar!" i was delighted. but my curiosity, at such an aberration into intelligence, led me to confide in the manager. "how is it," i asked, "you have got what no other hotel in america that i have stayed in has got--a comfortable smoking-room after the english style?" "guess," said he, "because an english company built this hotel!" and i went upstairs, at peace with myself and all english companies. the first view of denver is very prepossessing, and further acquaintance begets better liking. indeed on going into the streets of "the queen city of the plains" i was astonished. the buildings are of brick or stone, its roads are good and level, and well planted with shade-trees, its suburbs are orderly rows of pretty villas, adorned with lawn, and shrubs, and flowers. though one of the very youngest towns of the west, it has already an air of solidity and permanence which is very striking, while on such a day as i saw it, it is also one of the very cleanest and airiest. and the snow-capped hills are in sight all round. particularly notable in denver are its railway station--and yet, with all its size, it is found too small for the rapidly increasing requirements of the district--and the tabor opera-house. this is really a beautiful building inside, with its lavish upholstery, its charming "ladies' rooms," and smoking-rooms, its variety of handsome stone, its carved cherry-wood fittings, its perfectly sumptuous boxes. the stage is nearly as large as that at her majesty's, quite as large as any in new york, while in general appointments and in novelty of ornaments, it has very few rivals in all europe. in one point, the beauty of the mise-en-scene from the gallery, the denver house certainly stands quite alone, for whereas in all other theatres or opera-houses, "the gods" find themselves up in the attics, as it were, with only white-washed walls about them, and the sides of the stage shut out from view, here they are in handsomely furnished galleries, with a clear view of the whole stage over the tops of the pagoda-roofed boxes--these curious "pepper-box" roofs being themselves a handsome ornament to the scene. by having only a limited number of "stalls" on the level, sloping the "pit" up to the "grand tier," and making the stage nearly occupy the whole width of the house, everybody in the building gets an equally good view of the stage. it is indeed an opera-house to be proud of; and denver is proud of it. there is an idea sometimes mooted that denver has been run on too fast; that it has "seen its day," and may be as suddenly deserted as it has been peopled. but there is absolutely no chance of this whatever. colorado is as yet only in its cradle, and the older it gets the more substantial will denver become, for this city--and very soon it will be almost worthy of that name--is the paris of "the centennial state," the ultimate ambition of the moderately successful miner. it is not a place to make your money in and leave. but having made your money, to go to and live in. for a man or woman must be very fastidious indeed who cannot be content to settle down in this, one of the prettiest and healthiest towns i have ever visited. denver accordingly is attracting to it, year by year, a larger number of that class of citizens upon which alone the permanent prosperity of a town can depend, the men of moderate capital, satisfied with a fair return from sound investments, who put their money into local concerns, and make the place their "home." i left denver in the early morning. outside the station were standing five trains all waiting to be off, and one by one their doleful bells began to toll, and one by one they sneaked away. ours was the last to be off; but at length we too got our signal: that is to say, the porter picked up the stool which is placed on the platform for the convenience of short-legged passengers stepping into the cars--and without a word we crept off, as if the train was going to a funeral, or was ashamed of something it had done. this silent, casual departure of trains is a perpetually recurring surprise to me. would it be contrary to republican principles to ring a bell for the warning of passengers? one result, however, of this surreptitious method of making off, is that no one is ever left behind. such is the perversity of human nature! in england people are being perpetually "left behind" because they think such a catastrophe to be impossible. in america they are never left behind, because they are always certain they will be. at first the country threatened a repetition of the old prairie, made more dismal than ever by our recent experiences of the switzerland of colorado. but the scene gradually picked up a feature here and there as we went along, and knowing that we were climbing up "the rockies," we had always present with us the pleasures of hope. but if you wish to see the rocky mountains so as to respect them, do not travel over them in a train. they are a fraud, so far as they can be seen from a car window. but in minor points of interest they abound. curious boulders, of immense size and wonderful shapes, lie strewn about the ground, all water-worn by the torrents of a long-ago age, and some of them pierced with holes--the work of primeval shell-fish. beds of river gravel cover the slopes, and on every side were abundant vestiges of deluges, themselves antediluvian. and then we came upon isolated cliffs of red sandstone, with kranzes running along their faces--exactly the same kranzes as the zulus made such good use of during the war--and showing in their irregular bases how old-world torrents had washed away the clay and softer materials that had once no doubt joined these isolated cliffs together into a chain of hills, and had left the sandstone heart of each hill bare and alone. and so on, up over "the divide" into wyoming, still a paradise for the ride and the rod, past cheyenne, a town of many shattered hopes, and out into the region of snow again. our engine was perpetually screaming to the cattle to get off the track, a series of short, sharp screams that ought to have sufficed to have warned even cattle to get out of the way. as a rule they recognized the advisability of leaving the rails, but one wretched cow, whether she was deaf, or whether she was stupid, or whether, like cole's dog, she was too proud to move, i cannot say, but in spite of the screams of the engine she held her ground and got the worst of the collision. the cow-catcher struck her, and as we passed her, the poor beast lay in the blood-mottled snow-drift at the bottom of the bank, still breathing, but almost dead. as for the train, the cow might have been only a fly. and so we went on climbing--herds of cattle grazing on the slopes, and in the splendid "parks" which lay stretched out beneath us wherever the hills stood far apart--with frequent snow-sheds interrupting all conversation or reading with their tunnel-like intervals, till we reached the red granite canyon, with great masses of that splendid stone fairly mobbing the narrow course of a mountain stream, and beyond them snow--snow--snow, stretching away to the sky-line without a break. and then sherman, the highest point of the mountains upon the whole line--only some feet though, all told--with a half-constructed monument to oakes ames crowning the summit. when finished, this massive cone of solid granite blocks will be sixty feet high. and then on to the laramie plains, with some wonderful reaches of grazing-ground, and almost fabulous records of ranching profits, and here is laramie itself, that will some day be a city, for timber and minerals and stock will all combine to enrich it. but to-day it is desolate enough, muffed up in winter, with snowbirds in great flights flecking the white ground. and so out again into the snow wilderness, here and there cattle snuffing about on the desolate hill-sides, and snow-sheds--timber-covered ways to prevent the snow drifting on to the track--becoming more frequent, and the white desolation growing every mile more utter. and the moon got up to confuse the horizon of land with the background of the sky. and so to sleep, with dreams of the arctic regions, and possibilities, the dreariest in the world, of being snowed up on the line. awakening with snow still all round us, and snow falling heavily as we reach green river. and then out into a country, prodigiously rich, i was told, in petroleum, but in which i could only see that sage-brush was again asserting its claims to be seen above the snow-drift, and that wonderful arrangements in red stone thrust themselves up from the hill crests. terraces reminding me of miniature table-mountains such as south africa affects; sharply scarped pinnacles jutting from the ridges like the mauritius peaks; plateaux with isolated piles of boulders; upright blocks shaped into the semblance of chimneys; crests broken into battlements, and--most striking mimicry of all snow wildernesses--a reproduction in natural rock of the great fortress of deeg, in india. with snow instead of water, the imitation of that vast buttressed pile was singularly exact, and if there had been only a brazen sun overhead and a coppery sky flecked with circling kites, the counterfeit would have been perfect. but deeg would crumble to pieces with astonishment if snow were to fall near it, while here there was enough to content a polar bear. what a pity sage brush--the "three-toothed artemisia" of science--has no commercial value. fortunes would be cheap if it had. but i heard at leadville that a local chemist had treated the plant after the manner of cinchona, and extracted from its bark a febrifuge with which he was about to astonish the medical world and bankrupt quinine. that it has a valuable principle in cases of fever, its use by the indians goes a little way to prove, while its medicinal properties are very generally vouched for by its being used in the west as an application for the cure of toothache, as a poultice for swellings, and a lotion ("sage oil") for erysipelas, rheumatism, and other ailments. some day, perhaps, a fortune will be made out of it, but at present its chief value seems to be as a moral discipline to the settler and as covert for the sage-hen. would not the ostrich thrive upon some of these prodigious tracts of unalterable land? can all america not match the african karoo shrub, which the camel-sparrow loves? ostrich farming has some special recommendations, especially for "the sons of gentlemen" and others disinclined for arduous labour, who have not much of either money or brains to start with. is it not a matter of common notoriety that when pursued this fowl buries its head in the sand, and thus, of course, falls an easy prey to the intending farmer? if, on the other hand, he does not want the whole of the bird, he has only to stand by and pluck its feathers out, which, having its head buried, it cannot, of course perceive. (these feathers fetch a high price in the market.) supposing, however, that the adventurous emigrant wishes to undertake ostrich farming bona fide, he has merely to pull the birds out from the sand, and drive them into an enclosure--which he will, of course, have previously made--and sit on the gate and watch them lay their eggs. when they lay eggs, ostriches--this is also notorious--bury them in the sand and desert them, and the gentleman's son on the fence can then go and pick them out of the sand. (ostriches' eggs fetch five pounds apiece.) these birds, moreover, cost very little for feeding, as they prefer pebbles. they can, therefore, be profitably cultivated on the sea beach. but i would remind intending farmers that ostriches are very nimble on their feet. it is also notorious that they have a shrewd way of kicking. a kick from an ostrich will break a cab-horse in two. the intending farmer, therefore, when he has compelled the foolish bird to bury its head in the sand and is plucking out its tail feathers, should stand well clear of the legs. this is a practical hint. we dined at evanston, neat-handed abigails, as usual, handing round dishes fearfully and wonderfully made out of old satchels and seasoned with varnish. there is a chinese quarter here, with its curious congregation of celestial hovels all plastered over with, apparently, the labels of tea-chests. i should think the chinese were all self-made men. at any rate they do not seem to me to have been made by any one who knew how to do it properly. however, we had not much time to look at them, for cows on the track and one thing and another had made us rather late; so we were very soon off again, the travellers, after their hurried and indigestible meal, feeling very much like the jumping frog, after he couldn't jump, by reason of quail shot. the snow had been gradually disappearing, and as we approached echo canyon we found ourselves gliding into scenes that in summer are very beautiful indeed, with their turf and willow-fringed streams and abundant vegetation. and then, by gradual instalments of rock, each grander than the next, the great canyon came upon us. what a superb defile this is! it moves along like some majestic poem in a series of incomparable stanzas. there is nothing like it in the himalayas that i know of, nor in the suleiman range. in the bolan pass, on the afghan frontier, there are intervals of equal sublimity; and even as a whole it may compare with it. but taken all for all--its length (some thirty miles), its astonishing diversity of contour, its beauty as well as its grandeur--i confess the echo canyon is one of the masterpieces of nature. i can speak of course only of what i have seen. i do not doubt that the grand canyon in arizona, which is said to throw all the wonders of colorado and the marvels of yellowstone or yosemite into the shade, would dwarf the highway to utah, but within my experience the echo is almost incomparable. it would be very difficult to convey any idea of this glorious confusion of crags. but imagine some vast city of cyclopean architecture built on the crest and face of gigantic cliffs of ruddy stone. imagine, then, that ages of rain had washed away all the minor buildings, leaving only the battlements of the city, the steeples of its churches, its causeways and buttresses, and the stacks of its tallest chimneys still standing where they had been built. if you can imagine this, you can imagine anything, even echo canyon--but i must confess that my attempt at description does not recall the scene to me in the least. however, i passed through it and, up on the crest of a very awkward cliff for troops to scale under fire, had pointed out to me the stone-works which the mormons built when they went out in to stop the advance of the federal army. and there is no doubt of it that the passage of that defile, even with such rough defences as the saints had thrown up, would have cost the army very dear. for these stone-works, like the afghans' sunghums, and intended, of course for cover against small arms only, were carried along the crest of the cliffs for some miles, and each group was connected with the next by a covered way, while in the bed of the stream below, ditches had been dug (some six feet deep and twenty wide), right across from cliff to cliff, and a dam constructed just beyond the first ditch which in an hour or two would have converted the whole canyon for a mile or so into a level sheet of water. on this dam the mormon guns were masked, and though, of course, the federal artillery would soon have knocked them off into the water, a few rounds at such a range and raking the army--clubbed as it would probably have been at the ditches--must have proved terribly effective. this position, moreover, though it could be easily turned by a force diverging to the right before it entered the canyon, could hardly be turned by one that had already entered it. and to attempt to storm those heights, with men of the calibre of the transvaal dutchmen holding them, would have been splendid heroism--or worse. and then weber canyon, with its repetitions of castellated cliffs, and its mimicry of buttress and barbican, bastion and demilune, tower and turret, and moat and keep, and all the other feudal appurtenances of the fortalice that were so dear to the author of "kenilworth," with pine-trees climbing up the slopes all aslant, and undergrowth that in summer is full of charms. the stream has become a river, and fine meadows and corn-land lie all along its bank; large herds of cattle and companies of horses graze on the hill slopes, and wild life is abundant. birds are flying about the valley under the supervision of buzzards that float in the air, half-mountain high, and among the willowed nooks parties of moor-hens enjoy life. and so into ogden. night was closing in fast, and soon the country was in darkness. between ogden and the city of the saints lay a two hours' gap of dulness, and then on a sudden i saw out in front of me a thin white line lying under the hills that shut in the valley. "that, sir? that is salt lake." chapter v. the city of the honey-bee. zion--deseret--a city of two peoples--"work" the watchword of mormonism--a few facts to the credit of the saints--the text of the edmunds bill--in the mormon tabernacle--the closing scene of the conference. i have described in my time many cities, both of the east and west; but the city of the saints puzzles me. it is the young rival of mecca, the zion of the mormons, the latter-day jerusalem. it is also the city of the honey-bee, "deseret," and the city of the sunflower--an encampment as of pastoral tribes, the tented capital of some hyksos, "shepherd kings"--the rural seat of a modern patriarchal democracy; the place of the tabernacle of an ancient prophet-ruled theocracy--the point round which great future perplexities for america are gathering fast; a political storm centre--"a land fresh, as it were, from the hands of god;" a beautiful goshen of tranquility in the midst of a troublous egypt--a city of mystery, that seems to the ignorant some alamut or "vulture's nest" of an assassin sect; the eyrie of an "old man of the mountains:"--to the well-informed the benares of a sternly pious people; the templed city of an exacting god--a place of pilgrimage in the land of promise, the home of the "lion of judah," and the rallying-point in the last days of the lost tribes, the lamanites, the red indians--the capital of a territory in which the people, though "americans," refuse to make haste to get rich; to dig out the gold and silver which they know abounds in their mountains; to enter the world's markets as competitors in the race of commerce--a people content with solid comfort; that will not tolerate either a beggar or a millionaire within their borders, but insist on a uniform standard of substantial well-being, and devote all the surplus to "building up of zion," to the emigration of the foreign poor and the erection of splendid places of ceremonial worship--a territory in which the towns are all filled thick with trees and the air is sweet with the fragrance of fruit and flowers, and the voices of birds and bees as if the land was still their wild birthright; in which meadows with herds of cattle and horses are gradually overspreading deserts hitherto the wild pashalik of the tyrant sage-brush--a land, alternately, of populous champaign and of desolate sand waste, with, as its capital, a city of two peoples between whom there is a bitterness of animosity, such as, in far-off persia, even sunni and shea hardly know. indeed, there are so many sides to salt lake city, and so much that might be said of each, that i should perhaps have shirked this part of my experiences altogether were i not conscious of possessing, at any rate, one advantage over all my "gentile" predecessors who have written of this mecca of the west. for it was my good fortune to be entertained as a guest in the household of a prominent mormon apostle, a polygamist, and in this way to have had opportunities for the frankest conversation with many of the leading mormons of the territory. my candidly avowed antipathy to polygamy made no difference anywhere i went, for they extended to me the same confidence that they would have done to any gentile who cared to know the real facts. in the ordinary way, i should begin by describing the city itself. but even then, so subtle is the charm of this place--oriental in its general appearance, english in its details--that i should hesitate to attempt description. its quaint disregard of that "fine appearance" which makes your "live" towns so commonplace; its extravagance in streets condoned by ample shade-trees; its sluices gurgling along by the side-walks; its astonishing quiet; the simple, neighbourly life of the citizens--all these, and much more combine to invest salt lake city with the mystery that is in itself a charm. speaking merely as a traveller, and classifying the towns which i have seen, i would place the mormon zion in the same genus as benares on the ganges and shikarpoor in sinde, for it attracts the visitor by interests that are in great part intellectual. the mind and eye are captivated together. it is a fascination of the imagination as well as of the senses. for the capital of utah is not one of nature's favourites. she has hemmed it in with majestic mountains, but they are barren and severe. she has spread the levels of a great lake, but its waters are bitter, marah. there is none of the tender grace of english landscape, none of the fierce splendour of the tropics; and yet, in spite of nature, the valley is already beautiful, and in the years to come may be another palmyra. as yet, however, it is the day of small things. many of the houses are still of adobe, and they overlook the trees planted to shade them. wild flowers still grow alongside the track of the tram-cars, and wild birds perch to whistle on the telephone wires in the business thoroughfares. but the future is full of promise, for the prosperity of the city is based upon the most solid of all foundations, agricultural wealth, and it is inhabited by a people whose religion is work. for it is a fact about mormonism which i have not yet seen insisted upon, that the first duty it teaches is work, and that it inculcates industry as one of the supreme virtues. the result is that there are no pauper mormons, for there are no idle ones. in the daytime there are no loafers in the streets, for every man is afield or at his work, and soon after nine at night the whole city seems to be gone to bed. a few strangers of course are hanging about the saloon doors, but the pervading stillness and the emptiness of the streets is dispiriting to rowdyism, and so the gentile damns the place as being "dull." but the truth is that the mormons are too busy during the day for idleness to find companionship at night, and too sober in their pleasures for gaslight vices to attract them. as a natural corollary to this life of hard work, it follows that the mormons are in a large measure indifferent to the affairs of the world outside themselves. minding their own business keeps them from meddling with that of others. they are, indeed, taught this from the pulpit. for it is the regular formula of the tabernacle that the people should go about their daily work, attend to that, and leave everything else alone. they are never to forget that they are "building up zion," that their day is coming in good time, but that meanwhile they must work "and never bother about what other people may be doing." in this way salt lake city has become a city of two peoples, and though mormon and gentile may be stirred up together sometimes, they do not mingle any more than oil and water. there are no paupers among the mormons, and per cent of them live in their own houses on their own land; there is no "caste" of priesthood, such as the world supposes, inasmuch as every intelligent man is a priest, and liable at any moment to be called upon to undertake the duties of the priests of other churches--but without any pay. last winter there was a census taken of the utah penitentiary and the salt lake city and county prisons with the following result:--in salt lake city there are about mormons to non-mormons: in salt lake county there are about mormons to non-mormons. yet in the city prison there were convicts, all non-mormons; in the county prison there were convicts all non-mormons. the jailer stated that the county convicts for the five years past were all anti-mormons except three! in utah the proportion of mormons to all others is as to . in the utah penitentiary at the date of the census there were prisoners, only of whom were mormons, and of the were in prison for polygamy, so that the per cent "outsiders" had convicts in the penitentiary, while the per cent. mormons had but ! out of the saloon, billiard, bowling alley and pool-table keepers not over a dozen even profess to be mormons. all of the bagnios and other disreputable concerns in the territory are run and sustained by non-mormons. ninety-eight per cent of the gamblers in utah are of the same element. ninety-five per cent of the utah lawyers are gentiles, and per cent of all the litigation there is of outside growth and promotion. of the towns and villages in utah, over have no "gaudy sepulchre of departed virtue," and these two hundred and odd towns are almost exclusively mormon in population. of the suicides committed in utah ninety odd per cent are non-mormon, and of the utah homicides and infanticides over per cent are perpetrated by the per cent of "outsiders." the arrests made in salt lake city from january , , to december , , were classified as follows:-- men.......................... women........................ boys.......................... total.................. mormons--men and boys........ mormons--women................. anti-mormon--men and boys.... anti-mormon--women........... total.................. a number of the mormon arrests were for chicken, cow, and water trespass, petty larceny, &c. the arrests of non-mormons were per cent for prostitution, gambling, exposing of person, drunkenness, unlawful dram-selling, assault and battery, attempt to kill, &c. now, if the per cent mormon population of salt lake city were as lawless and corrupt as the record shows the per cent non-mormons to be, there would have been arrests made from their ranks during the year , instead of ; while if the per cent non-mormon population were as law-abiding and moral as the per cent mormons, instead of non-mormon arrests during the year, there would have been but ! these are the kind of statistics that non-mormons in salt lake city hate having published. but the world ought to know them, if only to put to shame the so-called christian community of utah, that is never tired of libelling, personally and even by name, the men and women whom mormons have learned to respect from a lifetime's experience of the integrity of their conduct and the purity of their lives--the so-called "christian" community that is afraid to hear itself contrasted with these same mormons, lest the shocking balance of crime and immorality against themselves should be publicly known. but there is no appeal from these statistics. they are incontrovertible. the time at which i arrived in utah was a very critical one for the latter-day saints. the states, exasperated into activity by sectarian agitation--and by the intrigues of a few gentiles resident in utah who were financially interested in the transfer of the territorial treasury from mormon hands to their own--had just determined, once more, to extirpate polygamy, and the final passage of the long-dreaded "edmunds bill" had marked down mormons as a proscribed people, and had indicted the whole community for a common offence. the following is the text of this remarkable bill:-- "be it enacted by the senate and house of representatives of the united states of america in congress assembled, that section of the revised statutes of the united states be, and the same is hereby, amended so as to read as follows, namely: "every person who has a husband or wife living who, in a territory or other place over which the united states have exclusive jurisdiction, hereafter marries another, whether married or single, and any man who hereafter simultaneously, or on the same day, marries more than one woman, in a territory or other place over which the united states have exclusive jurisdiction, is guilty of polygamy, and shall be punished by a fine of not more than $ and by imprisonment for a term of not more than five years; but this section shall not extend to any person by reason of any former marriage whose husband or wife by such marriage shall have been absent for five successive years, and is not known to such person to be living, and is believed by such person to be dead, nor to any person by reason of any former marriage which shall have been dissolved by a valid decree of a competent court, nor to any person by reason of any former marriage which shall have been pronounced void by a valid decree of a competent court, on the ground of nullity of the marriage contract. "sec. --that the foregoing provisions shall not affect the prosecution or punishment of any offence already committed against the section amended by the first section of this act. "sec. --that if any male person, in a territory or other place over which the united states have exclusive jurisdiction, hereafter cohabits with more than one woman, he shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanour, and on conviction thereof, shall be punished by a fine of not more than $ , or by imprisonment for not more than six months, or by both said punishments, in the discretion of the court. "sec. --that counts for any or all of the offences named in sections one and two of this act may be joined in the same information or indictment. "sec. --that in any prosecution for bigamy, polygamy, or unlawful cohabitation, under any statute of the united states, it shall be sufficient cause of challenge to any person drawn or summoned as a juryman or talesman, first, that he is or has been living in the practice of bigamy, polygamy or unlawful cohabitation with more than one woman, or that he is or has been guilty of an offence punishable by either of the foregoing sections, or by section of the revised statutes of the united states, or the act of july st, , entitled, 'an act to punish and prevent the practice of polygamy in the territories of the united states and other places, and disapproving and annulling certain acts of the legislative assembly of the territory of utah;' or second, that he believes it right for a man to have more than one living and undivorced wife at the same time, or to live in the practice of cohabiting with more than one woman; and any person appearing or offered as a juror or talesman, and challenged on either of the foregoing grounds, may be questioned on his oath as to the existence of any such cause of challenge, and other evidence may be introduced bearing upon the question raised by such challenge; and this question shall be tried by the court. but as to the first ground of challenge before mentioned, the person challenged shall not be bound to answer if he shall say upon his oath that he declines on the ground that his answer may tend to criminate himself; and if he shall answer as to said first ground, his answer shall not be given in evidence in any criminal prosecution against him for any offence named in sections one or three of this act; but if he declines to answer on any ground, he shall be rejected as incompetent. "sec. --that the president is hereby authorized to grant amnesty to such classes of offenders, guilty before the passage of this act of bigamy, polygamy, or unlawful cohabitation, on such conditions and under such limitations as he shall think proper; but no such amnesty shall have effect unless the conditions thereof shall be complied with. "sec. --that the issue of bigamous or polygamous marriages, known as mormon marriages, in cases in which such marriages have been solemnized according to the ceremonies of the mormon sect, in any territory of the united states, and such issue shall have been born before the st january, a.d. , are hereby legitimated. "sec. --that no polygamist, bigamist, or any person cohabiting with more than one woman, and no woman cohabiting with any of the persons described as aforesaid in this section, in any territory or other place over which the united states have exclusive jurisdiction, shall be entitled to vote at any election held in any such territory or other place, or be eligible for election or appointment to or be entitled to hold any office or place of public trust, honour, or emolument in, under, or for any such territory or place, or under the united states. "sec. --that all the registration and election offices of every description in the territory of utah are hereby declared vacant, and each and every duty relating to the registration of voters, the conduct of elections, the receiving or rejection of votes, and the canvassing and returning of the same, and the issuing of certificates or other evidence of election in said territory, shall, until other provision be made by the legislative assembly of said territory as is hereinafter by this section provided, be performed under the existing laws of the united states and of said territory by proper persons, who shall be appointed to execute such offices and perform such duties by a board of five persons, to be appointed by the president, by and with the advice and consent of the senate, not more than three of whom shall be members of one political party, a majority of whom shall be a quorum. the canvass and return of all the votes at elections in said territory for members of the legislative assembly thereof shall also be returned to said board, which shall canvass all such returns and issue certificates of election to those persons who, being eligible for such election, shall appear to have been lawfully elected, which certificates shall be the only evidence of the right of such persons to sit in such assembly, provided said board of five persons shall not exclude any persons otherwise eligible to vote from the polls, on account of any opinion such person may entertain on the subject of bigamy or polygamy; nor shall they refuse to count any such vote on account of the opinion of the person casting it on the subject of bigamy or polygamy; but each house of such assembly, after its organization, shall have power to decide upon the elections and qualifications of its members." the day also on which i arrived in salt lake city was itself a memorable one, for it was the closing day of the fifty second annual conference of the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints--notable, beyond other conferences, as a public expression of the opinions of the leaders of the mormon church, at a crisis of great importance. the whole hierarchy of utah took part in the proceedings, and it was fitly closed by an address from president taylor himself, evoking such a demonstration of fervid and yet dignified enthusiasm as i have never seen equalled. my telegram to the new york world on that occasion may still stand as my description of the scene. "acquainted though i am with displays of oriental fanaticism and western revivalism, i set this mormon enthusiasm on one side as being altogether of a different character, for it not only astonishes by its fervour, but commands respect by its sincere sobriety. the congregation of the saints assembled in the tabernacle, numbering, by my own careful computation, eleven thousand odd, and composed in almost exactly equal parts of the two sexes, reminded me of the puritan gatherings of the past as i imagined them, and of my personal experiences of the transvaal boers as i know them. there was no rant, no affectation, no straining after theatrical effect. the very simplicity of this great gathering of country-folk was striking in the extreme, and significant from first to last of a power that should hardly be trifled with by sentimental legislation. i have read, i can assert, everything of importance that has ever been written about the mormons, but a single glance at these thousands of hardy men fresh from their work at the plough--at the rough vehicles they had come in, ranged along the street leading to the tabernacle, at their horses, with the mud of the fields still upon them--convinced me that i knew nothing whatever of this interesting people. of the advice given at this conference it is easy to speak briefly, for all counselled alike. in his opening address, president taylor said,-- "'the antagonism we now experience here has always existed, but we have also come out of our troubles strengthened. i say to you, be calm, for the lord god omnipotent reigneth, and he will take care of us.' "every succeeding speaker repeated the same advice, and the outcome of the five days' conference may therefore be said to have been an exhortation to the saints 'to pay no attention whatever to outside matters, but to live their religion, leave the direction of affairs to their priesthood, and the result in the hands of god.' "bishops sharp and cluff challenged the union to show more conspicuous examples of loyalty than those that 'brighten the records of utah;' bishop hatch referred to a 'revolutionary' ancestry; and apostle brigham young (a son of the late president) alluded to the advocacy in certain quarters of warlike measures with which he was not himself in sympathy. 'i am not,' he said, 'altogether belligerent, and am not advocating warlike measures, but i do want to advocate our standing true and steadfast all the time. if i am to be persecuted for living my religion, why, i am to be persecuted. that is all. dodging the issue will not change it. i have read the bill passed to injure us, but am satisfied that everything will come out all right, that the designs of our enemies will be frustrated, and confusion will come upon them.' apostle woodruff reminded the enemies of the church that it 'costs a great deal to shed the blood of god's people;' and apostle lorenzo snow said,--'i do not have any fear or trouble about fiery ordeals, but if any do come we should all be ready for them.' "these and other references to possible trouble seem to show that the leaders of the church consider the state of the public mind such as to make these allusions necessary. but loyalty to the constitution was the text of every address, and even as regards the edmunds bill itself, apostle lorenzo snow said,--'there is something good in it, for it legalizes every issue from plural marriages up to january , . no person a few years ago could have ever expected such an act of congress. but it has passed, and been signed by the president.' the expressions of the speakers with regard to polygamy were at times very explicit. the president yesterday said,--'some of our kind friends have suggested that we cast our wives off, but our feelings are averse to that. we are bound to them for time and eternity--we have covenanted before high heaven to remain bound to them. and i declare, in the name of israel's god, that we will keep the covenant, and i ask all to say to this amen.' (here, like the sound of a great sea-wave breaking in a cave, a vast amen arose from the concourse.) 'we may have to shelter behind a hedge while the storm is passing over, but let us be true to ourselves, our wives, our families, and our god, and all will be well.' again to-day he exhorted the saints 'to keep within the law, but at the same time to live their religion and be true to their wives, and the principles of their church.' several other speakers touched upon the fact of plurality being an integral doctrine of mormonism, and not to be interfered with without committing an outrage against their religion. retaliation was never suggested, unless the advice given to the congregation to make all their purchases at mormon shops may be accepted as a tendency towards boycotting. but the church was exhorted to stand firm, to allow persecution to run its course, and above all, to be 'manly in their fidelity to their wives.' nor could anything exceed the impressiveness of the response which the people gave instantaneously to the appeal of their president for the support of their voices. the great tabernacle was filled with waves of sound as the 'amens' of the congregation burst out. the shout of men going into battle was not more stirring than the closing words of this memorable conference spoken as if by one vast voice: 'hosannah! for the lord god omnipotent reigneth; he is with us now and will be for ever. amen!'" chapter vi. legislation against plurality. a people under a ban--what the mormon men think of the anti-polygamy bill--and what the mormon women say of polygamy--puzzling confidences--practical plurality a very dull affair--but theoretically a hedge-hog problem--matrimonial eccentricities--the fashionable milliner fatal to plurality--absurdity of comparing moslem polygamy with mormon plurality--are the women of utah happy?--their enthusiasm for women's rights. utah, therefore, at the time of my visit was "a proclaimed district"--to use the anglo-indian phrase for tracts suspected of infanticide--and every mormon within it had a share in the disgrace thrust upon it. nor was the triumph of the gentile concealed at the result. the mormons, therefore, were consolidated, in the first instance, by the equal pressure of the new law upon all sections of the church alike; in the next by the openly expressed exultation of the gentiles. i wrote at the time: "they feel that they are under a common ban. the children have read the bill or have had its purport explained to them, and it is well known even among the gentiles how keen the grief was in every household when the news that the bill had passed reached utah. wives still shed bitter tears over the act of congress which breaks up their happy homes, and robs them and their children of the protecting presence of a husband and father. the bill was aimed to put a stop to a supposed self-indulgence of the men. but the mormons have never thought of it in this light at all. they see in it only an attempt to punish their wives. and it is this alleged cruelty to their wives and children that has stubborned the mormon men." meanwhile the mormons' affect a contemptuous disregard of the commission and all its works. i have spoken to many, some of them leaders of local opinion, and everywhere i find the same amused indifference to it expressed. "we have too many real troubles," they say, "to go manufacturing imaginary ones. we must live our religion in the present and leave the future to god." "but," i would say, "this is not a question of the future. all children born after the st of january, , will be illegitimate--and in these matters nature is generally very punctual. now, are you going to break the law or going to keep it?" some would answer "neither," and some "both," but all would agree that there was no necessity for worrying themselves about evils which may never befall, and that the edmunds bill, with all its malignity and cunning, was "a stupid blunder," an "impossible" enactment, "an absurdity." so the questioning would probably end in laughter. "but in spite of this expressed indifference to the working of the bill, there can be little doubt that the more responsible mormons have already made up their minds as to the course they will take. 'the people' will follow them of course, and forecasting the future, therefore, i anticipate that a small minority will break down under the pressure, and will return their plural wives to their parents, with such provision as they can make for their future support. "of the remainder, that is to say the bulk of the mormons, i believe, indeed i feel convinced, that they will simply ignore the bill so long as it ignores them, and that when it is put in force against them, they will accept the penalty without complaint. in some cases the onus of proving guilt will no doubt be made heavier by 'passive resistance,' and where the whole family is solid in throwing obstacles in the way of espionage, conviction will necessarily be very difficult. as a case in point may be cited the instance of the mormon in salt lake city, who married a second wife and successfully defied both the law and the public to fix his relationship to the lady in question and her children. she herself was content with saying that her children were honourable in birth, and that the wedding-ring on her finger was a fact and not a fiction. but who her husband was neither the law nor the press could find out for two years, and only then by the confession of the sinner himself." i was sitting one day with two mormon ladies, plural wives, and the conversation turned upon marriage. "but," said i, "now that you have experienced the disadvantages of plurality, shall you advise your daughters to follow your example?" "no," said both promptly, "i shall not advise them one way or the other. they must make their own choice, just as i did." "choice, i am afraid, is hardly a choice though. plurality, i fear, is too nearly a religious duty to leave much option with girls." "nonsense," said the elder of the two, "i was just as free to choose my husband as you were to choose your wife. i married for love." "and do you really believe," broke in the other, "that any woman in the world would marry a man she did not like from a sense of religious duty!" "yes," said i, regardless of the fair speaker's scorn, "i thought plenty of women had done so. more than that, thousands have renounced marriage with men whom they loved and taken the veil, for heaven's sake." "very true," was the reply, "a woman may renounce marriage and become a nun as a religious duty. but the same motive would never have persuaded that woman to marry against her inclinations. there is all the difference in the world between the two. any woman will tell you that." "then you mean to say," i persisted, "that you and your friends consider that you are voluntary agents when you go into plurality? that you do so entirely of your own accord and of your own free choice?" "certainly i do," was the reply. "you may not believe us, of course, but that i cannot help. all i can say to you is, that if i had the last seven years of my life to live over again, i should do exactly what i did seven years ago." "and what was that?" i asked. "refuse to marry a gentile, to please my friends, and marry a polygamist to please myself. i had two offers from unmarried men, either of which my family were very anxious i should accept. but i did not care for either. but when my husband, who had already two wives, proposed to me, i accepted him, in spite of my friends' protests. and i would marry him again if the choice came over again." "then yours must surely be exceptional cases, for i cannot bring myself to believe that those who have been 'first' wives would ever consent to their husband's re-marriage, if their past could be recalled." "but i was his first wife," said the elder lady, "and my husband's second wife was his first love. and if my past were recalled as you put it, i would give my consent just as willingly as i did twelve years ago." "perhaps," said she, laughing, "you will call mine an 'exceptional' case too. but if you go through the mormons individually, i am afraid you will find that the 'exceptional' cases are very large." "and how about the minority?" i asked, "the wives whose hearts have been broken by plurality?" "well," was the reply, "there are plenty of unhappy wives. but this is surely not peculiar to polygamy, is it? there are plenty of women who find they have made a mistake. but is it not the same in monogamy? and yet, though our poor women can get divorces with no trouble, and at an expense of only ten dollars, and are certain of a competence after divorce, and of re-marriage if they choose, they do not do it. there is no greater disgrace attaching to divorce here than in europe. indeed allowances are made for the special trials of plurality, and mere unhappiness is in itself quite sufficient for a woman to get a divorce. yet divorce is very rare indeed, not one-tenth as common as in massachusetts, for instance." "there are bad men amongst us just as there are everywhere," continued the other lady, "and a bad mormon is the worst man there can be. but we are not the only people that have bad husbands among them." and so it went on. i was met at every point by assurances as sincere as tone of voice and language could make them appear. eventually i scrambled out of the subject as best i could, covering my retreat with the remark,-- "well, my only justification in saying that i do not believe you, is this, that if i said i did, no one would believe me." of this much, however, i am convinced, that whatever may have been true thirty years ago--and there has not been a single trustworthy book written about mormonism since --it is not true to-day that the church interferes with the domestic relations of the people. when there is a divorce the church takes care that the man does not turn his wife adrift without provision. but as far as i have been able to learn, the authorities do not meddle in any other way between man and woman, so long, of course, as neither is a scandal to the community. when a scandal arises the church takes prompt notice of it, and the offender, if incorrigible, is next heard of as "apostatizing," or, in other words, being turned out of mormonism as unfit to live in it. but once married into polygamy, religion is all-powerful in reconciling women to the sacrifices they have to make, precisely, i suppose, in the same way that religion reconciles the nun to the sacrifices which her church accepts from her. practical plurality, then, is a very dull affair. i was disappointed in it. i had expected to see men with long whips, sitting on fences, swearing at their gangs of wives at work in the fields. i expected every now and then to hear of drunken saints beating seven or eight wives all at once, and perhaps even to have seen the unusual spectacle of a house full of women and children rushing screaming into the street with one intoxicated husband and father in pursuit. everywhere else in the world wife-beating is a pastime more or less indulged in coram publico. in london, at any rate, men so arrange their chastisements that you can hear the screams from the street and see the wife run out of the front door on to the pavement. in salt lake city therefore, it seemed only reasonable to suppose that the amount of the screaming would be in proportion to the number of the wives, and that eventually ill-used families would be seen pouring simultaneously out of several doors, and scattering over the premises with hideous ululation. where are the aged apostles who have so often been described as going about in their swallow-tail coats courting each other's daughters? where are the "girl-hunting elders" and "ogling bishops"? where are the families of one man and ten wives to be found taking the air together that pictures have so often shown us? of course there are anomalies, and very objectionable they are. thus one young man has married his half-aunt, another his half-sister, and three sisters have wedded the same man; but these instances are all "historical," so to speak, and have been so often trotted out by anti-mormon book-makers, that they are hardly worth repeating. nor does it appear to me to be of any force to begin raking to-day into the old suspicions as to what mormons dead and gone used to do. what is polygamy like to-day? that is the question. polygamy to-day, then, has settled down into the most matter-of-fact system that is possible for such exceptional domestic arrangements. in the first place, it is not compulsory, and some of the leading saints are monogamous. about one-fourth of married mormons are polygamous, and of these something less than three per cent are under forty years of age. the bill of making polygamy penal effected little or no difference in the annual average of plural marriages, but since there has been a very sensible decrease. these facts, then, seem to prove first that polygamy, though accepted as a doctrine of the church, is not generally acted upon--and why? for the best of reasons. either that the men cannot afford to keep up more than one establishment, or that they are too happy with one wife to care to marry a second, or that the first wife refuses to allow any increase of the household--all of which reasons show that polygamy is controlled by prudential and domestic considerations, and is not the indiscriminate "debauchery" that so many of the public believe it to be. it is also evident that the younger mormons are not so active in marrying as the elder men were at their age, for ten years ago the proportion of polygamous mormons under forty years of age was much greater, which may mean that the inaction of congress was gradually working towards the end which the action of ' thwarted. by legislating against polygamy, plural marriages increased-- to being as busy years in the endowment house as any that ever preceded them--while by letting polygamy severely alone they have been decreasing. polygamy in fact, by the relaxation of the regime, now that brigham young's personal government has ceased, has taken its place as an ordinary civil institution, entailing serious responsibilities upon those who choose to enter into it, and not carrying with it such promises of temporal advantage as at one time were reserved for the plurally wedded. there is not the same enthusiasm about it that there was, owing probably to the diffusion among the people of a better sense of the position of women and of the opinions of the world with regard to polygamy. under the administration of president taylor there has been a marked disinclination in the church to interfere with the domestic relations of the community, except, as i have said before, when reprimand or punishment seemed to be called for; and it is reasonable therefore to argue that the material decline in the number of plural marriages between and would have continued, the proportion of young enthusiasts have gone on decreasing and, as the elders died out, the total of polygamists become annually less. such, i would contend, is the reasonable inference from the facts i have given. polygamy, as a problem, reminds me of a hedgehog. but as the hedgehog may not be familiar to my american readers, let me explain. the hedgehog, then, is a small animal with a very elastic skin, closely set all over with strong sharp spines. a rural life is all its joy. in habits and character it assimilates somewhat to the mormon peasant, being inoffensive, useful, industrious, prolific, and largely frugivorous. but when hunted it is otherwise. for the hedgehog, if closely pursued, takes hold of its ears with its hind paws and, tucking its nose into the middle of its stomach, rolls itself into a perfect ball. the spines then stand out straight and in every direction equally. nor, thus defended, does the hedgehog shun the public eye. on the contrary, it lies out in the full sunlight, in the middle of the sidewalk or the dusty high-road, a challenge to the inquisitive attention of every passing dog. and you can no more keep a dog from going out of its way to reconnoitre the queer-looking object than you can keep needles away from loadstones. they do not all behave in the same way to it, though. the mutton-headed dogs sit down by it and contemplate it vacantly, and go away after a bit in a kind of brown study. the silly ones smell it too close, and go off down the road in a streak of dust and yelp. the experienced dogs sniff at it and trot on. "only that hedgehog again!" they say. the malicious prick their noses and lose their temper, and then prick their noses worse and lose their tempers more. the puppy barks at it remotely, receding every time by the recoil of its own bark, till it barks itself backwards into the opposite ditch. but the hedgehog lies perfectly still, as round and as spiny as ever, in the middle of the high-road. all the dogs are much the same to it. some roll it a little one way, and some roll it a little the other. it gets dusty or it gets wet. but there it lies as inscrutable, puzzling, and odious to passing dogs as ever. by-and-by when it is dark, and everybody has got tired of poking it and sniffing it and wondering at it, the hedgehog will quietly unroll itself and creep away to some secluded spot betwixt orchard and corn-field, and remote from the highways of men and their dogs. i am particularly led to this moralizing because a mormon has just been enumerating, at my request, some of the more extraordinary anomalies that he knows of in recent polygamy. i took notes of a few, and they seem to me sufficiently puzzling to justify a place in these pages. a young and very pretty girl, in "the upper ten" of mormonism, married a young man of her own class, but stipulated before marriage that he should marry a second wife as soon as he could afford to do so. a young couple were engaged, but quarrelled, and the lover out of pique married another lady. two years later his first love, having refused other offers in the mean time, married him as his second wife. a man having married a second wife to please himself, married a third to please his first. "she was getting old, she said, and wanted a younger woman to help her about the house." a couple about to be married made an agreement between themselves that the husband should not marry again unless it was one of the relatives of the first wife. the ladies selected have refused, and the husband remains true to his promise. the belle of the settlement, a gentile, refused monogamist offers of marriage, and married a mormon who had two wives already. a girl, distracted between her love for her suitor and her love for her mother, compromised in her affections by stipulating that he should marry both her mother and herself, which he did. a girl, a gentile, bitterly opposed at first to polygamy, married a polygamist at the solicitation of his first wife, her great friend. two girls were great friends, and one of them, getting engaged to a man (by no means of prepossessing appearance), persuaded her friend to get engaged to him too, and he married them both on the same day. these are enough. moreover, they are not isolated cases, and i believe i am right in saying that i can give a second instance, of recent date, of nearly all of them. nor are these anonymous fictions like the "victims" of anti-mormon writers. i have names for each of them. one of them tells me she could name "scores" of the same kind. it appears to me, therefore, that the women of utah have shaken somewhat the modern theories of the conjugal relation, and--with all one's innate aversion to a system which is capable of such odious abnormalisms--a most interesting and baffling problem for study. it is, as i said, a regular hedgehog of a problem. if you could only catch hold of it by the nose or the tail, you could scrunch it up easily. but it has spines all over. it is at once provocative and unapproachable. i remember once in india giving a tame monkey a lump of sugar inside a corked bottle. the monkey was of an inquiring kind, and it nearly killed it. sometimes, in an impulse of disgust, it would throw the bottle away, out of its own reach, and then be distracted till it was given back to it. at others it would sit with a countenance of the most intense dejection, contemplating the bottled sugar, and then, as if pulling itself together for another effort at solution, would sternly take up the problem afresh, and gaze into it. it would tilt it up one way and try to drink the sugar through the cork, and then, suddenly reversing it, try to catch it as it fell out at the bottom. under the impression that it could capture it by a surprise it kept rapping its teeth against the glass in futile bites, and, warming to the pursuit of the revolving lump, used to tie itself into regular knots round the bottle. fits of the most ludicrous melancholy would alternate with these spasms of furious speculation, and how the matter would have ended it is impossible to say. but the monkey one night got loose and took the bottle with it. and it has always been a delight to me to think that whole forestfuls of monkeys have by this time puzzled themselves into fits over the great problem of bottled sugar. what profound theories those long-tailed philosophers must have evolved! what polemical acrimony that bottle must have provoked! and what a confucius the original monkey must have become! a single morning with such a sanhedrim discussing such a matter would surely have satiated even a swift with satire. taking then polygamy to be the bottle, and the gentile to be the monkey, it appears to me that the only alternatives in solution are these: either smash the whole thing up altogether, or else fall back upon that easy-going old doctrine of wise men, that "morality" is after all a matter of mere geography. an oriental legend shows us allah sitting in casual conversation with a man. a cockroach comes along, and allah stamps on it. "what did you do that for?" asks the human, looking at the ruined insect. "because i am god almighty," was the reply. now, polygamy can be smashed flat if the states choose to show their power to do so. but no man who takes a part in that demolition must suppose that in so doing he will be accepted by the community as rescuing them from degradation. if left alone, polygamy will die out. mormons deny this, but i feel sure that they know they are wrong when they deny it, for nothing but a perpetual miracle of loaves and fishes will make polygamy and families of forty possible when population and food-supply come to talk the position over seriously between them. the expense of plurality will before long prohibit plurality. "the fashionable milliner" is the most formidable adversary that the system has yet encountered. a twenty-dollar bonnet is a staggering argument against it. when women were contented with sunshades, and made them for themselves, the husband of many wives could afford to be lavish, and to indulge his household in a diversity of headgear. but that old serpent, the fashionable milliner, has got over the garden wall, and lilith [ ] and eve are no longer content with primitive garments of home manufacture. no. polygamy will before long be impossible, except to the rich; and in an agricultural community, restricted in area, and further restricted by the scarcity of water, there can never be many rich men. as it is, the cost of plurality was on several occasions referred to by mormons whom i met during my tour, and i know one man who has for three years postponed his second marriage, as he does not consider that his means justify it; while i fancy it will not be disputed by any one who has inquired into polygamy that, as a general rule, prudential considerations control the system. polygamy, then, i sincerely believe, carries its own antidote with it, and if left alone will rapidly cure itself. in the mean time the community that practises it does not consider itself "degraded," and those who take part in smashing it up must not think it does. the mormons are a peasant people, with many of the faults of peasant life, but with many of the best human virtues as well. they are conspicuously industrious, honest, and sober. there is, of course, nothing whatever in common between oriental polygamy and mormon plurality. the main object, and the main result of the two systems are so widely diverse, that it is hardly necessary even to refer to the hundred other points of difference which make comparison between the two utterly absurd. yet the comparison is often made in order to prove the mormons "degraded," and it is a great pity that such superficial and stupid arguments should be far more effective ones are at hand. polygamy, though difficult to handle, is very vulnerable. the hedgehog, after all, will have to unroll some time or another. but to assault polygamy because the mormons are "turks" or "debauched mahometans," or the other things which silly people call them, is monstrous. the women have complicated the problem by multiplying instances of eccentric "affection." but with it all they persist in believing that they have retained a most exalted estimate of womanly honour. the men, again, have inextricably entangled all recognized ideas of matrimonial responsibilities. yet they have not lost any of the manliness which characterizes the pioneers of the west. their social anomalies are deplorable, but they are not desperate. education and the influx of outsiders must infallibly do their work, and any attempt to rob these men and women of the fruits of their astonishing industry and of the peaceful enjoyment of the soil which they have conquered for the united states from the most warlike tribes among the indians, and from the most malignant type of desert, is not only not statesmanship, but it is not humanity. are the women of utah happy? no; not in the monogamous acceptation of the word "happy." in polygamy the highest happiness of woman is contentment. but on the other hand her greatest unhappiness is only discontent. she has not the opportunity on the one hand of rising to the raptures of perfect love. on the other, she is spared the bitter, killing anguish of "jealousy" and of infidelity. but contentment is not happiness. it is its negative, and often has its source in mere resignation to sorrow. it is the lame sister of happiness, the deaf-mute in the family of joy. it lives neither in the background nor foreground of enjoyment, but always in the middle distance. tender in all things, it never becomes real happiness by concentration; having to fill no deep heart-pools, it trickles over vast surfaces. it goes through life smiling but seldom laughing. now, in many philosophies we are taught that this same contentment is the perfect form of happiness. but humanity is always at war with philosophy. and i for one will never believe that perpetual placidity is the highest experience of natures which are capable of suffering the raptures of joy and of grief. i had rather live humanly, travelling alternately over sunlit hills and gloomy valleys, than exist philosophically on the level prairies of monotonous contentment. holding, then, the opinion that it is a nobler life to have sounded the deeps and measured the heights of human emotions than to have floated in shallows continually, i contend that polygamy is wrong in itself and a cardinal crime against the possibilities of a woman's heart. a plural wife can never know the utmost happiness possible for a woman. they confess this. and by this confession the practice stands damned. physically, mormon plurality appears to me to promise much of the success which plato dreamed of, and utah about the best nursery for his soldiers that he could have found. look at the urchins that go clattering about the roads, perched two together on the bare backs of horses, and only a bit of rope by way of bridle. look at the rosy, demure little girls that will be their wives some day. take note of their fathers' daily lives, healthy outdoor work. go into their homes and see the mothers at their work. for in utah servants get sometimes as much as six dollars a week (and their board and lodging as well of course), and most households therefore go without this expensive luxury. and then as you walk home through one of their rural towns along the tree-shaded streets, with water purling along beside you as you walk, and the clear breeze from the hills blowing the perfume of flowers across your path in gusts, with the cottage homes, half smothered in blossoming fruit-trees, on either hand, and a perpetual succession gardens,--then i say, come back and sit down, if you can, to call this people "licentious," "impure," "degraded." the mormons themselves refuse to believe that polygamy is the real objection against them, and it will be found impossible to convince them that the edmunds bill is really what it purports to be, a crusade against their domestic arrangements only. there are some among them who thoroughly understand the "political" aspect of the case, and are aware that "the reorganization of utah" would give very enviable pickings to the friends of the commission. others, have made up their minds that behind this generous anti-polygamy sentiment is mean sectarian envy, and that this is only one more of those amiable efforts of narrow christians to crush a detested and flourishing sect. jealousy, in fact, is the mormons' explanation of the edmunds bill. the gentiles, they say, are hankering after the good things of utah, and hope by one cry after another to persecute the mormons out of them. but it is far more curious that the jealousy of their own sex should be suggested by mormon women as the cause of their participation in the clamour against polygamy. yet so it is; the gentile women are, they say, "jealous" of a community where every woman has a husband! it is a perplexing suggestion, and so thoroughly reverses all rational course of argument, that i wish it had never been seriously put forward. imagine the ladies of the eastern states who have made themselves conspicuous in this campaign, who have fought and bled to rescue their poor sisters from slavery, to free them from the grasp of mormon bluebeards--imagine, i say, these ladies being told by the sisters for whom they are fighting, that they ought to be ashamed of themselves for being envious of the women in polygamy! instead of being thanked for helping to strike the fetters of plurality off their suffering sisters, they are met with the retort that they ought to try being wives and mothers themselves before they come worrying those who have tried it and are content! they are requested not to meddle with "what they don't understand," and are threatened with a counter-crusade against the polyandry of washington, new york, and other cities! but even more staggering is the fact that mormon women base their indignation against their persecuting saviours on woman's rights, the very ground upon which those saviours have based their crusade! the advocates of woman's rights are a very strong party in utah; and their publications use the very same arguments that strong-minded women have made so terrible to newspaper editors in europe, and members of parliament. thus the woman's exponent--with "the rights of the women of all nations" for its motto--publishes continually signed letters in which plural wives affirm their contentment with their lot, and in one of its issues is a leading article, headed "true charity," and signed mary ellen kimball, in which the women of mormondom are reminded that they ought to pray for poor benighted mr. edmunds and all who think like him! then follows a letter from a gentile, addressed to "the truthful pure-hearted, intelligent, christian women" of utah, and after this an article, "hints on marriage," signed "lillie freeze." but for a sentence or two it might be an article by a gentile in a gentile "lady's paper," for it speaks of "courtship" and "lovers," and has the quotation, "two souls with but a single thought, two hearts that beat as one," and all the other orthodox pretty things about true love and married bliss. yet the writer is speaking of polygamy! in the middle of this article written "for love's sweet sake," and as womanly and pure as ever words written by woman, comes this paragraph:-- "in proportion as the power of evil increases, a disregard for the sacred institution of marriage also increases among the youth, and contempt for the marriage obligation increases among the married until this most sacred relationship will be overwhelmed by disunion and strife, and only among the despised latter-day saints will the true foundation of social happiness and prosperity be found upon the earth; but in order to realize this state we must be guided by principles more perfect than those which have wrought such dissolution. god has revealed a plan for establishing a new order of society which will elevate and benefit all mankind who embrace it. the nations that fight against it are working out their own destruction, for their house is built upon the sand, and one of the corner-stones in the doomed structure is already loosened through their disregard and dishonour of the institution of marriage." now what is to be done with women who not only declare they are happy in polygamy, but persist in trying to improve their monogamous sisters? how is the missionary going to begin, for instance, with lillie freeze? if the commission deals leniently with them, they will offer only a passive resistance to the law. but if there is any appearance of outrage, general sherman may have some work to do, and it will be work more worthy of disciplined troops than mere indian fighting. there would be abundance of that too, but the mormons are themselves sufficient to test the calibre of any troops in the world. for they are orderly, solid in their adherence to the church, and trained during their youth and early manhood to a rough, mountain-frontier life. they are in fact very superior "boers," and utah is a very superior transvaal, strategically. mormonism is not the wind-and-rain inflated pumpkin the world at a distance believes; it is good firm pumpkin to the very core. nor are the indians a picturesque fiction. they are an ugly reality, and under proper guidance a very formidable one. in the mean time there is no talk of war, and the sword of laban is lying quietly in its sheath. for one thing, the commission has given no "cause" for war; for another, the present hierarchy of the church are men of peace. such, then, as i view it, is the position in utah at the present time. mormonism has taken up, in the phrase of diplomatic history, "an attitude of observation," and the future is "in the hands of the lord god of israel." footnotes: . by the way, it is curious that it should be charged against the mormons that they have made adam a polygamist. it is not a mormon invention at all. for, as is well known, legends far older than moses' writings declare that eve married into plurality, and that lilith was the "first wife" of our great progenitor. chapter vii. sua si bona norint. a special correspondent's lot--hypothecated wits--the daughters of zion--their modest demeanour--under the banner of woman's rights--the discoverer discovered--turning the tables--"by jove, sir, you shall have mustard with your beefsteak!" it has been my good fortune to see many countries, and my ill-luck to have had to maintain, during all my travels, an appearance of intelligence. though i have been over much of europe, over all of india and its adjoining countries, afghanistan, beloochistan, burmah, and ceylon, in the north and west and south of africa, and in various out-of-the-way islands in miscellaneous oceans, i have never visited one of them purely "for pleasure." i have always been "representing" other people. my eyes and ears have been hypothecated, so to speak--my intelligence been in pledge. when i was sent out to watch wars, there was a tacit agreement that i should be shot at, so that i might let other people know what it felt like. when run away with by a camel in a desert that had no "other end" to it, i accepted my position simply as material for a letter for which my employers had duly paid. they tried to drown me in a mill-stream; that was a good half-column. two afridis sat down by me when i had sprained my knee by my horse falling, and waited for me to faint that they might cut my throat. but they overdid it, for they looked so like vultures that i couldn't faint. but it made several very harrowing paragraphs. i have been sent to sea to get into cyclones in the bay of biscay, and hurricanes in the mozambique channel, that i might describe lucidly the sea-going properties of the vessels under test. i have been sent to a king to ask him for information that it was known beforehand he would not give, and commissioned to follow irish agitators all over ireland, in the hope that i might be able to say more about them than they knew themselves. it has been my duty to walk about inquisitively after zulus, and to run away judiciously with zulus after me. sometimes i have taken long shots at afghans, and sometimes they have taken short ones at me. in short, i have been deputed at one time and another to do many things which i should never have done "for pleasure," and many which, for pleasure, i should like to do again. but wherever i have been sent i have had to go about, seeing as much as i could and asking about all i couldn't see, and have become, professionally, accustomed to collecting evidence, sifting it on the spot, and forming my own conclusions. in a way, therefore, a special correspondent becomes of necessity an expert at getting at facts. he finds that everything he is commissioned to investigate has at least two sides to it, and that many things have two right sides. there are plenty of people always willing to mislead him, and he has to pick and choose. he arrives unprejudiced, and speaks according to the knowledge he acquires. sometimes he is brought up to the hill with a definite commission to curse, but like balaam, the son of barak, he begins blessing; or he is sent out to bless, and falls to cursing. until he arrives on the spot it is impossible for him to say which he will do. but, whatever he does, the special correspondent writes with the responsibility of a large public. it is impossible to write flippantly with all the world for critics. now, the demeanour of women in utah, as compared with say brighton or washington, is modesty itself, and the children are just such healthy, pretty, vigorous children as one sees in the country, or by the seaside in england--and, in my opinion, nowhere else. utah-born girls, the offspring of plural wives, have figures that would make paris envious, and they carry themselves with almost oriental dignity. but remember, salt lake city is a city of rustics. they do not affect "gentility," and are careful to explain at every opportunity that the stranger must not be shocked at their homely ways and speech. there is an easiness of manner therefore which is unconventional, but it is only a blockhead who could mistake this natural gaiety of the country for anything other than it is. there is nothing, then, so far as i have seen, in the manners of salt lake city to make me suspect the existence of that "licentiousness" of which so much has been written; but there is a great deal on the contrary to convince me of a perfectly exceptional reserve and self-respect. i know, too, from medical assurance, that utah has also the practical argument of healthy nurseries to oppose to the theories of those who attack its domestic relations on physiological grounds. but the "woman's rights" aspect of polygamy is one that has never been theorized at all. it deserves, however, special consideration by those who think that they are "elevating" mormon women by trying to suppress polygamy. it possesses also a general interest for all. for the plural wives of salt lake city are not by any means "waiting for salvation" at the hands of the men and women of the east. unconscious of having fetters on, they evince no enthusiasm for their noisy deliverers. on the contrary, they consider their interference as a slur upon their own intelligence, and an encroachment upon those very rights about which monogamist females are making so much clamour. they look upon themselves as the leaders in the movement for the emancipation of their sex, and how, then, can they be expected to accept emancipation at the hands of those whom they are trying to elevate? thinking themselves in the van of freedom, are they to be grateful for the guidance of stragglers in the rear? they laugh at such sympathy, just as the brave man might laugh at encouragement from a coward, or wealthy landowners at a pauper's exposition of the responsibilities of property. can the deaf, they ask, tell musicians anything of the beauty of sounds, or need the artist care for the blind man's theory of colour? indeed, it has been in contemplation to evangelize the eastern states, on this very subject of woman's rights! to send out from utah exponents of the proper place of woman in society, and to teach the women of monogamy their duties to themselves and to each other! "woman's true status"--i am quoting from their organ--"is that of true status companion to man, but so protected by law that she can act in an independent sphere if he abuse his position, and render union unendurable." they not only, therefore, claim all that women elsewhere claim, but they consider marriage the universal birthright of every female. first of all, they say, be married, and then in case of accidents have all other "rights" as well. but to start with, every woman must have a husband. she is hardly worth calling a woman if she is single. other privileges ought to be hers lest marriage should prove disastrous. but in the first instance she should claim her right to be a wife. and everybody else should insist on that claim being recognized. the rest is very important to fall back upon, but union with man is her first step towards her proper sphere. now, could any position be imagined more ludicrous for the would-be saviours of utah womanhood than this, that the slaves whom they talk of rescuing from their degradation should be striving to bring others up to their own standard? when stanley was in central africa, he was often amused and sometimes not a little disgusted to find that instead of his discovering the central africans, the central africans insisted on "discovering" him. though he went into villages in order to take notes of the savages, and to look at their belongings, the savages used to turn the tables on him by discussing him, and taking his clothes off to examine the curious colour, as they thought it, of his skin. so that what with shaking off his explorers, and hunting up the various articles they had abstracted for their unscientific scrutiny, his time used to be thoroughly wasted, and he used to come away crestfallen, and with the humiliating consciousness that it was the savages and not he that had gained information and been "improved" by his visit. they had "discovered" stanley, not stanley them. something very like this will be the fate of those who come to utah thinking that they will be received as shining lights from a better world. they will not find the women of utah waiting with outstretched arms to grasp the hand that saves them. there will be no stampede of down-trodden females. on the contrary, the clarion of woman's rights will be sounded, and the intruding "champions" of that cause will find themselves attacked with their own weapons, and hoisted with their own petards. 'with the sceptre of woman's rights the daughters of zion will go down as apostles to evangelize the nation. 'who is she that looketh forth as the morning, fair as the moon, clear as the sun, and terrible as an army with banners?' the daughter of zion!" mormon wives, then, are emphatically "woman's-rights women," a title which is everywhere recognized as indicating independence of character and an elevated sense of the claims of the sex, and as inferring exceptional freedom in action. and i venture to hold the opinion that it is only women who are conscious of freedom that can institute such movements as this in utah, and only those who are enthusiastic in the cause, that can carry them on with the courage and industry so conspicuous in this community. a governor once went there specially instructed to release the women of utah from their bondage, but he found none willing to be released! the franchise was then clamoured for in order to let the women of utah "fight their oppressors at the polls," and the mormon "tyrants" took the hint to give their wives votes, and the first use these misguided victims of plurality made of their new possession was to protest, , victims together, against the calumnies heaped upon the men of utah "whom they honoured and loved." to-day it is an act of congress that is to set free these worse-than-indian-suttee-devotees, and whether they like it or not they are to be compelled to leave their husbands or take the alternative of sending their husbands to jail. it reminds me of the story, "sir, you shall have mustard with your beefsteak." a man sitting in a restaurant saw his neighbour eating his steak without mustard, and pushed the pot across to him. the stranger bowed his acknowledgment of the courtesy and went on eating, but without any mustard. but the other man's sense of propriety was outraged. "beefsteak without mustard--monstrous," said he to himself; and again he pushed the condiment towards the stranger. "thank you, sir," said the stranger, but without taking any, continued his meal as he preferred it, without mustard. but his well-wisher could not stand it any longer. he waited for a minute to see if the man would eat his beef in the orthodox manner, and then, his sense of the fitness of things overpowering him, he seized the mustard-pot and dabbing down a great splash of mustard on to the stranger's plate, burst out with, "by jove, sir, you shall have mustard with your beefsteak!" in the same way the monogamist reformers, having twice failed to persuade the wives of utah to abandon their husbands by giving them facilities for doing so, are now going to take their husbands from them by the force of the law. "sua si bona norint" is the excuse of the reformers to themselves for their philanthropy, and, like the old inquisitors who burnt their victims to save them from heresy, they are going to make women wretched in order to make them happy. says the woman's exponent: "if the women of utah are slaves, their bonds are loving ones and dearly prized. they are to-day in the free and unrestricted exercise of more political and social rights than are the women of any other part of these united states. but they do not choose as a body to court the follies and vices which adorn the civilization of other cities, nor to barter principles of tried worth for the tinsel of sentimentality or the gratification of passion." it is of no use for "mormon-eaters" to say that this is written "under direction," and that the women who write in this way are prompted by authority. nor would they say it if they knew personally the women who write thus. moreover, mormon-eaters are perpetually denouncing the "scandalous freedom" and "independence" extended to mormon women and girls. and the two charges of excessive freedom and abject slavery seem to me totally incompatible. i myself as a traveller can vouch for this: that one of my first impressions of salt lake city was this, that there was a thoroughly unconventional absence of restraint; just such freedom as one is familiar with in country neighbourhoods, where "every one knows every one else," and where the formalities of town etiquette are by general consent laid aside. and this also i can sincerely say: that i never ceased to be struck by the modest decorum of the women i meet out of doors. after all, self-respect is the true basis of woman's rights. this aspect of the polygamy problem deserves, then, i think, considerable attention. an act has been passed to compel some , women to leave their husbands, and the world looks upon these women as slaves about to be freed from tyrants. yet they have said and done all that could possibly be expected of them, and even more than could have been expected, to assure the world that they have neither need nor desire for emancipation, as they honour their husbands, and prefer polygamy, with all its conditions, to the monogamy which brings with it infidelity at home and prostitution abroad. again and again they have protested, in petitions to individuals and petitions to congress, that "their bonds are loving ones and dearly prized." but the enthusiasm of reformers takes no heed of their protests. they are constantly declaring in public speeches and by public votes, in books and in newspapers--above all, in their daily conduct--that they consider themselves free and happy women, but the zeal of philanthropy will not be gainsaid, and so the women of utah are, all else failing, to be saved from themselves. the "foul blot" of a servitude which the serfs aver does not exist is to be wiped out by declaring , wives mistresses, their households illegal, and their future children bastards! "by jove, sir, you shall have mustard with your beefsteak!" chapter viii. could the mormons fight? an unfulfilled prophecy--had brigham young been still alive?--the hierarchy of mormonism--the fighting apostle and his colleagues--plurality a revelation--rajpoot infanticide: how it was stamped out--would the mormons submit to the same process?--their fighting capabilities--boer and mormon: an analogy between the drakensberg and the wasatch ranges--the puritan fanaticism of the saints--awaiting the fulness of time and of prophecy. "i say, as the lord lives, we are bound to become a sovereign state in the union or an independent nation by ourselves. i am still, and still will be governor of this territory, to the constant chagrin of my enemies, and twenty-six years shall not pass away before the elders of this church will be as much thought of as kings on their thrones." these were the words of brigham young on the last day of august, . and the bill was passed in . had brigham young been alive then, that prophecy would assuredly have been fulfilled, for the coincidence of recent legislation with the date he fixed, would have sufficed to convince him that the opportunity for a display of the temporal power of his church which he had foretold, had arrived. once before with similar exactness brigham young fixed a momentous date. he was standing in upon the site of the temple, when suddenly, as if under a momentary impulse, he turned to those who were with him and said, "and now, if they will only let us alone for ten years, we will not ask them for any odds." exactly ten years later, to the very day, and almost to the very hour of the day, the news came of the despatch of a federal army against salt lake city. brigham young called his people together--and what a nation they were compared to the fugitive crowd that had stood round him in !--and simply reminding them of his words uttered ten years before, waited for their response. and as if they had only one voice among them all, the vast assemblage shouted, "no odds." and then and there he sent them into echo canyon--and the federal army knows the rest. had he been alive to-day, that scene would probably have been repeated. but brigham young is not alive. and his mantle has not fallen upon any of the elders of the church. they are men of caution, and the policy of mormonism to-day is to temporize and to wait. all the states are "united" in earnest against them. brigham young always taught the people to reverence prophecy, but he taught them also to help to fulfil it. but nowadays mormons are told to stand by and see how the lord will work for them. and thus waiting, the gentiles are gradually creeping up to them. every year sees new influences at work to destroy the isolation of the church, but the leaders originate no counteracting influences. their defences are being sapped, but no counter-mines are run. as gentile vigour grows aggressive, mormonism seems to be contracting its frontiers. there is no buonaparte mind to compel obedience. mahomet is dead, and ali, "the lion of allah," is dead, and the caliphate is now in commission. president taylor is a self-reliant and courageous man, but for a ruler he listens too much to counsel. though not afraid of responsibility, it does not sit upon him as one born to the ermine. brigham young was a natural king. president taylor only suffices for an interregnum. yet now, if ever, mormonism needs a master-spirit. nothing demoralizes like inaction. men begin to look at things "from both sides," to compromise with convictions, to discredit enthusiasm. this is just what they are doing now. at one of the most eventful points of their history, they find the voices of the tabernacle giving forth uncertain sounds. their urim and thummim is dim; the shekinah is flickering; their oracles stutter. they are told to obey the laws and yet to live their religion. in other words, to eat their cake and have it; to let go and hold tight--anything that is contradictory, irreconcilable, and impossible. meanwhile, wealth and interests in outside schemes have raised up in the church a body of men of considerable temporal influence, who it is generally supposed "outside" are half-hearted. the gentiles lay great stress on this. but no one should be deceived as to the real importance of this "half-heartedness." in the first place, a single word from president taylor would extinguish the influence of these men politically and religously, at once and for ever. a single speech in the tabernacle would reduce them to mere ciphers in mormonism, and the church would really, therefore, lose nothing more by their defection than the men themselves. but as a matter of fact they are not half-hearted. i know the men whom the outside world refers to personally, and i am certain therefore of my ground when i say that mormonism will find them, in any hour of need, ready to throw all their temporal influence on to the side of the church. the people need not be apprehensive, for there is no treason in their camp. there may be "trimmers," but was there ever a movement that had no trimmers? the hierarchy in utah stands as follows:-- president--john taylor. counsellors to the president--joseph f. smith, g. q. cannon. apostles--wilford woodruff, franklin richards, c. c. rich, brigham young, moses thatcher, m. lyman, j. h. smith, a. carrington, erastus snow, lorenzo snow, s. p. teasdel, and j. grant. counsellors to the apostles--john w. young, d. h. wells. now in the present critical situation of affairs the personnel of this governing body is of some interest. president taylor i have already spoken of. he is considered by all as a good head during an uneventful period, and that he is doing sound, practical work in a general administrative way is beyond doubt. but it is his misfortune to come immediately after brigham young. it is not often in history that an aurungzebe follows an akbar. but his counsellors, apostles cannon and joseph smith, are emphatically strong men. the former is a staunch mormon, and a man of the world as well--perhaps the only mormon who is--while the latter is "the fighting apostle," a man of both brains and courage. had he been ten years older he would probably have been president now. of the remainder the men of conspicuous mark are moses thatcher, an admirable speaker and an able man, merion lyman, a very sound thinker and spirited in counsel, and d. h. wells--perhaps the "strongest" unit in the whole hierarchy. he has made as much history as any man in the church, and as one of its best soldiers and one of its shrewdest heads might have been expected to hold a higher rank than he does. he was one of the counsellors of brigham young, but on the reconstruction of the governing body, accepted the position of counsellor to the twelve. these five men, should the contingency for any decisive policy arise, will certainly lead the mormon church. i was speaking one day to a mormon, a husband of several wives, and was candidly explaining my aversion to that co-operative system of matrimony which the world calls "polygamy," but which the saints prefer should be called "plurality." when i had finished, much to my own satisfaction (for i thought i had proved polygamy wrong), my companion knocked all my arguments, premises and conclusion together, into a cocked hat, by saying,-- "you are unprejudiced--i grant that; and you take higher ground for your condemnation of us than most do. but," said he, "you have never referred to the fact that we mormons believe plurality to be a revelation from god. but we do believe it, and until that belief is overthrown angels from heaven cannot convince us. you spoke of the power and authority of the united states. but what is that to the power and authority of god? the united states cannot do more than exterminate us for not abandoning plurality. but god can, and will, damn us to all eternity if we do abandon it." now what argument but force can avail against such an attitude as this? the better the mormon, the harder he freezes to his religion--and part of his religion is polygamy--so important a part, indeed, that the whole future of the saints is based upon it. the "kingdom of god" is arranged with reference to it. the hopes of mormons of glory and happiness in eternity depend upon it, and in this life men and women are perpetually exhorted to live up to it. it is pure nonsense therefore--so at least it seems to me--to request the mormons to give up plurality, and keep the rest. you might just as well cut off all a man's limbs, and then tell him to get along "like a good and loyal citizen," with only a stomach. force of course will avail, in the end, just as it did in india when the government determined to stamp out female infanticide among the rajpoots. there, the procedure was from necessity inquisitorial (for the natives of the proscribed districts combined to prevent detection), but it was eventually effectual. it was simply this. whenever a family was suspected of killing its female infants, a special staff of police was quartered upon the village in which that family lived, at the expense of the village, and maintained a constant personal watch over each of the suspected wives during the period immediately preceding childbirth. nothing could have been so offensive to native sentiment as such procedure, but nothing else was of any use. in the end the suspects got wearied of the perpetual tyranny of supervision, and their neighbours wearied of paying for the police, and infanticide as a crime common to a whole community ceased after a few years to exist in india. now if the worst came to the worst, something of the same kind is within the resources of the united states. every polygamous family in the territory might be brought under direct police supervision at the cost of their neighbours, and punishment rigidly follow every conviction. this would stamp out polygamy in time. but it would be a long time, a very long time, and i would hesitate to affirm that mormon endurance and submission would be equal to such a severe and such a protracted ordeal. there is nothing in their past history that leads me to look upon them as a people exceptionally tolerant of ill-usage. the infanticidal families in india were, it is true, of a fighting caste and clan, but the suspected families were only a few hundreds in number. they could not, like the mormons, rely upon a strength of twenty-five thousand adult males, an admirable strategic position, and the help, if necessary, of twenty thousand picked "warriors" from the surrounding indian tribes; and it is mere waste of words to say that the consciousness of strength has often got a great deal to do with influencing the action of men who are subjected to violence. and i doubt myself, looking to the recent history of england in africa, and russia in central asia, whether the united states, when they come to consider mormon potentialities for resistance, will think it worth while to resort to violence in vindication of a sentiment. the war between the north and the south is not a case in point at all. there was more than a mere "sentiment" went to the bringing on of that war. remember, i do not say that the mormons entertain the idea of having to fight the united states. i only say that they would not be afraid to do it, in defence of their religion, if circumstances compelled it. and i am only arguing from nature when i say that those "circumstances" arrive at very different stages of suffering with different individuals. the worm, for instance, does not turn till it is trodden on. the grizzly bear turns if you sneeze at it. and i am only quoting history when i say that thirty thousand determined men, well armed, with their base of military supplies at their backs, could defend a position of great strategical strength for--well, a very considerable time against an army only ten times as numerous as themselves--especially if that army had to defend a thousand miles of communications against unlimited indians. it was my privilege when on the editorial staff of the daily telegraph in london to tell the country in the leading columns of that paper what i thought of the chances of success against the boers of the transvaal. i said that one boer on his own mountains was worth five british soldiers, and that any army that went against those fanatical puritans with less than ten to one in numbers, would find "the sword of the lord and of gideon" too strong for them, and the drakensberg range an impregnable frontier. as an englishman i regret that my words were so miserably fulfilled, and england, after sacrificing a great number of men and officers, decided that it was not worth while "for a sentiment" to continue the war. the points of resemblance between the mormons and the boers are rather curious. the boers of the transvaal, though of the same stock as the great majority of the inhabitants of british africa, were averse to the forms of government that had satisfied the rest. so they migrated, after some popular disturbances, and settled in another district where they hoped to enjoy the imperium in imperio on which they had set their longings. but british colonies again came up with them, and after a fight with the troops, the boers again migrated, and with their long caravans of ox and mule waggons "trekked" away to the farthest inhabitable corner of the continent. here for a considerable time they enjoyed the life they had sought for, established a capital, had their own governor, whipped or coaxed the surrounding native tribes into docility, and, after a fashion, throve. but yet once more the "thin red line" of british possession crept up to them, and the boers, being now at bay, and having nowhere else to "trek" to, fought. they were not exactly trained soldiers, but merely a territorial militia, accustomed, however, to warfare with native tribes, and, by the constant use of the rifle in hunting game, capital marksmen. so they declared war against great britain, these three or four thousand boers, and having worked themselves up into the belief that they were fighting for their religion, they unsheathed "the sword of the lord and of gideon," threatened to call in the natives, and holding their mountain passes, defied the british troops to force them. nor without success. for every time the troops went at them, they beat them, giving chapter and verse out of the bible for each whipping, and eventually concluded their extraordinary military operations by an honourable peace, and a long proclamation of pious thanksgiving "to the lord god omnipotent." to-day, therefore, queen victoria is "suzerain" of the transvaal, and the boers govern themselves by a territorial government. to their neighbours they are known as very pious, simple, and stubborn people; very shrewd in making a bargain; very honest when it is made; a pastoral and agricultural community, with strong objections to "gentiles," who, by the way, are never tired of reviling them, especially with regard to alleged eccentricities in domestic relations. am i not right, then, in saying that the resemblance between the boers and the mormons is "curious"? when i speak of the mormons as being prepared to accept the worst that the commission under the edmunds bill may do, it should be understood that this readiness to suffer does not arise from any misconception of their own strength. the mormons are thoroughly aware of it; indeed, the figures which i have given ( , adult males and , indians) are not accepted by all of them as representing their full numbers. they fully understand also the capabilities of their position for defence, and are not backward to appreciate the advantages which the length of the federal communications would give them for protracting a campaign. under the circumstances, therefore, the argument of a leading mormon, that "if the united states really believe the people of utah to be the desperate fanatics they call them, any action on their part that tends to exasperate such fanatics is foolhardy," may be accepted as quite seriously meant. for the mormons, if bigoted about anything at all, are so on this point--that they cannot be crushed. as the elect of god, specially appointed by him to prepare places of worship and keep up the fires of a religion which is very soon to consume all others, they cannot, they say, be moved until the final fulfilment of prophecy. the jews have still to be gathered together, and "the nations from the north country" whose coming, according to the bible, is to be so terrible, are to find the mormons, "the children of ephraim," ready prepared with such rites and such tabernacles that the "sons of levi," the jews, can perform their old worship, and, thus refreshed, continue their progress to the holy land. "and their prophets shall come in remembrance before the lord, and they shall smite the rocks, and the ice shall flow down at their presence, and a highway shall be cast up in the midst of the great deep. and they shall come forth, and their enemies shall become a prey unto them, and the everlasting hills shall tremble at their presence." for this time, these men and women among whom i have lived are actually waiting! of course, we ordinary christians, whose religion sits lightly upon us, cannot, without some effort, understand the stern faith with which the mormons cling to their translations of old testament prophecy. nor is it easy to credit the fierce earnestness with which, for instance, the saints look forward to the accomplishment of the promise that they shall eventually possess jackson county, missouri. but if this spirit of intense superstition is not properly taken into account by those who try to make the mormons alter their beliefs, they run the risk of underestimating the seriousness of their attempt. if, on the other hand, it is properly taken into account, the difficulty of forcing this people to abandon their creeds will be at once seen to be very grave. except, perhaps, the kurdish outbreak on the persian frontier some three years ago, there has been no problem like the mormon one presented to the consideration of modern europe. in the case of the kurds, two nations, turkey and persia, were within an ace of war, in consequence of the insurgents pretending that a point of religion was involved, and popular fanaticism very nearly slipping beyond the control of their respective governments. when living at a distance from salt lake city, it is very difficult indeed to recognize the truth of the situation. until i went there i always found that though in a general way the obstacles to a speedy settlement were admitted, yet that somehow or another there was always the afterthought that mormonism was only an inflated imposture, and that it would collapse at the first touch of law. it was allowed on all hands that the position was a peculiar one, but it was hinted also that it was an absurd one. "no doubt," it was argued, "the mormons are an obstinate set of men, but after all they have got common sense. when they see that everybody is against them, that polygamy is contrary to the spirit of the times, that all the future of utah depends upon their abandonment of it, that resistance is worse than senseless," and so on, they will give in. let opinion as to the "bigotry" of the mormons or their capacity for mischief be what it might, there was always a qualifying addendum to the effect that "nothing would come of all this fuss." the mormons, in fact, were supposed to be "bluffing", and it was taken for granted therefore that they had a weak hand. but in salt lake city it is impossible to speak in this way. a mormon--a man of absolute honesty of speech--in conversation on this subject declared to me that he could not abandon plurality without apostatizing, and rather than do it, he would burn his house and business premises down, go away to the mexicans, die, if necessary. now, that man may any day be put to the very test he spoke of. he will have to abandon polygamy, or else, if his adversaries are malicious, spend virtually the whole of his life in jail. which will he do? and what will all the others of his way of thinking do? will they defy the law, or will they try to break it down by its own weight--that is to say, load the files with such numbers of cases, and fill the prisons with such numbers of convicts that the machinery will clog and break down? the heroic alternatives of burning down their houses, going off to mexico, and dying will not be offered them. their choice will simply lie between monogamy (or celibacy) and prison, two very prosaic things--and one or the other they must accept. such at any rate is the opinion of the world. but the mormons, as i have already shown, do not admit this simplicity in the solution at all. from the point of view of the law-makers, they allow that the option before them is very commonplace. but the law-makers, they say, have omitted to take into consideration certain facts which complicate the solution. for though, as i have said, the majority may be expected to accept such qualified martyrdom as is offered, and "await the lord's time", yet there can be no doubt whatever that strict mormons will not acquiesce in the suppression of their doctrines, and among so many who are strict is it reasonable to expect that there will be no violent advisers? their teachers have perpetually taught them, and their leaders assured them that prophecy had found its fulfilment in the establishment of the church in utah. here, and nowhere else, the saints are to await "the fulness of time" when the whole world shall yield obedience to their government, and reverence to their religion. the rocky mountains, and no other, are "the mountains" of holy writ where "zion" was to be built; and they, the mormons, are the remnant of ephraim that are to welcome and pass on the returning jews. how, then, can the saints reconcile themselves to another exodus? mexico, they say, would welcome them; but if the richest lands in the world, and all the privileges they ask for were offered them, they could not stultify revelation and prophecy by accepting the offer. moreover, they have been assured times without number that they should never be "driven" again, and times without number that their enemies "shall not prevail against them." to many, to most, this, of course, now points to some interposition of divine providence in their favour. the crisis may seem dangerous, and the opposition to them overwhelming. but they are convinced--it is no mere matter of opinion with them--that if they are only patient under persecution and keep on living their religion, the persecution will cease, and the triumph of their faith be fulfilled. europe and america, they believe, are about to be involved in terrific disasters. wars of unprecedented magnitude are to be waged, and natural catastrophes, unparalleled in history, are to occur. but, in the midst of all this shock of thrones, this convulsion of the elements, zion on the mountains is to be at peace and in prosperity. it will be the one still harbour in all the ocean of troubles, and to it, as to their final haven, all the elect of all the nations are to gather. the prudent, therefore, looking forward to this apocalypse of general ruin, counsel submission to the passing storm, endurance under legal penalties, and fidelity to their doctrine. but all are not prudent. every gethsemane has its peter. and from that memorable garden they draw a lesson. the saviour, they say, meant fighting, but when he saw that resistance to such odds as came against him could have only ended in the massacre of his disciples, he went to prison. that brigham young, if alive, would have decided upon a military demonstration, the sons of zeruiah are very ready to believe, for they say that, even if the worst were to happen and they had eventually to capitulate under unreasonable odds, their position would be preferable to that which they hold to-day. to-day they lie, the whole community together, under the ban of civil disabilities, as a criminal class, at the mercy of police--a proscribed people. in the future, if compelled to surrender their arms, they would be in the position of prisoners on parole, under the honourable conditions of a military capitulation. the worst, therefore, that could happen would, they say, be better than what is. such, at any rate, they assert, would have been the argument of brigham young, and gentiles even confess that if the late president were still at the head of the church the temptation for "a great bluff" would be irresistible. chapter ix. the saints and the red men. prevalent errors as to the red man--secret treaties--the policy of the mormons towards indians--a christian heathen--fighting-strength of indians friendly to mormons. i happened some time ago to repeat, in the presence of two "gentiles," a mormon's remark that the indians were more friendly towards the saints than towards other americans, and the comments of the two gentlemen in question exactly illustrated the two errors which i find are usually made on this subject. one said: "oh, yes, don't you know the mormons have secret treaties with the indians?" and the other: "and much good may they do them; these wretched indians are a half-starved, cricket-eating set, not worth a cent." now, i confess that till i came to utah i had an idea that the utes were always "the indians" that were meant when the friendly relations of the mormons with the red men were referred to. about secret treaties i knew nothing, either one way or the other. but while i was there i took much pains to arrive at the whole truth--the president of the church having very courteously placed the shelves of the historian's office at my service--and i found no reference whatever, even in anti-mormon literature, to any "secret treaty." the mormons themselves scorn the idea and give the following reasons: . no treaty made with a tribe of indians could be kept secret. . there is no necessity for a treaty of any kind, as the dislike of the indians to the united states is sufficiently hearty to make them friendly to the territory if it came to a choice between the one or the other. . the conciliatory policy of the church towards the indians obviates all necessity for further measures of alliance. and this i believe to be the fact. indeed, i know that mormons can go where gentiles cannot, and that under a mormon escort, lives are safe in an indian camp that without it would be in great peril. i know further that on several occasions (and this is on official record) the expostulations of mormons have prevented indians from raiding--and i think this ought to be remembered when sinister constructions are put upon the friendliness of saints towards the indians. from the very first, the church has inculcated forbearance and conciliation towards the tribes, and even during the exodus from the missouri river, harassed though they sometimes were by indians, the mormons, as a point of policy, always tried to avert a collision by condoning offences that were committed, instead of punishing them. if the red men came begging round their waggons they gave them food, and if they stole--and what indian will not steal, seeing that theft is the road to honour among his people?--the theft was overlooked. very often, it is true, individual mormons have avenged the loss of a horse or a cow by taking a red man's life, but this was always in direct opposition to the teachings of the church, which pointed out that murder in the white man was a worse offence than theft in the red, and in opposition to the policy of the leaders, who have always insisted that it was "cheaper to feed than to fight" the indians. in spite, however, of this treatment the tribes have again and again compelled the mormons to take the field against them, but as a rule the extent of mormon retaliation was to catch the plunderers, retake their stolen stock, hang the actual murderers (if murder had been committed) and let the remainder go after an amicable pow-wow. strict justice was as nearly as possible always adhered to, and whenever their word was given, that word was kept sacred, even to their own loss. both these things, justice and truth, every indian understands. they do not practise them, but they appreciate them. just as among themselves they chivalrously undertake the support of the squaws and children of a conquered tribe, or as they never steal property that has been placed under the charge of one of their own tribe, so when dealing with white men, they have learned to expect fairness in reprisals and sincerity in speech. when they find themselves cheated, as they nearly always are by "indian agents," they cherish a grudge, and when they suffer an unprovoked injury (as when emigrants shoot a passing red man just as they would shoot a passing coyote), they wreak their barbarous revenge upon the first victims they can find. from the mormons they have always received honest treatment, comparative fairness in trade and strict truthfulness in engagements, while, taking men killed on both sides, it is a question whether the red men have not killed more mormons than mormons have red men. during the war of - , i find, for instance, that all the recorded deaths muster eighty-seven on the indian side and seventy-nine on the mormon, while the latter, besides losing great numbers of cattle and horses, having vast quantities of produce destroyed and buildings burned down, had temporarily to abandon the counties of piute and sevier, as well as the settlements of berrysville, winsor, upper and lower kanab, shuesberg, springdale and northup, and many places in kane county, also some settlements in iron county, while the total cost of the war was over a million dollars--of which, by the way, the government has not repaid a territory a cent. during the twenty years preceding there had been numerous raids upon mormon settlements, most of them due to the thoughtless barbarity of passing emigrants; but as a rule, the only revenge taken by the mormons was expostulation, and the despatch of missionaries to them with the bible, and medicines and implements of agriculture. the result to-day is exactly what brigham young foresaw. the indians look upon the mormons as suffering with themselves from the earth-hunger of "gentiles," and feel a community in wrong with them, while they consider them different from all other white men in being fair in their acts and straightforward in their speech. in a chief of the pottawatomies--then being juggled for the second time from a bad reservation to a worse--came into the camp of the mormons--then for the second time flying from one of the most awful persecutions that ever disgraced any nation--and on leaving spoke as spoke as follows--(he spoke good french, by the way): "my mormon brethren,--we have both suffered. we must help one another, and the great spirit will help us both. you may cut and use all the wood on our lands that you wish. you may live on any part of it that we are not actually occupying ourselves. because one suffers, and does not deserve it, it is no reason he shall suffer always. we may live to see all well yet. however, if we do not, our children will. good-bye." now, it strikes me that a christian archbishop would find it hard to alter the red indian's speech for the better. it is one of the finest instances of untutored christianity in history, and contrasts so strangely with the hideous barbarities that make the history of missouri so infamous, that i can easily understand the sympathies of mormons being cast in with the christian heathens they fled to, rather than the heathen christians they fled from. nor from that day to this, have the mormons forgotten the hint the pottawatomie gave them, and on the ground of common suffering and by the example of a mutual sympathy have kept up such relations with the indians, even under exasperation, that the red man's lodge is now open to the mormon when it is closed to the gentile. what necessity, then, have the mormons for secret treaties with the indians? none whatever. the indians have learned by the last half-century's experience that every "treaty" made with them has only proved a fraud towards their ruin, while during the same period they have learned that the word of the mormons, who never make treaties, can be relied upon. so if the saints were now to begin making treaties, they would probably fall in the estimation of the indians to the level of the american government, and participate in the suspicion which the latter has so industriously worked to secure, and has so thoroughly secured. the other error commonly made as to the indians is to underestimate their strength. now the navajoes alone could bring into the field , fighting men; and, besides these, there are (specially friendly to the mormons) the flatheads, the shoshonees, the blackfeet, the bannocks, part of the sioux, and a few apaches, with, of course, the utes of all kinds. the old instinct for the war-path is by no means dead, as the recent troubles in the south of arizona give dismal proof; and a mormon invitation would be quite sufficient to bring all "the lamanites" together into the wasatch mountains. that any such idea is ever entertained by mormons i heartily repudiate. but i think it worth while to point out, that--if the influence of the mormons on the indians is considered of sufficient importance to base the charge of treasonable alliance upon it--it is quite illogical to sneer at that influence as making no difference in the case of difficulties arising. but as a point of fact, the mormons have no other secret in their relations with the red men than that they treat them with consideration, and make allowances for their ethical obliquities; and further, as a point of fact also, these same tribes, "the lamanites" of the book of mormon, "the lost tribes," are in themselves so formidable that under white leadership they would make a very serious accession of strength to any public enemy that should be able to enlist them. chapter x. representative and unrepresentative mormonism. mormonism and mormonism--salt lake city not representative--the miracles of water--how settlements grow--the town of logan: one of the wonders of the west--the beauty of the valley--the rural simplicity of life--absence of liquor and crime--a police force of one man--temple mysteries--illustrations of mormon degradation--their settlement of the "local option" question. salt lake city is not the whole of "mormonism." in the eastern states there is a popular impression that it is. but as a matter of fact, it hardly represents mormonism at all. the gentile is too much there, and main street has too many saloons. the city is divided into two parties, bitterly antagonistic. newspapers exchange daily abuse, and sectarians thump upon their pulpit cushions at each other every sunday. visitors on their travels, sight-seeing, move about the streets in two-horse hacks, staring at the houses that they pass as if some monsters lived in them. a military camp stands sentry over the town, and soldiers slouch about the doors of the bars. all this, and a great deal more that is to be seen in salt lake city, is foreign to the true character of a mormon settlement. logan, for instance (which i describe later on), is characteristic of mormonism, and nowhere so characteristic as in those very features in which it differs from salt lake city. the gentile does not take very kindly to logan, for there are no saloons to make the place a "live town," and no public animosities to give it what they call "spirit;" everybody knows his neighbour, and the sight-seeing fiend is unknown. the one and only newspaper hums on its way like some self-satisfied bumble bee; the opposition preacher, with a congregation of eight women and five men, does not think it worth while, on behalf of such a shabby constituency, to appeal to heaven every week for vengeance on the , who don't agree with him and his baker's dozen. there is no pomp and circumstance of war to remind the saints of federal surveillance, no brass cannon on the bench pointing at the town (as in salt lake city), no ragged uniforms at street corners. everything is mormon. the biggest shop is the co-operative store; the biggest place of worship the tabernacle; the biggest man the president of the stake. everybody that meets, "brothers" or "sisters" each other in the streets, and after nightfall the only man abroad is the policeman, who as a rule retires early himself; and no one takes precautions against thieves at night. it is a very curious study, this well-fed, neighbourly, primitive life among orchards and corn-fields, this bees-in-a-clover-field life, with every bee bumbling along in its own busy way, but all taking their honey back to the same hive. it is not a lofty life, nor "ideal" to my mind, but it is emphatically ideal, if that word means anything at all, and its outcome, where exotic influences are not at work, is contentment and immunity from crime, and an old-world simplicity. but logan is not by any means a solitary illustration. for the mormon settlements follow the line of the valleys that run north and south, and every one of them, where water is abundant, is a logan in process of development. for water is the philosopher's stone; the fairy all-good; the first cause; the everything that men here strive after as the source of all that is desirable. it is silver and gold, pearls and rubies, and virtuous women--which are "above rubies"--everything in fact that is precious. it spirits up arabian-nights enchantments, and gives industry a talisman to work with. without it, the sage-brush laughs at man, and the horn of the jack-rabbit is exalted against him. with it, corn expels the weed, and the long-eared rodent is ploughed out of his possession. without it, greasewood and gophers divide the wilderness between them. with it, homesteads spring up and gather the orchards around them. without it, the silence of the level desert is broken only by the coyote and the lark. with it, comes the laughter of running brooks, the hum of busy markets, and the cheery voices of the mill-wheels by the stream. without it, the world seems a dreary failure. with it, it brightens into infinite possibilities. no wonder then that men prize it, exhaust ingenuity in obtaining it, quarrel about it. i wonder they do not worship it. men have worshipped trees, and wind, and the sun, for far less cause. nothing indeed is so striking in all these mormon settlements as the supreme importance of water. it determines locations, regulates their proportions, and controls their prosperity. here are thousands of acres barren--though i hate using such a word for a country of such beautiful wild flowers--because there is no water. there is a small nook bursting with farmsteads, and trees, because there is water. men buy and sell water-claims as if they were mining stock "with millions in sight," and appraise each other's estates not by the stock that grazes on them, or the harvests gathered from them, but by the water-rights that go with them. thus, a man in arizona buys a forty-acre lot with a spring on it, and he speaks of it as , acres of "wheat." another has acquired the right of the head-waters of a little mountain stream; he is spoken of as owning "the finest ranch in the valley." yet the one has not put a plough into the ground, the other has not a single head of cattle! but each possessed the "open sesame" to untold riches, and in a country given over to this new form of hydromancy was already accounted wealthy. every stream in utah might be a pactolus, every pool a bethesda. to compass, then, this miracle-working thing, the first energies of every settlement are directed in the union. the church comes forward if necessary to help, and every one contributes his labour. at first the stream where it leaves the canyon, and debouches upon the levels of the valley, is run off into canals to north and south and west (for all the streams run from the eastern range), and from these, like the legs of a centipede, minor channels run to each farmstead, and thence again are drawn off in numberless small aqueducts to flood the fields. the final process is simple enough, for each of the furrows by which the water is let in upon the field is in turn dammed up at the further end, and each surrounding patch is thus in turn submerged. but the settlement expands, and more ground is needed. so another canal taps the stream above the canyon mouth, the main channels again strike off, irrigating the section above the levels already in cultivation, and overlapping the original area at either end. and every time increasing population demands more room, the stream is taken off higher and higher up the canyon. the cost is often prodigious, but necessity cannot stop to haggle over arithmetic, and the mormon settlements therefore have developed a system of irrigation which is certainly among the wonders of the west. "logan is the chief mormon settlement in the cache valley, and is situated about eighty miles to the north of salt lake city. population rather over ." such is the ordinary formula of the guide book. but if i had to describe it in few words i should say this: "logan is without any parallel, even among the wonders of western america, for rapidity of growth, combined with solid prosperity and tranquillity. population rather over , every man owning his own farm. police force, two men--partially occupied in agriculture on their own account. n.b.--no police on sundays, or on meeting evenings, as the force are otherwise engaged." and writing sincerely i must say that i have seen few things in america that have so profoundly impressed me as this mormon settlement of logan. it is not merely that the industry of men and women, penniless emigrants a few years ago, has made the valley surpassing in its beauty. that it has filled the great levels that stretch from mountain to mountain with delightful farmsteads, groves of orchard-trees, and the perpetual charm of crops. that it has brought down the river from its idleness in the canyons to busy itself in channels and countless waterways with the irrigation and culture of field and garden; to lend its strength to the mills which saw up the pines that grow on its native mountains; to grind the corn for the , souls that live in the valley, and to help in a hundred ways to make men and women and children happy and comfortable, to beautify their homes, and reward their industry. all this is on the surface, and can be seen at once by any one. but there is much more than mere fertility and beauty in logan and its surroundings, for it is a town without crime, a town without drunkenness! with this knowledge one looks again over the wonderful place, and what a new significance every feature of the landscape now possesses! the clear streams, perpetually industrious in their loving care of lowland and meadow and orchard, and so cheery, too, in their incessant work, are a type of the men and women themselves; the placid cornfields lying in bright levels about the houses are not more tranquil than the lives of the people; the tree-crowded orchards and stack-filled yards are eloquent of universal plenty; the cattle loitering to the pasture contented, the foals all running about in the roads, while the waggons which their mothers are drawing stand at the shop door or field gate, strike the new-comer as delightfully significant of a simple country life, of mutual confidence, and universal security. and yet i had not come there in the humour to be pleased, for i was not well. but the spirit of the place was too strong for me, and the whole day ran on by itself in a veritable idyll. a hen conveying her new pride of chickens across the road, with a shepherd dog loftily approving the expedition in attendance; a foal looking into a house over a doorstep, with the family cat, outraged at the intrusion, bristling on the stoop; two children planting sprigs of peach blossoms in one of the roadside streams; a baby peeping through a garden wicket at a turkey-cock which was hectoring it on the sidewalk for the benefit of one solitary supercilious sparrow--such were the little vignettes of pretty nonsense that brightened my first walk in logan. i was alone, so i walked where i pleased; took notice of the wild birds that make themselves as free in the streets as if they were away up in the canyons; of the wild flowers that still hold their own in the corners of lots, and by the roadway; watched the men and women at their work in garden and orchard, the boys driving the waggons to the mill and the field, the girls busy with little duties of the household, and "the little ones," just as industrious as all the rest, playing at irrigation with their mimic canals, three inches wide, old fruit-cans for buckets, and posies stuck into the mud for orchards. i stopped to talk to a man here and a woman there; helped to fetch down a kitten out of an apple-tree, and, at the request of a boy, some ten years old, i should say, opened a gate to let the team he was driving, or rather being walked along with, go into the lot. it was a beautiful day, and all the trees were either in full bloom or bright young leaf; and the conviction gradually grew upon me that i had never, out of england, seen a place so simple, so neighbourly, so quiet. later on i was driven through the town to the temple. the wide roads are all avenued with trees, and behind trees, each in its own garden, or orchard, or lot of farm-land, stands a ceaseless succession of cottage homes. here and there a "villa," but the great majority "cottages." not the dog-kennels in which the irish peasantry are content to grovel through life so long as they need not work and can have their whisky. not the hovels which in some parts of rural england house the farm labourer and his unkempt urchins. but cleanly, comfortable homes, some of adobe, some of wood, with porticos and verandahs and other ornaments, six or eight or even ten rooms, with barns behind for the cow and the horse and the poultry, bird-cages at the doors, clean white curtains at the windows, and neatly bedded flowers in the garden-plots. hundred after hundred, each in its own lot of amply watered ground, we passed the homes of these mormon farmers, and it was a wonderful thing to me--so fresh from the old country, with its elegance and its squalor side by side; so lately from the "live" cities of colorado, with their murrain of "busted" millionaires and hollow shells of speculative prosperity--this great township of an equal prosperity and a universal comfort. every man i met in the street or saw in the fields owned the house which he lived in, and the ground that his railings bounded. moreover they were his by right of purchase, the earnings of the work of his own two hands. no wonder, then, they demean themselves like men. i was driving with the president of the "stake"--such is the name of the church for the sub-divisions of its territory--and the chief official, therefore, of logan, when, in a narrow part of the road we met a down-trodden mormon serf driving a loaded waggon in the opposite direction. the president pulled a little to one side, motioning the man to drive past. but the roadway thus left for him was rather rough and this degraded slave of the church, knowing the rule of the road (that a loaded waggon has the right of way against all other vehicles), calmly pointed with his whip-handle to the side of the road, and said to his president, "you drive there." and the president did so, whereat the down-trodden one proceeded on his way in the best of the road. now this may be accepted as an instance of that abject servitude which, according to anti-mormons, characterizes the followers of mormonism. as another illustration of the same awe-stricken subjection may be here noted the fact, that whenever the president slackened pace, passers-by, men and women, would come over to us, and shaking hands with the president, exchange small items of domestic, neighbourly chat--the health of the family, convalescence of a cow, and, speaking generally, discuss tommy's measles. now, women would hardly waste a despot's time with intelligence of an infant's third tooth, or a man expatiate on the miraculous recovery of a calf from a surfeit of damp lucerne. i chanced also one day to be with an authority when a man called in to apologize for not having repaid his emigration money; and to me the incident was specially interesting on this account, that very few writers on the mormons have escaped charging the church with acting dishonestly and usuriously towards its emigrants. i have read repeatedly that the emigrants, being once in debt, are never able to get out of debt; that the church prefers they should not; that the indebtedness is held in terrorem over them. but the man before me was in exactly the same position as every other man in logan. he had been brought out from england at the expense of the perpetual emigration fund (which is maintained partly by the "tithings," chiefly by voluntary donations), and though by his labour he had been able to pay for a lot of ground and to build himself a house, to plant fruit-trees, buy a cow, and bring his lot under cultivation, he had not been able to pay off any of the loan of the church. it stood, therefore, against him at the original sum. but his delinquency distressed him, and "having things comfortable about him," as he said, and some time to spare, he came of his own accord to his "bishop," to ask if he could not work of part of his debt. he could not see his way, he said to any ready money, but he was anxious to repay the loan, and he came, therefore, to offer all he had--his labour. now, i cannot believe that this man was abused. i am sure he did not think he was abused himself. here he was in utah, comfortably settled for life, and at no original expense to himself. no one had bothered him to pay up; no one had tacked on usurious interest. so he came, like an honest man, to make arrangements for satisfying a considerate creditor, but all he got in answer was, that "there was time enough to pay" and an exchange of opinions about a plough or a harrow or something. and he went off as crushed down with debt as ever. and he very nearly added to his debt on the way, by narrowly escaping treading on a presumptuous chicken which was reconnoitring the interior of the house from the door-mat. to return to my drive. after seeing the town we drove up to the temple. the mormon "temples" must not be mistaken for their "tabernacles." the latter are the regular places of worship, open to the public. the former are buildings strictly dedicated to the rites of the endowments, the meetings of the initiated brethren, and the ceremonial generally of the sacred masonry of mormonism. no one who has not taken his degrees in these mysteries has access to the temples, which are, or will be, very stately piles, constructed on architectural principles said by the church to have been revealed to joseph smith piecemeal, as the progress of the first temple (at kirkland) necessitated, and said by the profane to be altogether contrary to all previously received principles. however this may be, the style is, from the outside, not so prepossessing as the cost of the buildings and the time spent upon them would have led one to expect. the walls are of such prodigious thickness, and the windows so narrow and comparatively small, that the buildings seem to be constructed for defence rather than for worship. but once within, the architecture proves itself admirable. the windows gave abundant light and the loftiness of the rooms imparts an airiness that is as surprising as pleasing, while the arrangement of staircases--leading, as i suppose, from the rooms of one degree in the "masonry" to the next higher--and of the different rooms, all of considerable size, and some of very noble proportions indeed, is singularly good. i ought to say that this temple at logan is the only one i have entered, and it is only because it is not completed. this year the building will be finished--so it is hoped--and the ceremony of dedication will then attract an enormous crowd of mormons. it is something over feet in height (not including the towers, which are still wanting) and measures feet by . on the ground floor, judging from what i know of the secret ritual of the church, are the reception-rooms of the candidates for the "endowments," various official rooms, and the font for baptism. the great laver, feet in diameter, will rest on the backs of twelve oxen cast in iron (and modelled from a devon ox bred by brigham young) and will be descended to by flights of steps, the oxen themselves standing in water half-knee-deep. on the next floor are the apartments in which the allegorical panorama of the "creation" and the "fall of man" will be represented. here, too, will be the "veil," the final degree in what might be called, in masonic phrase, "craft" or "blue" masonry, and, except for higher honorary grades, the ultimate objective point of mormon initiation. above these rooms is a vast hall, occupying the whole floor, in which general assemblies of the initiated brethren and "chapters" will be held. the whole forms a very imposing pile of great solidity and some grandeur, built of a gloomy, slate-coloured stone (to be eventually coloured a lighter tint), and standing on a magnificent site, being raised above the town upon an upper "bench" of the slope, and showing out superbly against the monstrous mountain about a mile behind it. the mountain, of course, dwarfs the temple by its proximity, but the position of the building was undoubtedly "an architectural inspiration," and gives the great pile all the dominant eminence which mormons claim for their church. from the platform of the future tower the view is one of the finest i have ever seen. the valley, reaching for twenty miles in one direction, and thirty in the other, with an average width of about ten miles, lies beneath you, level in the centre, and gradually sloping on every margin up to the mountains that bound it in. immediately underneath you, logan spreads out its breadth of farm-land and orchard and meadow, with the river--or rather two rivers, for the logan forks just after leaving the canyon--and the canal, itself a pleasant stream, carrying verdure and fertility into every nook and corner. to right and left and in front, delightful villages--hirum, mendon, wellsville, paradise, and the rest, all of them miniature logans--break the broad reaches of crop-land, with their groves of fruit-trees, and avenues of willows and carob, box-elder, poplar, and maple, while each of them seems to be stretching out an arm to the other, and all of them trying to join hands with logan. for lines of homesteads and groups of trees have straggled away from each pretty village, and, dotted across the intervening meadows of lucerne and fields of corn, form links between them all. behind them rise the mountains, still capped and streaked with snow, but all bright with grass upon their slopes. it was a delightful scene, and required but little imagination to see the , people of the valley grown into , , and the whole of this splendid tract of land one continuous logan. and nothing can stop that day but an earthquake or a chronic pestilence. for cache valley depends for its prosperity upon something surer than "wild-cat" speculations, or mines that have bottoms to fall out. the cumulative force of agricultural prosperity is illustrated here with remarkable significance, for the town, that for many years seemed absolutely stationary, has begun both to consolidate and to expand with a determination that will not be gainsaid. the sudden success of a mining camp is volcanic in its ephemeral rapidity. the gradual growth of an agricultural town is like the solid accretion of a coral island. the mere lapse of time will make it increase in wealth, and with wealth it will annually grow more beautiful. even as it is, i think this settlement of mormon farmers one of the noblest of the pioneering triumphs of the far west; and in the midst of these breathless, feverish states where every one seems to be chasing some will-o'-the-wisp with a firefly light of gold, or of silver--where terrible crime is a familiar feature, where known murderers walk in the streets, and men carry deadly weapons, where every other man complains of the fortune he only missed making by an accident, or laments the fortune he made in three days, and lost in as many hours--it is surpassingly strange to step out suddenly upon this tranquil valley, and find oneself among its law-abiding men. it is exactly like stepping out of a mine shaft into the fresh pure air of daylight. the logan police force is a good-tempered-looking young man. there is another to help him, but if they had not something else to do they would either have to keep on arresting each other, in order to pass the time, or else combine to hunt gophers and chipmunks. as it is, they unite other functions of private advantage with their constabulary performances, and thus justify their existence. as one explanation of the absence of crime, there is not a single licence for liquor in the town. once upon a time there were three saloons in logan. but one night a gentile, passing through the town, shot the young mormon who kept one of them, whereat the townsfolk lynched the murderer, and suppressed all the saloons. after a while licences were again issued, but a six months' experiment showed that the five arrests of the previous half-year had increased under the saloon system to fifty-six, so the town suppressed the licences again, and to-day you cannot buy any liquor in logan. i am told, however, that an apostate, who is in business in the town, carries on a more or less clandestine distribution of strong drinks; but any accident resulting therefrom, another murder, for instance, would probably put an end to his trade for ever, for it is not only the mormon leaders, but the mormon people that refuse to have drunkards among them. these facts about logan are a sufficient refutation of the calumny so often repeated by apostates and gentiles, that the mormons are not the sober people they profess to be. the rules now in force in logan were once in force in salt lake city, but thanks to reforming gentiles there are now plenty of saloons and drunkards in the latter. at one time there were none, but finding the sale of drink inevitable, the church tried to regulate it by establishing its own shops, and forbidding it to be sold elsewhere. but the federal judge refused the application. so the city raised the saloon licence to dollars per annum! yet, in spite of this enormous tax, two or three bars managed to thrive, and eventually numbers of other men, encouraged by the conduct of the courts, opened drinking-saloons, refused to pay the licence, and defied--and still defy--all efforts of the city to bring them under control. in logan, however, these are still the days of no drink, and the days therefore of very little crime. chapter xi. through the mormon settlements. salt lake city to nephi--general similarity of the settlements--from salt lake valley into utah valley--a lake of legends--provo--into the juab valley--indian reminiscences--commercial integrity of the saints--at nephi--good work done by the saints--type of face in rural utah--mormon "doctrine" and mormon "meetings." the general resemblance between the populations of the various mormon settlements is not more striking than the general resemblance between the settlements themselves. two nearly parallel ranges of the rocky mountains, forming together part of the wasatch range, run north and south through the length of utah, and enclose between them a long strip of more or less desolate-looking land. spurs run out from these opposing ranges, and meeting, cut off this strip into "valleys" of various lengths, so that, travelling from north to south, i crossed in succession, in the line of four hundred miles or so, the cache, salt lake, utah, juab, san pete, and sevier valleys (the last enclosing marysvale, circle valley and panguitch valley), and having there turned the end of the wasatch range, travelled into long valley, which runs nearly east and west across the territory. in the cache and the sevier valleys there are some noble expanses of natural meadow, but in all the rest the soil, where not cultivated, is densely overgrown with sage-brush, greasewood and rabbit-brush, and in no case except the cache valley (by far the finest section of the territory) and long valley, is the water-supply sufficient to irrigate the whole area enclosed. the proportions under cultivation vary therefore according to the amount of the water, and the size of the settlements is of course in an almost regular ratio with the acreage under the plough. but all are exactly on the same pattern. wide streets--varying from to feet in width--avenued on either side with cotton-wood, box-elder, poplar, and locust-trees, and usually with a runnel of water alongside each side-walk, intersect each other at right angles, the blocks thus formed measuring from four to ten acres. these blocks hold, it may be, as many as six houses, but, as a rule, three, two, or only one; while the proportion of fruit and shade-trees to dwelling-houses ranges from a hundred to one to twenty to one. as the lots are not occupied in any regular succession, there are frequent gaps caused by empty blocks, while the streets towards the outer limits of the towns are still half overgrown with the original sage-brush. all the settlements therefore, resemble each other, except in size, very closely, and may be briefly described as groves of trees and fruit orchards with houses scattered about among them. the settlements of the church stretch in a line north and south throughout the whole length of the territory, and on reaching the rio virgin, in the extreme south, follow the course of that river right across utah to the eastern frontier. the soil throughout the line north and south appears to be of a nearly uniform character, as the same wild plants are to be found growing on it everywhere, and the sudden alternations of fertility and wilderness are due almost entirely to the abundance or absence of water. leaving salt lake city to go south, we pass through suburbs of orchard and garden, with nearly the whole town in panoramic review before us, and find ourselves in half an hour upon levels beyond the reach of the city channels, and where the sage-brush therefore still thrives in undisturbed glory. bitterns rise from the rushes, and flights of birds wheel above the patches of scrub. and so to the morgan smelting camp, and then the francklyn works, where the ore of the horn silver mine is worked, and then the germania, one of the oldest smelting establishments in the territory, where innocent ore of all kinds is taken in and mashed up into various "bullions"--irritamenta malorum. two small stations, each of them six peach-trees and a shed, slip by, and then sandy, a small mining camp of poor repute, shuffles past, and next draper, an agricultural settlement that seems to have grown fruit-trees to its own suffocation. the mountains have been meanwhile drawing gradually closer together, and here they join. salt lake valley ends, and utah valley begins, and crossing a "divide" we find the levels of the utah lake before us, and the straggling suburbs of lehi about us. these scattered cottages gradually thicken into a village towards the lake, and form a pleasant settlement of the orthodox mormon type. the receipt for making one of these ought to be something as follows: take half as much ground as you can irrigate, and plant it thickly with fruit-trees. then cut it up into blocks by cutting roads through it at right angles; sprinkle cottages among the blocks, and plant shade-trees along both sides of the roads. then take the other half of your ground and spread it out in fields around your settlement, sowing to taste. the actual process is, of course, the above reversed. a log hut and an apple-tree start together in a field of corn, and the rest grows round them. but my receipt looks the easier of the two. beyond lehi, and all round it, cultivation spreads almost continuously--alternating delightfully with orchards and groves and meadows--to american fork, a charming settlement, smothered, as usual, in fruit and shade-trees. the people here are very well-to-do, and they look it; and their fields and herds of cattle have overflowed and joined those of pleasant grove--another large and prosperous mormon settlement that lies further back, and right under the hills. it would be very difficult to imagine sweeter sites for such rural hamlets than these rich levels of incomparable soil stretching from the mountains to the lake, and watered by the canyon streams. "great salt lake" is, of course, the utah lake of the outside world. but "utah lake" proper, is the large sheet of fresh water which lies some thirty miles south of salt lake city, and gives its name to the valley which it helps to fertilize. all around it, except on the western shore, the mormons have planted their villages, so that from lehi you can look out on to the valley, and see at the feet of the encircling hills, and straggling down towards the lake, a semicircle of settlements that, but for the sterility of the mountain slopes on the west, might have formed a complete ring around it. but no springs rise on the western slopes, and the settlements of the valleys always lie, therefore, on the eastern side, unless some central stream gives facilities for irrigation on the western also. utah lake is a lake of legends. in the old indian days it was held in superstitious reverence as the abode of the wind spirits and the storm spirits, and as being haunted by monsters of weird kind and great size. particular spots were too uncanny for the red men to pitch their lodges there; and even game had asylum, as in a city of refuge, if it chanced to run in the direction of the haunted shore. in later times, too, the utah lake has borne an uncomfortable reputation as the domain of strange water-apparitions, and several men have recorded visions of aquatic monsters, for which science as yet has found no name, but which, speaking roughly, appear to have been imitations of that delightful possibility, the sea serpent. science, i know, goes dead against such gigantic worms, but this wonderful western country has astonishment in store for the scientific world. if half i am told about the wondrous fossils of arizona and thereabouts be true, it may even be within american resources to produce the kraken himself. in the mean time, as a contribution towards it, and a very tolerable instalment, too, i would commend to notice the great snake of the utah lake. it has frightened men--and, far better evidence than that, it has been seen by children when playing on the shore. i say "better," because children are not likely to invent a plausible horror in order to explain their sudden rushing away from a given spot with terrified countenances and a consistent narrative--a horror, too, which should coincide with the snake superstitions of the pi-ute indians. have wise men from the east ever heard of this fabled thing? does the smithsonian know of this terror of the lake--this freshwater kraken--this new mormon iniquity? visitors have made the american fork canyon too well known to need more than a reference here, but the provo canyon, with its romantic waterfalls and varied scenery, is a feature of the utah valley which may some day be equally familiar to the sight-seeing world. the botanist would find here a field full of surprises, as the vegetation is of exceptional variety, and the flowers unusually profuse. down this canyon tumbles the provo river; and as soon as it reaches the mouth--thinking to find the valley an interval of placid idleness before it attains the final buddhistic bliss of absorption in the lake, the nirvana of extinguished individuality--it is seized upon, and carried off to right and left by irrigation channels, and ruthlessly distributed over the slopes. and the result is seen, approaching provo, in magnificent reaches of fertile land, acres of fruit-trees, and miles of crops. provo is almost logan over again, for though it has the advantage over the northern settlement in population, it resembles it in appearance very closely. there is the same abundance of foliage, the same width of water-edged streets, the same variety of wooden and adobe houses, the same absence of crime and drunkenness, the same appearance of solid comfort. it has its mills and its woollen factory, its "co-op." and its lumber-yards. there is the same profusion of orchard and garden, the same all-pervading presence of cattle and teams. the daily life is the same too, a perpetual industry, for no sooner is breakfast over than the family scatters--the women to the dairy and household work, the handloom and the kitchen; the men to the yard, the mill, and the field. one boy hitches up a team and is off in one direction; another gets astride a barebacked horse and is off in another; a third disappears inside a barn, and a fourth engages in conflict with a drove of calves. but whatever they are doing, they are all busy, from the old man pottering with the water channels in the garden to the little girls pairing off to school; and the visitor finds himself the only idle person in the settlement. from provo--through its suburbs of foliage and glebeland--past springville, a sweet spot, lying back under the hills with a bright quick stream flowing through it and houses mobbed by trees. here are flour-mills and one of the first woollen mills built in utah. in the days of its building the indians harried the valley, and young men tell how as children they used to lie awake at nights to listen to the red men as they swept whooping and yelling through the quiet streets of the little settlement; how the guns stood always ready against the wall, and the windows were barricaded every night with thick pine logs. what a difference now! further on, but still looking on to the lake, is spanish fork (nee palmyra), where, digging a water channel the other day, the spade turned up an old copper image of the virgin mary, and some bones. this takes back the mormon settlement of to-day to the long-ago time when spanish missionaries preached of the pope to the piutes, and gave but little satisfaction to either man or beast, for their tonsured scalps were but scanty trophies and the coyote found their lean bodies but poor picking. only fifteen years ago the navajos came down into the valley through the canyon which the denver and rio grande line now traverses, but the mormons were better prepared than the spanish missionaries, and hunted the navajo soul out of the indians, so that spanish fork is now the second largest settlement in the valley, and the indians come there begging. they are all of the "tickaboo" and "good injun" sort, the "how-how" mendicants of the period. all the inhabitants are as good an illustration of the advantages of co-operation in stores, farm-work, mills--everything--as can well be adduced. co-operation, by the way, is an important feature of mormon life, and never, perhaps, so much on men's tongues and in their minds as at the present time. the whole community has been aroused by the consistent teaching of their leaders in their addresses at public "meetings," in their prayers in private households, to a sense of the "suicidal folly," as they call it, of making men wealthy (by their patronage) who use their power against the saints; and the mormons have set themselves very sincerely to work to trade only with themselves and to starve out the gentiles. and it is very difficult indeed for an unprejudiced man not to sympathize in some measure with the mormons. by their honesty they have made the name "mormon" respected in trade all over america, and have attracted shopkeepers, who on this very honesty have thriven and become wealthy in utah--and yet some of these men, knowing nothing of the people except that they are straightforward in their dealings and honourable in their engagements, join in the calumny that the mormons are a "rascally," "double-dealing" set. for my own part, i think the church should have starved out some of these slanderers long ago. even now it would be a step in the right direction if the church slipped a "fighting apostle" at the men who go on day after day saying and writing that which they know to be untrue, calling, for instance, virtuous, hard-working men and women "the villainous spawn of polygamy," and advocating the encouragement of prostitutes as a "reforming agency for mormon youth"! meanwhile "co-operation" as a religious duty is the doctrine while of the day, and gentile trade is already suffering in consequence. the movement is a very important one to the territory, for if carried out on the proper principles of co-operation, the people will live more cheaply here than in any other state in america. as it is, many imported articles, thanks to co-operative competition, are cheaper here than further east, and when the boycotting is in full swing many more articles will also come down in price, as the gentiles' profits will then be knocked off the cost to the purchaser. every settlement, big and little, has its "co-op.," and the elders when on tour through the outlying hamlets lose no opportunity for encouraging the movement and extending it. passing spanish fork, and its outlying herds of horses, we see, following the curve of the lake, salem, a little community of farmers settled around a spring; payson, called poteetnete in the old indian days--after a chief who made life interesting, not to say exciting, for the early settlers--springlake villa, where one family has grown up into a hamlet, and grown out of it, too, for they complain that they have not room enough and must go elsewhere; and santaquin, a little settlement that has reached out its fields right across the valley to the opposite slope of the hills. this was the spot where abraham butterfield, the only inhabitant of the place at the time, won himself a name among the people by chasing off a band of armed indians, who had surprised him at his solitary work in the fields, by waving his coat and calling out to imaginary friends in the distance to "come on." the indians were thoroughly fooled, and fled back up the country incontinently, while abraham pursued them hotly, brandishing his old coat with the utmost ferocity, and vociferously rallying nobody to the bloody attack. here mount nebo, the highest elevation in the territory was first pointed out to me--how tired i got of it before i had done!--and through fields of lucerne we passed from the utah into the juab valley and an enormous wilderness of sage-brush. it is broken here and there by an infrequent patch of cultivation, and streaks of paling go straggling away across the grey desert. but without water it is a desperate section, and the pillars of dust moving across the level, and marking the track of the sheep that wandered grazing among the sage, reminded me of the sand-wastes of beluchistan, where nothing can move a foot without raising a tell-tale puff of dust. there, the traveller, looking out from his own cloud of sand, sees similar clouds creeping about all over the plain, judges from their size the number of camels or horses that may be stirring, and draws his own conclusions as to which may, be peaceful caravans, and which robber-bands. by taking advantage of the wind, the desert banditti are able to advance to the attack, just as the devil-fish do on the sea-bottom, under cover of sand-clouds of their own stirring up; and the first intimation which the traveller has of the character of those who are coming towards him, is the sudden flash of swords and glitter of spearheads that light up the edges of the advancing sand, just as lightning flits along the ragged skirts of a moving thunder-cloud. but here there are no murri or bhoogti horsemen astir, and the indians, piutes or navajos, have not acquired beluchi tactics. these moving clouds here are raised by loitering sheep, formidable only to don quixote and the low-nesting ground-larks. they are close feeders, though, these sheep, and it is poor gleaning after them, so it is a rule throughout the territory that on the hills where sheep graze, game need not be looked for. an occasional ranch comes in sight, and along the old county road a waggon or two goes crawling by, and then we reach mona, a pretty little rustic spot, but the civilizing radiance of corn-fields gradually dies away, and the relentless sage-brush supervenes, with here and there a lucid interval of ploughed ground in the midst of the demented desert. with water the whole valley would be superbly fertile, as we soon see, for there suddenly breaks in upon the monotony of the weed-growths a splendid succession of fields, long expanses of meadowland, large groves of orchards, and the thriving settlement of nephi. like all other prosperous places in utah, it is almost entirely mormon. there is one saloon, run by a mormon, but patronized chiefly by the "outsiders"--for such is the name usually given to the "gentiles" in the settlement--and no police. local mills meet local requirements, and the "co-op." is the chief trading store of the place. there are no manufactures for export, but in grain and fruit there is a considerable trade. it is a quaint, straggling sort of place, and, like all these settlements, curiously primitive. the young men use the steps of the co-operative store as a lounge, and their ponies, burdened with huge mexican saddles and stirrups that would do for dog-kennels, stand hitched to the palings all about. the train stops at the corner of the road to take up any passengers there may be. deer are sometimes killed in the streets, and eagles still harry the chickens in the orchards. wild-bird life is strangely abundant, and a flock of "canaries"--a very beautiful yellow siskin--had taken possession of my host's garden. "we do catch them sometimes," said his wife, "but they always starve themselves, and pine away till they are thin enough to get through the bars of the cage, and so we can never keep them." a neighbour who chanced in, was full of canary-lore, and i remember one incident that struck me as very pretty. he had caught a canary and caged it, but the bird refused to be tamed, and dashed itself about the cage in such a frantic way that out of sheer pity he let the wild thing go. a day or two later it came back, but with a mate, and when the cage was hung out the two birds went into captivity together, of their own free-will, and lived as happily as birds could live! my host was a good illustration of what mormonism can do for a man. in yorkshire he was employed in a slaughtering-yard, and thought himself lucky if he earned twelve shillings a week. the mormons found him, "converted" him, and emigrated him. he landed in utah without a cent in his pocket, and in debt to the church besides. but he found every one ready to help him, and was ready to help himself, so that to-day he is one of the most substantial men in nephi, with a mill that cost him $ , to put up, a shop and a farm, a house and orchard and stock. his family, four daughters and a son, are all settled round him and thriving, thanks to the aid he gave them--"but," said he, "if the mormons had not found me, i should still have been slaughtering in the old country, and glad, likely, to be still earning my twelve shillings a week." another instance from the same settlement is that of a boy who, five years ago, was brought out here at the age of sixteen. his emigration was entirely paid for by the church. yet last year he sent home from his own pocket the necessary funds to bring out his mother and four brothers and sisters! god speed these mormons, then. they are doing both "the old country and the new" an immense good in thus transforming english paupers into american farmers--and thus exchanging the vices and squalor of english poverty for the temperance, piety, and comfort of these utah homesteads. i am not blind to their faults. my aversion to polygamy is sincere, and i find also that the mormons must share with all agricultural communities the blame of not sacrificing more of their own present prospects for the sake of their children's future, and neglecting their education, both in school and at home. but when i remember what classes of people these men and women are chiefly drawn from, and the utter poverty in which most of them i cannot, in sincerity, do otherwise than admire and respect the system which has fused such unpromising material of so many nationalities into one homogeneous whole. for myself, i do not think i could live among the mormons happily, for my lines have been cast so long in the centres of work and thought, that a bovine atmosphere of perpetual farms suffocates me. i am afraid i should take to lowing, and feed on lucerne. but this does not prejudice me against the men and women who are so unmistakably happy. they are uncultured, from the highest to the lowest. but the men of thirty and upwards remember these valleys when they were utter deserts, and the indian was lord of the hills! as little children they had to perform all the small duties about the house, the "chores," as they are called; as lads they had to guard the stock on the hills; as young men they were the pioneers of utah. what else then could they be but ignorant--in the education of schools, i mean? yet they are sober in their habits, conversation, and demeanour, frugal, industrious, hospitable, and god-fearing. as a people, their lives are a pattern to an immense number of mankind, and every emigrant, therefore, taken up out of the slums of manufacturing cities in the old countries, or from the hideous drudgery of european agriculture, and planted in these utah valleys, is a benefit conferred by mormonism upon two continents at once. to return to nephi. i went to a "meeting" in the evening, and to describe one is to describe all. the old men and women sit in front--the women, as a rule, all together in the body of the room, and the men at the sides. how this custom originated no one could tell me; but it is probably a survival of habit from the old days when there was only room enough for the women to be seated, and the men stood round against the walls, and at the door. as larger buildings were erected, the women, as of old, took their accustomed seats together in the centre, and the men filled up the balance of the space. the oldest being hard of hearing and short of sight, would naturally, in an unconventional society, collect at the front of the audience. looking at them all together, they are found to be exactly what one might expect--a congregation of hard-featured, bucolic faces, sun-tanned and deep-lined. here and there among them is a bright mechanic's face, and here and there an unexpected refinement of intelligence. but taken in the mass, they are precisely such a congregation as fills nine-tenths of the rural places of worship all the world over. conspicuously absent, however, is the typical american face, for the fathers and mothers among the mormons are of every nationality, and the sons and daughters are a mixture of all. in the future this race should be a very fine one, for it is chiefly recruited from the hardier stocks, the english, scotch, and scandinavian, while their manner of life is pre-eminently fitted for making them stalwart in figure, and sound in constitution. the meeting opens with prayer, in which the almighty is asked for blessings upon the whole people, upon each class of it, upon their own place in particular, upon all the church authorities, and upon all friends of the mormons. but never, so far as i have heard, are intercessions made, in the spirit of new testament teaching, for the enemies of the church. references to the author of the edmunds bill are often very pointed and vigorous. after the prayer comes a hymn, sung often to a lively tune, and accompanied by such instrumental music as the settlement can rely upon, after which the elders address the people in succession. these addresses are curiously practical. they are temporal rather than spiritual, and concern themselves with history, official acts, personal reminiscences, and agricultural matter rather than points of mere doctrine. but as a fact, temporal and spiritual considerations are too closely blended in mormonism to be disassociated. thus references to the edmunds bill take their place naturally among exhortations to "live their religion", and to "build up the kingdom" in spite of "persecution." boycotting gentile tradesmen is similarly inculcated as showing a pious fidelity to the interests of the church. these are the two chief topics of all addresses, but a passing reference to a superior class of waggon, or a hope that every one will make a point of voting in some coming election, is not considered out of place, while personal matters, the health of the speaker or his experiences in travel, are often thus publicly commented upon. the result is, that the people go away with some tangible facts in their heads, and subjects for ordinary conversation on their tongues, and not, as from other kinds of religious meetings, with only generalities about their souls and the ten commandments. in other countries the gabble of small-talk that immediately overtakes a congregation let out of church sounds very incongruous with the last notes of the organ voluntary that play them out of the house of god. but here the people walking homeward are able to continue the conversation on exactly the same lines as the addresses they have just heard, to renew it the next day, to carry it about with them as conversation from place to place, and thus eventually to spread the "doctrine" of the elders over the whole district. a fact about waggon-buying sticks where whole sermons about salvation by faith would not. chapter xii. from nephi to manti. english companies and their failures--a deplorable neglect of claret cup--into the san pete valley--reminiscences of the indians--the forbearance of the red man--the great temple at manti--masonry and mormon mysteries--in a tithing-house. from nephi, a narrow-guage line runs up the salt creek canyon, and away across a wilderness to a little mining settlement called wales, inhabited by welsh mormons who work at the adjacent coal-mines. the affair belongs to an english company, and it is worth noting that "english companies" are considered here to be very proper subjects for jest. when nobody else in the world will undertake a hopeless enterprise, an english company appears to be always on hand to embark in it, and this fact displays a confidence on the part of americans in british credulity, and a confidence on the part of the britishers in american honesty, which ought to be mutually instructive. meanwhile this has nothing to do with these coal-mines in the san pete valley, which, for all i know, may be very sound concerns, and very profitable to the "english company" in question. i hope it is. the train was rather a curious one, though, for it stopped for passengers at the corner of the street, and when we got "aboard," we found a baggage car the only vehicle provided for us. a number of apostles and elders were on conference tour, and the party, therefore, was a large one; so that, if the driver had been an enthusiastic anti-mormon, he might have struck a severe blow at the church by tilting us off the rails. the salt creek canyon is not a prepossessing one, but there grew in it an abundance of borage, the handsome blue heads of flowers showing from among the undergrowth in large patches. what a waste of borage! often have i deplored over my claret in india the absence of this estimable vegetable, and here in utah with a perfect jungle of borage all about me, i had no claret! i pointed out to the apostles with us that temperance in such a spot was flying in the face of providence, and urged them to plant vineyards in the neighbourhood. but they were not enthusiastic, and i relapsed into silent contemplation over the incredible ways of nature, that she should thus cast her pearls of borage before a community of teetotallers. traversing the canyon, we enter san pete valley, memorable for the indian war of - , but in itself as desolate and uninteresting a tract of country as anything i have ever seen. ugly bald hills and leprous sand-patches in the midst of sage-brush, combined to form a landscape of utter dreariness; and the little settlements lying away under the hills on the far eastern edge of the valley--fountain green, maroni, and springtown--seemed to me more like penal settlements than voluntary locations. yet i am told they are pretty enough, and certainly mount pleasant, the largest settlement in the san pete country, looked as if it deserved its name. but it stands back well out of the desperate levels of the valley, and its abundant foliage tells of abundant water. a pair of eagles circled high up in the sky above us as we rattled along, expecting us apparently to die by the way, and hoping to be our undertakers. a solitary coyote was pointed out to me, a lean and uncared-for person, that kept looking back over its shoulder as it trotted away, as if it had a lingering sort of notion that a defunct apostle might by chance be thrown overboard. it was a hungry and a thirsty looking country, and wales, where we left our train, was a dismal spot. here we found waggons waiting for us, and were soon on our way across the desert, passing a settlement-oasis now and again, and crossing the san pete "river," which here sneaks along, a muddy, shallow stream, at the bottom of high, willow-fringed banks. and so to fort ephraim, a quaint little one-street sort of place that looks up to manti, a few miles off, as a little boy looks up to his biggest brother, and to salt lake city as a cat might look up to a king. in - , however, it was an important point. several companies of the mormon militia were mustered here, and held the mountains and passes on the east against the indians, guarded the stock gathered here from the other small settlements that had been abandoned, and took part in the fights at thistle creek, springtown, fish lake, twelve mile creek gravelly ford, and the rest, where black hawk and his flying squadron of navajos and piutes showed themselves such plucky men. it is a pity, i think, that the history of that three years' campaign has never been sketched, for, as men talk of it, it must have abounded with stirring incident and romance. besides, a well-written history of such a campaign, with the lessons it teaches, might be useful some day--for the fighting spirit of the indians is not broken, and when another black hawk appears upon the scene, might easily be re-enacted, and fort ephraim once more be transformed from a farming hamlet to a military camp. yet i have often wondered at the apathy or the friendship of the indians. herds of cattle and horses and sheep wander about among the mountains virtually unguarded. little villages full of grain, and each with its store well stocked with sugar, and tobacco, and cloths, and knives, and other things that the indians prize, lie almost defenceless at the mouths of canyons. yet they have not been molested for the last fifteen years. i confess that if i were an indian chief, i should not be able to resist the temptation of helping my tribe to an occasional surfeit of beef, with the amusement thrown in of plundering a co-operative store. but the mormons say that the indian is more honest than a white man and, in illustration of this, are ready to give innumerable instances of an otherwise inexplicable chivalry. for one thing, though, the mormons are looked upon by the indians in quite a different light to other americans, for they consider them to be victims, like themselves, of federal dislike, while both as individuals and a class they hold them in consideration as being superior to agents in fidelity to engagements. so that the compliment of honesty is mutually reciprocated. to illustrate this aspect of the mormon-indian relations, some indians came the other day into a settlement and engaged in a very protracted pow-wow, the upshot of all their roundabout palaver being this, that inasmuch as they, the indians, had given utah to the mormons, it was preposterous for the mormons to pay the government for the land they took up! from fort ephraim to manti the road lies chiefly through unreclaimed land, but within a mile or two of the town the irrigated suburbs of manti break in upon the sage-brush, and the temple, which has been visible in the distance half the day, grows out from the hills into definite details. the site of this imposing structure certainly surprised me both for the fine originality of its conception, and the artistic sympathy with the surrounding scenery, which has directed its erection. the site originally was a rugged hill slope, but this has been cut out into three vast semicircular terraces, each of which is faced with a wall of rough hewn stone, seventeen feet in height. ascending these by wide flights of steps, you find yourself on a fourth level, the hill top, which has been levelled into a spacious plateau, and on this, with its back set against the hill, stands the temple. the style of mormon architecture, unfortunately, is heavy and unadorned, and in itself, therefore, this massive pile, feet in length by wide, and about high, is not prepossessing, but when it is finished, and the terrace slopes are turfed, and the spaces planted out with trees, the view will undoubtedly be very fine, and the temple be a building that the mormons may well be proud of. looked at from the plain, with the stern hills behind it, the edifice is seen to be in thoroughly artistic harmony with the scene, while the enormous expenditure of labour upon its erection is a matter for astonishment. the plan of the building inside differs from those of the temples at logan, st. george, and salt lake city, which again differ from each other, for it is a curious fact that the ritual of the secret ceremonies to which these buildings are chiefly devoted, is still under elaboration and imperfect, so that each temple in turn partially varies from its predecessor, to suit the latest alterations made in the endowments and other rites celebrated within its walls. in my description of the logan temple, i gave a sketch of the purposes for which the various parts of the building were intended. that sketch, of course, cannot pretend to be exact, for only those mormons who have "worked" through the degrees can tell the whole truth; and as yet no one has divulged it. but with a general knowledge of the rites, and an intimate acquaintance with freemasonry, i have, i believe, put together the only reliable outline that has ever been published. the manti temple will have the same arrangements of baptismal font and dressing-rooms on the ground floor, but as well as i could judge from the unfinished state of the building, the "endowments," in the course of which are symbolical representations of the creation, temptation and fall, will be spread over two floors, the apartment for "baptism for the dead" occupying a place on the lower. the "sealing" is performed on the third. i have an objection to prying into matters which the mormons are so earnest in keeping secret, but as a mason, the connexion between masonry and mormonism is too fascinating a subject for me to resist curiosity altogether. as a settlement, manti is pretty, well-ordered and prosperous. the universal vice of unbridged water-courses disfigures its roads just as it does those of every other place (salt lake city itself not excepted), and the irregularity in the order of occupation of lots gives it the same scattered appearance that many other settlements have. but the abundance of trees, the width of the streets, the perpetual presence of running water, the frequency and size of the orchards, and the general appearance of simple, rustic, comfort impart to manti all the characteristic charm of the mormon settlements. the orthodox grist and saw-mills, essential adjuncts of every outlying hamlet, find their usual place in the local economy; but to me the most interesting corner was the quaint tithing-house, a dutch-barn kind of place, still surrounded by the high stone stockade which was built for the protection of the settlers during the indian troubles fifteen years ago. inside the tithing-house were two great bins half filled with wheat and oats, and a few bundles of wool. i had expected to find a miscellaneous confusion of articles of all kinds, but on inquiry discovered that the popular theory of mormon tithing, "a tenth of everything,"--"even to the tenth of every egg that is laid," as a gentile lady plaintively assured me, is not carried out in practice, the majority of mormons allowing their tithings to run into arrears, and then paying them up in a lump in some one staple article, vegetable or animal, that happens to be easiest for them. the tenth of their eggs or their currant jam does not, therefore, as supposed, form part of the rigid annual tribute of these degraded serfs to their grasping masters. as a matter of fact, indeed, the payment of tithings is as nearly voluntary as the collection of a revenue necessary for carrying on a government can possibly be allowed to be. what it may have been once, is of no importance now. but to-day, so far from there being any undue coercion, i have amply assured myself that there is extreme consideration and indulgence, while the general prosperity of the territory justifies the leniency that prevails. chapter xiii. from manti to glenwood. scandinavian mormons--danish ol--among the orchards at manti--on the way to conference--adam and eve--the protoplasm of a settlement--ham and eggs--at mayfield--our teamster's theory of the ground-hog--on the way to glenwood--volcanic phenomena and lizards--a suggestion for improving upon nature--primitive art "my hosts at manti were danes, and the wife brewed danish ol." such is the entry in my note-book, made, i remember, to remind me to say that the san pete settlements are composed in great proportion of danes and scandinavians. these nationalities contribute more largely than any other--unless great-britishers are all called one nation--to the recruiting of mormonism, and when they reach utah maintain their individuality more conspicuously than any others. the americans, welsh, scotch, english, germans, and swiss, merge very rapidly into one blend, but the scandinavian type--and a very fine peasant type it is--is clearly marked in the settlements where the hansens and the jansens, petersens, christiansens, nielsens, and sorensens, most do congregate. by the way, some of these norse names sound very curiously to the ear. "ole hagg" might be thought to be a nickname rather than anything else, and lars nasquist brihl at best a joke. their children are remarkably pretty, and the women models of thriftiness. my hostess at manti was a pattern. she made pies under an inspiration, and her chicken-pie was a distinct revelation. her "beer" was certainly a beverage that a man might deny himself quite cheerfully, but to eat her preserves was like listening to beautiful parables, and her cream cheese gave the same gentle pleasure as the singing of thankful canticles. in the garden was an arbour overrun with a wild grapevine, and i took my pen and ink in there to write. all went well for a while. an amiable cat came and joined me, sitting in a comfortable cushion-sort of fashion on the corner of my blotting-pad. but while we sat there writing, the cat and i, there came a humming-bird into the arbour--a little miracle in feathers, with wings all emeralds and a throat of ruby. and it sat in the sunlight on a vine-twig that straggled out across the door, and began to preen its tiny feathers. i stopped writing to watch the beautiful thing. and so did the cat. for happening to look down at the table i saw the cat, with a fiendish expression of face and her eyes intent on the bird, gathering her hind legs together for a spring. to give the cat a smack on the head, and for the cat to vanish with an explosion of ill-temper, "was the work of an instant." the humming-bird flashed out into the garden, and i was left alone to mop up the ink which the startled cat had spilt. then i went out and wandered across the garden, where english flowers, the sweet-william and columbine, pinks and wallflowers, pansies and iris, were growing, under the fruit-trees still bunched with blossoms, and out into the street. friends asked me if i wasn't going to "the conference," but i had not the heart to go inside when the world out of doors was so inviting. there was a cool, green tint in the shade of the orchards, pleasant with the voices of birds and dreamy with the humming of bees. there was nobody else about, only children making posies of apple-blossoms and launching blue boats of iris-petals on the little roadside streams. everybody was "at conference," and those that could not get into the building were grouped outside among the waggons of the country folk who had come from a distance. these conferences are held quarterly (so that the lives of the apostles who preside at them are virtually spent in travelling) and at them everything is discussed, whether of spiritual or temporal interest and a general balance struck, financially and religiously. in character they resemble the ordinary meetings of the mormons, being of exactly the same curious admixture of present farming and future salvation, business advice and pious exhortation. everybody who can do so, attends these meetings; and they fulfil, therefore, all the purposes of the oriental mela. farmers, stock-raisers, and dealers generally, meet from a distance and talk over business matters, open negotiations and settle bargains, exchange opinions and discuss prospects. their wives and families, such of them as can get away from their homes, foregather and exchange their domestic news, while everybody lays in a fresh supply of spiritual refreshment for the coming three months, and hears the latest word of the church as to the edmunds bill and gentile tradesmen. the scene is as primitive and quaint as can be imagined, for in rural utah life is still rough and hearty and simple. to the stranger, the greetings of family groups, with the strange flavour of the commonwealth days, the wonderful scriptural or apocryphal names, and the old-fashioned salutation, are full of picturesque interest, while the meetings of waggons filled with acquaintances from remote corners of the country, the confusion of european dialects--imagine hearing pure welsh among the san pete sagebrush!--the unconventional cordiality of greeting, are delightful both in an intellectual and artistic sense. i have travelled much, and these social touches have always had a charm for me, let them be the demure reunions of creoles sous les filaos in mauritius; or the french negroes chattering as they go to the baths in bourbon; the deep-drinking convivialities of the planters' club in ceylon; the grinning, prancing, rencontres of kaffir and kaffir, or the stolid collision of boer waggons on the african veldt; the stately meeting of camel-riding beluchis on the sandy put of khelat; the jingling ox-drawn ekkas foregathered to "bukh" under the tamarind-trees of bengal; the reserved salutations of hindoos as they squat by the roadside to discuss the invariable lawsuit and smoke the inevitable hubble-bubble; the noisy congregation of somali boatmen before their huts on the sun-smitten shores of aden;--what a number of reminiscences i could string together of social traits in various parts of the world! and these mormon peasants, pioneers of the west, these hardy sons of hardy sires, will be as interesting to me in the future as any others, and my remembrance of them will be one of admiration for their unfashionable virtues of industry and temperance, and of gratitude for their simple courtesy and their cordial hospitality. as we left manti behind us, the waggons "coming into conference" got fewer and fewer, and soon we found ourselves out alone upon the broad levels of the valley, with nothing to keep us company but a low range of barren hills that did their best to break the monotony of the landscape. in places, the ground was white with desperate patches of "saleratus," the saline efflorescence with which agriculture in this territory is for ever at war, and resembling in appearance, taste, and effects the "reh" of the gangetic plains. here, as in india, irrigation is the only known antidote, and once wash it out of the soil and get crops growing and the enemy retires. but as soon as cultivation ceases or irrigation slackens, the white infection creeps over the ground again, and if undisturbed for a year resumes possession. how unrelenting nature is in her conflict with man! we passed some warm springs a few miles from manti, but the water though slightly saline is inodorous, and on the patches which they water i saw the wild flax growing as if it enjoyed the temperature and the soil. then six-mile creek, a pleasant little ravine, crossed by a rustic bridge, which gives water for a large tract of land, and so to sterling, a settlement as yet in its cradle, and curiously illustrative of "the beginning of things" in rural utah. one man and his one wife up on the hillside doing something to the water, one cock and one hen pecking together in monogamous sympathy, one dog sitting at the door of a one-roomed log-hut. everything was in the adam and eve stage of society, and primeval. so deucalion and pyrrha had the earth to themselves, and the "rooster" stalked before his mate as if he was the first inventor of posterity. but much of this country is going to come under the plough in time, for there is water, and in the meantime, as giving promise of a future with some children in it, there is a school-house--an instance of forethought which gratified me. the country now becomes undulating, remaining for the most part a sterile-looking waste of grease-wood, but having an almost continuous thread of cultivation running along the centre of the valley which, a few miles further on, suddenly widens into a great field of several thousand acres. on the other side of it we found mayfield. in mayfield every one was gone to the conference except a pretty girl, left to look after all the children of the village, and who resisted our entreaties for hospitality with a determination that would have been more becoming in an uglier person--and an old lady, left under the protection of a big blind dog and a little bobtailed calf. she received us with the honest courtesy universal in the territory, showed us where to put our horses and where the lucerne was stacked, and apologized to us for having nothing better than eggs and ham to offer! fancy nothing better than eggs and ham! to my mind there is nothing in all travelling so delightful as these eggs-and-ham interruptions that do duty for meals. not only is the viand itself so agreeable, but its odour when cooking creates an appetite. what a moral there is here! we have all heard of the beauty of the lesson that those flowers teach us which give forth their sweetest fragrance when crushed. but i think the conduct of eggs and ham, that thus create an appetite in order to increase man's pleasure in their own consumption, is attended with circumstances of good taste that are unusually pleasing. in our hostess's house at mayfield i saw for the first time the ordinary floor-covering of the country through which we subsequently travelled--a "rag-carpet." it is probably common all over the world, but it was quite new to me. i discussed its composition one day with a mother and her daughter. "this streak here is jimmy's old pants, and that darker one is a military overcoat. this is daddy's plush vest. this bit of the pattern is--" "no, mother, that's your old jacket-back; don't you remember?"--and so on all through the carpet. every stripe in it had an association, and the story of the whole was pretty nearly the story of their entire lives in the country. "for it took us seven years to get together just this one strip of carpet. we folks haven't much, you see, that's fit to tear up." i like the phrase "fit to tear up," and wonder when, in the opinion of this frugal people, anything does become suitable for destruction. but it is hardly destruction after all to turn old clothes into carpets, and the process is as simple as, in fact is identical with, ordinary hand-weaving. the cloth is simply shredded into very narrow strips, and each strip is treated in the loom just as if it were ordinary yarn, the result being, by a judicious alternation of tints, a very pleasant-looking and very durable floor-cloth. rag-rugs are also made on a foundation of very coarse canvas by drawing very narrow shreds of rag through the spaces of the canvas, fastening them on the reverse side, and cutting them off to a uniform "pile" on the upper. in one cottage at salina i remember seeing a rug of this kind in which the girl had drawn her own pattern and worked in the colours with a distinct appreciation of true artistic effect. an industrial exhibition for such products would, i have no doubt, bring to light a great many out-of-the-way handicrafts which these emigrant people have brought with them from the different parts of europe, and with which they try to adorn their simple homes. our teamster from mayfield to glenwood, the next stage of my southward journey, was a very cautious person. he would not hurry his horses down hill--they were "belike" to stumble; and he would not hurry them up hill--it "fretted" them. on the level intervals he stopped altogether, to "breathe" them. it transpired eventually that they were plough horses. i suspected it from the first. and from his driving i suspected that he was the ploughman. in other respects he was a very desirable teamster. his remarks about europe (he had once been to chicago himself) were very entertaining, and his theory of "ground hogs" would have delighted darwin. as far as i could follow him, all animals were of one species, the differences as to size and form being chiefly accidents of age or sex. this, at any rate, was my induction from his description of the "ground hog," which he said was a "kind of squirrel--like the prairie dog!" as he said, there were "quite a few" ground hogs, but they moved too fast among the brush for me to identify them. as far as i could tell, though, they were of the marmot kind, about nine inches long, with very short tails and round small ears. when they were at a safe distance they would stand up at full length on their hind legs, the colouring underneath being lighter than on the back. what are they? i have seen none in utah except on these volcanic stretches of country between salina and monroe. much of utah is volcanic, but here, beyond salina, huge mounds of scoriae, looking like heaps of slag from some gigantic furnace, are piled up in the centre of the level ground, while in other places circular depressions in the soil--sometimes fifty feet in diameter and lowest in the centre, with deep fissures defining the circumference--seem to mark the places whence the scoriae had been drawn, and the earth had sunk in upon the cavities thus exhausted. the two sides of the river (the sevier) were in striking contrast. on this, the eastern, was desolation and stone heaps and burnt-up spaces with ant-hills and lizards. nothing makes a place look (to me at least) so hot as an abundance of lizards. they are associated in memory with dead, still heat, "the intolerable calor of mambre," the sun-smitten cinder-heap that men call aden, the stifling hillsides of italy where the grapes lie blistering in the autumn sun, the desperate suburbs of alexandria--what millions of scorched-looking lizards, detestable little salamanders, used to bask upon cleopatra's needles when they lay at full length among the sand!--the heat-cracked fields of india. i know very well that there are lizards and lizards; that they might be divided--as the hindoo divides everything, whether victuals or men's characters, medicines or the fates the gods send him--into "hot" and "cold" lizards. the salamander itself, according to the ancients, was icy cold. but this does not matter. all lizards make places look hot. on the other side of the river, a favourite raiding-ground of "mr. indian," as the settlers pleasantly call him, lies aurora, a settlement in the centre of a rich tract of red wheat soil with frequent growths of willow and buffalo-berry (or bull-berry or red-berry or "kichi-michi") marking the course of the sevier. but our road soon wound down by a "dug way" to the bottom-lands, and we found ourselves on level meadows clumped with shrubs and patched with corn-fields, and among scattered knots of grazing cattle and horses. overhead circled several pairs of black hawks, a befitting reminder to the dwellers on these thessalian fields, these campanian pastures, that scythian piutes and navajo attilas might at any time swoop down upon them. but the forbearance of the indian in the matter of beef and mutton is inexplicable--and most inexplicable of all in the case of lamb, seeing that mint grows wild. this is a very pleasing illustration of the happiness of results when man and nature work cordially together. the lamb gambols about among beds of mint! what a becoming sense of the fitness of things that would be that should surprise the innocent thing in its fragrant pasture and serve up the two together! "they were pleasant in their lives, and in death they were not divided." and what a delightful field for similar efforts such a spectacle opens up to the philosophic mind! here, beyond aurora, as we wind in and out among the brakes of willow and rose-bush, we catch glimpses of the river, with ducks riding placidly at anchor in the shadows of the foliage. and not a pea in the neighbourhood! now, why not sow green peas along the banks of the american rivers and lakes? how soothing to the weary traveller would be this occasional relief of canard aux petits pois! after an interval of pretty river scenery we found ourselves once more in a dismal, volcanic country with bald hills and leprous sand-patches the only features of the landscape, with lizards for flowers and an exasperating heat-drizzle blurring the outlines of everything with its quivering refraction. and then, after a few miles of this, we are suddenly in the company of really majestic mountains, some of them cedared to the peaks, others broken up into splendid architectural designs of almost inconceivable variety, richly tinted and fantastically grouped. how wealthy this range must be in mineral! in front of us, above all the intervening hills, loomed out a monster mountain, and turning one of its spurs we break all at once upon the village of glenwood--a beautiful cluster of foliage with skirts of meadow-land spread out all about it--lying at the foot of the huge slope. near glenwood is an interesting little lake that i visited. its water is exquisitely clear and very slightly warm. though less than a foot deep in most places (it has one pool twelve feet in depth), it never freezes, in spite of the intense cold at this altitude. it is stocked with trout that do not grow to any size, but which do not on the other hand seem to diminish in numbers, although the consumption is considerable. the botany in the neighbourhood of the lake is very interesting, the larkspur, lupin, mimulus, violet, heart's-ease, ox-eye, and several other familiar plants of english gardens, growing wild, while a strongly tropical flavour is given to the vegetation by the superb footstools of cactus--imagine sixty-one brilliant scarlet blossoms on a cushion only fifteen inches across!--by the presence of a gorgeous oriole (the body a pure yellow freaked with black on the wings, and the head and neck a rich orange), and by a large butterfly of a clear flame-colour with the upper wings sharply hooked at the tips. flower, bird, and insect were all in keeping with the brazils or the malayan archipelago. on a rock, close by the grist-mill, is the only specimen of the much-talked-of indian "hieroglyphics" that i have seen. they may of course be hieroglyphics, but to me they look like the first attempts of some untutored savage youth to delineate in straight lines the human form divine. or they may be only his attempts to delineate a cockroach. chapter xiv. from glenwood to monroe. from glenwood to salina--deceptiveness of appearances--an apostate mormon's friendly testimony---reminiscences of the prophet joseph smith--rabbit-hunting in a waggon--lost in the sagebrush--a day at monroe--girls riding pillion--the sunday drum--waiting for the right man: "and what if he is married?"--the truth about apostasy: not always voluntary. soon after leaving glenwood, cultivation dies out, and for twelve miles or so the rabbit-brush and grease-wood--the "atriplex" of disagreeably scientific travellers, who always speak of sage-brush as "artemisia," and disguise the gentle chipmunk as "spermophilus"--divide the land between them. the few flowers, and these all dwarfed varieties, attest the poverty of the soil. the mountains, however, do their best to redeem the landscape, and the scenery, as desolate scenery, is very fine. the ranges that have on either hand rolled along an unbroken series of monotonous contour, now break up into every conceivable variety of form, mimicking architecture or rather multiplying its types, and piling bluffs, pierced with caves, upon terraces, and pinnacles upon battlements. causeways, like that in echo canyon, slant down their slopes, and other vestiges of a terrific aqueous action abound. next to this riot of rock comes a long series of low hills, grey, red, and yellow, utterly destitute of vegetation, and so smooth that it looks as if the place were a mountain-yard, where nature made her mountains, and had collected all her materials about her in separate convenient mounds before beginning to mix up and fuse. in places they were richly spangled with mica, giving an appearance of sparkling, trickling water to the barren slopes. on the other side of the valley, the mountains, discountenancing such frivolities, had settled down into solid-bottomed masses of immense bulk, the largest mountains, in superficial acreage, i had seen all the journey, and densely cedared. with gunnison in sight across the valley, we reached willow creek, a pleasant diversion of water and foliage in the dreary landscape, and an eventful spot in the last indian war, for among these willows here black hawk made a stand to dispute the mormons' pursuit of their plundered stock, and held the creek, too, all the day. and so out on to the monotonous grease-wood levels again--an indians' camp fire among the cedars, the only sign of a living thing--and over another "divide," and so into the sevier valley. the river is seen flowing along the central depression, with the red-mound settlement on the other side of the stream, and salina on this side of it, lying on ahead. salina is one of those places it is very hard to catch. you see it first "about seven" miles off, and after travelling towards it for an hour and a half, find you have still "eight miles or so" to go. "appearances are very deceptive in this country," as these people delight in saying to new-comers, and the following story is punctually told, at every opportunity, to illustrate it. a couple of britishers (of course "britishers") started off from their hotel "to walk over to that mountain there," just to get an appetite for breakfast. about dinner-time one of them gave up and came back, leaving his obstinate friend to hunt the mountain by himself. after dining, however, he took a couple of horses and rode out after his friend, and towards evening came up with him just as he was taking off his shoes and stockings by the side of a two-foot ditch. "hallo!" said the horseman, "what on earth are you doing, jack?" "doing!" replied the other sulkily. "can't you see? i am taking off my boots to wade this infernal river." "river!" exclaimed his friend; "what river? that thing's only a two-foot ditch!" "daresay," was the dogged response. "it looks only a two-foot ditch. but you can't trust anything in this beastly country. appearances are so deceptive." but we caught salina at last, for we managed to head it up into a cul-de-sac of the mountains, and overtook it about sundown. a few years ago the settlement was depopulated; for black hawk made a swoop at it from his eyrie among the cedars on the overlooking hill, and after killing a few of the people, compelled the survivors to fly northward, where the militia was mustering for the defence of the valley. it was in this war that the federal officer commanding the post at salt lake city, acting under the orders of general sherman, refused to help the settlers, telling them in a telegram of twenty words to help themselves. the country, therefore, remembers with considerable bitterness that three years' campaign against a most formidable combination of indians; when they lost so many lives, when two counties had to be entirely abandoned, many scattered settlements broken up, and an immense loss in property and stock suffered. at salina i met an apostate mormon who had deserted the religion because he had grown to disbelieve in it, but who had retained, nevertheless, all his respect for the leaders of the church and the general body of mormons. he is still a polygamist; that is to say, having married two wives, he has continued to treat them honourably as wives. with me was an apostle, one of the most deservedly popular elders of the church, and it was capital entertainment to hear the apostate and the apostle exchanging their jokes at each other's expense. i was shown at this house, by the way, an emigration loan receipt. the emigrant, his wife, and three children, had been brought out in the old waggon days at $ a head. some fifteen years later, when the man had become well-to-do and after he had apostatized, he repaid the $ , and some $ extra as "interest." the loan ticket stipulated for "ten per cent per annum," but as he said, it was "only mormons who would have let him run on so long, and then have let him off so much of the interest." my host was himself an interesting man, for he had been with the saints ever since the stormy days of kirtland, and had known joseph smith personally. "ah, sir, he was a noble man!" said the old fellow. among other out-of-the-way items which he told me about the founder of the faith, was his predilection for athletic exercises and games of all kinds; how he used to challenge strangers to wrestle, and be very wroth when, as happened once, the stranger threw him over the counter of a shop; and how he used to play baseball with the boys in the streets of nauvoo. this trait of joseph smith's character i have never seen noticed by his biographers, but it is quite noteworthy, as also, i think, is the extraordinary fascination which his personal appearance--for he was a very handsome man of the sir robert peel type--seems to have exercised over his contemporaries. when speaking to them, i find that one and all will glance from the other aspects of his life to this--that he was "a noble man." rabbit-hunting across country in a two-horse waggon is not a sport i shall often indulge in again. the rabbit has things too much its own way. it does not seem to be a suitable animal for pursuing in a vehicle. it is too evasive. indeed, but for an accident, i should probably never have indulged in it at all. but it happened that on our way from salina to monroe we lost our way. our teamster, for inscrutable reasons of his own, turned off from the main road into a bye-track, which proved to have been made by some one prospecting for clay, and the hole which he had excavated was its terminus. i tried to think out his reason for choosing this particular road, the least and most unpromising of the three that offered themselves to him. it was probably this. two out of the three roads, being wrong ones, were evils. one of these was larger than the other, and so of the two evils he chose the less. q.e.d. to get back into the road we struck across the sage-brush, and in so doing started a jack-rabbit. as it ran in the direction we wanted to go, we naturally followed it. but the jack-rabbit thought we were in murderous pursuit, and performed prodigies of agility and strategy in order to escape us. but the one thing that it ought to have done, got out of our road, it did not do. we did not gain on the lively animal, i confess, for it was all we could do to retain our seats, but we gave it enough to prose about all the days of its life. what stories the younger generation of jack-rabbits will hear of "the old days" when desperate men used to come out thousands of miles in two-horse waggons with canvas hoods to try and catch their ancestors! and what a hero that particular jack-rabbit which we did not hunt will be! the road southwards leads along hillsides, both up and down, but on the whole gradually ascending, till the summit of the spur is reached. here one of the most enchanting landscapes possible is suddenly found spread out beneath you. a vast expanse of green meadow-land with pools of blue water here and there, herds of horses grazing, flocks of wild fowl in the air, and on the right the settlement of richfield among its trees and red-soiled corn-fields! crossing this we found that a spur, running down on it, divides it really into two, or rather conceals a second plain from sight. but in the second, sage-brush, "the damnable absinthe," that standard of desolation, waves rampant, and the telegraph wire that goes straddling across it seems as if it must have been laid solely for the convenience of larks. every post has its lark, as punctually as its insulator, and every lark lets off its three delicious notes of song as we go by, just as if the birds were sentries passing on a "friend" from picket to picket. and here it was that we adventured with the jack-rabbit, much to our own discomfiture. but while we were casting about for our lost road, we came upon a desolate little building, all alone in the middle of the waste, which we had supposed to be a deserted ranch-house, and were surprised to find several waggons standing about. just as we reached it, the owners of the waggons came out, and then we discovered that it was the "meeting-house" for the scattered ranches round, and seeing the several parties packing themselves into the different waggons remembered (from a certain sabbatical smartness of apparel) that it was sunday. we were soon on our right road again, and passing the hamlets of inverary and elsinore on the right, came in sight of monroe, and through a long prelude of cultivation reached that quaint little village just apparently at the fashionable hour for girls to go out riding with their beaux. couple after couple passed us, the girls riding pillion behind their sweethearts, and very well contented they all seemed to be, with their arms round the object of their affections. except in france once or twice, i do not recollect ever having seen this picturesque old custom in practice; but judging from the superior placidity of his countenance and the merriment on hers, i should say it was an enjoyable one, and perhaps worth reviving. another interesting feature of sunday evening in monroe was the big drum. it appeared that the arrival of the apostle who was with me had been expected, and that the people, who are everywhere most curiously on the alert for spiritual refreshment, had agreed that if the apostle on arriving felt equal to holding a meeting, the big drum was to be beaten. in due course, therefore, a very little man disappeared inside a building and shortly reappeared in custody of a very big drum, which he proceeded to thump in a becoming sabbatical manner. but whether the drum or the association of old band days overcame him, or whether the devil entered into him or into the drum, it is certain that he soon drifted into a funereal rendering of "yankee doodle." he was conscious, moreover, of his lapse into weekday profanity, and seemed to struggle against it by beating ponderous spondees. but it was of no use. either the drum or the devil was too big for him, and the solemn measure kept breaking into patriotic but frivolous trochaics. attracted by these proceedings, the youth of the neighbourhood had collected, and their intelligent aversion to monopolists was soon apparent by their detaching the little barnacle from his drum and subjecting the resonant instrument to a most irregular bastinado. they all had a go at it, both drumsticks at once, and the result was of a very unusual character, as neither of the performers could hear distinctly what was going on on the other side of the drum, and each, therefore, worked quite independently. in the meanwhile some one had procured a concertina, and this, with a dog that had a fine falsetto bark, constituted a very respectable "band" in point of noise. thus equipped, the lads started off to beat up the village, and working with that enthusiasm which characterizes the self-imposed missions of youth, were very successful. everybody came out to their doors to see what was going on, and having got so far, they then went on to the meeting. by twos and threes and occasional tens the whole village collected inside the meeting-house, or round the door unable to get in, and i must confess that looking round the room, i was surprised at the number of pretty peasant faces that monroe can muster. and here for the first time i became aware of a very significant fact, and one that well deserves notice, though i have never heard or seen it referred to--i mean the number of handsome marriageable girls who are unmarried in the mormon settlements. omitting other places, in each of which many well-grown, comely girls can be found unmarried, i saw in the hamlet of monroe enough unwedded charms to make me think that either the resident polygamist had very bad taste or very bad luck. my host, a mormon, was a widower (a complete widower i mean), and two very pretty girls, neighbours, looked after his household affairs for him. one was a blonde scandinavian of utah birth; the other a dark-haired scotch lassie emigrated three years ago--and each was just eighteen. (and in the western country eighteen looks three-and-twenty.) i asked my host why he did not marry one of them, or both, and he told me that he had a family growing up, and that he had so often seen quarrels and separations result from the remarriage of fathers that he did not care to risk it. and the apostle, who was present, said, "quite right." now please remember this was in polygamous utah, in a secluded village, entirely mormon, where, if anywhere, men and women might surely do as they pleased. in any monogamous society such a reason, followed by the approval of a church dignitary, would not be worth commenting on, but here among mormons it was significant enough. i spoke to the girls, and asked them why they had not married. "because the right man has not come along yet," said one. "but perhaps when the right man does come along he will be married already," i said. "and why should that make any difference?" was the reply. in the meantime each of these shapely daughters of eve had a "beau" who took her out riding behind him, escorted her home from meeting, and so forth. but neither of them had found "the right man." of monroe, therefore, one of those very places, retired from civilization, "where the polygamous mormon can carry on his beastly practices undetected, and therefore unpunished"--as the scandalous clique of salt lake city (utterly ignorant of mormonism except what it can pick up from apostates) is so fond of alleging--i can positively state from personal knowledge that there are both men and women there who are guided in matters of marriage by the very same motives and principles that regulate the relation in monogamous society. further, i can positively state the same of several other settlements, and judging from these, and from salt lake city, i can assure my readers that the standard of public morality among the mormons of utah is such as the gentiles among them are either unable or unwilling to live up to. in this connexion it is worth noting that public morality has in utah one safeguard, over and above all those of other countries, namely, the strict surveillance of the church. i have enjoyed while in utah such exceptional advantages for arriving at the truth, as both gentiles and mormons say have never been extended to any former writer, and among other facts with which i have become acquainted is the silent scrutiny into personal character which the church maintains. profanity, intemperance, immorality, and backbiting are taken quiet note of, and if persisted in against advice, are punished by a gradual withdrawal of "fellowship;" and result in what the gentiles call "apostasy." among the standing instructions of the teachers of the wards is this:-- "if persons professing to be members of the church be guilty of allowing drunkenness, sabbath-breaking, profanity, defrauding or backbiting, or any other kind of wickedness or unrighteous dealing, they should be visited and their wrong-doing pointed out to them in the spirit of brotherly kindness and meekness, and be exhorted to repent." if they do not repent, they find the respect, then the friendship, and finally the association, of their co-religionists withheld from them, and thus tacitly ostracized by their own church, they "apostatize" and carry their vices into the gentile camp, and there assist to vilify those who have already pronounced them unfit to live with honest men or virtuous women. chapter xv. at monroe. "schooling" in the mormon districts--innocence as to whisky, but connoisseurs in water--"what do you think of that water, sir?"--gentile dependents on mormon charity--the one-eyed rooster--notice to all! sitting at the door next morning, i saw a very trimly-dressed damsel of twenty or thereabouts, coming briskly along under the trees, which there, as in every other mormon settlement, shade the side-walk. she was the schoolmistress, i learned, and very soon her scholars began to pass along. i had thus an opportunity of observing the curious, happy-go-lucky style in which "schooling" is carried on, and i was sorry to see it, for mormonism stands urgently in need of more education, and it is pure folly to spend half the revenue of the territory annually in a school establishment, if the children and their parents are permitted to suppose that education is voluntary and a matter of individual whim. some of the leading members of the church are conspicuous defaulters in this matter, and do their families a gross wrong by setting "the chores" and education before them as being of equal importance. even in the highest class of the community children go to school or stay away almost as they like, and provided a little boy or girl has the shrewdness to see that he or she can relieve the father or mother from trouble by being at home to run errands and do little jobs about the house, they can, i regret to think, regulate the amount of their own schooling as they please. i know very well that utah compares very favourably, on paper, with the greater part of america, but i have compiled and examined too many educational statistics in my time to have any faith in them. but in the matter of abstinence from strong drink and stimulants, the leaders of the church set an admirable example, and i found it very difficult most of the time, and quite impossible part of it, to keep my whisky flask replenished. my system of arriving at the truth as to the existence of spirit stores in any particular settlement, was to grumble and complain at having no whisky, and to exaggerate my regrets at the absence of beer. the courtesy of my hosts was thus challenged, and of the sincerity of the efforts made to gratify my barbaric tastes, i could have no doubt whatever. in most cases they were quite ignorant of even the cost of liquor, and on one occasion a man started off with a five-dollar piece i had given him to get me "five dollars' worth of whisky in this bottle," pointing to my flask. i explained to him that i only wanted the flask replenished, and that there would be change to bring back. he did not get any at all, however. on one occasion the bishop brought in, in evident triumph, two bottles of beer. on another i went clandestinely with a mormon, after dark, and drank some whisky "as a friend," and not as a customer, with another mormon, who "generally kept a bottle on hand" for secret consumption. that they would both have been ashamed for their neighbours to know what they were about, i am perfectly convinced. on a third occasion an official brought me half a pint of whisky, and the price was a dollar. now it is quite impossible for me, who have thus made personal experiment, to have any doubt as to the prevailing sobriety of these people. i put them repeatedly to the severest test that you can apply to a hospitable man, by asking point-blank for ardent spirits. sometimes, in an off-hand way, i would give money and the flask to a lad, and ask him to "run across to the store and get me a little whisky or brandy." he would take both and meander round in an aimless sort of way. but i might almost as well have asked him to go and buy me a few birds-of-paradise or advance sheets of the "encyclopaedia britannica." the father or a neighbour might perhaps suggest a "likely" place to get some stimulant, but, as a rule, the quest was unconditionally abandoned as hopeless. the elders of the church set a strict example themselves, discouraging, by their own abstinence, indulgence even in tea and coffee. you are asked in a settlement whether you will have tea or coffee, just as in england you would be asked whether you would drink ale or claret. a strong man takes a cup of tea as a lady in europe might take a glass of sherry, as justified by unusual exercise and fatigue. being a londoner, i entertain a most wholesome suspicion of water as a drink, and i reverence fresh milk. in rural utah, milk being so abundant, the people think little of it, but they pride themselves on their water. "what do you think of that water, sir?" was a question that puzzled me to answer at first, for i am not a connoisseur in drinking-water. if it had been a claret, i might have made a pretence of criticism. but water! or if they had let me wash in it, i would have told them whether i thought it "hard" or "soft." but to pass an opinion on a particular tumbler of water, as if it were a special brand laid down by my host for his own drinking, completely puzzled me. i can no more tell waters apart than i can tell chinamen. of course i can discriminate between the outcome of the sea and of sulphur springs. but for the rest, it seems to me that they only differ in their degrees of cleanliness, or, as scientific men say, to "the properties which they hold in solution," that is mud. and mud, i take it, is always pretty much the same. so at first when my host would suddenly turn to me with, "what do you think of that water, sir?" i made the mistake of supposing it might be one of the extraordinary aqueous novelties for which this territory is so remarkable--hot-geyser water or petrifying water, or something else of the kind--and would smack my lips critically and venture on a suggestion of "lime," or "soda," or "alkali." but my host was always certain to be down with, "oh, no; i assure you. that is reckoned the best water in the county!" i soon discovered, however, that the right thing to say was that i preferred it, "on the whole," to the water at the last place. this was invariably satisfactory--unless, of course, there was a resident of "the last place" present, when an argument would ensue. these people, in fact, look upon their drinking-water just as on the continent they look upon their vins ordinaires, or in england upon their local brews, and to the last i could not help being delighted at the manner in which a jug of water and tumblers were handed about among a party of fatigued and thirsty travellers. i always took my share becomingly, but sometimes, i must confess, with silent forebodings. for in some places there are springs which petrify, by coating with lime, any substance they flow over, and i did not anticipate with any gratification having my throat lined with cement, or my stomach faced with building-stone. "who are those children?" said i to my host at munroe, pointing to two ragged little shoeless waifs that were standing in his yard and evidently waiting to be taken notice of. instead of replying, my host turned towards them. "well, jimmy," said he, "what is it to-day?" the wistful eyes looking out from under the tattered, broad-brimmed hats, brightened into intelligence. "another chicken for mother," said both together, promptly; and then, as if suddenly overtaken by a sense of their audacity, the forlorn little lads dropped their eyes and stood there, holding each other's hands, as picturesque and pathetic a pair as any beggar children in italy. in the full sunlight, but half shaded by the immense brims of those wonderfully ancient hats, the urchins were irresistibly artistic, and if met with anywhere in the riviera, would have been sure of that small-change tribute which the romantic tourist pays with such pleasant punctuality to the picturesque poverty of southern childhood. but this was in utah. and my host looked at them from under his tilted straw hat. they stood in front of him as still as sculptors' models, but fingers and toes kept exchanging little signals of nervous distress. "all right. go and get one," said my host suddenly. "take the young rooster that's blind of one eye." he had to shout the last instructions in a rapid crescendo as the youngsters had sprung off together at the word "go," like twin shafts from those double-arrowed bows of the old manchurian archers. three minutes later and a most woful scrawking heralded the approach of the captors and the captive. the young rooster, though blind of one eye, saw quite enough of the situation to make him apprehensive, but the younger urchin had him tight under his arm, and, still under the exciting influences of the chase and capture, the boys stood once more before my host, with panting bodies, flushed cheeks, and tufts of yellow hair sprouting out through crevices of those wondrous old hats, which had evidently just seen service in the capture. and the rooster, feeling, perhaps, that he was now before the final court of appeal, scrawked as if machinery had got loose inside him and he couldn't stop it. "how's your (scraw-w-w-k) mother?" she's (scraw-w-w-k)--and she's (scraw-w-w-k) nothing to eat all yesterday." (scraw-w-k.) "go on home, then." and away down the middle of the road scudded the little fellows in a confusion of dust and scrawk. "who are those children?" i asked again, thinking i had chanced on that unknown thing, a pauper mormon. "oh," said my host, "he's a bad lot--an outsider--who came in here as a loafer, and deserted his wife. she's very ill and pretty nigh starving. ay, she would starve, too, if her boys there didn't come round regular, begging of us. but loafers know very well that 'those----mormons' won't let anybody go hungry. ay, and they act as if they knew it, too." in other settlements there are exactly such similar cases, but i would draw the attention of my readers--i wish i could draw the attention of the whole nation to it--to the following notice which stands to this day with all the force of a regular by-law in these mormon settlements:-- "notice to all. "if there are any persons in this city who are destitute of food, let them be who they may, if they will let their wants be known to me, privately or otherwise, i will see that they are furnished with food and lodging until they can provide for themselves. the bishops of every ward are to see that there are no persons going hungry. "(signed by the presiding bishop.)" now it may be mere "sentiment" on my part, but i confess that this "notice to all," in the simplicity of its wording, in the nobility of its spirit, reads to me very beautifully. and what a contrast to turn from this text of a universal charity, that is no respecter of persons, to the infinite meanness of those who can write, as in the salt lake tribune, of the whole community of mormons as the villainous spawn of polygamy!" it is a recognized law among the mormons that no tramp shall pass by one of their settlements hungry; if it is at nightfall, he is to be housed. towards the indians their policy is one of enlightened and christian humanity. for their own people their charity commences from the first. emigrated to this country by the voluntary donations which maintain the "perpetual emigration fund," each new arrival is met with immediate care, and being passed on to his location, finds (as i have described in another chapter) a system of mutual kindliness prevailing which starts him in life. if sick, he is cared for. if he dies, his family is provided for. all this is fact. i have read it in no books, heard it from no hoodwinking elders. my informants are lads just arrived in salt lake city--within an hour or two of their arrival, in fact; young men just settling down in their first log hut in rural settlements: grown men now themselves engaged in the neighbourly duty of assisting new-comers. i have met and talked to those men--germans, scandinavians, britishers--in their own homes here in utah, and have positively assured myself of the fact i state, that charity, unquestioning, simple-hearted charity, is one of the secrets of the strength of this wonderful fabric of mormonism. the mormons are, more nearly than any other community in the world on such a scale, one family. every man knows all the rest of his neighbours with an intimacy and a neighbourly interest that is the result of reciprocal good services in the past. this is their bond of union. in india there is "the village community" which moves, though in another arc, on the same plane as the mormon settlement system. there, to touch one man's crop is to inflame the whole clan with the sense of a common injury. here it is much the same. and as it is between the different individuals in a settlement, so it is between the different settlements in the territory. a brutal act, like that eviction of the mormon postmaster at park city the other day, disturbs the whole of mormonism with apprehensions of impending violence. a libel directed at a man or woman in salt lake city makes a hundred thousand personal enemies in utah. now, with what petard will you hoist such a rock? induce these mormons to hate one another "for all the world like christians," as george eliot said, and they can be snapped as easily as the philosopher's faggots when once they were unbundled. but in the meantime abuse of individuals or "persecution" of a class simply cements the whole body together more firmly than ever. mutual charity is one of the bonds of mormon union. it is the secret of this "oneness" which makes the salt lake tribune yelp so. chapter xvi. jacob hamblin. a mormon missionary among the indians--the story of jacob hamblin's life--his spiritualism, the result of an intense faith--his good work among the lamanites--his belief in his own miracles. leaving munroe, we find cultivation gradually disappearing, and, after two or three miles, unmitigated brush supervenes. a steep divide now thrusts itself across the road, and, traversing near the summit a patch of pebbly ground which seemed a very paradise for botanists, we descend again into a wilderness of grease-wood, "the unspeakable turk" among vegetables. the mountains between which we pass provide, however, a succession of fine views. they are of that bulky, broad-based and slowly sloping type that is so much more solemn and impressive than jagged, sharp-pointed and precipitous formations. a few miles more bring us to one of them, and for the first time during the journey our road runs through the thickly growing "cedars" which we have hitherto seen only at a distance lying like dark clouds upon the hill-sides and black drifts in the gulches. the wild flowers growing under these "cedars" (and the pines which are sprinkled among them) are of new varieties to me, and i enjoyed a five-mile walk in this novel vegetation immensely. a few years ago, though, "mr. indian" would have made himself too interesting to travellers for men to go wandering about among the cedars picking posies. they would have found those "arrows tipped with jasper," which are so picturesque in hiawatha, flying about instead of humming-birds tipped with emerald, and a tomahawk hurtling through the bushes would have been more likely to excite remark than the blue magpies which i saw looking after snails. this district was, until very recently, a favourite hunting-ground of those indians of whom old jacob hamblin was the nestor--the guide, philosopher, friend, and victim. one day they would try "to fill his skin full of arrows;" on the next day they would be round him, asking him to make rain-medicine. they would talk mormonism with him all day, and grunt approvingly; as soon as night fell they would steal his horse. he was always patching up peace between this tribe and that, yet every now and then they would catch him, have a great pow-wow over him, and being unable to decide whether he should be simply flayed or be roasted first over a charcoal fire, would let him go, with provisions and an escort for his home journey. his life, indeed, was so wonderful--much more fascinating than any fiction--that i am not surprised at his believing, as he does, that he is under the special protection of heaven, and, as he says, in a private covenant with the almighty that "if he does not thirst for the blood of the lamanites, his blood shall never be shed by them." he began life as a farmer near chicago, but being baptized received at once "the immediate gift of the holy ghost," and at once entered upon a career of "miracles" and "prophecies" that when told in serious earnest are sufficient to stagger even madame blavatsky herself. he cured his neighbours of deadly ailments by the laying on of hands, and foretold conversions, deaths, and other events with unvarying accuracy. by prolonged private meditation he enjoyed what, from his description, must be a pregustation of the buddhistic nirvana, and after this, miracles became quite commonplace with him. he witnessed the "miracle" of the great quail flights into the camp of the fugitive and starving saints in , and helped to collect the birds and to eat them; he saw also the "miraculous" flights of seagulls that rescued the mormons from starvation by destroying the locusts in . but his personal experiences, narrated with a simplicity of speech and unquestioning confidence that are bewildering, were really marvellous. if cattle were lost, he could always dream where they were. if sickness prevailed, he knew beforehand who would suffer, and which of them would die, and which of them recover. if indians were about, angels gave him in his sleep the first warnings of his danger. his sympathy with the indians was, however, very early awakened, and being strengthened in it by the conciliatory indian policy of brigham young, he became before long the only recognized medium of friendly communication with them. everybody, whether federal officials, california emigrants, mormon missionaries, or indians themselves, enlisted his influence whenever trouble with the tribes was anticipated. his own explanation of this influence is remarkable enough. as a young man, he says, he was sometimes told off to join retributive expeditions, but he could never bring himself to fire at an indian, and on one occasion, when he did try to do so, his rifle kept missing fire, while "the lamanites," with equally ineffectual efforts to shed his blood, kept on pincushioning the ground all around him with their futile arrows. after this he and the indians whenever they met, spared each other's lives with punctual reciprocity. on one occasion he dreamed that he was walking in a friendly manner with some of the members of a certain tribe, when he picked up a piece of a shining substance, which stuck to his fingers. the more he tried to rub it off the brighter it became. one would naturally, under such circumstances, anticipate the revelation of a gold-mine, but jacob hamblin, without any questioning, went off at once to the tribe in question. they received him as friends, and he stayed with them. one day, passing a lodge, "the spirit" whispered to him, "here is the shining substance you saw in your dream." but all he saw was a squaw and a boy papoose. however, he went up to the squaw, and asked for the boy. she naturally demurred to the request, but to her astonishment the boy, gathering up his bow and arrows, urged compliance with it, and hamblin eventually led off his dream-revealed "lump." after a while he asked the boy how it was he was so eager to come, though he had never seen a white man before, and the boy answered, "my spirit told me that you were coming to my father's lodge for me on a certain day, and that i was to go with you, and when the day came i went out to the edge of the wood, and lit a fire to show you the way to me." and hamblin then remembered that it was the smoke of a fire that had led him to that particular camp, instead of another towards which he had intended riding! by way of a parenthesis, let me remark here that if there are any "spiritualists" among my readers, they should study mormonism. the saints have long ago formulated into accepted doctrines those mysteries of the occult world which spiritualists outside the faith are still investigating. your "problems" are their axioms. this indian boy became a staunch mormon, and to the last was in communion with the other world. remember i am quoting hamblin's words, not in any way endorsing them. in he was at st. george, and one day when his friends were starting on a mission to a neighbouring tribe, he took farewell of them "for ever." "i am going on a mission, too," he said. "what do you mean?" asked hamblin. "only that i shall be dead before you come back," was the indian's reply. "i have seen myself in a dream preaching the gospel to a multitude of my people, and my ancestors were among them. so i know that i must be a spirit too before i can carry the word to spirits." in six weeks hamblin returned to st. george; and the indian was dead. brigham young, as i have said, insisted upon a conciliatory policy towards the indians. he made in person repeated visits to the missions at work among them, and was never weary of advising and encouraging. here is a portion of one of his letters: does it read like the words of a thoroughly bad man?--"seek by words of righteousness to obtain the love and confidence of the tribes. omit promises where you are not sure you can fulfil them. seek to unite your hearts in the bonds of love. . . . may the spirit of the lord direct you, and that he may qualify you for every duty is the constant prayer of your fellow-labourer in the gospel of salvation, brigham young." here is a part of another letter: "i trust that the genial and salutary influences now so rapidly extending to the various tribes, may continue till it reaches every son and daughter of abraham in their fallen condition. the hour of their redemption draws nigh, and the time is not far off when they shall become a people whom the lord will bless. . . . the indians should be encouraged to keep and take care of stock. i highly apprcne your design in doing your farming through the natives; it teaches them to obtain a subsistence by their own industry, and leaves you more liberty to extend your labours among others. . . . you should always be careful to impress upon them that they should not infringe on the rights of others, and our brethren should be very careful not to infringe upon their rights in any particular, thus cultivating honour and good principles in their midst by example as well as by precept. as ever, your brother in the gospel of salvation, brigham young." these and other letters are exactly in the spirit of the correspondence which, in the early days of england in hindostan, won for the old court of directors the eternal admiration of mankind and for england the respect of asia. yet in brigham young's case is it ever carried to his credit that he spent so much thought and time and labour over the reclamation of the indians, by a policy of kindness, and their exaltation by an example of honourable dealing? it was in this spirit that the mormon missionaries went out to the indians then living in the part of the territory over which i travelled, and jacob hamblin was one eminently characteristic of the type. beyond all others, however, he sympathized with the red man's nature. "i argue with him just as he argues," he said. he was on good terms with the medicine-men, and took a delightful interest in their ceremonies. but when they failed to bring rain with bonfires and howling, he used to pray down abundant showers; when they gave up tormenting the sick as past all hope, hamblin restored the invalid to life by the laying on of hands! once more let me say that i am only quoting, not indorsing. but i do him a great injustice in not being able to convey in writing the impressive simplicity of his language, his low, measured tones, his contemplative, earnest attitude, his indian-like gravity of countenance. that he speaks the implicit truth, according to his own belief, i am as certain as that the water of the great salt lake is salt. his "occult" sympathies seemed at times to be magnetic, for when in doubt as to whom to choose for his companion on a perilous journey, some brother or other, the fittest person for the occasion, would always feel mysteriously influenced to go to him to see if his services were needed. his displeasure killed men, that is to say they went from his presence, sickened and died. so frequent was this inexplicable demise that the indians worked out a superstition that evil befalls those who rob or kill a mormon; and so marked were the special manifestations of the missionaries' spirit power, that, as hamblin says, "the indians were without excuse for refusing conversion," and were converted. "they looked to us for counsel, and learned to regard our words as law." though the missionaries were sometimes alone, and the tribes around them of the most desperate kind, as "plundersome" as wolves and at perpetual blood-feud with each other, the mormons' lives were quite safe. when they had determined on an atrocity--burning a squaw, for instance--they would do it in the most nervous hurry, lest a mormon should come along and stop it, and when they had done it and were reproached, they used to cry like children, and say they were only indians. tragedy and comedy went hand in hand; laughter at the ludicrous is cut short by a shudder of horror. "we cannot be good; we must be piutes. perhaps some of our children will be good. we're going off to kill so-and-so. whoop!" and away they would go, putting an arrow into the missionary's horse as they passed. by-and-by the man who shot the arrow would be found dead, killed by a mormon's curse, and the rest would be back at work in the settlement hoeing pumpkins--"for all the world like christians!" through all these alternations of temper and fortune, jacob hamblin retained his tender sympathy with the red men. their superstitious piety which, quaintly enough, he does not seem to think is exactly like his own, attracted him. he found among them tribes asking the blessing of the great father on their food before they ate it; invoking the divine protection on behalf of their visitors; praying for protection when about to cross a river; returning thanks for a safe return from a journey; always sending one of their religious men to accompany any party about to travel, and so on. all this the pious mormon naturally respected. but over and above these more ordinary expressions of piety, he found tribes that believed in and acted upon dreams; that accepted the guidance of "second sight;" that relied upon prayer for obtaining temporal necessaries; that lived "by faith," and were awaiting the fulfilment of prophecy. in all this the mormon missionary sees nothing but common sense. for instance, hamblin said, "i know that some people do not believe in dreams and night-visions. i myself do not believe in them when they arise from a disordered stomach, but in other kinds i have been forewarned of coming events, and received much instruction!" and, in the spirit of these words, he thinks it the most natural thing in the world that indians should start off after a dream and find their lost cattle; suddenly alter their course in a waterless journey, and come upon hitherto unknown springs; predict the most impossible meetings with friends, and avoid dangers that were not even anticipated. in the most serious manner possible, he acquiesces in the indians' theory of rain-getting, and acts upon their clairvoyant advice. "the lord," he says, "is mindful of the prayers of these poor barbarians, and answers them with the blessings they need." seeing them quite sincere in their faith, he joins them in their ceremonies of scattering consecrated meal to ensure protection on a journey, believing himself that simple reliance on providence is all that men of honest lives need. one tribe has a tradition that three prophets are to come to lead them back to the lands that their fathers once possessed, that these are to be preceded by good white men, but that the indians are not to go with them until after the three prophets have reappeared and told them what to do. the indians accept the mormons as "the good white men" of the tradition, but "the three prophets" not having reappeared, they refuse to leave their villages (as the mormons have wanted them to do), and hamblin has not a word to say against such "reasonable" objections. is it not wonderful to find men thus reverting to an intellectual type that the world had supposed to be extinct? to find men, shrewd in business, honest in every phase of temporal life, going back to cheiromancy and hydromancy, and transacting temporal affairs at the guidance of visions? an indian prays for rain on his pumpkins, in apparently the most unreasonable way, but the mormon postpones his departure till the rain that results is over. on his way he nearly dies of thirst, prays for deliverance, and in half an hour snow falls over a mile and a half of ground, melts and forms pools of water! what are we to say of men who say such things as these? are they all crazy together? and what shall we think of the thousands here who believe that miracles are the most ordinary, reasonable, natural, every-day phenomena of a life of faith, and quote point-blank the promises of the new testament as a sufficient explanation? the best thing, perhaps, is to say hum meditatively, and think no more about it. chapter xvii. through marysvale to kingston. piute count---days of small things--a swop in the sage-brush; two bishops for one apostle--the kings of kingston--a failure in family communism. from the brow of the cedared hill south of munroe a splendid view is obtained, and piute county opens with fair promises; for a superb-looking valley, all natural meadow, lies spread out on either side of the sevier, while from a gulch in the mountains on the right, a stream of vegetation seems to have poured down across the level, carrying along with its flood of cotton-wood and willow a few stately old pine-trees. from among the vegetation peeps out a cluster of miners' houses--for there are the sevier mines up beyond that pine gulch--and a ranch or two. much of the enchantment of distance vanishes of course as we come down to the level of the plains ourselves and skirt it close under the hills on the left. but it is a fine location nevertheless, and some day, no doubt, may be a populous valley. after a mile or two it narrows, and we cross the river--a wooden bridge, with a store and barns--("lisonbee's place") making a pleasant interval of civilization. from "lisonbee's" the road passes up on to and over a stony plateau, and then descends into the valley again. cattle and horses are grazing in the meadow, and the dark patches of wire-grass are spangled with yellow lupins, and tinted pink in places with patches of a beautiful orchid-like flower. on the edge of this pleasant-looking tract stand two small cottages, and to one of these we are welcomed by its mormon occupants. to me the whole country had an aspect of desperate desolation. yet our host had just come back from "the post;" his children were away "at school;" the newspaper on his table was the latest we had ourselves seen. it is true that the post was literally a post, with a cigar-box nailed on the top of it, standing all by itself among the brushwood on the roadside. the school was a mile or two off, "just over the hill," and, till the regular teacher came, a volunteer was making shift to impart education to the little scholars who came straggling over the dreary hill-sides by twos and threes. yet, rudimentary though they be, these are the first symptoms of a civilization triumphing over sage-brush, and give even to such desperately small beginnings a significance that is very interesting. all the thriving settlements i have visited began exactly in the same way--and under worse conditions, too, for the indian was then a stronger power than the mormon. our host here had shot among the reeds in his meadow a large bird, the size of an average goose, black with white spots, which he had been told was "a loon." it was one of the larger "divers," its neck being very long and snake-like, terminating in a comparatively small head, its wings very short and its legs (the feet webbed) set, as in all diving birds, far back on the body. leaving this very young "settlement," we found ourselves again in a wretched, waterless country, where the vegetation did not compensate for its monotony by any attractions of colour, nor the mountains for their baldness by any variety of contour. here and there stunted cedars had huddled together for company into a gulch, as if afraid to be scattered about singly on such lonesome hill-sides, and away on the right, in a dip under the hills, we caught a glimpse of marysvale. traversing this forbidding tract, we met another waggon on its way to munroe, and stopping to exchange greetings, it suddenly occurred to one of the strangers that by our exchanging vehicles the horses and their teamsters would both be going home instead of away from it, and thus everybody be advantaged! the exchange was accordingly effected, our teamster getting two bishops in exchange for an apostle and a correspondent, and the waggons being turned round in their tracks, the teams, to their unconcealed satisfaction, started off towards their respective homes. sage-brush and sand, with occasional patches of tiresome rock fragments and unlimited lizards--nature's hieroglyphics for sultry sterility--were the only features of the journey. away on our left, however, the track of a water-channel, that when completed will turn many thousands of these arid acres into farm-lands, scarred the red hill-side, and told the same old story of mormon industry. where it came from i have forgotten, where it was going to i do not remember, but it was in sight off and on for some thirty miles, and was probably carrying the waters of the sevier on to the circle-ville plains. we are there ourselves in the evening, and passing through some ploughed land and meadow, find ourselves upon the wind-swept, lonesome, location of the kings of kingston. among the social experiments of mormonism, the family communism of the kings of kingston deserves a special notice, for, though in my own opinion it is a failure, both financially and socially, the scheme is probably one of the most curious attempts at solving a great social problem that was ever made. kingston is the name of a hamlet of fifteen wooden cottages and a stock-yard which has been planted in the centre of one of the most desolate plains in all the utah territory--a very jehunnam of a plain. piute county, in which it is situated, is, as a rule, a most forbidding section of country, and the kingston "valley" is perhaps the dreariest spot in it. the mountains, stern and sterile, ring it in completely, but on the south-east is a great canyon which might be the very mouth of the cavern in which the gods used to keep their winds, for a persistent, malignant wind is perpetually sweeping through it on to the plain below, and the soil being light and sandy, the people live for part of the year in a ceaseless dust-storm. one year they sowed acres with wheat, and the wind simply blew the crop away. that which it could not actually displace, it kept rubbed down close to the ground by the perpetual passage of waves of sand. they planted an orchard, but some gooseberry bushes are the only remaining vestiges of the plantation, and even these happen to be on the lee side of a solid fence. they also set out trees to shade their houses, but the wind worked the saplings round and round in their holes, so that they could not take root. it can be easily imagined, therefore, that without a tree, without a green thing except the reach of meadow land at the foot of the hills, the kingston plain, with its forlorn fifteen tenements, looks for most of the year desolation itself. that any one should ever have settled there is a mystery to all; that he should have remained there is a simple absurdity, a very jumbo of a folly. yet here, after five years of the most dismal experiences, i found some twenty households in occupation. at the time when brigham young was exerting himself to extend the "united order" (of which more when i come to orderville), one of the enthusiasts who embraced its principles was a mr. king, of fillmore. he was a prosperous man, with a family well settled about him. nevertheless, he determined from motives of religious philanthropy to begin life anew, and having sold off all that he possessed he emigrated with his entire family into the miserable piute country, selected in an hour of infatuation the kingston--then "circleville"--location, and announced that he was about to start a co-operative experiment in farming and general industry on the basis of a household, with patriarchal government, a purse in common, and a common table for all to eat at together. having been permitted to examine the original articles of enrolment, dated may , --a document, by the way, curiously characteristic of the whole undertaking, being a jumble of articles and by-laws written on a few slips of ordinary paper, a miracle of unworldly simplicity and in very indifferent spelling--i found the objects of "the company," as it is called, were "agricultural, manufacturing, commercial, and other industrial pursuits," and the establishment and maintenance of "colleges, seminaries, churches, libraries, and any other charitable or scientific associations." it was to be superintended by a board, who were to be elected by a majority of the members, and to receive for their services "the same wages as are paid to farm hands or other common labourers." to become members of this family order it was necessary that they should "bequeath, transfer, and convey into the company all their right, title, and interest to whatever property, whether personal or real estate, that they were then possessed of, or might hereafter become possessed of by legacy, will, or otherwise for the purposes above mentioned, and further that they would labour faithfully and honourably themselves, and cause their children who were under age to labour under the direction of the board of directors, the remuneration for which shall be as fixed by the board both as to price and kind of pay he or she shall receive." it was "furthermore understood and agreed that a schedule or inventory of all property bequeathed or transferred to the company should be kept, together with the price of each article, that in case any party becomes dissatisfied or is called away, or wishes to draw out, he can have as near as may be the same kind of property, but in no case can he have real estate, only at the option of the board, nor shall interest or a dividend be paid on such property." "we further agree" (so run the articles of this curious incorporation) "that we will be controlled and guided in all our labour, in our food, clothing, and habitations for our families" (by the board), "being frugal and economical in our manner of living and dress, and in no case seek to obtain that which is above another." "we also covenant and agree that all credits for labour that stand to our names in excess of debits for food and clothing, shall become the property of the company." in these four articles is contained the whole of the principles of this astonishing experiment. men were to sell their all, and put the proceeds into a family fund. out of this, as the wages of their labour, they were to receive food and other necessaries to the value of $ a day, and if at the end of the year their drawings exceeded the amount of work put in the company "forgave" them the excess, while if their earnings exceeded their drawings, they "forgave" the company. thus the accounts were annually squared by reciprocal accommodation. if anyone seceded from the order, he was entitled to receive back exactly what he had contributed. mr. king, the father, started by putting in some $ , , and his sons and others following suit, the fund rose at once to some $ , . (i would say here that the entirely original method of "keeping the books" makes balance-striking a difficulty.) with this sum, and so much labour at their disposal, the family company should have been a brilliant success. but several circumstances conspired disastrously against it. the first was the unfortunate selection of location, for, in spite of the quantity of promising land available elsewhere, mr. king pitched his camp in the wretched sand-drifts of the piute section. the next was the ill-advised generosity of the founders in inviting all the country round to come and join them, with or without means, so long as they would be faithful members of the order. the result, of course, was an influx of "deadheads"--the company indeed having actually to send out waggons to haul in families who were too poor to be able to move themselves. of these new-comers only a proportion were worth anything to the young settlement, for many came in simply for the certainty of a roof over their heads and sufficient food. the result was most discouraging, and in short time the more valuable adherents were disheartened, and began to fall off, and now, five years from the establishment of the company, there are only some twenty families left, and these are all kings or relatives of the kings. the father himself is dead, but four sons divide the patriarchal government between them, and, having again reduced the scheme to a strictly family concern, they are thinking of a fresh start. what may happen in the future is not altogether certain, but it will be strange if in this country where individual industry, starting without a dollar, is certain of a competence, co-operative labour commencing with funds in hand does not achieve success. at present the company possesses, besides its land in the valley, and a mill and a woollen factory, both commencing work, cattle and sheep worth about $ , , and horses worth some $ , more. this is a tolerable capital for an association of hard-working men to begin with, but it is significant of errors in the past that after five years of almost superhuman toil they should find themselves no better off materially than when they started. nor, socially, has the experiment hitherto been a success, for kingston is, in my opinion, beyond comparison the lowest in the scale of all the mormon settlements that i have seen. it is poverty-stricken in appearance; its houses outside and inside testify, in unmended windows and falling plaster, to an absence of that good order which characterizes so many other villages. the furniture of the rooms and the quality of the food on the tables are poorer than elsewhere, and altogether it is only too evident that this family communism has dragged all down alike to the level of the poorest and the laziest of its advocates, rather than raised all up to the level of the best off and the hardest working. the good men have sunk, the others have not risen, and if it were not so pathetic the kingston phenomenon would be exasperating. but there is a very sincere pathos about this terrible sacrifice of self for the common good. i do not mean theoretically, but practically. the men of "the company" are the most saddening community i have ever visited. they seem, with their gentle manners, wonderful simplicity of speech, and almost womanly solicitude for the welfare of their guests, to have lost the strong, hearty spirit which characterizes these western conquerors of the deserts. yet even the hard-working mormons speak of them as veritable heroes in work. it is a common thing to hear men say that "the kingston men are simply killing themselves with toil;" and when western men talk of work as being too hard, you may rely upon it it is something very exceptional. almost against hope these peasants have struggled with difficulties that even they themselves confess seem insuperable. they have given nature all the odds they could, and then gone on fighting her. the result has been what is seen to-day--a crushed community of men and enfeebled women, living worse than any other settlement on the whole mormon line. their own stout hearts refuse to believe that they are a failure; but failure is written in large capital letters on the whole hamlet, and in italics upon every face within it. the wind-swept sand-drifts in which the settlement stands, the wretchedness of the tenements and their surroundings, the haphazard composition of their food, their black beans and their buffalo berries, the whistling of the wind as it drives the sand through the boards of the houses, the howling of the coyotes round the stock-yard--everything from first to last was in accord to emphasize the desperate desolation. but those who have known them for all the five years that the experiment has been under trial declare that their present condition, lamentable as it is, is an improvement upon their past. when they ate at a common table, the living, it is said, was even more frugal than it is now, and there was hardly a piece of crockery among them all, the "family" eating and drinking out of tin vessels. the women, either from mismanagement among themselves, or want of order among the men, were unable to bear the burden of ceaseless cooking, and the common table was thereupon abandoned by a unanimous vote. yet they are courtesy and hospitality itself, and their sufferings have only clinched their piety. they have not lost one iota of their faith in their principles, though staggering under the conviction of failure. their children have regular schooling, the women are scrupulously neat in their dress, while profanity and intemperance are unknown. chapter xviii. from kingston to orderville. on the way to panguitch--section-houses not mormon homes--through wild country--panguitch and its fish--forbidden pleasures--at the source of the rio virgin--the surpassing beauty of long valley--the orderville brethren--a success in family communism. next day we started over the hills for panguitch, some forty miles off. and here, by the roadside, was pointed out to me one of those "section-houses" which a traveller in utah once mistook for mormon "homes," and described "cabins, ten feet by six, built of planks, one window with no glass in it, one doorway with no door in it." this is an accurate description enough of a section-house, but it is a mistake to suppose that any one ever lives in it, as section-houses are only put up to comply with the homestead act, which stipulates for a building with one doorway and one window being erected upon each lot within a certain period of its allotment. but they do duty all the same in a certain class of literature as typical of the squalid depravity of the mormons, for, being inhabited by mormons, it follows, of course, that several wives, to say nothing of numerous children, have all to sleep together "on the floor of the single room the house contains!" isn't this a dreadful picture! and are not these large polygamous families who live in section-houses a disgrace to america? but, unfortunately for this telling picture, the only "inhabitants" of these section-houses are gentile tramps. a rough hill-road, strewn with uncompromising rocks, jolted us for some miles, and then we crossed a stream-bed with some fine old pines standing in it, and beds of blue lupins brightening the margin, and so came down to the river level, and along a lane running between hedges of wild-rose and redberry (the "opie" of the indians) tangled with clematis and honeysuckle, and haunted by many birds and brilliant butterflies. the river bubbled along among thickets of golden currant and red willow, and mallards with russet heads floated in the quiet backwaters, by the side of their dames all dressed in dainty grey. it was altogether a charming passage in a day of such general dreariness, reminding one of a pleasant quotation from some pretty poem in the middle of a dull chapter by some prosy writer. but the dulness recommences, and then we find ourselves at a wayside farm, where a couple of fawns with bells round their necks are keeping the calves company, and some boys are fishing on a little log bridge. these fish must have been all born idiots, or been stricken with unanimous lunacy in early youth, for the manner of their capture was this. the angler lay on his stomach on the "bridge" (it was a three foot and a half stream), with one eye down between two of the logs. when he saw any fish he thrust his "rod"--it was more like a penholder--through the space, and held it in front of the fishes' noses. at the end of the rod were some six inches of string, with a hook tied on with a large knot, and baited with a dab of dough. when the fish had got thoroughly interested in the dough, the angler would jerk up his rod, and by some unaccountable oversight on the part of the fishes it was found that about once in fifty jerks a fish came up out of the water! they seemed tome to be young trout; but, whatever the species, they must have been the most imbecile of finned things. i suggested catching them with the finger and thumb, but the boys giggled at me, as "the fish wouldn't let ye." but i am of a different opinion, for it seemed to me that fish that would let you catch them with such apparatus, would let you catch them without any at all. from here to panguitch the road lies through stony country of the prevalent exasperating type until we reach the precincts of the settlement, heralded long before we reach it by miles of fencing that enclose the grazing-land stretching down to the river. a detestable road, broken up and swamped by irrigation channels, leads into the settlement, and the poor impression thus received is not removed as we pass through the treeless "streets" and among the unfenced lots. but it is an interesting spot none the less, for apart from its future, it is a good starting-point for many places of interest. but i should like to have visited red lake and panguitch lake. "panguitch," by the way, means "fish" in the red man's language, and it is no wonder, therefore, that at breakfast we enjoyed one of the most splendid dishes of mountain-lake trout that was ever set before man. it is a great fish certainly--and i prefer it broiled. to put any sauce to it is sheer infamy. the beaver, by the way, is still to be trapped here, and the grizzly bear is not a stranger to panguitch. looking out of the window in the evening, i saw a cart standing by the roadside, and a number of men round it. their demeanour aroused my curiosity, for an extreme dejection had evidently marked them for its own. some sate in the road as if waiting in despair for doomsday; others prowled round the cart and leant in a melancholy manner against it. the cart, it appeared, had come from st. george, the vine-growing district in the south of the territory, and contained a cask of wine. but as there was no licence in panguitch for the sale of liquors, it could not be broached! i never saw men look so wretchedly thirsty in my life, and if glaring at the cask and thumping it could have emptied it, there would not have been a drop left. it was a delightful improvement upon the tortures of tantalus, but the victims accepted the joke as being against them, and though they watched the cart going away gloomily enough, there was no ill-temper. from panguitch to orderville, fifty miles, the scenery opens with the dreary hills that had become so miserably familiar, alternating with level pasture-lands, among which the serpentine sevier winds a curiously fantastic course. but gradually there grows upon the mind a sense of coming change. verdure creeps over the plains, and vegetation steals on to the hill-sides, and then suddenly as if for a surprise, the complete beauty of long valley bursts upon the traveller. i cannot in a few words say more of it than that this valley--through which the rio virgin flows, and in which the family communists of orderville have pitched their tents--rivals in its beauty the scenery of cashmere. springing from a hill-side, beautiful with flowering shrubs and instinct with bird life, the virgin river trickles through a deep meadow bright with blue iris plants and walled in on either side by hills that are clothed with exquisite vegetation, and then, collecting its young waters into a little channel, breaks away prattling into the valley. corn-fields and orchards, and meadows filled with grazing kine, succeed each other in pleasant series, and on the right hand and on the left the mountains lean proudly back with their loads of magnificent pine. and other springs come tumbling down to join the pretty river, which flows on, gradually widening as it goes, past whirring saw-mills and dairies half buried among fruit-trees, through park-like glades studded with pines of splendid girth, and pretty brakes of berry-bearing trees all flushed with blossoms. and the valley opens away on either side into grassy glens from which the tinkle of cattle-bells falls pleasantly on the ear, or into bold canyons that are draped close with sombre pines, and end in the most magnificent cathedral cliffs of ruddy sandstone. what lovely bits of landscape! what noble studies of rock architecture! it is a very panorama of charms, and, travelled widely as i have, i must confess to an absolute novelty of delight in this exquisite valley of the orderville brethren. among the projects which occupied joseph smith's active brain was one that should make the whole of the mormon community a single family, with a purse in common, and the head of the church its head. in theory they are so already. but joseph smith hoped to see them so in actual practice also, and for this purpose--the establishment of a universal family communism--he instituted "the order of enoch," or "the united order." why enoch? the mormons themselves appear to have no definite explanation beyond the fact that enoch was holy beyond all his generation. but for myself, i see in it only another instance of that curious sympathy with ancient tradition which joseph smith, and after him brigham young, so consistently showed. they were both of them as ignorant as men could be in the knowledge that comes from books, and yet each of them must have had some acquaintance with the mystic institutions of antiquity, or their frequent coincidence with primitive ideas and schemes appears to me inexplicable. no man can in these days think and act like an antediluvian by accident. josephus is, i find, a favourite author among the mormons, and josephus may account for a little. moreover, many of the mormons, notably both presidents, are or were freemasons, and this may account for some more. but for the balance i can find no explanation. now i remember reading somewhere--perhaps in sir thomas browne--that "the patriarchal order of enoch" is an institution of prodigious antiquity; that enoch in the hebrew means "the teacher;" that he was accepted in prehistoric days as the founder of a self-supporting, pious socialism, which was destined (should destruction overtake the world) to rescue one family at any rate from the general ruin, and perpetuate the accumulated knowledge of the past. and it is exactly upon these conditions that we find joseph smith, fifty years ago, promulgating in a series of formulated rules, the scheme of a patriarchal "order of enoch." all mormons are "elect." but even among the elect there is an aristocracy of piety. thus in islam we find the hajji faithful above the faithful. in hindooism the brotherhood of the coolinsis accepted by the gods above all the other "twice-born." is it not, indeed, the same in every religion--that there are the chosen within the chosen--"though they were mighty men, yet they were not of the three"--a tenth legion among the soldiers of heaven--the archangels in the select ministry of the supreme? in mormonism, therefore, if a man chooses, he may consecrate himself to his faith more signally than his fellows, by endowing the church with all his goods, and accepting from the church afterwards the "stewardship" of a portion of his own property! it is no mere lip-consecration, no ritualists' "order of jesus," no question of a phylactery. it means the absolute transfer of all property and temporal interests, and of all rights of all kinds therein, to the church by a formal, legal process, and a duly attested deed. here is one:-- "be it known by these presents, that i, jesse w. fox, of great salt lake city, in the county of great salt lake, and territory of utah, for and in consideration of the sum of one hundred ($ ) dollars and the good-will which i have to the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints, give and convey unto brigham young, trustee in trust for the said church, his successor in office and assigns, all my claims to and ownership of the following-described property, to wit: one house and lot . . . . . . . . . . . . $ one city lot . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . east half of lot , block . . . . . . . . lot , block . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . two cows, $ ; two calves, $ . . . . . . . one mare, $ ; one colt, $ . . . . . . . one watch, $ ; one clock, $ . . . . . . . clothing, $ ; beds and bedding, $ . . . one stove, $ ; household furniture, $ . . -- total . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $ together with all the rights, privileges, and appurtenances thereunto belonging or appertaining. i also covenant and agree that i am the lawful claimant and owner of said property, and will warrant and for ever defend the same unto the said trustee in trust, his successor in office and assigns, against the claims of my heirs, assigns, or any person whomsoever." then follows the attestation of the witness; and the formal certificate of the judge of the probate court that "the signer of the above transfer, personally known to me, appeared the second day of april, , and acknowledged that he, of his own choice, executed the foregoing transfer." such transfers of property are not, i know, infrequent in other religions, notably the roman catholic, but the object of the mormon's piety distinguishes his act from that of others. had brigham young persevered in his predecessor's project, it is almost certain that he would have established a gigantic "company" that would have controlled all the temporal interests of the territory, and eventually comprised the whole mormon population. it is just possible that he himself foresaw that such success would be ruin; that the foundations of the order would sink under such a prodigious superstructure, for he diverted his attention from the main to subsidiary schemes. instead of one central organization sending out colonies on all sides of it, he advised the establishment of branch communities, which might eventually be gathered together under a single headquarters' control. the two projects were the same as to results; they differed only as to the means; and the second was the more judicious. a few individuals came forward in their enthusiasm to give all they possessed to a common cause, but the order flagged, though, nominally, many joined it. thus, travelling through the settlements, i have seen in a considerable number of homes the rules of the order framed upon the walls. at any time these would be curious; to-day, when the morality of the principles of mormonism is challenged, they are of special interest:-- "rules that should be observed by members of the united order. "we will not take the name of the deity in vain, nor speak lightly of his character or of sacred things. "we will pray with our families morning and evening, and also attend to secret prayer. "we will observe and keep the word of wisdom according to the spirit and the meaning thereof. "we will treat our families with due kindness and affection, and set before them an example worthy of imitation. in our families and intercourse with all persons, we will refrain from being contentious or quarrelsome, and we will cease to speak evil of each other, and will cultivate a spirit of charity towards all. we consider it our duty to keep from acting selfishly or from covetous motives, and will seek the interest of each other and the salvation of all mankind. "we will observe the sabbath day to keep it holy, in accordance with the revelations. "that which is committed to our care we will not appropriate to our own use. "that which we borrow we will return according to promise, and that which we find we will not appropriate to our own use, but seek to return it to its proper owner. "we will, as soon as possible, cancel all individual indebtedness contracted prior to our uniting with the order, and, when once fully identified with said order, will contract no debts contrary to the wishes of the board of directors. "we will patronize our brethren who are in the order. "in our apparel and deportment we will not pattern after nor encourage foolish and extravagant fashions, and cease to import or buy from abroad any article which can be reasonably dispensed with, or which can be produced by combination of home labour. we will foster and encourage the producing and manufacturing of all articles needful for our consumption as fast as our circumstances will permit. "we will be simple in our dress and manner of living, using proper economy and prudence in the management of all intrusted to our care. "we will combine our labour for mutual benefit, sustain with our faith, prayers, and works those whom we have elected to take the management of the different departments of the order, and be subject to them in their official capacity, refraining from a spirit of fault-finding. "we will honestly and diligently labour and devote ourselves and all we have to the order and to the building up of the kingdom of god." under these general regulations a great number, as i have said, enrolled themselves, and they may be considered therefore to constitute, as it were, a knight templar commandery within a fellowcraft lodge. all are "brethren;" these are illustrious brethren. all are pashas; these are "of many tails." all are mandarins of heaven; these wear the supreme button. but the temporal object of the order was not served by such transfers of moral obligations; by the hypothecation of personal piety; by the investment of spiritual principles in a common fund. you cannot get much working capital out of mortgages on a man's soul. calchas complained bitterly when the athenian public paid their vows to the goddess in squashes. the collector, he said, would not take them in payment of the water-rates. so it has fared with the order of enoch. it is wealthy in good intentions, and if promises were dollars could draw large checks. here and there, however, local fervour took practical shape. the kings of kingston planted their family flag on the wind-swept circleville plain. at sunset another communistic colony was established, and in long valley, in the canyons of the rio virgin, was inaugurated the "united order of orderville." situated in a beautiful valley that needs nothing more added to it to make its inhabitants entirely self-supporting; directed and controlled with as much business shrewdness as fervent piety; supported by its members with a sensible regard for mutual interests--this orderville experiment bids fair to be a signal success. in their articles of association the members call themselves a corporation which is "to continue in existence for a period of twenty-five years," and of which the objects are every sort of "rightful" enterprise and industry that may render the order independent of outside produce and manufactures, "consistent with the constitution of the united states and the laws of this territory." its capital is fixed at $ , , in , shares of $ each, and the entire control of its affairs is vested in a board of nine directors, who are elected by a ballot of the whole community. article "the individual or private property of the states that stockholders shall not be liable for the debts or obligations of the company." article is as follows: "the directors shall have the right and power to declare dividends on said stock whenever, in their judgment, there are funds for that purpose due and payable." now, in these two last articles lie the saving principles of the orderville scheme, hitherto, from the beginning of the world, experiments in communism have always split upon this rock, namely, that individuality was completely crushed out. no man was permitted to possess "private" property--he was l'enfant de la république, body and soul--and no man, therefore, had sufficient personal identity to make it possible for individual profits to accrue to him. and so the best of the young men--let the experiment be at any date in history you like--became dissatisfied with the level at which they were kept, and they seceded. they insisted on having names of their own, and refused to be merely, like the members of a jail republic, known by numbers. individuality and identity are the original data of human consciousness. they are the first solid facts which a baby masters and communicates; they are the last that old age surrenders to infirmity and death. but in orderville, it will be seen, the notion of "private" property exists. it is admitted that there is such a thing as "individual" ownership. moreover, it is within the power of the board to pay every man a dividend. this being the case, this particular experiment in communism has the possibility of great success, for its members are not utterly deprived of all individuality. they have some shreds of it left to them. to become a member of the order there is no qualification of property necessary. the aged and infirm are accepted in charity. indeed, at one time they threatened to swamp the family altogether, for the brethren seemed to have set out with a dead-weight upon them heavier than they could bear. but this has righted itself. the working members have got the ship round again, and in one way or another a place and a use has been found for every one. speaking generally, however, membership meant the holding of stock in the corporation. if a man wished to join the order, he gave in to the bishop a statement of his effects. it was left to his conscience that this statement should be complete and exhaustive; that there should be no private reservations. these effects--whatever they might be, from a farm in another part of the territory to the clothes in his trunk--were appraised by the regular staff, and the equivalent amount in stock, at $ a share, was issued to them. from that time his ownership in his property ceased. his books would perhaps go into the school-house library, his extra blankets next door, his horse into a neighbour's team. according to his capacities, also, he himself fell at once into his place among the workers, going to the woollen factory or the carpenter's shop, the blacksmith's forge or the dairy, the saw-mills or the garden, the grist-mill or the farm, according as his particular abilities gave promise of his being most useful. his work here would result, as far as he was personally concerned, in no profits. but he was assured of a comfortable house, abundant food, good clothes. the main responsibilities of life were therefore taken off his shoulders. the wolf could never come to his door. he and his were secured against hunger and cold. but beyond this? there was only the approbation of his companions, the reward of his conscience. with the proceeds of his labour, or by the actual work of his own hands, he saw new buildings going up, new acres coming under cultivation. but none of them belonged to him. he never became a proprietor, an owner, a master. while therefore he was spared the worst responsibilities of life, he was deprived of its noblest ambitions. he lived without apprehensions, but without hopes too. if his wife was ill or his children sickly, there were plenty of kind neighbours to advise and nurse and look after them. no anxieties on such matters need trouble him. but if he had any particular taste--music, botany, anything--he was unable to gratify it, unless these same kindly neighbours agreed to spend from the common fund in order to buy him a violin or a flower-press--and they could hardly be expected to do so. quite apart from the fact that a man learning to play a new instrument is an enemy of his kind, you could not expect a community of graziers, farmers, and artisans to be unanimously enthusiastic about the musical whims of one of their number, still less for his "crank" in collecting "weeds"--as everything that is not eatable (or is not a rose) is called in most places of the west. tastes, therefore, could not be cultivated for the want of means, and any special faculties which members might individually possess were of necessity kept in abeyance. amid scenery that might distract an artist, and fossil and insect treasures enough to send men of science crazy, the community can do nothing in the direction of art or of natural history, unless they all do it together. for the order cannot spare a man who may be a good ploughman, to go and sit about in the canyons painting pictures of pine-trees and waterfalls. nor can it spare the money that may be needed for shingles in buying microscopes for a "bug-hunter." the common prosperity, therefore, can only be gained at a sacrifice of all individual tastes. this alone is a very serious obstacle to success of the highest kind. but in combination with this is of course the more general and formidable fact that even in the staple industries of the community individual excellence brings with it no individual benefits. a moral trades-unionism planes all down to a level. it does not, of course, prevent the enthusiast working his very hardest and best in the interests of his neighbours. but such enthusiasm is hardly human. men will insist, to the end of all time, on enjoying the reward of their own labours, the triumphs of their own brains. some may go so far as nominally to divide their honours with all their friends. but where shall we look for the man who will go on all his life toiling successfully for the good of idler folks, and checking his own free stride to keep pace with their feebler steps? and this is the rock on which all such communities inevitably strike. security from the ordinary apprehensions of life; a general protection against misfortune and "bad seasons;" the certainty of having all the necessaries of existence, are sufficient temptations for unambitious men. but the stronger class of mind, though attracted to it by piety, and retained for a while by a sincere desire to promote the common good, must from their very nature revolt against a permanent alienation of their own earnings, and a permanent subordination of their own merits. at orderville, therefore, we find the young men already complaining of a system which does not let them see the fruits of their work. their fathers' enthusiasm brought them there as children. seven years later they are grown up into independent-minded young men. they have not had experience of family anxieties yet. all they know is, that beyond orderville there are larger spheres of work, and more brilliant opportunities for both hand and head. fortunately, however, for orderville, the articles of incorporation give the directors the very powers that are necessary, and if these are exercised the ship may miss the rock that has wrecked all its predecessors. if they can declare dividends, open private accounts, and realize the idea of personal property, the difference in possibilities between the outer world and orderville will be very greatly reduced, while the advantage of certainties in orderville will be even further increased. young men would then think twice about going away, and any one if he chose could indulge his wife with a piano or himself with a box of water-colours. herein then lies the hopefulness of the experiment; and fortunately mr. howard spencer, the president of the community, has all the generosity to recognize the necessity for concession to younger ambition, and all the courage to institute and carry out a modification of communism which shall introduce more individuality. i anticipate, therefore, that this very remarkable and interesting colony will survive the "twenty-five years" period for which it was established, and will encourage the foundation of many other similar "family orders." seven years have passed since mr. spencer pitched his camp in the beautiful wilderness of the rio virgin canyons. he found the hills of fine building-stone, their sides thickly grown with splendid pine timber, and down the valley between them flowing a bright and ample stream. the vegetation by its variety and luxuriance gave promise of a fertile soil; some of the canyons formed excellent natural meadows, while just over the ridge, a mile or two from the settlement, lay a bed of coal. finally, the climate was delightfully temperate! every condition of success, therefore, was found together, and prosperity has of course responded to the voice of industry. acre by acre the wild gardens have disappeared, and in their place stand broad fields of corn; the tangled brakes of wild-berry plants have yielded their place to orchards of finer fruits; cattle and sheep now graze in numbers where the antelope used to feed; and from slope to slope you can hear among the pines, above the idle crooning of answering doves and the tinkling responses of wandering kine, the glad antiphony of the whirring saw-mill and the busy loom. the settlement itself is grievously disappointing in appearance. for as you approach it, past the charming little hamlet of glendale, past such a sunny wealth of orchard and meadow and corn-land, past such beautiful glimpses of landscape, you cannot help expecting a scene of rural prettiness in sympathy with such surroundings. but orderville at first sight looks like a factory. the wooden shed-like buildings built in continuous rows, the adjacent mills, the bare, ugly patch of hillside behind it, give the actual settlement an uninviting aspect. but once within the settlement, the scene changes wonderfully for the better. the houses are found, the most of them, built facing inwards upon an open square, with a broad side-walk, edged with tamarisk and mulberry, box-elder and maple-trees, in front of them. outside the dwelling-house square are scattered about the school-house, meeting-house, blacksmith and carpenters' shops, tannery, woollen-mill, and so forth, while a broad roadway separates the whole from the orchards, gardens, and farm-lands generally. specially noteworthy here are the mulberry orchard--laid out for the support of the silk-worms, which the community are now rearing with much success--and the forcing-ground and experimental garden, in which wild flowers as well as "tame" are being cultivated. among the buildings the more interesting to me were the school-houses, well fitted up, and very fairly provided with educational apparatus; and the rudimentary museum, where the commencement of a collection of the natural curiosities of the neighbourhood is displayed. what this may some day grow into, when science has had the chance of exploring the surrounding hills and canyons, it is difficult to say; for nature has favoured orderville profusely with fossil strata and mineral eccentricities, a rich variety of bird and insect life, and a prodigious botanical luxuriance. almost for the first time in my travels, too, i found here a very intelligent interest taken in the natural history of the locality; but the absence of books and of necessary apparatus, as yet of course prevents the brethren from carrying on their studies and experiments to any standard of scientific value. though staying in orderville so short a time, i was fortunate enough to see the whole community together. for on the evening of my arrival there was a meeting at which there was a very full gathering of the adults--and the babies in arms. the scene was as curious as anything i have ever witnessed in any part of the world. the audience was almost equally composed of men and women, the latter wearing, most of them, their cloth sun-bonnets, and bringing with them the babies they were nursing. brigham young used to encourage mothers to bring them, and said that he liked to hear them squalling in the tabernacle. whether he really liked it or not, the mothers did as he said, and the babies too, and the perpetual bleating of babies from every corner of the building makes it seem to this day as if religious service was being held in a sheepfold. throughout the proceedings at orderville babies were being constantly handed across from mother to neighbour and back from neighbour to mother. others were being tossed up and down with that jerky, perpendicular motion which seems so soothing to the very young, but which reminded me of the popping up and down of the hammers when the "lid" of a piano is lifted up during a performance. but the baby is an irrepressible person, and at orderville has it very much its own way. the apostle's voice in prayer was accepted as a challenge to try their lungs, and the music (very good, by the way) as a mere obligato to their own vocalization. the patient gravity of the mothers throughout the whole performance, and the apparent indifference of the men, struck me as very curious--for i come from a country where one baby will plunge a whole church congregation into profanity, and where it is generally supposed that two crying together would empty heaven. of the men of orderville i can say sincerely that a healthier, more stalwart community i have never seen, while among the women, i saw many refined faces, and remarked that robust health seemed the rule. next morning the children were paraded, and such a brigade of infantry as it was! their legs (i think, though, they are known as "limbs" in america) were positively columnar, and their chubby little owners were as difficult to keep quietly in line as so much quicksilver. orderville boasts that it is self-supporting and independent of outside help, and certainly in the matter of babies there seems no necessity for supplementing home manufactures by foreign imports. the average of births is as yet five in each family during the six years of the existence of the order! two were born the day i arrived. unfortunately one of the most characteristic features of this family community was in abeyance during my visit--the common dining-table. for a rain-flood swept through the gorge above the settlement last winter and destroyed "the bakery." since then the families have dined apart or clubbed together in small parties, but the wish of the majority is to see the old system revived, for though they live well now, they used, they say, to live even better when "the big table" was laid for its guests at once. self-supporting and well-directed, therefore, the orderville "communists" bid fair to prove to the world that pious enthusiasm, if largely tempered with business judgment, can make a success of an experiment which has hitherto baffled all attempts based upon either one or the other alone. chapter xix. mormon virtues. red ants and anti-mormons--ignorance of the mormons among gentiles in salt lake city--mormon reverence for the bible--their struggle against drinking-saloons in the city--conspicuous piety in the settlements--their charity--their sobriety (to my great inconvenience)--the literature of mormonism utterly unreliable--neglect of the press by the saints--explanation of the wide-spread misrepresentation of mormonism. from orderville (after a short tour in the south-west of the territory) i returned to salt lake city, and during my second sojourn there, over a month, i saw nothing and learned nothing either from mormon or gentile to induce me to erase a single word i had written during my previous visit. indeed, a better acquaintance only strengthened my first favourable opinions of "the saints of the rocky mountains." i was walking one day up the city creek, when i became aware of an aged man seated on a stone by the roadside. his trousers were turned up to his knees, and he was nursing one of his legs as if he felt a great pity for it. as i approached i perceived that he was in trouble--(i perceived this by his oaths)--and getting still nearer i ventured to inquire what annoyed him. "aged person," said i, "what aileth thee?"--or words to that effect. but there was no response, at least not worth mentioning. he only bent further over his leg, and i noticed that his coat had split down the back seam. his cursing accounted for that. it was sufficient to make any coat split. and then his hat fell off his head into the dust, in judgment upon him. at this he swore again, horribly. by this time i had guessed that he had been bitten by red ants (and they are the shrewdest reptiles at biting that i know of), so i said, "bitten by red ants, eh?" at this he exploded with wrath, and looked up. and such a face! he had a countenance on him like the ragged edge of despair. his appearance was a calamity. "red ants," said he; "red indians, red devils, red hell!" and then, relapsing into the vernacular, he became unintelligibly profane, but ended up with "this damned mormon city." now here was a man, fairly advanced in years, fairly clothed, fairly uneducated. as i had never seen him before, he may have been, for all i know, "the average american" i so often see referred to. anyhow, there he was, cursing the mormons because he had been bitten by red ants! of his own stupidity he had gone and stood upon an ants' nest, thrust his hippopotamus foot into their domicile, overwhelming the nurseries and the parlours in a common catastrophe, crushing with the same heel the grandsire ant and the sucking babe at its mother's breast, mashing up the infirm and the feeble with the eggs in the cells and the household provisions laid up in the larder--ruining in fact an industrious community simply by his own weight in butcher's meat. some of the survivors promptly attacked the intruding boot, and, running up what the old man was pleased to call "his blasted pants," had bitten the legs which they found concealed within them. and for this, "the average american" cursed the mormons and their city! the incident interested me, for, apart from my sympathy with the ants, i couldn't help thinking what a powerful adversary to mormonism this trifling mishap might have created. that man went back to his hotel (for he was evidently a "visitor") a confirmed anti-mormon. his darkest suspicions about polygamy were confirmed. his detestation of the bestial licentiousness of the saints was increased a hundred-fold. he saw at a glance that all he had ever heard about "the danites" was quite true, and much more too that he had never heard but could now easily invent for himself. there was no need for any one to tell him, after the way he had been treated within a mile of the tabernacle, of the infamous debaucheries of brigham young with his "cyprian maids" and his "cloistered wives." wasn't it as plain as the sun at noonday that the mormons were in league with the red indians, and went halves in the proceeds of each other's massacres? the ant-bitten man was a very typical "mormon-eater," for such is the local name of those who revile mormonism root and branch because they find intelligent men opposed to polygamy. they are under the impression, seeing and talking to nobody but each other, that the united states in a mass, that the whole world, entertain an unreasoning, fanatical abhorrence of the inhabitants of the territory, and share with them their mean parochial jealousy of the mormon tradesmen and mormon farmers who are more thriving than they are themselves. here in salt lake city there is the most extraordinary ignorance of mormonism that can be imagined. i have actually been assured by "gentiles" that the saints do not believe in the god of the bible--that adultery among them is winked at by husbands under a tacit understanding of reciprocity--that the mormons as a class are profane, and drunken, and so forth. now, if they knew anything whatever of the mormons, such statements would be impossible (unless of course made in wilful malice), for my personal acquaintance with "the saints" has shown me that in all classes alike the reverence for the god of the bible is formulated not only in their morning and evening prayers, but in their grace before every meal; that so far from there being any exceptional familiarity between families, the very reverse is conspicuous, for so strict is the mormon etiquette of social courtesies, that households which in england would be on the most intimate terms, maintain here a distant formality which impresses the stranger as being cold; that instead of the mormons being as a class profane, they are as a class singularly sober in their language, and indeed in this respect resemble the quakers. now, my opinions are founded upon facts of personal knowledge and experience. of course it will be said of me that as i was a "guest" of mormons i was "bound" to speak well of them; that as i was so much among them i was hoodwinked and "shown the best side of everything," &c., &c. against this argument, always the resource of the gobemouche, common sense is useless. "against stupidity the gods themselves are powerless." but this i can say--that i will defy any really impure household, monogamous or not, to hoodwink me in the same way--to keep up from morning to night the same unchanging profession of piety, to make believe from week to week with such consummate hypocrisy that they are god-fearing and pure in their lives, and to wear a mask of sobriety with such uniform success. and i am not speaking of one household only, but of a score to which i was admitted simply as being a stranger from whom they need not fear calumny. i do not believe that acting exists anywhere in such perfection that a whole community can assume, at a few hours' notice and for the benefit of a passing stranger, the characters of honest, kind-hearted, simple men and women, and set themselves patiently to a three months' comedy of pretended purity. such impostors do not exist. the mormons drunken! now what, for instance, can be the conclusion of any honest thinker from this fact--that though i mixed constantly with mormons, all of them anxious to show me every hospitality and courtesy, i was never at any time asked to take a glass of strong drink? if i wanted a horse to ride or to drive i had a choice at once offered me. if i wanted some one to go with me to some point of interest, his time was mine. yet it never occurred to them to show a courtesy by suggesting "a drink." then, seriously, how can any one have respect for the literature or the men who, without knowing anything of the lives of mormons, stigmatize them as profane, adulterous, and drunken? as a community i know them, from personal advantages of observation such as no non-mormon writer has ever previously possessed, [ ] to be at any rate exceptionally careful in maintaining the appearance of piety and sobriety; and i leave it to my readers to judge whether such solid hypocrisy as this, that tries to abolish all swearing and all strong drink both by precept from the pulpit and example in the household, is not, after all, nearly as admirable as the real thing itself. this, at all events, is beyond doubt--that the mormons have always struggled hard to prevent the sale of liquor in salt lake city, except under strict regulations and supervision. but the fight has gone against them. the courts uphold the right of publicans to sell when and what they choose; and the mormons, who could at one time boast--and visitors without number have borne evidence to the fact--that a drunkard was never to be seen, an oath never to be heard, in the streets of their city, have now to confess that, thanks to the example of gentiles, they have both drunkards and profane men among them. but the general attitude of the church towards these delinquents, and the sorrow that their weakness causes in the family circle, are in themselves proofs of the sincerity in sobriety which distinguishes the mormons. nor is it any secret that if the mormons had the power they would to-morrow close all the saloons and bars, except those under church regulation, and then, they say, "we might hope to see the old days back when we never thought of locking our doors at night, and when our wives and girls, let them be out ever so late, needed no escort in the streets." and having travelled throughout the mormon settlements, i am at a loss how to convey to my readers with any brevity the effect which the tour has had upon me. i have seen, and spoken to, and lived with, mormon men and women of every class, and never in my life in any christian country, not even in happy, rural england, have i come in contact with more consistent piety, sobriety, and neighbourly charity. i say this deliberately. without a particle of odious sanctimony these folk are, in their words and actions, as christian as i had ever thought to see men and women. a perpetual spirit of charity seems to possess them, and if the prayers of simple, devout humanity are ever of any avail, it must surely be this wonderful mormon earnestness in appeals to heaven. i have often watched moslems in india praying, and thought then that i had seen the extremity of devotion, but now that i have seen these people on their knees in their kitchens at morning and at night, and heard their old men--men who remember the dark days of the faith--pour out from their hearts their gratitude for past mercy, their pleas for future protection, i find that i have met with even a more striking form of prayer than i have ever met with before. equally striking is the universal reverence and affection with which they, quite unconscious of the fact that i was "taking notes," spoke of the authorities of their church. fear there was none, but respect and love were everywhere. it would be a bold man who, in one of these mormon hamlets, ventured to repeat the slanders current among gentiles elsewhere. and it would indeed be a base man who visited these hard-living, trustful men and women, and then went away to calumniate them. but it is a fact, and cannot be challenged, that the only people in all utah who libel these mormons are either those who are ignorant of them, those who have apostatized (frequently under compulsion) from the church, or those, the official clique and their sycophants, who have been charged with looking forward to a share of the plunder of the territorial treasury. on the other hand, i know many gentiles who, though like myself they consider polygamy itself detestable, speak of this people as patterns to themselves in commercial honesty, religious earnestness, and social charity. travelling through the settlements, i found that every one voluntarily considered his poorer neighbours as a charge upon himself. when a man arrives there, a stranger and penniless, one helps to get together logs for his first hut, another to break up a plot of ground. a third lends him his waggon to draw some firewood from the canyon or hillside; a fourth gives up some of his time to show him how to bring the water on to his ground--and so on through all the first requirements of the forlorn new-comer. behind them all meanwhile is the church, in the person of the presiding elder of the settlement, who makes him such advances as are considered necessary. it is a wonderful system, and as pathetic, to my mind, as any struggle for existence that i have ever witnessed. but every man who comes among them is another unit of strength, and let him be only a straight-spoken, fair-dealing fellow, with his heart in his work, and he finds every one's hand ready to assist him. and the first commencement is terribly small. a one-roomed log hut is planted in a desert of sage-brush "with roots that hold as firm as original sin," and rocks that are as hard to get rid of as bad habits. borrowing a plough here, and a shovel there, the new-comer bungles through an acre or two of furrows, and digs out a trench. begging of one neighbour some fruit-tree cuttings, he sticks the discouraging twigs into the ground, and by working out some extra time for another gets some lucerne seed. then he gets a hen, and then a setting of eggs, by-and-by a heifer, and a little later, by putting in work or by an advance from the church, or with kindly help from a neighbour, he adds a horse to his stock. time passes, say a year; his orchard (that is to be) has several dozen leaves on it, and the ground is all green with lucerne, the chickens are thriving, and he adds an acre or two more to the first patch, and his neighbours, seeing him in earnest, are still ready with their advice and aid. adobe bricks are gradually piled up in a corner of the lot, and very soon an extra room or two is built on to the log hut, and saplings of cotton-wood, or poplar, or locust are planted in a row before the dwelling: and so on year by year, conquering a little more of the sage-brush, bringing on the water a furlong further, adding an outhouse, planting another tree. at the end of ten years--years of unsparing, untiring labour, but years brightened with perpetual kindness from neighbours--this man, the penniless emigrant, invites the wayfarer into his house, has a comfortably furnished bedroom at his service, oats and fodder for his team, ample and wholesome food for all. the wife spreads the table with eggs and ham and chicken, vegetables, pickles, and preserves, milk and cream, pies and puddings--"yes, sir, all of our own raising." the dismal twigs have grown up into pleasant shade-trees, and a flower-garden brightens the front of the house. in the barn are comfortable, well-fed stock, horses and cows. this is no fancy picture, but one from life, and typical of , others. each homestead in turn has the same experience, and it is no wonder, therefore, when the settlement, properly laid out and organized, grows into municipal existence, that every one speaks kindly of, and acts kindly towards, his neighbour. a visitor, till he understands the reason, is surprised at the intimacy of households. but when he does understand it, ought not his surprise to give place to admiration? not less conspicuous is the uniform sincerity in religion. a school and meeting-house is to be found in every settlement, even though there may be only half-a-dozen families, and besides the regular attendance of the people at weekly services, the private prayers of each household are as punctual as their meals. in these prayers, after the ordinary generalities, the head of the house usually prays for all the authorities of the church, from the president downwards, for the local authorities, for the church as a body, and the missionaries abroad, for his household and its guest, for the united states, and for congress, and for all the world that feels kindly towards mormonism. but quite apart from the matter of their prayers, their manner is very striking, and the scene in a humble house, when a large family meets for prayer--and half the members, finding no article of furniture unoccupied for the orthodox position of devotion, drop into attitudes of natural reverence, kneeling in the middle of the floor--appeals very strongly to the eye of those accustomed to the stereotyped piety of a more advanced civilization. one more conspicuous feature of mormon life is sobriety. i have been the guest of some fifty different households, and only once i was offered even beer. that exception was in a danish household, where the wife brewed her own "ol"--an opaque beverage of home-fermented wheat and home-grown hops--as a curiosity curious, as an "indulgence" doubtful, as a regular drink impossible. on no other occasion was anything but tea, coffee, milk, or water offered. and even tea and coffee, being discouraged by the church, are but seldom drunk. as a heathen outsider i deplored my beer, and was grateful for coffee; but the rest of the household, in almost every instance, drank water. tobacco is virtually unused. it is used, but so seldom that it does not affect my statement. the spittoon, therefore, though in every room, is behind the door, or in a corner under a piece of furniture. in case it should be needed, it is there--like the shot-gun upstairs--but its being called into requisition would be a family event. no, let their enemies say what they will, the mormon settlements are each of them to-day a refutation of the libel that the mormons are not sincere in their antipathy to strong drink and tobacco. that individual mormons drink and smoke proves nothing, except that they do it. for the great majority of the mormons, they are strictly sober. i know it to my great inconvenience. is it possible then that the american people, so generous in their impulses, so large-hearted in action, have been misled as to the true character of the mormon "problem"? at first sight this may seem impossible. a whole people, it will be said, cannot have been misled. but i think a general misapprehension is quite within the possibilities. whence have the public derived their opinions about mormonism? from anti-mormons only. i have ransacked the literature of the subject, and yet i really could not tell any one where to go for an impartial book about mormonism later in date than burton's "city of the saints," published in . burton, it is well known, wrote as a man of wide travel and liberal education--catholic, therefore, on all matters religious, and generous in his views of ethical and social obliquities, sympathetic, consistent, and judicial. it is no wonder, then, that mormons remember the distinguished traveller, in spite of his candour, with the utmost kindness. but put burton on one side, and i think i can defy any one to name another book about the mormons worthy of honest respect. from that truly awful book, "the history of the saints," published by one bennett (even an anti-mormon has styled him "the greatest rascal that ever came to the west") in , down to stenhouse's in , there is not, to my knowledge, a single gentile work before the public that is not utterly unreliable from its distortion of facts. yet it is from these books--for there are no others--that the american public has acquired nearly all its ideas about the people of utah. the mormons themselves are most foolishly negligent of the power of the press, and of the immense value in forming public opinion of a free use of type. they affect to be indifferent to the clamour of the world, but when this clamour leads to legislative action against them, they turn round petulantly with the complaint that there is a universal conspiracy against them. it does not seem to occur to them that their misfortunes are partly due to their own neglect of the very weapons which their adversaries have used so diligently, so unscrupulously, and so successfully. they do not seem to understand that a public contradiction given to a public calumny goes some way towards correcting the mischief done, or that by anticipating malicious versions of events they could as often as not get an accurate statement before the public, instead of an inaccurate one. but enterprise in advertisement has been altogether on the side of the anti-mormons. the latter never lose an opportunity of throwing in a bad word, while the mormons content themselves with "rounding their shoulders," as they are so fond of saying, and putting a denial of the libel into the local news. they say they are so accustomed to abuse that they are beginning not to care about it--which is the old, stupid self-justification of the apathetic. the fascination of a self-imposed martyrdom seems too great for them, and, like flies when they are being wrapped up into parcels by the spider for greater convenience of transportation to its larder, they sing chastened canticles about the inevitability of cobwebs and the deplorable rapacity of spiders. "i can assure you," said one of them, "it would be of no use trying to undeceive the public. you cannot make a whistle out of a pig's tail, you know." "nonsense," i replied. "you can--for i have seen a whistle made out of a pig's tail. and it is in a shop in chicago to this day!" it will be understood, then, that the mormons have made no adequate efforts either in books or the press to meet their antagonists. they prefer to allow cases against them to go by default, and content themselves with privately filing pleas in defence which would have easily acquitted them had they gone before the public. america, therefore, hearing only one side of the case, and so much of it, is certainly not to be blamed for drawing its conclusions from the only facts before it. it cannot be expected to know that three or four individuals, all them by their own confession "mormon-eaters," have from the first been the purveyors of nearly all the distorted facts it receives. seeing the same thing said in many different directions, the general public naturally conclude that a great number of persons are in agreement as to the facts. but the exigencies of journalism which admit, for instance, of the same correspondent being a local contributor to two or three score newspapers of widely differing views in politics and religion, are unknown to them. and they are therefore unaware that the indignation so widely printed throughout america has its source in the personal animosity of three or four individuals only who are bitterly sectarian, and that these men are actually personally ignorant of the country they live in, have seldom talked to a mormon, and have never visited mormonism outside salt lake city. these men write of the "squalid poverty" of mormons, of their obscene brutality, of their unceasing treason towards the united states, of their blasphemous repudiation of the bible, without one particle of information on the subject, except such as they gather from the books and writings of men whom they ought to know are utterly unworthy of credit, or from the verbal calumnies of apostates. and what the evidence of apostates is worth history has long ago told us. i am now stating facts; and i, who have lived among the mormons and with them, who have seen them in their homes, rich and poor; have joined in their worship, public and private; who have constantly conversed with them, men, women, and children; who have visited their out-lying settlements, large and small--as no gentile has ever done before me--can assure my readers that every day of my residence increased my regret at the misrepresentation these people have suffered. footnotes: . except, of course, general kane. chapter xx. down the ontario mine. "been down a mine! what on earth did you do that for?" said the elder sheridan to the younger. "oh, just to say that i had done it," was the reply. "to say that you had done it! good gracious! couldn't you have said that without going down a mine?" no, mr. sheridan, you could not; at least not in these latter days. too many people do it now for the impostor to remain undiscovered. take my own case, for instance. i had often read descriptions of mine descents, and thought i knew how it happened, and how ore was got out. but no one ever told me that you had to go paddling about in water half the time, or that mines were excavated upwards. now, then, if i had tried to pretend that i had been down a mine i should have been promptly found out, by my ignorance of the two first facts that strike one. again, it is very simple work imagining the descent of a "shaft" in a "cage." but unfortunately a cage is only a platform to stand on without either sides or top, and not, therefore, such a cage as one would buy to keep a bird in, or as would keep a bird in if one did buy it. nor, without actually experiencing it, could anybody guess that the first sensation of whizzing down a pipe, say feet, is that of seeming to lose all your specific gravity, and that the next (after you had partially collected your faculties) is that you are stationary yourself, but that the dripping timbers that line the shaft are all flying upwards past you like sparks up a chimney. mines, of course, differ from one another just as the men who go down them do, but as far as i myself am concerned all mines are puddly places, and the sensations of descent are ridiculous--for i have only been down two in my life, and both "demned, damp, moist, unpleasant" places. but the mine to which i now refer is the "ontario," in utah, which may be said, in the preposterous vernacular of the west, to be a "terrible fine" mine, or, in other words, "a boss mine," that is to say, "a daisy." as for daisies, anything that greatly takes the fancy or evokes especial admiration is called a daisy. thus i heard a very much respected mormon bishop, who is also a director of a railway, described by an enthusiastic admirer as "a daisy!" finding myself in park "city" one evening--it is a mining camp dependent chiefly upon the ontario--i took a walk up the street with a friend. every other house appeared to be a saloon, with a doctor's residence sandwiched in between--a significantly convenient arrangement perhaps in the days when there was no "protective committee" in park city, but--so i am told--without much practical benefit to the public in these quiet days, when law-abiding citizens do their own hanging, without troubling the county sheriff, who lives somewhere on the other side of a distance. the result of this is that bad characters do not stay long enough in park city now to get up free fights, and make work for the doctors. the protective committee invites them to "git" as soon as they arrive, and, to do them credit, they do "git." however, as i was saying, i took a walk with a friend along the street, and presently became aware above me, high up on the hillside, of a great collection of buildings, with countless windows (i mean that i did not try to count them) lit up, and looking exactly like some theatrical night-scene. these were the mills of the ontario, which work night and day, and seven days to the week, a perpetual flame like that of the zoroastrians, and as carefully kept alive by stalwart stokers as ever was vestal altar-fire by the girl-priestesses of rome. it was a picturesque sight, with the huge hills looming up black behind, and the few surviving pine-trees showing out dimly against the darkening sky. next morning i went up to the mine--and down it. having costumed myself in garments that made getting dirty a perfect luxury, i was taken to the shaft. now, i had expected to see an unfathomably black hole in the ground with a rope dangling down it, but instead of that i found myself in a spacious boarded shed, with a huge wheel standing at one end and a couple of iron uprights with a cross-bar standing up from the floor at the other. round the wheel was coiled an enormous length of a six-inch steel-wire band, and the disengaged end of the band, after passing over a beam, was fastened to the cross-bar above mentioned. on the bridge of the wheel stood an engineer, the arbiter of fates, who is perpetually unwinding victims down from stage to stage of the inferno, and winding up the redeemed from limbo to limbo. having propitiated him by an affectation of intelligence as to the machinery which he controlled, we took our places under the cross-bar, between the stanchions, and suddenly the floor--as innocent-looking and upright-minded a bit of boarded floor as you could wish to stand on--gave way beneath us, and down we shot apud inferos, like the devils in "der freischütz." we had our lamps in our hands, and they gave just light enough for me to see the dripping wooden walls of the shaft flashing past, and then i felt myself becoming lighter and lighter--a mere butterfly--imponderable. but it doesn't take many seconds to fall down feet, and long before i had expected it i found we were "at the bottom." our explorations then began; and very queer it all was, with the perpetual gushing of springs from the rock, and the bubble and splash of the waters as they ran along on either side the narrow tunnels; the meetings at corners with little cars being pushed along by men who looked, as they bent low to their work, like those load-rolling beetles that egypt abounds in; the machinery for pumping, so massive that it seemed much more likely that it was found where it stood, the vestiges of a long-past subterranean civilization, than that it had been brought down there by the men of these degenerate days; the sudden endings of the tunnels which the miners were driving along the vein, with a man at each ending, his back bent to fit into the curve which he had made in the rock, and reminding one of the frogs that science tells us are found at times fitted into holes in the middle of stones; the climbing up hen-roost ladders from tunnel to tunnel, from one darkness into another; the waiting at different spots till "that charge had been blasted," and the dull, deadened roar of the explosion had died away; the watching the solitary miners at their work picking and thumping at the discoloured strips of dark rock that looked to the uninitiated only like water-stained, mildewy accidents in the general structure, but which, in reality, was silver, and yielding, it might be, $ to the ton! "this is all very rich ore," said my guide, kicking a heap that i was standing on. i got off it at once, reverentially. but reverence for the mother of the dollar gradually dies out, for everything about you, above you, beneath you, is silver or silverish--dreadful rubbish to look at, it is true, but with the spirit of the great metal in it all none the less; that fairy argentine who builds palaces for men, and gives them, if they choose, all the pleasures of the world, and the leisure wherein to enjoy them. and there they stood, these latter-day cyclops, working away like the gnomes of the hartz mountains, or the entombed artificers of the bear-kings of dardistan, with their lanterns glowing at the end of their tunnels like the kanthi gem which shesh, the fabled snake-god, has provided for his gloomy empire of mines under the nagas' hills. useless crystals glittered on every side, as if they were jewels, and the water dripping down the sides glistened as if it was silver, but the pretty hypocrisy was of no avail. for though the ore itself was dingy and ugly and uninviting, the ruthless pick pursued it deeper and deeper into its retreat, and only struck the harder the darker and uglier it got. it reminded me, watching the miner at his work, of the fairy story where the prince in disguise has to kill the lady of his love in order to release her from the enchantments which have transformed her, and how the wicked witch makes her take shape after shape to escape the resolute blows of the desperate lover. but at last his work is accomplished, and the ugly thing stands before him in all the radiant beauty of her true nature. and it is a long process, and a costly one, before the lumps of heavy dirt which the miner pecks out of the inside of a hill are transformed into those hundredweight blocks of silver bullion which the train from park city carries every morning of the year into salt lake city. from first to last it is pretty much as follows. remember i am not writing for those who live inside mines; very much on the contrary. i am writing for those who have never been down a mine in their lives, but who may care to read an unscientific description of "mining," and the ontario mine in particular. in a couple of men made a hole in the ground, and finding silver ore in it offered the hole for sale at $ , . a clever man, r. c. chambers by name, happened to come along, and liking the look of the hole, joined a friend in the purchase of it. the original diggers thus pocketed $ , for a few days' work, and no doubt thought they had done a good thing. but alas! that hole in the ground which they were so glad to get rid of ten years ago now yields every day a larger sum in dollars than they sold it for! the new owners of the hole, which was christened "the ontario mine," were soon at work, but instead of following them through the different stages of development, it is enough to describe what that hole looks like and produces to-day. a shaft, then, has been sunk plumb down into the mountain for feet, and from this shaft, at every feet as you go down, you find a horizontal tunnel running off to right and left. if you stop in your descent at any one of these "stages" and walk through the tunnel--water rushing all the way over your feet, and the vaulted rock dripping over-head--you will find that a line of rails has been laid down along it, and that the sides and roofs are strongly supported by timbers of great thickness. these timbers are necessary to prevent, in the first place, the rock above from crushing down through the roof of the tunnel, and, in the next, from squeezing in its sides, for the rock every now and then swells and the sides of the tunnels bulge in. the rails are, of course, for the cars which the miners fill with ore, and push from the end of the tunnel to the "stage." a man there signals by a bell which communicates with the engineer at the big wheel in the shed i have already spoken of, and there being a regular code of signals, the engineer knows at once at which stage the car is waiting, and how far therefore he is to let the cage down. up goes the car with its load of ore into the daylight,--and then its troubles begin. but meanwhile let us stay a few minutes more in the mine. walking along any one of the main horizontal tunnels, we come at intervals to a ladder, and going up one of them we find that a stope, or smaller gallery, is being run parallel with the tunnel in which we are walking, and of course (as it follows the same direction of the ore), immediately over that tunnel, so that the roof of the tunnel is the floor of the stope. the stopes are just wide enough for a man to work in easily, and are as high as he can reach easily with his pickaxe, about seven feet. if you walk along one of these stopes you come to another ladder, and find it leads to another stope above, and going up this you find just the same again, until you become aware that the whole mountain above you is pierced throughout the length of the ore vein by a series of seven-foot galleries lying exactly parallel one above the other, and separated only by a sufficient thickness of pine timber to make a solid floor for each. but at every hundred feet, as i have said, there comes a main tunnel, down to which all the produce of the minor galleries above it is shot down by "shoots," loaded into cars and pushed along to the "stage." but silver ore is not the only thing that the company gets out of its mine, for unfortunately the mountain in which the ontario is located is full of springs, and the miner's pick is perpetually, therefore, letting the water break into the tunnels, and in such volume, too, that i am informed it costs as much to rid the works of the water as to get out the silver! streams gurgle along all the tunnels, and here and there ponderous bulkheads have been put up to keep the water and the loosened rock from falling in. pumps of tremendous power are at work at several levels throwing the water up towards the surface--one of these at the -foot level throwing gallons a minute up to the -foot level. following a car-load of ore, we find it, having reached the surface, being loaded into waggons, in which it is carried down the hill to the mills, weighed, and then shot down into a gigantic bin--in which, by the way, the company always keeps a reserve of ore sufficient to keep the mills in full work for two years. from this hour, life becomes a burden to the ore, for it is hustled about from machine to machine without the least regard to its feelings. no sooner is it out of the waggon than a brutal crusher begins smashing it up into small fragments, the result of this meanness being that the ore is able to tumble through a screen into cars that are waiting for it down below. these rush upstairs with it again and pour it into "hoppers," which, being in the conspiracy too, begin at once to spill it into gigantic drying cylinders that are perpetually revolving over a terrific furnace fire, and the ore, now dust, comes streaming out as dry as dry can be, is caught in cars and wheeled off to batteries where forty stampers, stamping like one, pound and smash it as if they took a positive delight in it. there is an intelligent, deliberate determination about this fearful stamping which makes one feel almost afraid of the machinery. some pieces, however, actually manage to escape sufficient mashing up and slip away with the rest down into a "screw conveyor," but the poor wretches are soon found out, for the fiendish screw conveyor empties itself on to a screen, through which all the pulverized ore goes shivering down, but the guilty lumps still remaining are carried back by another ruthless machine to those detestable stamps again. they cannot dodge them. for these machines are all in the plot together. or rather, they are the honest workmen of good masters, and they are determined that the work shall be thoroughly done, and that not a single lump of ore shall be allowed to skulk so without any one to look after them these cylinders and stampers, hoppers and dryers, elevators and screens go on with their work all day, all night, relentless in their duty and pitiless to the ore. let a lump dodge them as it may, it gets no good by it, for the one hands it over to the other, just as constables hand over a thief they have caught, and it goes its rounds, again and again, till the end eventually overtakes it, and it falls through the screen in a fine dust. for its sins it is now called "pulp," and starts off on a second tour of suffering--for these inquisitors of iron and steel, these blind, brutal cyclops-machines, have only just begun, as it were, their fun with their victim. its tortures are now to be of a more searching and refined description. as it falls through the screen, another screw-conveyor catches sight of it and hurries it along a revolving tube into which salt is being perpetually fed from a bin overhead--this salt, allow me to say for the benefit of those as ignorant as myself, is "necessary as a chloridizer"--and thus mixed up with the stranger, falls into the power of a hydraulic elevator, which carries it up forty feet to the top of a roasting furnace and deliberately spills the mixture into it! looking into the solid flame, i appreciated for the first time in my life the courage of shadrach, meshach, and abednego. the mixture which fell in at the top bluish-grey comes out at the bottom yellowish-brown--i only wonder at its coming out all--and is raked into heaps that have a wicked, lurid colour and give out such fierce short flames of brilliant tints, and such fierce, short blasts of a poisonous gas, that i could not help thinking of the place where bad men go to, and wondering if a dante could not get a hint or two for improving his inferno by a visit to the ontario roasting-furnace. the men who stir these heaps use rakes with prodigious handles, and wear wet sponges over their mouths and noses, and as i watched them i remembered the poet's devils who keep on prodding up the damned and raking them about over the flames. but the ore submits without any howling or gnashing of teeth, and is dragged off dumb, and soused into great churns, kept at a boiling heat, in which quicksilver is already lying waiting, and the ore and the quicksilver are then churned up together by revolving wheels inside the pans, till the contents look like huge caldrons of bubbling chocolate. after some hours they are drained off into settlers and cold water is let in upon the mess, and lo! silver as bright as the quicksilver with which it is mixed comes dripping out through the spout at the bottom into canvas bags. much of the quicksilver drips through the canvas back into the pans, and the residue, silver mixed with quicksilver, makes a cold, heavy, white paste called "amalgam," which is carried off in jars to the retorts. into these it is thrown, and while lying there the quicksilver goes on dripping away from the silver, and after a time the fires are lighted and the retort is sealed up. the intense heat that is obtained volatilizes the quicksilver; but this mercurial vapour is caught as it is escaping at the top of the retort, again condensed into its solid form, and again used to mix with fresh silver ore. its old companion, the silver, goes on melting inside the retort all the time, till at last when the fires are allowed to cool down, it is found in irregular lumps of a pink-looking substance. these lumps are then taken to the crucibles, and passing from them, molten and refined, fall into moulds, each holding about a hundred-weight of bullion. and all this bother and fuss, reader, to obtain these eight or ten blocks of metal! true, but then that metal is silver, and with one single day's produce from the ontario mine in the bank to his credit a man might live at his leisure in london, like a nobleman in paris, or like a prince among the princes of eulenspiegel-wolfenbuttel-gutfurnichts. chapter xxi. from utah into nevada. rich and ugly nevada--leaving utah--the gift of the alfalfa--through a lovely country to ogden--the great food-devouring trick--from mormon to gentile: a sudden contrast--the son of a cinder--is the red man of no use at all?--the papoose's papoose--children all of one family. it is a far cry from the city of the saints to the city of the celestials, for nevada stretches all its hideous length between them, and thus keeps apart the two american problems of the day--pigtails and polygamy. but mere length in miles is not all that goes to make a journey seem long, for dreariness of landscape stretches every yard to six feet, and turns honest miles into rascally versts, or elongates them into the still more infamous "kos" of the east, the so-called mile, which seems to lengthen out at the other end as you travel along it, and about nightfall to lose the other end altogether. and nevada is certainly dreary enough for anything. it is abominably rich, i know. there is probably more filthy lucre in it per acre (in a crude state, of course) than in any other state in the union, and more dollars piled up in those ghastly mountains than in any other range in america. but, as a fellow-passenger remarked, "there's a pile of land in nevada that don't amount to much," and it is just this part of nevada that the traveller by railway sees. "that hill over there is full of silver," said a stranger to me, by way of propitiating my opinion. "is it" i said, "the brute." i really couldn't help it. i had no ill-feeling towards the hill, and if it had asked a favour of me, i believe i should have granted it as readily as any one. but its repulsive appearance was against it, and the idea of its being full of silver stirred my indignation. i grudged so ugly a cloud its silver lining, and like the sailor in the summer palace at pekin felt moved to insult it. the sailor i refer to was in one of the courts of the palace looking about for plunder. it did not occur to his weather-beaten, nautical intelligence that everything about him was moulded in solid silver. he thought it was lead. a huge dragon stood in the corner of the room, and the atrocity of its expression exasperated jack so acutely that he smote it with his cutlass, and lo! out of the monster's wound poured an ichor of silver coinage. "who'd have thought it!" said jack, "the ugly devil!" nevada, moreover, lies under the disadvantage of having on one side of it the finest portion of california, on the other the finest portion of utah, and sandwiched between two such beauties, such a beast naturally looks its worst. for the northern angle of utah is by far the most fertile part of the territory, possessing, in patches, some incomparable meadows, and corn-lands of wondrous fertility. as compared with the prodigious agricultural and pastoral wealth of such states as missouri, illinois, or ohio, the cache valleys and bear valleys of utah seem of course insignificant enough; but at present i am comparing them only with the rest of poor utah, and with ugly, wealthy nevada. starting from salt lake city northwards, the road lies through suburbs of orchards and gardens, many of them smothered in red and yellow roses, out on to the levels of the great valley. here, beyond the magic circle of the water-wizard, there are patches of fen-lands still delightful to wild-fowl, and patches of alkali blistering in the sun, but all about them stretch wide meadows of good grazing-ground, where the cattle, good devon breed many of them, and here and there a jersey, loiter about, and bright fields of lucerne, or alfalfa, just purpling into blossom and haunted by whole nations of bees and tribes of yellow butterflies. what a gift this lucerne has been to utah! indeed, as the mormons say, the territory could hardly have held its own had it not been for this wonderful plant. once get it well started (and it will grow apparently anywhere) the "alfalfa" strikes its roots ten, fifteen, twenty feet into the ground, and defies the elements. more than this, it becomes aggressive, and, like the white races, begins to encroach upon, dominate over, and finally extinguish the barbarian weeds, its wild neighbours. scientific experiments with other plants have taught us that vegetables wage war with each other, under principles and with tactics, curiously similar to those of human communities. when a strong plant advancing its frontiers comes upon a nation of feeble folk, it simply falls upon it pell-mell, relying upon mere brute strength to crush opposition. but when two plants, equally hardy, come in contact, and the necessity for more expansion compels them to fight, they bring into action all the science and skill of old gladiators and german war-professors. they push out skirmishers, and draw them in, throw out flanking parties, plant outposts, race for commanding points, manoeuvre each other out of corners, cut off each others' communications with the water, sap and mine--in fact go through all the artifices of civilized war. if they find themselves well-matched, they eventually make an alliance, and mingle peacefully with each other, dividing the richer spots equally, and going halves in the water. but as a rule one gives way to the other, accepts its dominion, and gradually accepts a subordinate place or even extirpation. now this lucerne is one of the fightingest plants that grows. it is the norwegian rat among the vegetables, the napoleon of the weeds. nothing stops it. if it comes upon a would-be rival, it either punches its head and walks over it, or it sits down to besiege it, drives its own roots under the enemy, and compels it to capitulate by starvation. fences and such devices cannot of course keep it within bounds, so the lucerne overflows its limits at every point, comes down the railway bank, sprouts up in tufts on the track, and getting across into the scythian barbarism of the opposite hill-side, advances as with a macedonian phalanx to conquest and universal monarchy. three times a year can the farmer crop it, and there is no fodder in the world that beats it. no wonder then that utah encourages this admirable adventurer. in time it will become the lucerne state. and so, passing through fields of lucerne, we reach the hot springs. from a cleft in a rock comes gushing out an ample stream of nearly boiling water as clear as diamonds, and so heavily charged with mineral that the sulphuretted air, combined with the heat, is sometimes intolerable, while the ground over which the water pours becomes in a few weeks thickly carpeted with a lovely weed-like growth of purest malachite green. passing across the road, from its first pool under the rock, the stream spreads itself out into the hot springs lake, where the water soon assimilates in temperature to the atmosphere, but possesses, for some reason known to the birds, a peculiar attraction for wild-fowl, which congregate in great numbers about it. where it issues from the rock no vegetable of course can grow in it, and there is a rim all round its edge about a foot in width where the grass and weeds lie brown and dead, suffocated by the fumes. the fungoid-like growth at the bottom of the pool exactly resembles a vegetable, but is as purely mineral, though sub-aqueous, as the stalactites on a cave-roof. and so, on again through a wilderness of lucerne, with a broad riband of carnation-coloured phlox retreating before its advancing borders--past a perpetual succession of cottages coming at intervals to a head in delightful farming hamlets of the true mormon type--past innumerable orchards, and here and there intervals of wild vegetation, willows, and cotton-wood, with beds of blue iris, and brakes of wild pink roses (such a confusion of beauty!) among which the birds and butterflies seem to hold perpetual holiday. then salt lake comes in sight, lying along under the mountains on the left, and on the right the wasatch range closes in, with the upper slopes all misty with grey clouds of sage-brush, and the lower vivid with lusty lucerne. each settlement is in turn a delightful repetition of its predecessor, meadow and orchard and corn-land alternating, with the same pleasant features of wild life, flocks of crimson-winged or yellow-throated birds wheeling round the willow copses, or skimming across the meadows, bitterns tumbling out from among the reeds, doves darting from tree to tree, butterflies of exquisite species fluttering among the beds of flowers, and overhead in the sky, floating on observant wings, the hawk--one of those significant touches of nature that redeems a country-side from arcadian mawkishness, and throws into an over-sweet landscape just that dash of sin and suffering that lemons it pleasantly to the taste. round the corner yonder lies ogden, one of the most promising towns of all the west, and as we approach it the great expanses of meadow stretching down to the lake and the wide alfalfa levels give place to a barren sage veldt, where the sunflower still retains ancestral dominion, and the jackass rabbits flap their ears at each other undisturbed by agriculture or by grazing stock. nestling back into a nook of the hills which rise up steeply behind it, and show plainly on the front their old water-line of "lake bonneville" (of which the great salt lake is the shrunken miserable relict), lies a pretty settlement, cosily muffed up in clover and fruit trees, and then beyond it, across another interval of primeval sage, comes into view the white cupola of the ogden courthouse. ogden is the meeting-point of the northern and southern utah lines of rail, and, more important still, of the union pacific and the central pacific also. as a "junction town," therefore, it enjoys a position which has already made it prosperous, and which promises it great wealth in the near future. nature too has been very kind, for the climate is one of the healthiest (if statistics may be believed) in the world; and wood and water, and a fertile soil, are all in abundance. fortunately also, the mormons selected the site and laid it out so that the ground-plan is spacious, the roadways are ample, the shade-trees profuse, and the drainage good. its central school is, perhaps, the leading one in the territory, while in manufactures and industry it will probably some day outstrip salt lake city. for the visitor who does not care about statistics, ogden has another attraction as the centre of a very beautiful canyon country, and excursions can be made in a single day that will give him as exhaustive an idea of the beauties of western hill scenery, as he will ever obtain by far more extended trips. the ogden and weber canyons alone exhaust such landscapes, but if the tourist has the time and the will, he may wander away up into the wasatch range, past ogden valley and many lovely bits of scenery, towards bear valley. but for myself, having seen nearly all the canyons of utah and many of colorado, i confess that the weber and ogden would have sufficed for all mere sight-seeing purposes. it was in the ogden refreshment-room, waiting for the train for san francisco, that i saw a performance that filled me with astonishment and dismay. it was a man eating his dinner. and let me here remark, with all possible courtesy, that the american on his travels is the most reprehensible eater i have ever seen. in the first place, the knives are purposely made blunt--the back and the front of the blade being often of the same "sharpness"--to enable him to eat gravy with it. the result is that the fork (which ought to be used simply to hold meat steady on the plate while being cut with the knife) has to be used with great force to wrench off fragments of food. the object of the two instruments is thus materially abused, for he holds the meat down with the knife and tears it into bits with his fork! now, reader, don't say no. for i have been carefully studying travelling americans at their food (all over the west at any rate), and what i say is strictly correct. this abuse of knife and fork then necessitates an extraordinary amount of elbow-room, for in forcing apart a tough slice of beef the elbows have to stick out as square as possible, and the consequence is, as the proprietor of a hotel told me, only four americans can eat in a space in which six englishmen will dine comfortably. the latter, when feeding, keep their elbows to their sides; the former square them out on the line of the shoulders, and at right angles to their sides. having thus got the travelling american into position, watch him consuming his food! he has ordered a dozen "portions" of as many eatables, and the whole of his meal, after the detestable fashion of the "eating-houses" at which travellers are fed, is put before him at once. to eat the dozen or so different things which he has ordered, he has only one knife and fork and one tea-spoon. bending over the table, he sticks his fork into a pickled gherkin, and while munching this casts one rapid hawk-like glance over the spread viands, and then proceeds to eat. mehercule! what a sight it is! he dabs his knife into the gravy of the steak, picks up with his fork a piece of bacon, and while the one is going up to his mouth, the other is reaching out for something else. he never apparently chews his food, but dabs and pecks at the dishes one after the other with a rapidity which (merely as a juggling trick) might be performed in london to crowded houses every day, and with an impartiality that, considered as "dining," is as savage as any meal of red indians or of basutos. dab, dab, peck, peck, grunt, growl, snort! the spoon strikes in every now and then, and a quick sucking-up noise announces the disappearance of a mouthful of huckleberries on the top of a bit of bacon, or a spoonful of custard-pie on the heels of a radish. it is perfectly prodigious. it defies coherent description. but how on earth does he swallow? every now and then he shuts his eyes, and strains his throat; this, i suppose, is when he swallows, for i have seen children getting rid of cake with the same sort of spasm. yet the rapidity with which he shovels in his food is a wonder to me, seeing that he has not got any "pouch" like the monkey or the pelican. does he keep his miscellaneous food in a "crop" like a pigeon, or a preliminary stomach like the cow, and "chew the cud" afterwards at his leisure? i confess i am beaten by it. the mixture of his food, if it pleases him, does not annoy me, for if a man likes to eat mouthfuls of huckleberries, bacon, apple-pie, pickled mackerel, peas, mutton, gherkins, oysters, radishes, tomatoes, custard, and poached eggs (this is a bona-fide meal copied from my note-book on the spot) in indiscriminate confusion, it has nothing to do with me. but what i want to know is, why the travelling american does not stop to chew his food; or why, as is invariably the case, he will despatch in five minutes a meal for which he has half an hour set specially apart? he falls upon his food as if he were demented with hunger, as if he were a wild thing of prey tearing victims that he hated into pieces; and when the hideous deed is done, he rushes out from the scene of massacre with a handful of toothpicks, and leans idly against the door-post, as if time were without limit or end! the whole thing is a mystery to me. when i first came into the country i used to waste many precious moments in gazing at "the fine confused feeding" of my neighbours at the table, and waiting to see them choke. but i have given that up now. i plod systematically and deliberately through my one dish, content to find myself always the last at the table, with a tumult of empty platters scattered all about me. nothing can choke the travelling american. in the meantime, i wish that young man of ogden would exhibit his great eating trick in london. it beats maskelyne and cook into fits. from ogden northwards the road lies past perpetual cottage-farms, separated only by orchards or fields, and clustering at intervals into pleasant villages, where the people are all busy gathering in their lucerne crops. the same profusion of wild-flowers, and exquisite rose-brakes, the same abundance of bird and insect life is conspicuous. but gradually our road bears away westward from the hills, leaving cultivation and cottages to follow the line of irrigation along their lower slopes, and while to our right the narrow-gauge line runs northward up into the cache valley, the granary of utah, we trend away to the left. the northern end of the salt lake comes in sight, and the track running for a while close to its side gives me a last look at this sheet of wonderful water. i was sorry to see the last of it, for i was sorry to leave utah and the kind-hearted, simple, hard-working mormon people. but the lake gradually comes to a point, dwindles out into a marsh, and is gone, and as we speed away across levels of dreary alkaline ground, we can only recall its site by the wild duck streaming across to settle for the night in the reeds that grow by its edges. away from mormon industry, the sage-brush flourishes like green bay-trees. to the east, the line of white-walled cottages speaks of a civilization which we are leaving behind us. to the west, the dreary mountains of nevada already herald a region of barren desolation. and so the sun begins to set, and in the dim moth-time, as the mists begin to blur the outlines of antelope island in the salt lake, the small round-faced owls come out upon the railway fencing and chuckle to each other, and crossing the bear river, all ruddy with the sunset, we see the night-hawks skimming the water in chase of the creatures of the twilight. and so to corinne, ghastly corinne, a gentile failure on the very skirts of mormon success. it had once a great carrying-trade, for being at the terminus of the utah railway, montana depended upon it for its supplies, and bitterly had montana cause to regret it, for the corinne freight-carriers (i wish i could remember their expressive slang name) seemed to think that railway enterprise must always terminate at corinne, and so they carried just what they chose, at the price they chose, and when they chose. but the railway ran past them one fine day, and so now there is corinne, stranded high and dry, as discreditable a settlement as ever men put together. without any plan, treeless and roadless, the scattered hamlet of crazy-looking shanties stands half the year in drifting dust and half the year in sticky mud, and the mormons point the finger of scorn at the place the gentiles used to boast of. and corinne seems to strike the keynote of the succeeding country, for cultivation ceases and habitations are not on the desolate plain we enter. and so to promontory and then darkness. we awake to find ourselves still in calamitous nevada. what heaps of british gold have been sunk in those ugly hills in the hope of getting up american silver! but here is halleck, a government post, and soldiers from the barracks are lounging about in uniforms that make them look like butcher-boys, and with a drowsy gait that makes one suspect them to be burthened with the saddening load of yesterday's whisky. then, after an interval of desert, we cross the humboldt river, thick with the mud of melting snows, and, snaking across a plain warted over with ant-hills, arrive at elko. it is possible that allah in his mercy may forgive elko the offal which it put before us for breakfast. for myself, mere humanity forbids me to forgive it. but elko was otherwise of interest. a waiter, very black, and, in proportion to his nigritude, insolent, had triumphed over my unconcealed disgust with my food. yet i turned to him civilly and said, "isn't there a warm spring here which is worth going to see?" "no," said the negro, "our spring been burned up!" "burned up!" i exclaimed in astonishment; "the spring been burned up!" "yes," said the abominable one, "burned up. everybody know dat." "was your mother there?" i asked courteously, pretending not to be exasperated by the blackamoor. "my mother? no. my mother's--" "ah!" i replied, "i thought she might have been burned up at the same time, for you look like the son of a cinder." my sally--mean effort that it was--was a complete triumph, and i left ham squashed. it proved, of course, that it was the wooden shanty at the spring that had been burned down, but in any case it was too far off for us to go to see. so we consoled ourselves with the indians, who always gather on the platform at elko, in the assurance of begging or showing their papooses to some purpose. nor were they wrong. i paid a quarter to see "the papoose," and got more than my money's worth in hearing this poor brown woman talking to her child the same sweet nursery nonsense that my own wife talks to mine. and the papoose understood it all, and chuckled and smiled and looked happy, for all the world as if it were something better than a mere indian baby. poor little lamanite! in a year or two it will be strutting about the camp with its mimic bow and arrows, striking its mother, and sneering at her as "a squaw," and ten years later (if the end of the race has not then arrived) may be riding with his tribe on some foul errand of murder, while his mother carries the lodge-poles and the cooking-pots on foot behind the young brave's horse. imagine a life in which begging is the chief dissipation, and horse-stealing the only industry! but i can feel a sympathy for the red man. it may be true that neither gunpowder nor the gospel can reform him, that his code of morality is radically incurable, that he is, in fact, "the red-bellied varmint" that the western man believes him to be. yet all the same, remembering the miracles that british government has worked with the gonds and other seemingly hopeless tribes of india, i entertain a lurking suspicion that under other and more kindly circumstances the red indian might have been to-day a better thing than he is. at any rate, a people cannot be altogether worthless that in the deepest depths of their degradation still maintain a lofty wild-beast scorn of white men, and think them something lower than themselves. and is not pride the noblest and the easiest of all fulcrums for a government to work on? is it quite certain, for instance, that, given arms, and drilled as soldiers, detachments of the tribes, as auxiliaries of the regulars, might not do good service at the different military posts, in routine duty, of course, and that the prestige of such employment would not appeal to the military spirit of the tribes at large? what is there at fort halleck that indians could not do as well as white men? it is a notorious fact, and as old as american history, that the red man holds sacred everything that his tribe is guarding. why should not this chivalry, common to every savage race on earth, and largely utilized by other governments in asia and in africa, be turned to account in america too, and indians be entrusted with the peace of indian frontiers? i know well enough that many will think my suggestion sentimental and absurd, but fortunately it is just the class who think in that way that have no real importance in this or in any other country. they are the men who think the "critturs" ought to be "used up," and who, when they are in the west, "would as soon shoot an injun as a coyote." these men form a class of which america, when she is three generations older, will have little need for, and who, in a more settled community, will find that they must either conform to civilization or else "git." there are a great number of these coarse, thick-skinned, ignorant men floating about on the surface of western america: for western america still stands in need of men who will do the reckless preliminary work of settlement, and shoot each other off over a whisky bottle when that work is done. now, these men, and those of a feebler kind who take their opinions from them, believe and preach that annihilation of the indian is the only possible cure for the indian evil. i have heard them say it in public a score of times that "the indian should be wiped clean out." but a larger and more generous class is growing up very fast in the west, who are beginning to see that the red men are really a charge upon them: and that as a great nation they must take upon themselves the responsibilities of empire, and protect the weaker communities whom a rapidly advancing civilization is isolating in their midst. but it is a pity that those in authority cannot see their way to giving practical effect to such sentiments, and devise some method for utilizing the indian. for myself, seeing what has been done in asia and in africa with equally difficult tribes, i should be inclined to predict success for an experiment in military service, if the routine duties of barracks and outpost duty, in unnecessary places, can be called "military service." for one thing, drilled and well-armed indians would very soon put a stop to cow-boy disturbances in arizona, or anywhere else. or, again, if indians had been on his track, james, the terror of missouri, would certainly not have flourished so long as he did. but by this time we have got far past elko, and the train is carrying us through an undulating desert of rabbit-bush and greasewood, with dull, barren hills on either hand, and then we reach carlin, another dreadful-looking hamlet of the corinne type, and, alas! gentile also, without a tree or a road, and nearly every shanty in it a saloon. more indians are on the platform. they are allowed, it appears, under the company's contract with the government, to ride free of charge upon the trains, and so the poor creatures spend their summer days, when they are not away hunting or stealing, in travelling backwards and forwards from one station to the next, and home again. this does not strike the civilized imagination as a very exhilarating pastime, nor one to be contemplated with much enthusiasm of enjoyment. yet the indians, in their own grave way, enjoy it prodigiously. curiously enough, they cannot be persuaded to ride anywhere, except on the platforms between the baggage-cars. but here they cluster as thick as swarming bees, the in all the fantastic combination of vermilion, "bucks" tag-rag and nudity, the squaws dragging about ponderous bison robes and sheep-skins, and laden with papooses, the children, grotesque little imitations of their parents, with their playthings in their hands. for the "papoose" is a human child after all, and the little shoshonee girls nurse their dolls just as little girls in new york do, only, of course, the red indian's child carries on her back an imitation papoose in an imitation pannier, instead of wheeling an imitation american baby in an imitation american "baby-carriage." i watched one of these brown fragments of the great sex that gives the world its wives and its mothers, its sweethearts and its sisters, and it was quite a revelation to me to hear the wee thing crooning to her wooden baby, and hushing it to sleep, and making believe to be anxious as to its health and comforts. yes, and my mind went back on a sudden to the nursery, on the other side of the atlantic, thousands of miles away, where another little girl sits crooning over her doll of rags and wax, and on her face i saw just the same expression of troubled concern as clouded the little shoshonee's brow, and the same affectation of motherly care. so it takes something more than mere geographical distance to alter human nature. chapter xxii. from nevada into california. of bugbears--suggestions as to sleeping-cars--a bannack chief, his hat and his retinue--the oasis of humboldt--past carson sink--a reminiscence of wolves--"hard places"--first glimpses of california--a corn miracle--bunch-grass and bison--from sacramento to benicia. is a bugbear most bug or bear? i never met one yet fairly face to face, for the bugbear is an evasive insect. nor, if i did meet one, can i say whether i should prefer to find it mainly bug or mainly bear. the latter is of various sorts. thus, one, the little black bear of the indian hills, is about as formidable as a portmanteau of the same size. another, the grizzly of the rockies, is a very unamiable person. his temper is as short as his tail; and he has very little more sense of right and wrong than a land-leaguer. but he is not so mean as the bug. you never hear of grizzly bears getting into the woodwork of bedsteads and creeping out in the middle of the night to sneak up the inside of your night-shirt. he does not go and cuddle himself up flat in a crease of the pillow-case, and then slip out edgeways as soon as it is dark, and bite you in the nape of the neck. it is not on record that a bear ever got inside a nightcap and waited till the gas was turned out, to come forth and feed like grief on the damask cheek of beauty. no, these are not the habits of bears, they are more manly than bugs. if you want to catch a bear between your finger and thumb, and hold it over a lighted match on the point of a pin, it will stand still to let you try. or if you want to have a good fair slap at a bear with a slipper, it won't go flattening itself out in the crevices of furniture, in order to dodge the blow, but will stand up square in the road, in broad daylight, and let you do it. so, on the whole, i cannot quite make up my mind whether bugs or bears are the worst things to have about a house. you see you could shoot at the bear out of the window; but it would be absurd to fire off rifles at bugs between the blankets. besides, bears don't keep you awake all night by leaving you in doubt as to whether they are creeping about the bed or not, or spoil your night's rest by making you sit up and grope about under the bed-clothes and try to see things in the dark. altogether, then, there is a good deal to be said on the side of the bear. i am led to these remarks by remembering that at carlin, in nevada, i found two bugs in my "berth" in the sleeping-car. the porter thought i must have "brought them with me." perhaps i did, but, as i told him, i didn't remember doing so, and with his permission would not take them any further. or perhaps the shoshonees brought them. all indians, whether red or brown, are indifferent to these insects, and carry them about with them in familiar abundance. and this reminds me to say a little about sleeping-cars in general. during my travels in america i have used three kinds, the pullman palace, the silver palace, and the baltimore and ohio, and except in "high tone," and finish of ornament, where the pullman certainly excels the rest, there is very little to choose between them. all are extremely comfortable as sleeping-cars. in the silver palace, however, there is a custom prevalent of not pulling down the upper berth when it is unoccupied, and this improvement on the pullman plan is certainly very great. the two shelves, one at each end of the berth, are ample for one's clothes, while the sense of relief and better ventilation from not having the bottom of another bedstead suspended eighteen inches or so above your face is decidedly conducive to better rest. the general adoption of this practice, wherever possible, would, i am sure, be popular among passengers. as day-cars, the "sleepers" have one or two defects in common, which might very easily be remedied. for one thing, every seat should have a removable headrest belonging to it. as it is, the weary during the day become very weary indeed, and the attempts of passengers to rest their heads by curling themselves up on the seats, or lying crosswise in the "section," are as pathetic as they are often absurd, and give a palace car the appearance, on a hot afternoon, of a ward in some hospital for spinal complaints. another point that should be altered is the hour for closing the smoking-room. when not required for berths for passengers (for the company's employees ought not to be considered when the convenience of the company's customers is in question) there is no reason whatever for closing the smoking-room at ten. as a rule it is not closed; but sometimes it is; and it should not be placed in the power of a surly conductor--and there are too many ill-mannered conductors on the railways--to annoy passengers by applying such a senseless regulation. a third point is the apple-and-newspaper-boy nuisance. this wretched creature, if of an enterprising kind, pesters you to purchase things which you have no intention of purchasing, and if you express any annoyance at his importunity, he is insolent. but apart from his insolence, he is an unmitigated nuisance. what should be done is this: a printed slip, such as the boy himself carries and showing what he sells, should be put on to the seats by the porter, and when any passenger wants an orange or a book, he could send for the vendor. but the vendor should be absolutely forbidden to parade his wares in the sleeping-cars, unless sent for. anywhere else, except on a train, he would be handed over to the police for his importunities; but on the train he considers himself justified in badgering the public, and impertinently resents being ordered away. these are three small matters, no doubt, but changes in the direction i have suggested would nevertheless materially increase the comfort of passengers. and now let me see. when i fell into these digressions i had just said good-bye to the mormons and mormonland, and had got as far into nevada as carlin. from there a dismal interval of wilderness brings the traveller to palisade, a group of wooden saloons haunted by numbers of yellow chinese. in the few minutes that the train stopped here, i saw a curious sight. a number of our shoshonee passengers--the "deadheads" on the platform between the baggage-cars--had got off, and one, of them was the squaw that had the papoose. as she sat down and unslung her infant from her back, a group gathered round her--one englishman, one negro, three mulattoes, and a chinaman. and they were all laughing at the indian. not one of them all, not even the negro, but thought himself entitled to make fun of her and her baby! the white man looks down on the mulatto, and the mulatto on the negro, and the negro and the chinaman reciprocate a mutual disdain; yet here they were, all four together, on a common platform, loftily ridiculing the shoshonee! it was a delightful spectacle for the cynic. but i am no cynic, and yet i laughed heartily at them all--at them all except the shoshonee. i cannot, for the life of me, help venerating these representatives of aprodigious antiquity, these relics of a civilization that dates back before our flood. then we reach the humboldt river, a broad and full-watered stream, lazily winding along among ample meadows. but not a trace of cultivation anywhere. and then on to the desert again with the surface of the alkali land curling up into flakes, and the lank grey greasewood sparsely scattered about it. the desolation is as utter as in beluchistan or the land of goshen, and instead of murrees there are plenty of shoshonees to make the desolation perilous to travellers by waggon. at battle creek station they are mustered in quite a crowd, listless men with faces like masks and women burnished and painted and wooden as the figure-heads of english barges. i do not think that in all my travels, in asia or in africa, or in the islands of eastern or southern seas, i have ever met a race with such a baffling physiognomy. you can no more tell from his face what an indian is thinking of than you can from a monkey's. their eyes brighten and then glaze over again without a word being spoken or a muscle of the face moved, and they avert their glance as soon as you look at them. if you look into an indian's eyes, they seem to deaden, and all expression dies out of them; but the moment you begin to turn your head away, at you. they are hieroglyphics altogether, and there is something "uncanny" about them. at battle creek we note that (with irrigation) trees will grow, but in a few minutes we are out again on the wretched desert, the eternal greasewood being the only apology for vegetation, and little prairie owls the only representatives of wild life. and so to winnemucca, where, being watered, a few trees are growing; but the desolation is nevertheless so complete that i could not help thinking of the difference a little mormon industry would make! a company of bannack indians were waiting here for the train, and such a wonderful collection as they were! one of them was the chief who not long ago gave the federal troops a good deal of trouble, and his retinue was the most delightful medley of curiosities--a long thin man with the figure of a lamppost, a short fat one with the expression of a pancake, a half-breed with a beard, and a boy with a squint. the chief, with a face about an acre in width, wore a stove-pipe hat with the crown knocked out and the opening stuffed full of feathers, but the rest of his wonderful costume, all flapping about him in ends and fringes of all colours and very dirty, is indescribable. his suite were in a more sober garb, but all were grotesque, their headgear being especially novel, and showing the utmost scorn of the hatter's original intentions. some wore their hats upside down and strapped round the chin with a ribbon; others inside out, with a fringe of their own added on behind--but it was enough to make any hatter mad to look at them. they travelled with us across the next interval of howling wilderness, and got out to promenade at humboldt, where we got out to dine--and, as it proved, to dine well. humboldt is an exquisite oasis in the hideous nevada waste. a fountain plays before the hotel door, and on either side are planted groves of trees, poplar and locust and willow, with the turf growing green beneath them, and roses scattered about. no wonder that all the birds and butterflies of the neighbourhood collect at such a beautiful spot, or that travellers go away grateful, not only for the material benefits of a good meal, but the pleasures of green trees and running water and the song of birds. an orchard, with lucerne strong and thick beneath them, promises a continuance of cultivation, but on a sudden it stops, and we find ourselves out again on the alkali plain, as barren and blistered as the banks of the suez canal. a tedious hour or two brings us to the river again; but man here is not agricultural, so the desert continues in spite of abundant water. and so to lovelocks, where girls board the train as if they were brigands, urging us to buy "sweet fresh milk--five cents a glass." indians, as usual, are lounging about on the platform, and some more of them get on to the train, and away we go again into the same sahara as before. humboldt lake, the "sink" where the river disappears from the surface of the earth, and a distant glimpse of carson's "sink," hardly relieve the desperate monotony, for they are hideous levels of water without a vestige of vegetation, and close upon them comes as honest a tract of desert as even africa can show, and with no more "features" on it than a plate of cold porridge has. a wolf goes limping off in a three-legged kind of way, as much as to say that, having to live in such a place, it didn't much care whether we caught it or not; and what a contrast to the pair of wolves i remember meeting one morning in afghanistan! i was riding a camel and looking away to my right across the plain. i saw coming towards me, over the brushwood, in a series of magnificent leaps, a couple of immense wolves. i knew that wolves grew sometimes to a great size, but i had no idea that, even with their winter fur on, they could be so large as these were. and there was a majesty about their advance that fascinated me, for every bound, though it carried them twelve or fifteen feet, was so free and light that they seemed to move by machinery rather than by prodigious strength of muscle. but it suddenly occurred to me that they were crossing my path, and i saw, moreover, that our relative speeds, if maintained, might probably bring us into actual collision at the point of intersection. but it was not for me to yield the road, and the wolves thought it was not for them. and so we approached, the wolves keeping exact time and leaping together, as if trained to do it, and then, without swerving a hair's-breadth from their original course they bounded across the path only a few feet behind my camel. it was superb courage on their part, and as an episode of wild-beast life, one of the most picturesque and dramatic i ever witnessed. the next station we halted at was wadsworth, a "hard place," so men say, where revolvers are in frequent use and lynch is judge. here the broad-faced bannack chief got down, and, followed by his tag-rag retinue, disappeared into the cluster of wigwams which we saw pitched behind the station. i noticed a man standing here with a splendid cactus in his hand, covered with large magenta blossoms, and this reminded me to note the conspicuous change in the botany that about here takes place. the flowers that had borne us company all through utah and now and then brightened the roadside in nevada had disappeared, and were replaced by others of species nearly all new to me. i saw here for the first time a golden-flowered cactus and a tall lavender-coloured spiraea of singular beauty. a little beyond wadsworth the change becomes even more marked, for striking the truckee river, we exchange desolation for pretty landscape, and the desert for green bottom lands. the alteration was a welcome one, and some of the glimpses, even if we had not passed through such a melancholy region, would have claimed our admiration on their own merits. the full-fed river poured along a rapid stream, through low-lying meadow-lands fringed with tall cotton-wood, the valley sometimes narrowing so much that the river took up all the room, and then widening out so as to admit of large expanses of grass and occasional fields of corn. and so to greeno, where we supped heartily off "truckee trout," one of the best fish that ever wagged a fin. as we got back into the cars it was getting dark, for with the usual luck of travel the central pacific has to run its trains so as to give passengers ugly nevada by day and beautiful california by night. awaking next morning was a wonderful surprise. we had gone to sleep in nevada in early summer, and we awoke in california late in autumn! in utah, two days ago, the crops had only just begun to flush the ground with green. here, to-day, the corn-fields were the sun-dried stubble of crops that had been cut weeks ago! and the first glimpses of it were fortunate ones, for when i awoke it was in a fine park-like, undulating country, studded with clumps of oak-trees, but one continuous cornfield. great mounds of straw and stacks of corn dotted the landscape as far as the eye could see, and already the fields were alive with carts and men all busy with the splendid harvest. after a while came vast expanses of meadow, prettily timbered, in which great flocks of sheep and herds of cattle were grazing, ranches such as i had never seen before. and then we passed some houses, broad-eaved and verandahed, with capacious barns standing in echelon behind, and all the signs of an ample prosperity, deep shaded in walnut-trees laden with nuts, overrun by vines already heavy with clusters, and brightened by clumps of oleanders ruddy with blossom. and then came the corn-fields again, an unbroken expanse of stubble, yellow as the sea-sand, and seemingly as interminable. what a country! it is a kingdom in itself. and its rivers! the american river soon came in sight, rolling its stately flood along between brakes of willow and elder, and aspen, and then the sacramento, a noble stream. and the two conspire and join together to take liberties with the solid earth, swamp it into bulrush beds by the league together, and create such jungles as almost rival the great himalaya terai. and so to sacramento. sacramento was en fete, for it was the race week. so bunting was flapping from every conspicuous point, and everything and everybody wore a whole holiday, morning-cocktail, go-as-you-please sort of look. this fact may account for the very ill-mannered conductor who boarded us here. i am sitting in the smoking-car. enter conductor with his mouth too full of tobacco to be able to speak. he points at me with his thumb. i take no notice of his thumb. he spits in the spittoon at my feet and jerks his thumb towards me again. i disregard his thumb. "ticket!" he growls. i give him my ticket. he punches it and thrusts it back to me so carelessly and suddenly that it falls on the floor. he takes no notice, but passes on into the car. i take out my pocket-book and make a note;-- "such a man as this goes some way towards discrediting the administration of a whole line. it seems a pity therefore to retain his services." however, of sacramento, i was very sorry not to be able to stay there, for next to the los angeles country i had been told that it was one of the finest "locations" in all california, and i can readily believe it, for the botany of the place is sub-tropical, and snow and sunstroke are equally unknown. fruits of all kinds grow there in delightful abundance, and i cherish it therefore as a personal grudge against sacramento that there was not even a blackberry procurable at breakfast. passing from sacramento, and remarking as we go, the patronage which that vegetable impostor, the eucalyptus globulus (or "blue-gum" of australia) has secured, both as an ornamental--save the mark!--and a shade-tree, two purposes for which by itself the eucalyptus is specially unfitted, we find ourselves once more in a world given up to harvesting. a monotonous panorama of stubble and standing crops, with clumps of pretty oak timber studding the undulating land, leads us to the diversified approaches to san francisco. it is old travellers' ground, but replete with the interest which attaches to variety of scenery, continual indications of vast wealth, and a rapidly growing prosperity. but one word, before we reach the town, for that wonderful natural crop--the "wild oats," which clothe every vacant acre of the country on this pacific watershed with harvests as close and as regular as if the land had been tilled, and the ground sown, by human agency. this surprising plant is said to have been brought to california by the spaniards, and to have run wild from the original fields. but whatever its origin, it is now growing in such vast prairies that whole tribes of indians used to look to it as the staple of their food. but better crops are fast displacing it, and as for the indian, california no longer belongs to him or his bison-herds. further east, that is to say, from the platte valley to the sierra nevada, the "bunch grass" was the great natural provision for the wild herds of the wild man, and it still ranks as one of the most valuable features of otherwise barren regions in colorado, utah, and nevada. to the student of nature, however, it is far more interesting as one of the most beautiful examples of her kindly foresight, for the bunch grass grows where nothing else can find nourishment, and just when all other grasses are useless as fodder, it throws out young juicy shoots, thrives under the snow, and then in may, when other grasses are abundant, it dies! somebodv has said that without the mule and the pig america would never have been colonized. that may be as it may be. but the real pioneer of the west was the bison, for the first emigrants followed exactly in the footsteps of the retiring herds, and these in their turn grazed their way towards the pacific in the line of the bunch grass. mount diavolo is the first "feature" that arouses the traveller's inquisitiveness, and then the martines straits with their yellow waters spread out at the feet of rolling, yellow hills, and then great mud flats on which big vessels lie waiting for the tide to come and float them on, and then a bay which, with its girdle of hills and its broad margin, reminds me of durban in natal. so to benicia, the place of "the boy," with the blacksmith's forge where heenan used to work still standing near the water's edge, and where the hammer that the giant used to use is still preserved "in memoriam," and then on to the ferry-boat (train and all!) and across a bay of brown water and brown mud and brown hills--dismally remindful of weston-super-mare--and on to dry land again, past berkley, with its college among the trees, oakland, and other suburban resorts of the san franciscan, to the fine new three-storeyed station at the pier. once more on to the ferry-boat, but this time leaving our train behind us and across another bay, and so into san francisco. outside the station stands a crowd of chariot-like omnibuses, as gorgeously coloured, some of them, as the equipages of a circus, and empanelled with gaudy pictures. in one of them we find our proper seats, and are soon bumping over the cobble-stones into "the most wonderful city, sir, of america." chapter xxiii. san franciscans, their fruits and their falsehoods--their neglect of opportunities--a plague of flies--the pig-tail problem--chinamen less black than they are painted--the seal rocks--the loss of the eurydice--a jeweller's fairyland--the mystery of gems. somebody has poked fun at san francisco, by calling it the "venice of the west," and then qualifying the compliment by explaining that the only resemblance between the two cities is in the volume and variety of the disagreeable smells that prevail in them. but the san franciscans take no notice of this explanation. they accept the comparison in its broadest sense, and positively expect you to see a resemblance between their very wonderful, but very new town, and venice! indeed, there is no limit to the san franciscan's expectations from a stranger. now, i was sitting in the hotel one day and overheard a couple of san franciscans bragging in an off-hand way to a poor wretch who had been brought up, i should guess, in new mexico, and calmly assuring him that there was no place "in the world" of greater beauty than san francisco, or of more delicious fruit. i pretended to fall into the same easy credulity myself, and drew them on to making such monstrous assertions as that san francisco was a revelation of beauty to all travellers, and the perfection of its fruit a never-ceasing delight to them! i then ventured deferentially to inquire what standard of comparison they had for their self-laudation, what other countries they had visited, and what fruits they considered california produced in such perfection. now, it turned out that these three impostors had never been out of america: in fact, that, except for short visits on business to the eastern states, they had never been out of california and nevada! i then assured them that, for myself, i had seen, in america alone, many places far more beautiful, while "in the world" i knew of a hundred with which san francisco should not venture to compare itself. as for its fruits, there was not in its market, nor in its best shops, a single thing that deserved to be called first-class. from the watery cherries to the woolly apricots, every fruit was as flavourless as it dared to be, while, as a whole, they were so second-rate that they could not have found a sale in the best shops of either paris or london. the finest fruit, to my mind, was a small but well-flavoured mango, imported from mexico. its flavour was almost equal to that of the langra of the benares district, or the green mango of burmah; and if the maldah was grafted on to this mexican stock, the result would probably be a fruit that would be as highly prized in new york and in england, as it is all over asia. but very few people in san francisco ever buy mangoes. "no, sir," i said at last to the barbarian who had been imposed upon; "don't you believe any one who tells you that san francisco is the most lovely spot on earth, or that its fruits are extraordinary in flavour. san francisco is a wonderful city; it is the wonder of the west. but you must not believe all that san franciscans tell you about it." it is a great pity that san franciscans should have this weakness. they have plenty to be proud of, for their city is a marvel. but it has as yet all the disadvantages of newness. its population, moreover, is as disagreeably unsettled as in the towns of the levant. all the mud and dirt are still in suspension. i know very well, of course, that improvement is making immense and rapid strides, but to the visitor the act of transition is, of course, invisible, and he only sees the place at a period of apparent repose between the last point of advance and the next. he can imagine anything he pleases--and it is difficult to imagine the full splendour of the future of the californian capital. but this is not what he actually sees. for myself, then, i found san francisco as so many other travellers have described it, disorderly, breathless with haste, unkempt. here and there, where trees have been planted, and there is the grace of flowers and creeping plants, the houses look as if rational people might really live in them. but for the vast majority of the buildings, they seem merely places to lodge in, dak-bungalows or rest-houses, perches for passing swallows, anything you like--except houses to pass one's life in. they are not merely wooden, but they are sham too, with their imposing "fronts" nailed on to the roofs to make them look finer, just as vulgar women paste curly "bangs" on to the fronts of their heads. there is also an inexcusable dearth of ornament. i say inexcusable, because san francisco might be a perfect paradise of flowers and trees. even the "weeds" growing on the sand dunes outside the city are flowers that are prized in european gardens. but as it is, francois jeannot,--"french gardener, with general enterprise of gardens," as his signboard states,--has evidently very little to do. there is little "enterprise of gardens." yet what exquisite flowers there are! the crimson salvia grows in strong hedges, and plots are fenced in with geraniums. the fuchsias are sturdy shrubs in which birds might build their nests, and the roses and jessamines and purple clematis of strange, large-blossomed kinds, form natural arbours of enchanting beauty. lobelias spread out into large cushions of a royal blue, and the canna, wherever sown, sends up shafts of vivid scarlet, orange, and yellow. if i only knew the names of other plants i could fill a page with descriptions of the wonderful luxuriance of san franciscan flowers. but all i could say would only emphasize the more clearly the apparent neglect by the san franciscans of the floral opportunities they possess. it is curious how enthusiastic california has been in its reception of the eucalyptus globulus, the blue-gum tree of australia. and i am afraid there has been some job put upon the san franciscans in this matter. has anybody, with a little speculation in blue-gums on hand, been telling them that the eucalyptus was a wonderful drainer of marshes and conqueror of fevers? if so, it is a pity they had not heard that that hoax was quite played out in europe, and the eucalyptus shown to be an impostor. or were they told of its stately proportions, its rapid growth, its beautiful foliage, and its splendid shade? if so, that hoax will soon expose itself. given a site where no wind blows, the eucalyptus will grow straight, but offered the smallest provocation it flops off to one side or the other, while its foliage is liable probably beyond that of all other trees to discoloration and raggedness. in natal it has proved itself very useful as fencing, for neither wood nor stone being procurable, slips and shreds of eucalyptus have soon grown up into permanent hedges. but no one thinks of valuing it anywhere, except in australia, either for its timber, its appearance, or its medicinal virtues. in many ways the queen of the pacific was a surprise; i had expected to find it "semi-tropical." it is nothing of the kind. women were wearing furs every afternoon (in june) because of the chill wind that springs up about three o'clock, and men walked about with great-coats over their arms ready for use. the architecture of the city is not so "semi-tropical" as that of suburban new york, while vegetation, instead of being rampant, is conspicuously absent. three women out of every four wore very thick veils, but why they were so thick i could not discover. in hot countries they do not wear them, nor in "semi-tropical." perhaps they were vestiges of some recent visitation of dust, which appears to be sometimes as prodigious here as it is in pietermaritzburg. but they might, very properly, have been an armour against the flies which swarmed in some parts of the town in hideous multitudes. i went into a large restaurant, the "palace" something it was called, with the intention of eating, but i left without doing so, a palled by the plague of flies. i found beelzebub very powerful in washington, and at some of "the eating places" in the south his hosts were intolerable; but san francisco has streets as completely given over to the fly-fiend as an alexandrian bazaar. before i went to san francisco, i had an idea that a "chinese question" was agitating the state of california, that every white man was excited about the expulsion of the heathen, that it was the topic of the day, and that passion ran high between the rival populations. i very soon found that i had been mistaken, and that there is really no "chinese question" at all in california. at least, the one question now is, how to evade the late bill stopping chinese immigration; and it was gleefully pointed out to me that though the importation of celestials by sea was prohibited, there was no provision to prevent them being brought into the state by land; and that the numbers of the arrivals would not probably diminish in the least! i had intended to "study" the chinese question. but there is not much study to be done over a ghost. besides, every californian manufacturer is agreed on the main points, that chinese labour is absolutely necessary, that there is not enough of it yet in the state, that more still must be obtained. and where a "problem" is granted on all hands, it is hardly worth while affecting to search for profound social, political, or economical complication in it. there is not much more mystery about it than about the nose on a man's face. of course those who organized the clamour have what they call "arguments," but they are hardly such as can command respect. in the first place they allege two apprehensions as to the future: . that the chinese, if unrestricted, will swamp the americans in the state; and . that they will demoralize those americans. now the first is, i take it, absurd, and if it is not, then california ought to be ashamed of itself. and as for the second, who can have any sympathy with a state that is unable to enforce its police regulations, or with a community in which parents say they cannot protect the purity of their households? if the chinaman, as a citizen, disregards sanitary bye-laws why is he not punished, as he would be everywhere else: and if as a domestic servant he misbehaves, why is he not dispensed with, as he would be everywhere else? besides these two apprehensions as to the future, they have three objections as to the present. the first is, that the chinese send their earnings out of the country; the second, that they spend nothing in san francisco; the third, that they underwork white men. now the first is foolish, the second and the third, i believe, untrue. as to the chinese carrying money out of the country--why should they not do so? will any one say seriously that america, a bullion-producing country, is injured by the chinese taking their money earnings out of the states, in exchange for that which america cannot produce, namely, labour? is political economy to go mad simply to suit the sentiment of extra-white labour in california? as to the chinese spending nothing in this country, this is hardly borne out by facts, and, in the mouths of san franciscans, specially unfortunate. for they have not only raised their prices upon the chinese, but have actually forbidden them to spend their money in those directions in which they wished to do so. as it is, however, they spend, in exorbitant rents, taxes, customs-dues, and in direct expenditure, a perfectly sufficient share of their earnings, and if permitted to do so, would spend a great deal more. a ludicrous superstition, that the chinese are economical, underlies many of the misstatements put forward as "arguments" against them. yet they are not economical. on the contrary, the chinese and the japanese are exceptional among eastern races for their natural extravagance. it is further alleged that they underwork white men. this statement will hardly bear testing; for the wages of a chinese workman, in the cigar trade, for instance, are not lower than those of a white man, say, in philadelphia. they do not, therefore, "underwork" the white man; but they do undoubtedly underwork the white californian. for the white californian will not work at eastern rates. on the contrary, he wishes to know whether you take him for "a -- fool" to think that he, in california, is going to accept the same wages that he could have stopped in new york for! yet why should he not do so? it will hardly be urged that the californian irishman is a superior individual to the eastern american, or that the average san franciscan workman is any better than the men of his own class on the atlantic coast? yet the californian claims higher wages, and abuses the chinese for working at rates which white men are elsewhere glad to accept. he says, too, that living is dearer. facts disprove this. as a matter of fact, living is cheaper in san francisco than in either chicago or new york. how did i spend my time in san francisco? well, friends were very kind to me, and i saw everything that a visitor "ought to see." but after my usual fashion i wandered about the streets a good deal alone, and rode up and down in the street-cars, and i had half a mind at first to be disappointed with the city of which r had heard so much. but later in the evening, when the gas was alight and the pavement had its regular habitues, and the pawnbrokers' and bankrupts'-stock stores were all lit up, i saw what a wild, strange city it was. indeed, i know of no place in the world more full of interesting incidents and stirring types than this noisy, money-spending san francisco. one night, of course, i spent several hours in the chinese quarter, and i cannot tell why, but i took a great fancy to the celestial, as he is to be seen in san francisco. politically, nationally, and commercially, i hate pekin and all its works. but individually i find the chinaman, all the world over, a quiet-mannered, cleanly-living, hard-working servant. and in all parts of the world, except california, my estimate of johnnie is the universal one. in california, however, so the extra-white people say, he is a dangerous, dirty, demoralizing heathen. and there is no doubt of it that, in the chinese quarter of the city, he is crowded into a space that would be perilous to the health of men accustomed to space and ventilation, but i was told by a chinaman that he and his people had been prevented by the city authorities from expanding into more commodious lodgings. as for cleanliness, i have travelled too much to forget that this virtue is largely a question of geography, and that, especially in matters of food, the habits of europeans are considered by half the world so foul as to bring them within the contempt of a hemisphere. as regards personal cleanliness, the chinese are rather scrupulous. but i wonder san francisco does not build a chinatown, somewhere in the breezy suburbs, and lay a tramway to it for the use of the chinamen, and then insist upon its sanitary regulations being properly observed. san francisco would be rather surprised at the result. for the settlements of the chinese are very neat and cleanly in appearance, and the people are very fond of curious gardening and house-ornamentation. the chinese themselves would be only too glad to get out of the centre of san francisco and the quarters into which they are at present compelled to crowd, while their new habitations would very soon be one of the most attractive sights of all the city. as it is, it is picturesque, but it is of necessity dirty--after the fashion of asiatic dirtiness. smells that seem intolerable assail the visitor perpetually, but after all they were better than the smell from an eating-house in kearney street which we passed soon after, and where creatures of jewish and christian persuasions were having fish fried. i am not wishing to apologize for the chinese. i hate china with a generous christian vindictiveness, and think it a great pity that dismemberment has not been forced upon that empire long ago as a punishment for her massacres of catholics, and her treason generally against the commerce and polity of europe. but i cannot forget that california owes much to the chinese. next to the chinese, i found the sea-lions the most interesting feature of san francisco. to reach them, however (if you do not wish to indulge the aboriginal hackman with an opportunity for extortion), you have to undergo a long drive in a series of omnibuses and cars, but the journey through the sand-waste outskirts of the city is thoroughly instructive, for the intervals of desert remind you of the original condition of the country on which much of san francisco has been built, while the intervals of charming villa residences in oases of gardens, show what capital can do, even with only sea-sand to work upon. we call ismailia a wonder--but what is ismailia in comparison with san francisco! after a while solid sand dunes supervene, beautiful, however, in places with masses of yellow lupins, purple rocket, and fine yellow-flowered thistles, and then the broad sea comes into sight, and so to the cliff house. just below the house, one of the most popular resorts of san francisco, the "seal rocks" stand up out of the water, and it is certainly one of the most interesting glimpses of wild life that the whole world affords to see the herds of "sea-lions" clambering and sprawling about their towers of refuge. for government has forbidden their being killed, so the huge creatures drag about their bulky slug-shaped bodies in confident security. it would not be very difficult i should think for an amateur to make a sea-lion. there is very little shape about them. but, nevertheless, it is such a treat as few can have enjoyed twice in their lives to see these mighty ones of the deep basking on the sunny rocks, and ponderously sporting in the water. and looking out to sea, beyond the sea-lions, i saw a spar standing up out of the water. it was the poor escambia that had sunk there the day before, and there, on the beach to the left of the cliff house, was the spot where the three survivors of the crew managed to make good their hold in spite of the pitiless surf, and to clamber up out of reach of the waves. and all through the night, with the lights of the cliff house burning so near them, the men lay there exhausted with their struggle. it was a strange wreck altogether. when she left port, every one who saw her careening over said "she must go down;" every one who passed her said "she must go down;" the pilot left her, saying "she must go down;" the crew came round the captain, saying "she must go down." but the skipper held on his way awhile, and at last he too turned to his mate; "she must go down," he said. then he tried to head her to port again, but a wave caught her broadside as she was clumsily answering the helm; and while the coastguard, who had been watching her through his glass, turned for a moment to telephone to the city that "she must go down,"--she did. when he put up the glasses to his eyes again, there was no escambia in sight! she had gone down. and the sight of that lonely spar, signalling so pathetically the desolate waste of waves the spot of the ship's disaster, brought back to my mind a sunday in ventnor, where the people of the town, looking out across to sea, stood to watch the beautiful eurydice go by in her full pomp of canvas. a bright sun glorified her, and her crew, met for divine service, were returning thanks to heaven for the prosperous voyage they had made. and suddenly over dunnose there rushed up a dark bank of cloud. a squall, driving a tempest of snow before it, struck the speeding vessel, and in the fierce whirl of the snowdrift the folk on shore lost sight of the eurydice for some minutes. but as swiftly as it had come, the squall had passed. the sun shone brightly again, but on a troubled sea. and where was the gallant ship, homeward bound, and all her gallant company? she had gone down, all sail set, all hands aboard. and the boats dashed out from the shore to the rescue! but alas! only two survivors out of the three hundred and fifty souls that manned the barque ever set foot on shore again! and the news flashed over england that the eurydice was "lost." for days and weeks afterwards there stood up out of the water, half-way between shanklin and luccombe chine, one lonely spar, like a gravestone, and those who rowed over the wreck could see, down below them under the clear green waves, the shimmer of the white sails of the sunken war-boat. she was lying on her side, the fore and mizzen top-gallant masts gone, her top-gallant sails hanging, but with her main-mast in its place, and all the other sails set. the squall had struck her full, and she rolled over at once, the sea rising at one rush above the waists of the crew, and her yards lying on the water. then, righting for an instant, she made an effort to recover herself. but the weight of water that had already poured in between decks drove her under. the sea then leaped with another rush upon her, and in an awful swirl of waves the beautiful ship, with all her crew, went down. the channel tide closed over the huge coffin, and except for the two men saved, and the corpses which floated ashore, there was nothing to tell of the sudden tragedy. and then back into the city and amongst its shipping. i have all the britisher's attraction towards the haunts of the men that "go down to the sea in ships." indeed, walking about among great wharves and docks, with the shipping of all nations loading and discharging cargo, and men of all nations hard at work about you, is in itself a liberal education. but it can nowhere be enjoyed in such perfection as in london. there, emphatically, is the world's market; and written large upon the pavement of her gigantic docks is the whole romance of trade. a single shed holds the products of all the continents; and what a book it would be that told us of the strange industries of foreign lands! who cut that ebony and that iron-wood in the malayan forests? and how came these palm-nuts here from the banks of the niger? mustard from india, and coffee-berries from ceylon lie together to be crushed under one boot, and here at one step you can tread on the chili-pods of jamaica and the pea-nuts of america. that rat that ran by was a thing from morocco; this squashed scorpion, perhaps, began life in cyprus or in bermuda. queer little stowaways of insect life are here in abundance, the parasites of egyptian lentils or of indian corn. the mosquito natives of bengal swamps are brought here, it may be, in teakwood from some drift on the burman coast. all the world's produce is in convention together. here stands a great pyramid of horned skulls, the owners of which once rampaged on brazilian pampas, or the prairies of the platte river, and hard by them lie piled a multitude of hides that might have fitted the owners of those skulls, had it not been that they once clothed the bodies of cattle that grazed out their lives in australia. juxtaposition of packages here means nothing. it does not argue any previous affinities. this ship happens to be discharging norwegian pine, in which the capercailzies have roosted, and for want of space the logs are being piled on to sacks of ginger from the west indies. next them there happens to-day to be cutch from india; to-morrow there may be gamboge from siam, or palm oil from the gold coast. these men here are trundling in great casks of spanish wine that have been to the orient for their health; but an hour ago they were wheeling away chests of assam tea, and in another hour may be busy with logwood from the honduras forests. one of them is all white on the shoulders with sacks of american wheat flour, but his hands are stained all the same with bengal turmeric, and he is munching as he goes a cardamum from the coromandel coast. what a book it would make--this world's work! and then back through this city of prodigious bustle, through fine streets with masses of solid buildings that stand upon a site which, a few years ago, was barren sea-sand, and some of it, too, actually sea-beach swept by the waves! the frequency of diamonds in the windows is a point certain to catch the stranger's eye, but his interest somewhat diminishes when he finds that they are only "california diamonds." they are exquisite stones, however, and, to my thinking, more beautiful than coloured gems, ruby, sapphire, or amethyst, that are more costly in price. but the real diamond can, nevertheless, be seen in perfection in san francisco. go to andrews' "diamond palace," and take a glimpse of a jeweller's fairyland. the beautiful gems fairly fill the place with light, while the owner's artistic originality has devised many novel methods of showing off his favourite gem to best advantage. the roof and walls, for instance, are frescoed with female figures adorned on neck and arm, finger, ear, and waist, with triumphs of the lapidary's art. there is something very fascinating to the fancy in gems, for the one secret that nature still jealously guards from man is the composition of those exquisite crystals which we call "precious stones." we can imitate, and do imitate, some of them with astonishing exactness, but after all is done there still remains something lacking in the artificial stone. wise men may elaborate a prosaic chemistry, producing crystals which they declare to be the fac-similes of nature's delightful gems; but the world will not accept the ruddy residue of a crucible full of oxides as rubies, or the shining fragments of calcined bisulphides as emeralds. no crucible yet constructed can hold a native sapphire, and all the alchemy of man directed to this point has failed to extort from carbon the secret of its diamond--the little crystal that earth with all her chemistry has made so few of, since first heat and water, nature's gem-smiths, joined their forces to produce the glittering stones. they placed under requisition every kingdom of created things, and in a laboratory in mid-earth set in joint motion all the powers that move the volcano and the earthquake, that re-fashion the world's form and substance, that govern all the stately procession of natural phenomena. yet with all this titanic labour, this monstrous co-operation of forces, nature formed only here and there a diamond, and here and there a ruby. masses of quartz, crystals of every exquisite tint, amethystine and blue, as beautiful, perhaps, in delicacy of hue as the gems themselves, were sown among the rocks and scattered along the sands, but only to tell us how near nature came to making her jewels common, and how--just when the one last touch was needed--she withheld her hand, so that man should confess that the supreme triumphs of her art were indeed "precious"! chapter xxiv. gigantic america--of the treatment of strangers--the wild-life world--railway companies' food-frauds--california felix--prairie-dog history--the exasperation of wealth--blessed with good oil--the meek lettuce and judicious onion--salads and salads--the perils of promiscuous grazing. i had looked forward to my journey from san francisco to st. louis with great anticipations, and, though i had no leisure to "stop off" on the tour, i was not disappointed. six continuous days and nights of railway travelling carried me through such prodigious widths of land, that the mere fact of traversing so much space had fascinations. and the variations of scene are very striking--the corn and grape lands of southern california, that gradually waste away into a hideous cactus desert, and then sink into a furnace-valley, several hundred feet below the level of the sea; the wild pastures of texas, that seem endless, until they end in swamped woodlands; the terrific wildernesses of arkansas, that gradually soften down into the beautiful fertility of missouri. it was a delightful journey, and taught me in one week's panorama more than a british museum full of books could have done. visitors to america do not often make the journey. they are beguiled off by way of santa fe and kansas city. i confess that i should myself have been very glad to have visited santa fe, and some day or other i intend to pitch my tent for a while in san antonio. but if i had to give advice to a traveller, i would say:-- "take the southern pacific to el paso, and the texan pacific on to st. louis, and you will get such an idea of the spaciousness of america as no other trip can give you." you will see prodigious tracts of country that are still in aboriginal savagery and you will travel through whole nations of hybrid people--mexicans and mulattoes, graduated commixtures of red indian, spaniard, and negro--that some day or another must assume a very considerable political importance in the union. nothing would do americans more good than a tour through upper india. nothing could do european visitors to america more good than the journey from san francisco to st. louis by the southern-and-texas route. the gangetic valley, the western ghats, the himalayas, are all experiences that would ameliorate, improve, and impress the american. the arizona cactus-plains, the texan flower-prairies, the arkansas swamps, give the traveller from europe a more truthful estimate of america, as a whole, by their vastness, their untamed barbarism, their contrast with the civilized and domesticated states, than years of travel on the beaten tracks from city to city. and here just a word or two to those american gentlemen to whom it falls to amuse or edify the sight-seeing foreigner. do not be disappointed if he shows little enthusiasm for your factories, and mills, and populous streets. remember that these are just what he is trying to escape from. the chances are, that he would much rather see a prairie-dog city, than the omaha smelting-works; an indian lodge than pittsburg; one wild bison than all the cattle of chicago; a rattlesnake at home than all the legislature of new york in albany assembled. he prefers canyons to streets, mountain streams to canals; and when he crosses the river, it is the river more than the bridge that interests him. of course it is well for him to stay in your gigantic hotels, go down into your gigantic silver-mines, travel on your gigantic river-steamers, and be introduced to your gigantic millionaires. these are all american, and it is good for him, and seemly, that he should add them to his personal experiences. so too, he should eat terrapin and planked shad, clam-chowder, canvas-back ducks, and soft-shelled crabs. for these are also american. but the odds are he may go mad and bite thee fatally, if thou wakest him up at un-christian hours to go and see a woollen factory, simply because thou art proud of it--or settest him down to breakfast before perpetual beefsteak, merely because he is familiar with that food. the intelligent traveller, being at rome, wishes to be as much a roman as possible. he would be as aboriginal as the aborigines. and it is a mistake to go on thrusting things upon him solely on the ground that he is already weary of them. as i write, i remember many hours of bitter anguish which i have endured--i who am familiar with swansea, who have stayed in liverpool, who live in london--in loitering round smelting works and factories, and places of business, trying to seem interested, and pretending to store my memory with statistics. sometimes it would be almost on my tongue to say, "and now, sir, having shown off your possessions in order to gratify your own pride in them, suppose you show me something for my gratification." i never did, of course, but i groaned in the spirit, at my precious hours being wasted, and at the hospitality which so easily forgot itself in ostentatious display. i have perhaps said more than i meant to have done. but all i mean is this, that when a sojourner is at your mercy, throw him unreservedly upon his own resources for such time as you are busy, and deny yourself unreservedly for his amusement when you are at leisure. but do not spoil all his day, and half your own, by trying to work your usual business habits into his holiday, and take advantage of his foreign helplessness to show him what an important person (when at home) you are yourself. do not, for instance, take him after breakfast to your office, and there settling to your work with your clerks, ask him to "amuse himself" with the morning papers--for three hours; and then, after a hurried luncheon at your usual restaurant, take him back to the office for a few minutes--another hour; and then, having carefully impressed upon him that you are taking a half-holiday solely upon his account, and in spite of all the overwhelming business that pours in upon you, do not take him for a drive in the mall--in order to show off your new horses to your own acquaintances; and after calling at a few shops (during which time your friend stays in the trap and holds the reins), do not, oh do not, take him back to your house to a solitary dinner "quite in the english style." no, sir; this is not the way to entertain the wayfarer in such a land of wonders as this; and you ought not therefore to feel surprise when your guest, wearied of your mistaken hospitality, and wearied of your perpetual suggestions of your own self-sacrifice on his behalf, suddenly determines not to be a burden upon you any longer, and escapes the same evening to the most distant hotel in the town. nor when you read this ought you to feel angry. you did him a great wrong in wasting a whole day out of his miserable three, and exasperated him by telling his friends afterwards what a "good time" he had with you. these few words are his retaliation--not written either in the vindictive spirit of reprisal, but as advice to you for the future and in the interests, of strangers who may follow him within your gates. from san francisco to lathrop, back on the route we came by, to oakland, and over the brown waters of the arrogant sacramento--swelling out as if it would imitate the ocean, and treating the pacific as if it were merely "a neighbor,"--and out into thousands and thousands of acres of corn, stubble, and mown hay-fields, the desolation worked by the reaper-armies of peace-time with their fragrant plunder lying in heaps all ready for the carts; and the camp-followers--the squirrels, and the rats, and the finches--all busy gleaning in the emptied fields, with owls sitting watchful on the fences, and vigilant buzzards sailing overhead. what an odd life this is, of the squirrels and the buzzards, the mice, and the owls! they used to watch each other in these fields, just in the very same way, ages before the white men came. the colonization of the continent means to the squirrels and mice merely a change in their food, to the hawks and the owls merely a slight change in the flavour of the squirrels and mice! so, too, when the mississippi suddenly swelled up in flood the other day, and overflowed three states, it lengthened conveniently the usual water-ways of the frogs, and gave the turtles a more comfortable amplitude of marsh. hundreds of negroes narrowly escaped drowning, it is true; but what an awful destruction there was of smaller animal life! scores of hamlets were doubtless destroyed, but what myriads of insect homes were ruined! it does one good, i think, sometimes to remember the real aborigines of our earth, the worlds that had their laws before ours, those conservative antiquities with a civilization that was perfect before man was created, and which neither the catastrophes of nature nor the triumphs of science have power to abrogate. oak trees dot the rolling hills, and now and again we come to houses with gardens and groves of eucalyptus, but for hours we travel through one continuous corn-field, a veritable prairie of wheat, astounding in extent and in significance. and then we come upon the backwaters of the san joacquin, and the flooded levels of meadow, with their beautiful oak groves, and herds of cattle and horses grazing on the lush grass that grows between the beds of green tuilla reeds. it is a lovely reach of country this, and some of the water views are perfectly enchanting. but why should the company carefully board up its bridges so that travellers shall not enjoy the scenes up and down the rivers which they cross? it seems to me a pity to do so, seeing that it is really quite unnecessary. as it was, we saw just enough of beauty to make us regret the boards. then, after the flooded lands, we enter the vast corn-fields again, and so arrive at lathrop. here we dined, and well, the service also being excellent, for half a dollar. could not the union pacific take a lesson from the southern pacific, and instead of giving travellers offal at a dollar a head at green river and other eating-houses, give them good food of the lathrop kind for fifty cents? as i have said before, the wretched eating-houses on the union pacific are maintained, confessedly, for the benefit of the eating-houses, and the encouragement of local colonization; but it is surely unfair on the "transient" to make him contribute, by hunger, on the indigestion, and ill-temper, to the perpetration of an imposition. on the southern and the texas pacific there are first-rate eating-places, some at fifty cents, some at seventy-five, and, as we approach an older civilization, others at a dollar. but no one can grudge a dollar for a good meal in a comfortable room with civil attendance; while on the union pacific there is much to make the passenger dissatisfied, besides the nature of the food, for it is often served by ill-mannered waiters in cheerless rooms. avery little industry, or still less enterprise, might make other eating-places like humboldt. it was at lathrop that some californians of a very rough type wished to invade our sleeping-car. they wanted to know the "racket," didn't "care if they had to pay fifty dollars," had "taken a fancy" to it, &c., &c.; but the conductor, with considerable tact, managed to persuade them to abandon their design of travelling like gentlemen, and so they got into another car, where they played cards for drinks, fired revolvers out of the window at squirrels between the deals, and got up a quarrel over it at the end of every hand. california felix! aye, happy indeed in its natural resources. for we are again whirling along through prairies of corn-land, a monotony of fertility that becomes almost as serious as the grassy levels of the platte, the sage-brush of utah, or the gravelled sands of nevada. and so to modesta, a queer, wide-streeted, gum-treed place, not the least like "america," but a something between madeira and port elizabeth. it has not people in it altogether, yet walking across the dusty square is a lady in the modes of paris, and a man in a stove-pipe hat! another stretch of farm-lands brings us to merced, and the county of that name, a miracle of fertility even among such perpetual marvels of richness. if i were to say what the average of grain per acre is, english farmers might go mad, but if the printer will put it into some very small type i will whisper it to you that the men of merced grumble at seventy bushels per acre. i should like to own merced, i confess. i am a person of moderate desires. a little contents me. and it is only a mere scrap, after all, of this bewildering california. on the counter at the hotel at merced are fir-cones from the big trees and fossil fragments and wondrous minerals from yosemite, and odds and ends of spanish ornaments. the whole place has a spanish air about it. this used to be the staging-point for travellers to the valley of wonders, but times have changed, and with them the stage-route, so merced is left on one side by the tourist stream. leaving it ourselves, we traverse patches of wild sunflower, and then find ourselves out on wide levels of uncultivated land, waiting for the san joacquin (pronounced, by the way, sanwa-keen) canal, to bring irrigation to them. how the mormons would envy the californians if they were their neighbours, and the contrast is indeed pathetic, between the alkaline wastes of utah and the fat glebes of merced! at present, however, a nation of little owls possesses the uncultivated acres, and ground squirrels hold the land from them on fief, paying, no doubt, in their vassalage a feudal tribute of their plump, well-nourished bodies. to right and left lies spread out an immense prairie-dog settlement, deserted now, however; and beyond it, on either side, a belt of pretty timbered land stretches to the coast range, which we see far away on the right, and to the foot-hills--the "sewaliks" of the sierra nevada,--which rise up, capped and streaked with snow, on the left. wise men read history for us backwards from the records left by ruins. why not do the same here with this vast city of the prairie-dogs that continues to right and left of us, miles after miles? once upon a time, then, there was a powerful nation of prairie-dogs in this place, and they became, in process of years, debauched by luxury, and weakened by pride. so they placed the government in the hands of the owls, whom they invited to come and live with them, and gave over the protection of the country to the rattlesnakes, whom they maintained as janissaries. but the owls and the rattlesnakes, finding all the power in their own hands, and seeing that the prairie-dogs had grown idle and fat and careless, conspired together to overthrow their masters. now there lived near them, but in subjection to the prairie-dogs, a race of ground-squirrels, a hard-working, thick-skinned, bushy-tailed folk; and the owls and the rattlesnakes made overtures to the ground squirrels, and one morning, when the prairie-dogs were out feeding and gambolling in the meadows, the conspirators rushed to arms, and while the rattlesnakes and the ground-squirrels, their accomplices, seized possession of the vacated city, the owls attacked the prairie-dogs with their beaks and wings. and the end of it was disaster, utter and terrible; and the prairie-dogs fled across the plains into the woodland for shelter, but did not stay there, but passed on, in one desolating exodus, to the foot-hills beyond the woodland. and then the owls and the rattlesnakes and the ground-squirrels divided the deserted city among them. and to this day the ground-squirrels pay a tribute of their young to the owls and the rattlesnakes, as the price of possession and of their protection. but they are always afraid that the prairie-dogs may come back again some day (as the mormons are going back to jackson county, missouri), to claim their old homesteads; and so, whenever the ground-squirrels go out to feed and gambol in the meadows, the rattlesnakes remain at the bottom of the holes, and the owls sit on sentry duty at the top. isn't that as good as any other conjectural history? and then madera, with its great canal all rafted over with floating timber, and more indications, in the eating-house, of the neighbourhood of the big trees and yosemite. for this is the point of departure now in vogue, the distance being only seventy miles, and the roads good. but of the trip to clark's, and thence on to "yohamite" and to fresno grove--hereafter. meanwhile, grateful for the good meal at madera, we are again smoking the meditative pipe, and looking out upon owl-land, with the birds all duly perched at their posts, and their bushy-tailed companions enjoying life immensely in family parties among the short grass. herds of cattle are seen here and there, and wonderful their condition, too; and thus, through flat pastures all pimpled over with old, fallen-in, "dog-houses," we reach fresno. this monotony of fertility is beginning to exasperate me. it is a trait of my personal character, this objection to monotonous prosperity. i like to see streaks of lean. thus i begin to think of vanderbilts as of men who have done me an injury; and unless jay gould recovers his ground with me, by conferring a share upon me, i shall feel called upon to take personal exception to his great wealth. and now comes fresno, a welcome stretch of land that requires irrigation to be fruitful, a land that only gives her favours to earnest wooers, and does not, like the rest of california, smile on every vagabond admirer. where the ground is not cultivated, it forms fine parade-ground for the owls, and rare pleasaunces for the squirrels. but what a nymph this same water is! look at this patch of greensward all set in a bezel of bright foliage and bright with wild flowers! in mythology there is a goddess under whose feet the earth breaks into blossoms and leaves. i forget her name. but it should have been hydore. and now, as the evening gathers round, we see the outlines of the sierras, away on the left, blurring into twilight tints of blue and grey--and then to bed. california is blest in the olive. it grows to perfection, and the result is that the california is no stranger to the priceless luxury of good oil, and can enjoy, at little cost, the delights of a good salad. how often, in rural england, with acres of salad material growing fresh and crisp all round me, have groaned at the impossibility of a salad, by reason of the atrocious character of the local grocer's oil! but in california all the oil is good, and the vegetable ingredients of the fascinating bowl are superb. but in america there is a fatal determination towards mayonnaise, and every common waiter considers himself capable of mixing one. so that even in california your hopes are sometimes blighted, and your good humour turned to gall, by fools rushing in where even angels should have to pass an examination before admission. a simpler salad, however, is better than any mayonnaise, and once the proportions are mastered, a child may be entrusted with the mixture. the lettuce, by long familiarity, has come to be considered the true basis of all salad, and in its generous expanse of faintly flavoured leaf, so cool and juicy and crisp when brought in fresh from the garden, it has certainly some claims to the proud position. but a multitude of salads can be made without any lettuce at all, and it is doubtful whether either greece or rome used it as an ingredient of the bowl in which the austere endive and pungent onion always found a place. now-a-days however, lettuce is a deserving favourite, it has no sympathies or antipathies, and no flavour strong enough to arouse enthusiasm or aversion. it is not aggressive or self-assertive, but, like those amiable people with whom no one ever quarrels, is always ready to be of service, no matter what company may be thrust upon it, or what treatment it has to undergo. opinions of its own it has none, so it easily adopts those of others, and takes upon itself--and so distributes over the whole--any properties of taste or smell that may be communicated to it by its neighbours. an onion might be rubbed with lettuce for an indefinite period and betray no alteration in its original nature, but the lettuce if only touched with onion becomes at once a modified onion itself, and no ablution will remove from it the suspicion of the contact. the gentle leaf is therefore often ill-used; but, after all, even this, the meekest of vegetables, will turn upon the oppressor, and if not eaten young and fresh, or if slaughtered with a steel blade, will convert the salad that should have been short and sharp in the mouth into a basin of limp rags, that cling together in sodden lumps, and when swallowed conduce to melancholy and repentance. the antithesis of the lettuce is the onion. both are equally essential to the perfect salad, but for most opposite reasons. the lettuce must be there to give substance to the whole, to retain the oil and salt and vinegar, to borrow fragrance and to look green and crisp. it underlies everything else, and acts as conductor to all, like consciousness in the human mind. it is the bulk of the salad so far as appearances go, and yet it alone could be turned out without affecting the flavour of the dish. it is only the canvas upon which the artist paints. how different is the onion! it adds nothing to the amount, and contributes nothing to the sight, yet it permeates the whole; not, however, as an actual presence, but rather as a reflection, a shadow, or a suspicion. like the sunset-red, it tinges everything it falls upon, and everywhere reveals new beauties. it is the master-mind in the mixed assembly, allowing each voice to be heard, but guiding the many utterances to one symmetrical result. it keeps a strong restraint upon itself, helping out, with a judicious hint only, those who need it, and never interfering with neighbours that can assert their own individuality. i speak, of course, of the onion as it appears in the civilized salad, and not the outrageous vegetable that the prophet condemned and italy cannot do without. some pretend to have a prejudice against the onion, but as an american humourist--dudley warner--says, "there is rather a cowardice in regard to it. i doubt not all men and women love the onion, but few confess it." in simplicity lies perfection. the endive and beetroot, fresh bean, and potato, radish and mustard and cress, asparagus and celery, cabbage-hearts and parsley, tomato and cucumber, green peppers and capers, and all the other ingredients that in this salad or in that find a place are, no doubt, well enough in their way; but the greatest men of modern times have agreed in saying that, given three vegetables and a master-mind, a perfect salad may be the result. but for the making there requires to be present a miser to dole out the vinegar, a spendthrift to sluice on the oil, a sage to apportion the salt, and a maniac to stir. the household that can produce these four, and has at command a firm, stout-hearted lettuce, three delicate spring onions, and a handful of cress, need ask help from none and envy none; for in the consumption of the salad thus ambrosially resulting, all earth's cares may be for the while forgotten, and the consumer snap his fingers at the stocks, whether they go up or down. there is no need to go beyond these frugal ingredients. in europe it is true men range hazardously far afield for their green meat. they tell us, for instance, of the fearful joy to be snatched from nettle-tops, but it is not many who care thus to rob the hairy caterpillar of his natural food; nor in eating the hawthorn buds, where the sparrows have been before us, is there such prospect of satisfaction as to make us hurry to the hedges. the dandelion, too, we are told, is a wholesome herb, and so is wild sorrel; but who among us can find the time to go wandering about the country grazing with the cattle, and playing nebuchadnezzar among the green stuff? in the orient the native is never at a loss for salad, for he grabs the weeds at a venture, and devours them complacently, relying upon fate to work them all up to a good end; and the chinaman, so long as he can only boil it first, turns everything that grows into a vegetable for the table. but it would not be safe to send a public of higher organization into the highways and ditches; for a rabid longing for vegetable food, unballasted by botanical ledge, might conduce to the consumption of many unwholesome plants, with their concomitant insect evils. dreadful stories are told of the results arising from the careless eating of unwashed watercress; and in country places the horrors that are said to attend the swallowing of certain herbs without a previous removal of the things that inhabit them are sufficient to deter the most ravenously inclined from taking a miscellaneous meal off the roadside, and from promiscuous grazing in hedge-rows. chapter xxv. the carlyle of vegetables--the moral in blight--bee-farms--the city of angels--of squashes--curious vegetation--the incompatibility of camels and americans--are rabbits "seals"?--all wilderness and no weather--an "infinite torment of flies." the cactus is the carlyle of vegetation. here, in southern california, it assumes many of its most uncouth and affected attitudes, puts on all its prickles and its angles, and its blossoms of rare splendour. those who are better informed than myself assure me that the cactus is a vegetable. i take their word for it. indeed, the cactus itself may have said so to them. there is nothing a cactus might not do. but it surely stands among plants somewhere where bats do among animals, and the apteryx among birds. look for instance at this tract of cactus which we cross before caliente. there are chair-legs and footstools, pokers, brooms, and telegraph-poles; but can you honestly call them plants? but stay a moment. can you not call them plants? look! see those superb blossoms of crimson upon that footstool of thorns, those golden stars upon the telegraph-pole yonder, those beautiful flowers of rosy pink upon that besom-head. yes, they are plants, and worthy of all admiration, for they have the genius of a true originality, and the sudden splendour of the flowers they put forth are made all the more admirable by the surprise of them and the eccentricity. and with them grows the yucca, that wonderful plant that sends up from its rosette of bayonets--they call it the "spanish bayonet" in the west--a green shaft, six feet high, and all hung with white waxen bells. i got out of the train at one of its stoppages, and cut a couple of heads of this wonderland plant, and found the blossoms on each numbered between and . and there was a certain moral discipline in it too. for we found these exquisite flower-hung shafts were smothered in "blight," those detestable, green, sticky aphides, that sometimes make rose-buds so dreadful, and are the enemy of all hothouses. looking out at the yuccas as we passed, those splendid coronals of waxen blossoms--pure enough for cathedral chancels--it seemed as if they were things of a perfect and unsullied beauty. my arrival with them was hailed with cries of admiration, and for the first moment enthusiasm was supreme. but the next, alas for impure beauty! the swarms of clinging parasites were detected. hands that had been stretched out to hold such things of grace, shrank from even touching them, known to be polluted, and so, at last, with honours that were more than half condescension, the yucca-spikes were put out on the platform, to be admired from a distance. passing through the cactus land we saw numbers of tiny rabbits--the "cotton tails," as distinguished from the "mule-ears" or jack-rabbits--dodging about the stems and grass; but in about an hour the grotesque vegetable began to sober down into a botanical conglomerate that defies analysis, and gives the little rabbits a denser covert. the general result of this change in the botany was as asiatic, as indian as it could be, but why, it were difficult to say, unless it was the prevalence of the baboon-like "muskeet," and the beautiful but murderous dhatura--the "thorn-apple" of europe. yet there was sage-brush enough to make asia impossible, while the variations of the botany were too sudden for any generalizations of character. and so on, past an oil-mill on the left--petroleum bubbling out of the hillock--and a great farm "newhall's," on the right; past andrews and up the hill to the san fernando tunnel, feet in length, and then down the hill again into san fernando. has any one ever "stopped off" at san fernando and spent any time with the monks at their picturesque old mission, smothered in orangeries, and dozed away the summer hours amongst them, watching the peaches ripen and the bees gathering honey, and opening bottles of mellow california wine to help along the intervals between drowsy mass and merry meal-times? i think when my sins weigh too heavily on me to let me live among men, i will retire to san fernando, to the bee-keeping, orange-growing fathers, ask them to receive my bones, and start a beehive and an orange-tree of my own. it does not seem to me, looking forward to it, a very arduous life, and i might then, at last, overtake that seldom-captured will-o'-the-wisp, fleet-footed leisure. the bees, by the way, are kept on a "ranch," whole herds and herds of bees, all hived together in long rows of hives, hundreds to the acre. they fly afield to feed themselves, and come home with their honey to make the monks rich. i am not sure that these fathers have done all they might for the country they settled in, and yet who is not grateful to the brethren for the picturesqueness of comparative antiquity? their very idleness is a charm, and their quiet, comfortable life, half in cloisters, half in orange groves, is a delight and a refreshment in modern america. but the loveliness of their country, and the wonder of its possibilities! can any one be surprised that we are approaching the city of los angeles? a bright river comes tumbling along under cliffs all hung with flowering creepers, and between banks that are beautiful with ferns and flowers, and the land widens out into cornfield and meadow; and away to right and left, lying under the hills and overflowing into all the valleys, are the vineyards, and orchards, and orangeries that make the city of angels worthy of a king's envy and a people's pride. as yet, of course, it is the day of small things, as compared with what will be when water is everywhere; but even now los angeles is a place for the artist to stay in and the tourist to visit. there is a great deal to remind you of the east, in this valley of dark-skinned men, and in the "bazaars," with their long ropes of chilis dangling on the door-posts, the fruit piled up in baskets on the mules, the brown bare-legged children under hats with wide ragged brims, there are all the familiar features of southern europe, hot, strong-smelling, and picturesque. but los angeles shares with the rest of california the disadvantage under which all climates of great forcing power and rudimentary science must lie, for its fruits, though exquisite to look upon, often prodigious in size, and always incredible in quantity, fail, as a rule, dismally in flavour. the figs are very large, both green and black, but they seem to have ripened in a perpetual rainstorm; the oranges look perfection, and are as bad as any i have had in america; the peaches are splendid in their appearance, for their coarse barbaric skins are painted with deep yellow and red, but they ought not to be called "peaches" at all. they would taste just as well by any other name, and the traveller who knows the peaches of europe, or the peaches of persia, would not then be disappointed. so away from los angeles, with its groups of idle, brown-faced men, in their flap brimmed mexican hats, leaning against the posts smoking thin cigars, and its groups of listless, dark-eyed women, with bright kerchiefs round their heads or necks, sitting on the doorsteps; away through valleys of corn, broken up by orangeries and vineyards, where the river flows through a tangle of willow and elder and muskeet; past the san gabriel mission, overtaken, poor idle old fragment of the past, by the railroad civilization of the present, and already isolated in its sleepiness and antiquity from the busier, younger world about it; on through a scene of perpetual fertility, orange groves and lemon, fields of vegetables and corn, with pomegranates all aglow with scarlet flowers, and eucalyptus-trees in their ragged foliage of blue and brown. the squash grows here to a monstrous size. "i have seen them, sir," said a passenger, "weighing as much as yourself." the impertinence of it! think of a squash venturing to turn the scale against me. perhaps it will pretend that it has as good a seat on a horse? or will it play me a single-wicket match at cricket? i should not have minded so much if it had been a water-melon, "simlin," or some other refined variety of or even a the family. but that a squash, the 'poor relation' of the pumpkin, should--. but enough. let us be generous, even to squashes. some one ought to write the psychology of the squash. there is a very large human family of the same name and character. if you ask what the bulky, tasteless thing is good for, people always say, "oh, for a pie!" now that is the only form in which i have tasted it. and i can say, from personal experience, therefore, that it is not good for that. it never hurts anybody, or speaks ill of any one--an inoffensive, tedious, stupid person, too commonplace to be either liked or disliked. economical parents say squashes are "very good for children," especially in pies. they may be. but they are not conducive to the formation of character. some one, too, ought to visit these old franciscan missions in southern california--some one who could write about them, and sketch them. they are very delightful; the more delightful, perhaps, because they are in the united states, in the same continent as "live" towns, as chicago, and omaha, and leadville, and tombstone. scattered about among the rolling grassland are hollows filled with orchards, in which old settlements and new are fairly embowered, while the missions themselves are singularly picturesque; and san gabriel's church, they say, has a pretty peal of bells, which the monks carried overland from mexico in the old spaniard days, and which still chime for vespers as sweetly as ever. what a wonder it must have been to the wandering indians to hear that most beautiful of all melodies, the chime of bells, ascending with the evening mists from under the feet of the hills! no wonder they had campanile legends, these poor poets of the river and prairie, and still speak of valleys of enchantment whence music may be heard at nightfall! past savanna and monte, with its swine droves, and its settlement of men who live on "hog and hominy," past puente, and spadra, and pomona, into colton, where we dine, and well, for half a dollar, enjoying for dessert a chat with a very pretty girl. she tells us of the beauties of san bernardino, and i could easily credit even more than she says. for san bernardino was settled by mormons some fifty years ago, and has all the charms of salt lake city, with those of natural fertility and a profusion of natural vegetation added. but i can say nothing of san bernardino, for the train does not enter it. and then, reinforced by another engine--a dumpy engine-of-all-work sort of "help"--clambers up the san gorgonio pass. all along the road i notice a yellow thread-like epiphyte, or air-plant, tangling itself round the muskeet-trees, and killing them. they call it the "mistletoe" here but it is the same curious plant that strangles the orange trees in indian gardens, and the jujubes in the jungles, that cobwebs the aloe hedges, and hangs its pretty little white bells of flower all over the undergrowth. on the bare, sandy ground a wild gourd, with yellow flowers and sharp-pointed spear-head leaves, throws out long strands, that creep flat upon the ground with a curious snake-like appearance. clumps of wild oleander find a frugal subsistence, and here and there an elder or a walnut manages to thrive. but the profuse fertility of california is fast disappearing. and so to gorgonio, at the top of the pass; and then we begin to go down, down, down, till we are not surprised to hear that we are far below the level of the sea. the cactus has once more reasserted itself, and to right and left are "forests" of this grotesque candelabra-like vegetable, with stiff arms, covered apparently with some woolly sort of fluff. the soil beneath them is a desperate-looking desert-sand, and here and there are bare levels of white glistening sterility. but water works such wonders that there is no saying what may happen. at present, however, it is pure, unadulterated desert--wilderness enough to delight a camel, were it not for the quantity of stones which strew the waste, and which would make it an abomination to that fastidious beast. camels were once imported into the country, but the experiment failed--and no wonder. imagine the modern american trying to drive a camel! the mexican might do it, but i doubt if any other race in all america could be found with sufficient contempt for time, sufficient patience in idleness, sufficient camelishness in fact, to "personally conduct" a camel train. there is a tradition, by the way, that somewhere in arizona, wild camels, the descendants of the discarded brutes, are to be met with to this day, enjoying a life without occupations. at present the most formidable animal in possession of these cactus plains is the rabbit. but such a licence of ears as the creature has taken! it must be developing them as weapons of offence: the future "horned rabbit." they call these long-eared animals "mules," and deny that you can make a rabbit-pie of them. this seems to me hardly fair on the rabbit. but in england the small rodent suffers under even more pointed injustice. a certain railway porter, it is said, was once sorely puzzled by a tortoise which the owner wished to send by train. the official was nonplussed by the inquiry as to which head of the tariff the creature should be considered to fall under; but, at last, deciding that it was neither "a dog" nor "a parrot" (the broad zoological classification in use on british railways) pronounced the tortoise to be "an insect," and therefore not liable to charge. this profound decision was prefaced by a brief enumeration of the animals which the railway company call "dogs." "cats is dogs, and rabbits is dogs, and so is guinea-pigs," said the porter, "but squirrels in cages is parrots!" but please note particularly the porter's confusion of identity with regard to the rabbit. this excellent rodent is emphatically called "a dog." but the rabbit knows much better than to mistake itself for a dog. it might as well think itself a poacher. meanwhile, other attempts have been made to confuse it as to its own individuality; and if the rabbit eventually gives itself up as a hopeless conundrum, it is not more than might be expected. its fur is now called "seal-skin" in the cheap goods market; the fluke has attacked it as if it were a sheep; while in recent english elections, when the ground game bill was to the front, it was a very important factor. all the same, everybody goes on shooting it just as if it were a mere rabbit. this, i would contend, is hardly fair; for if its skin is really sealskin, the rabbit must, of necessity, be a seal, and, as such, ought to be harpooned from a boat, and not shot at with double-barrelled guns. it is absurd to talk of going out "sealing" in gaiters, with a terrier, for the pursuit of the seal is a marine operation, and concerned with ships and icebergs and whaling line. a sportsman, therefore, who goes out in quest of this valuable pelt should, in common regard for the proprieties, affect arctic apparel; and, instead of ranging with his gun, should station himself with a harpoon over the "seal's" blow-hole, and, when it comes up to breathe, take his chance of striking it, not forgetting to have some water handy to pour over the line while it is being rapidly paid out, as otherwise it is very liable to catch fire from friction. by this means the rabbit would arrive at some intelligible conception of itself, and be spared much of the discomfort which must now arise from doubts as to its personality. nothing, indeed, is so precious to sentient things as a conviction of their own "identity" and their "individuality," and i need only refer those who have any doubt about it to the whole range of moral philosophy to assure themselves of this fact. if we were not certain who we were two days running, much of the pleasure of life would be lost to us. we entered the arid tract somewhere near the station of the seven palms. they can be seen growing far away on the left under the "foot-hills." about half way through we find ourselves at the station of two palms, but they are in tubs. of course there may be others, and no doubt are. but all you can see from the cars is a limited wilderness. yet on those mountains there, on the right--one is , feet--there is splendid pine timber; and on the other side of them, incredible as it seems, are glorious pastures, where the cattle are wading knee-deep in grass! for us, however, the hideous wilderness continues. the hours pass in a monotony of glaring sand, ugly rock fragments, and occasional bristly cactus. and then begins a low chapparal of "camel-thorn" or "muskeet," and as evening closes in we find ourselves at the colorado river and at yuma, where the sun shines from a cloudless sky three hundred and ten days in the year. and the weather? i have not mentioned it as we travelled along, for i wished to emphasize it by bringing it in at the end of the chapter. well, the weather. there was none to speak of, unless you can call a fierce dry over-heat, averaging in the shade, weather. and this is all that we have had for the last twelve hours or so; heat enough to blister even a lizard, or frizzle a salamander. a hot wind, like the " " of the indian plains, blew across the desperate sands, getting scorched itself as it went, and spitefully passing on its heat to us. it was as hot as cawnpore in june; nearly as hot as aden. and then the change at yuma! we had suddenly stepped from egypt in august into lower bengal in september--from a villainous dry heat into afar more villainous damp one. the thermometer, though the sun had set, was at and, added to all, was such a plague of mosquitoes as would have subdued even pharaoh into docility. the instant--literally, the instant--that we stepped from our cars our necks, hands, and faces were attacked, and on the platform everybody, even the half-breed indians loafing outside the dining-room, were hard at work with both hands defending themselves from the small miscreants. the effect would have been ludicrous enough to any armour-plated onlooker, but it was no laughing matter. we were too busy slapping ourselves in two places at once to think of even smiling at others similarly engaged; and the last i remember of detestable yuma was the man who sells photographs on the platform, whirling his hands with experienced skill round his head and packing up his wares by snatches in between his whirls. chapter xxvi. through the cowboys' country. the santa cruz valley--the cactus--an ancient and honourable pueblo--a terrible beverage--are cicadas deaf?--a floral catastrophe--the secretary and the peccaries. yuma marks the frontier between california and arizona. but it might just as well mark the frontier between india and beluchistan, for it reproduces with exact fidelity a portion of the town of rohri, in sind. a broad, full-streamed river (the colorado) seems to divide the town into two; on the top of its steep bank stands a military post, a group of bungalows, single-storied, white-walled, green-shuttered, verandahed. on the opposite side cluster low, flat-roofed houses, walled in with mud, while here and there a white-washed bungalow, with broad projecting eaves, stands in its own compound. brown-skinned men with only a waistcloth round the loins loaf around, and in the sandy spaces that separate the buildings lean pariah dogs lie about, languid with the heat. the dreadful temperature assists to complete the delusion, and finally the mosquitoes of the colorado river have all the ferocity of those that hatch on the banks of the indus. against our will, too, these pernicious insects board our train and refuse to be blown out again by all the draughts which we tax our ingenuity to create. so we sit up sulkily in a cloud of tobacco smoke far into the night and arizona--watching the wonderful cactus-plants passing our windows in gaunt procession, and here and there seeing a fire flash past us, lit probably by papajo indians for the preparation of their abominable "poolke" liquor. but the mosquitoes are satisfied at last, and go to sleep, and so we go too. we awake in the santa cruz valley, with the preposterous cactus poles and posts standing up as stiff and straight as sentries "at attention," and looking as if they were doing it for a joke. there is no unvegetable form that they will not take, for they mimic the shape of gate posts, semaphores, bee-hives, and even mops--anything, in fact, apparently that falls in with their humour, and makes them look as unlike plants as possible. i am not sure that they ought not to be punished, some of them. such botanical lawlessness is deplorable. but, after all, is not this america, where every cactus "may do as he darned pleases"? these cacti, by the way--the gigantic columnar species, which throws up one solid shaft of flesh, fluted on each side, and studded closely with rosettes of spines--are the same that crowd in multitudinous impis on the side of the hills which slope from the massacre-field of isandula in zululand, down to the buffalo river. how well i remember them! if it were not for the cactus it would be a miserably uninteresting country, for the vegetation is only the lowest and poorest looking scrub, and water as yet there is none. but now we are approaching what the inhabitants call "the ancient and honourable pueblo of tucson," pronouncing it too son, and ancient and honourable we found it--for does it not dispute with santa fe the title of the most ancient town in the united states? and was not the breakfast which it gave us worthy of all honour? it takes, reader, as you will have guessed, a very long journey indeed to knock into a traveller's head a complete conception of the size of north america. mere space could never do it, for human nature is such that when trying to grasp in the mind any great lapse of time or territory, the two ends are brought together as it were, and all the great middle is forgotten. nor does mere variety of scene emphasize distance on the memory, for the more striking details here and there crowd out the large monotonous intervals. thus a mile of an echo canyon obliterates half a state's length of platte valley pastures, and a single patch of arkansas turtle-swamp whole prairies of texan meadow. but in america, even though many successive days of unbroken travel may have run into one, or its many variations--from populous states to desert ones, from timber states to pasture ones, from corn states to mineral ones, from mountain to valley, river to lake, canyoned hills to herd-supporting prairies, from pine forest to oak forest, from sodden marsh to arid cactus-land--may have got blurred together, there grows at the end of it all upon the mind a befitting sense of vastness which neither linear measurement in miles nor variety in the panorama fully explain. it is due, i think, to the size of the instalments in which america puts forward her alternations of scene. she does not keep shifting her suits, so as to spoil the effect of her really strong hand, but goes on leading each till she has established it, and made each equally impressive. you have a whole day at a time of one thing, and then you go to sleep, and when you wake it is just the same, and you cannot help saying to yourself: "twenty-four successive hours of meadowland is a considerable pasturage," and you do not forget it ever afterwards. the next item is twenty-four hours of mountains, "all of them rich in metals;" and by the time this has got indelibly fixed on the memory, nature changes the slide, and then there is rolling corn-land on the screen for a day and night. and so, in a series of majestic alternations, the continent passes in review, and eventually all blends into one vast comprehensible whole. apart from physical, there are curious ethnological divisions which mark off the continent into gigantic subnationalities. for though the whole is of course "american," there is always an underlying race, a subsidiary one so to speak, which allots the vast area into separate compartments. thus on the eastern coast we have the mulatto, who gives place beyond nebraska to the indian, and he, beyond nevada, to the chinaman. after california comes the mexican, and after him the negro, and so back to the east and the mulatto again. here in arizona, at tucson, the "mexican" is in the ascendant, for such is the name which this wonderful mixture of nationalities prefers to be called by. he is really a kind of hash, made up of all sorts of brown-skinnned odds and ends, an olla podrida. but he calls himself "mexican," and tucson is his ancient and honourable pueblo. it is a wretched-looking place from the train, with its slouching hybrid men, and multitudinous pariah dogs. indians go about with the possessive air of those who know themselves to be at home; and it is not easy to decide whether they, with their naked bodies and ropes of hair dangling to the waist, or the half-breed mexican with their villainous slouch and ragged shabbiness, are the lower race of the two. and the dogs! they are legion; having no homes, they are at home everywhere. i am told there is a public garden, and some "elegant" buildings, but as usual they are on "the other side of the town." all that we can see on this side, are collections of squalid arabic-looking huts and houses, made of mud, low-roofed and stockaded with ragged-looking fences. the heat is of course prodigious for eight months of the year, and the dust and the flies and the mosquitoes are each and all as asiatic as the heat--or any other feature of this ancient and honourable it has its interest, however, as an american pueblo. it has its interests, however, as an american "antiquity;" while the river, the santa cruz, which flows past the town, is one of those arethusa streams, which comes to the surface a few miles above the town and disappears again a few miles below it. for the student of hybrid life, tucson must have exceptional attractions; but for the ordinary traveller, it has positively none. kawai indians have not many points very different from papajo indians, and mud hovels are after all only mud hovels. but it is an ancient and honourable pueblo. the only people who look cool are the mexican soldiers in blue and white, and that other mexican, a civilian, in a broad-brimmed, flimsy hat, spangled with a tinsel braid and fringe. have these men ever got anything to do? and when they have, do they ever do it? it seems impossible they could undertake any work more arduous than lolling against a post, and smoking a yellow-papered cigarette. yet only a few days ago these mexicans, perhaps those very soldiers there, destroyed a tribe of apaches, and then arrested a force of arizona rangers who had pursued the indians on to mexican ground! these apaches had kept the state in a perpetual terror for a long time, but finding the federal soldiers closing in upon them, they crossed the frontier line close to tucson, and there fell in with the mexicans, who must at any rate be given the credit for promptitude and efficiency in all their indian conflicts. the apaches were destroyed, and the force of rangers who had followed them were caught by the mexican general, and under an old agreement between the two republics, they were made prisoners of war, disarmed, and told to find their way back two hundred and fifty miles into the states as best and as quickly as they could. some thirty years ago a mexican general, who captured some american filibusters in a similar way at the village of cavorca, paraded his captives and shot them all down. so the arizona men were glad enough to get away. the cactus country continues, and the plants play the mountebank more audaciously than ever. there is no absurdity they will not commit, even to pretending that they are broken fishing rods, or bundles of riding whips. but the majority stand about in blunt, kerb-stone fashion, as if they thought they were marking out streets and squares for the cotton-tail rabbits that live amongst them. under the hill on the left is the old mission church of "san'avere" (san xavier); and over those mountains, the "whetstones," lies the mining settlement of tombstone, where the cowboys rejoice to run their race, and the value of life seldom rises to par in the market. then we enter upon a plain of the mezcal all in full bloom, and a "lodge" of brown men, partly indian, partly mexican, waiting it may be for the plant to mature and the time to come round for distilling its fiery liquor. i tasted mezcal at el paso for the first time in my life, and i think i may venture to say the last, so whether it was good of its kind or not, i cannot tell. i am no judge of mezcal. but i know that it was thick, of a dull sherry colour, with a nasty vegetable smell, and infinitely more fiery than anything i ever tasted before, not excepting the whisky which the natives in parts of central india brew from rye, the brandy which the boers of the transvaal distil from rotten potatoes, or the "tarantula juice" which you are often offered by the hearty miners of colorado. it is almost literally "fire-water;" but the red pepper, i suppose, has as much to do with the effect upon the tongue and palate as the juice of the mezcal. on a sudden, in the midst of this desolate land, we come upon a ranche with cattle wading about among the rich blue grass; but in a minute it is gone, and lo! a chinese village, smothered in a tangle of shrubs all overgrown with creeping gourds, with the coolies lying in the shade smoking long pipes of reed. have you ever smoked chinese "tobacco"? if not, be careful how you do. a single pipe of it (and chinese pipes hold very little) will upset even an old smoker. for myself, can hardly believe it is tobacco, for in the hand it feels of a silky texture, utterly unlike any tobacco i ever saw, while the smell of it, and the taste on the tongue, are as different to the buena yerba as possible. it is imported by the chinese in america for their own consumption, and in spite of duties is exceedingly cheap. a single sniff of it, by the way, completely explains that heavy, stupefying odour which hangs about chinese quarters and chinese persons. but this glimpse of china has disappeared as rapidly as the ranche had done, and in a few minutes later a collection of low mud-walled huts, overshadowed by rank vegetation, an ox or two trying to chew the cud in an uptilted cart, some brown-skinned children playing with magnolia blossoms, and lo! a glimpse of bengal. and then as suddenly we are out again on to the cactus plains with cotton-tail rabbits everywhere, and cicadas innumerable shrilling from the muskeet trees. above all the noise of the train we could hear the incessant chorus filling the hot out-of-doors, and, stepping on to the rear platform, i found that several had flown or been blown on to the car. poor helpless creatures, with their foolish big-eyed heads and little brown bodies wrapped up in a pair of large transparent wings. but fancy living in such a hideous din as these cicadas live in! do naturalists know whether they are deaf? one would suppose of course that the voice was given them originally for calling to each other in the desolate wastes in which they are sometimes found scattered about. but in the lapse of countless generations that have spent their lives crowded together in one bush, sitting often actually elbow to elbow and screaming to each other at the tops of their voices, it is hardly less rational to suppose that kindly nature has encouraged them to develop a comfortable deafness. at any rate it is impossible to suppose that even a cicada can enjoy the ear-splitting clamour in which its neighbours indulge, and which now keeps up with us all the way as we traverse the san pedro valley, and mounting from plateau to plateau--some of them fine grass land, others arid cactus beds--reach another "great divide," and then descend across an immense, desolate prairie, brightened here and there with beautiful patches of flowers, into the san simon valley. and all the time we eat our dinner (at the bowie station) the cicadas go on shrilling, on the hot and dusty ground, till the air is fairly thrilling, with the waves of barren sound. that sounds like rhyme,--and i do not wonder at it,--for even the cicadas themselves manage to drift into a kind of metre in their arid aimless clamour, and the high noon, as we sit on our cars again, looking out on the pink-flowered cactus and the mezcal with its shafts of white blossoms, seems to throb with a regular pulsation of strident sound. what a desolate land it seems, this new mexico into which we have crossed! but not for long. we soon find ourselves out upon a vast plain of grassland, upon which the sullen, egotistical cactus will not grow. "you common vegetables may grow there if you like," it says. "any fool of a plant can grow where there is good soil; but it shows genius to grow on no soil at all." so it will not stir a step on to the grass-land, but stands there out on the barren sun-smitten sand, throwing up its columns of juicy green flesh and bursting out all over into flowers of vivid splendour, just to show perhaps that "todgers's can do it when it likes." there is about the cactus' conduct something of the superciliousness of the camel, which wades through hay with its nose up in the air as if it scorned the gross provender of vulgar herds, and then nibbles its huge stomach full of the tiny tufts of leaves which is found growing among--the topmost thorns of the scanty mimosa. here, on this plain, is plenty of the "camel thorn," the muskeet, and a whole wilderness of spanish bayonet waiting till some one thinks it worth while to turn it into paper, and there is not probably a finer fibre in the world. nor, because the cactus contemns the easy levels, do other flowers refuse to grow. they are here in exquisite profusion, a foretaste of the texan "flower-prairies," and when the train stopped for water i got out and from a yard of ground gathered a dozen varieties. nearly all of them were old familiar friends of english gardens, and some were beautifully scented, notably one with a delicate thyme perfume, and another that had all the fragrance of lemon verbena. both to north and south are mountains very rich in mineral wealth, and at lordsburg, where we halted, i could not resist the temptation of buying some "specimens." i had often resisted the same temptation before, but here somehow the beauty of the fragments was irresistible. outside the station, by the way, under a heap of rubbish, were lying a score or so of bars of copper bullion, worth, perhaps, twenty pounds apiece. such bulky plunder probably suits nobody in a climate of everlasting heat, but it is all pure copper nevertheless--pennies en bloc. the plain continues in a monotony of low muskeet scrub, broken here and there by flowering mezcal. it is utterly waterless, and, except for one fortnight's rain which it receives, gets no water all the year round. yet beautiful flowers are in blossom even now, and what it must be just after the rain has fallen it is difficult to imagine. to this great flower-grown chapparal succeeds a natural curiosity of a very striking kind--a vast cemetery of dead yuccas. it looks as if some terrific epidemic had swept in a wave of scorching death over the immense savannah of stately plants. not one has escaped. and there they stand, thousand by thousand, mile after mile, each yucca in its place, but brown and dead. and so through the graveyards of the dead things into deming--deming of evil repute, and ill-favoured enough to justify such a reputation. even the cowboy fresh from tombstone used to call deming "a hard place," and there is a dreadful legend that once upon a time, that is to say, about ten years ago, every man in the den had been a murderer! no one would go there except those who were conscious that their lives were already forfeited to the law, and who preferred the excitement of death in a saloon fight to the dull formalities of hanging. however, tempora mutantur, and all that i remember deming for myself is its appearance of dejection and a very tolerable supper. and then away again, across the same flower-grown meadow, with its sprinkling of muskeet bushes, and its platoons of yucca, but now all radiant in their bridal bravery of waxen white. the death-line of the beautiful plant seems to have been mysteriously drawn at deming. i got out at a stoppage and cut two more of the yuccas. the temptation to possess such splendour of blossom was too great to resist. but alas! as before, the dainty thing in its virginal white was hideous with clinging parasites, and so i fastened them into the brake-wheel on the platform, and sitting in my car smoking, could look out at the great mass of silver bells that thus completely filled the doorway, and in the falling twilight they grew quite ghostly, the spectres of dead flowers, and touching them we find the flowers all clammy and cold. "how it chills one!" said a girl, holding a thick, white, damp petal between her fingers. "it feels like a dead thing." and sitting out in the moonlight--an exquisite change after the hateful heat of the day thfit was past--we saw the muskeet growth gradually dwindle away, and then great lengths of wind-swept sand-dunes supervened. and every now and then a monstrous owl--the "great grey owl of california," i think it must have been--tumbled up off the ground and into the sky above us. otherwise the desolation was utter. but i sat on smoking into the night, and was abundantly repaid after awhile, for the country, as if weary of its monotony, suddenly swells up into billows and sinks into huge troughs, a land-atlantic that beats upon the rocks of the colorado range to right and left; and as we cut our way through the crests of its waves, the land broke away from before us into bay--like recesses; crowned with galleries of pinnacled rock and curved round into great amphitheatres of cliff. but away on the left it seemed heaving with a more prodigious swell, and every now and then down in the hollows i thought i could catch glimpses of moon-lit water glittering. and the train sped on, winding in and out of the upper ridges of the valley brim, and then, descending, plunged into a dense growth of willows, and lo! the rio grande, and "the shining levels of the mere." it was it then, this splendid stream, that had been disturbing the land so, thrusting the valley this way and that, shaping the hills to its pleasure, and that now rolled its flood along the stately water-way which it had made, with groves of trees for reed beds and a mountain range for banks! we cross it soon, seeing the santa fe line pass underneath us with the river flowing underneath it again--and then with the rio grande gradually curving away from us, we reach el paso. and it is well perhaps for el paso, that we see it under the gracious witchery of moonlight, for it is a place to flee from. without one of the merits of asia, it has all asia's plagues of heat and insects and dust. and no one plants trees or sows crops; and so, sun-smitten, and waterless, it lies there blistering, with all its population of half-breeds and pariah dogs, a place, as i said, to flee from. and yet on the other side of the river, a rifle-shot off, is the mexican town of el paso--for the river here separates the states from their neighbour republic--and there, there are shade trees and pleasant houses, well-ordered streets, and all the adjuncts of a superior civilization. a brawl alongside the station platform, with a horrible admixture of polyglot oaths and the flash of knives, is the only incident of el paso life we travellers had experience of. but it may be characteristic. one of the party who had been incidentally concerned in the disagreement travelled with us. he knew both new and old mexico well, and among other things which he told me i remember that he said that he had seen peccaries in new mexico, on the borders of arizona. i had thought till then that this very disagreeable member of the pig family confined itself to more southern regions. treed by pigs is not exactly the position in which we should expect to find a colonial secretary--at least, not often. but when one of the secretaries in honduras was recently exploring the interior of the country, he was overtaken by a drove of peccaries, and had only time to take a snap shot at the first of them and scramble up a tree, dropping his rifle in the performance, before the whole pack were round his perch, gnashing their teeth at him, grunting, and sharpening their tusks against his tree. now the peccary is not only ferocious but patient, and rather than let a meal escape it, it will wait about for days, so that the secretary had only two courses--either to remain where he was till he dropped down among the swine from sheer exhaustion and hunger, or else to commit suicide at once by coming down to be killed there and then. while he was in this dilemma, however, what should come along--and looking out for supper too--but a jaguar. never was beast of prey so opportune! for the jaguar has a particular fondness for wild pork, and the peccaries know it, for no sooner did they see the great ruddy head thrust out through the bushes than they bolted helter-skelter, forgetting, in their anxiety to save their own bacon, the meal they were themselves leaving up the tree. the jaguar was off after the swine with admirable promptitude, and the secretary, finding the coast clear, came down--reflecting, as he walked towards the camp, upon the admirable arrangements of nature, who, having made peccaries to eat colonial secretaries, provided also jaguars to eat the peccaries. and so to sleep, and sleeping, over the boundary into texas. chapter xxvii. american neglect of natural history--prairie-dogs again; their courtesy and colouring--their indifference to science--a hard crowd--chuckers out--makeshift colorado. "have we struck another city?" i asked on awaking, and finding the train at a standstill. "no, sir," said the conductor, "only a water-tank." "you see," i explained, "there are so many 'cities' on the railway companies' maps that one hardly dares to turn one's head from the window, lest one should let slip a few--so i thought it best to ask." no, it didn't look like a country of many cities. it was texas. and the grazing land stretched on either side of us to the horizon, without even a cow to break the dead level of the surface. it was patched, however, with wildflowers. yellow verbena and purple grew in acres together. and then the breakfasting station suddenly overtook us. it was called coya, and we ate refuse. when we complained, the man and his wife--knock-kneed folk--deplored almost with tears their distance from any food supply, and vowed they had done their best. and while they vowed, we starved on damaged tomatoes; and on paying the man i gave him advice to go and buy some potter's field with the proceeds, and to act accordingly. what i hate about being starved is, that you can't smoke afterwards. the best part of a good meal is the pipe afterwards, and the more ample the meal the better the subsequent weed. but on a pint of bad tomatoes no man can smoke with comfort to his stomach. but i ate bananas till i thought i had qualified for tobacco, and with my pipe came more kindly thoughts. outside the cars the country was doing all it could to soothe me, for the meadows were fairly ablaze with flowers. they were in distracting profusion and of beautiful kinds. i knew most of them as garden and hothouse flowers in england, but not their names; the verbenas, however, were unmistakable, and so was the "painted daisy." it suffices, however, that the country seemed a wild garden as far as the eye could reach, yellow and orange being as usual the prevailing colours. this determination of wild flowers to these colours is a point worth the notice of science. and why are the very great majority of spring flowers yellow? one of my companions called this distraction of colour a "weed-prairie," which reminds me to say that it is perfectly amazing how indifferent the present generation of western americans are to the natural history of their country. they cannot easily mistake a crow or a rose. but all other birds, except "snipe" and "prairie chickens," seem to be divided into "robins" and "sparrows;" and all flowers, the sunflower and the violet, into lilies and primroses. they have not had time yet, they say, to notice the weeds and bugs that are about. but, in the meantime, a most appalling confusion of nomenclature is taking root. as with eatables and other things, the emigrants to the states have taken with them from europe the names of the most familiar flowers and birds, and anything that takes their fancy is at once christened with their names. as the sun rose the population of these painted meadows came abroad, multitudes of rabbits, a few "chapparal hens," and myriads--literally myriads--of brilliant butterflies. and so on for a hundred miles. and then texas gets a little tired of so much level land and begins to undulate. dry river-beds are passed, and then a muskeet "chapparal" commences, and with it a prodigious city of prairie-dogs. but the inhabitants are partially civilized. the train does not alarm them in the least. it does not even arouse their curiosity. they sit a few feet off the rails, with their backs to the passing trains. perhaps they may look over their shoulders at it. but they do not interrupt their gambols nor their work for such a trifle as a train. they eat and squabble and flirt--do anything, in fact, but run away. now and then, as if out of good taste and not to appear too affected, they make a show of moving a little out of the way. but the motive is so transparent that the trivial change of position counts for nothing. the jack-rabbit imitates the prairie-dog, just as the indian imitates the white man, and pretends that it too does not care about the train. but there is an expression on its ears that betrays its nervousness; and why, too, does it always manage to get under the shady side of the nearest bush? one thing more about the prairie-dog, and i have done with him. the soil east of colorado city changes for a while in colour, being reddish. before this it had been sandy. and the prairie-dog alters its colour to suit its soil. you might say of course that the dust round its burrows tinged its fur, just as dust will tinge anything it settles on. but it is a fact that the fur itself is redder where the soil is redder, and that in the two tracts the little animal assimilates itself to the ground it sits upon. and the advantage is obvious. dozens of prairie-dogs sitting motionless on the soil harmonized so exactly with their surroundings that for a time i did not observe them. detecting one i soon learned to detect all. now one of the grey prairie dogs on the red soil would have been very conspicuous, just as conspicuous in fact as a red one would have been trying to pass unobserved on the lighter soil. the undulations now increase into valleys, and splendid they are, with their rich crops of wild hay and abundant life. the train stops at a "station" (i am not sure that it has earned a name yet), and some cowboys, and dreadful of their kind, get on to the train. but it is only for an hour or so. but during that hour the prairie-dogs had much excitement given them by the perpetual discharging of revolvers into the middle of their family parties. it is impossible to say whether any of them were hit, for the prairie-dog tumbles into his hole with equal rapidity, whether he is alive or dead. but i hope they escaped. for i have a great tenderness for all the small ministers of nature, in fur and in feathers. "their task in silence perfecting, still working, blaming still our vain turmoil, labours that shall not fail, when man is gone." and yet i would be reluctant to say that their indifference to express trains should be encouraged. i don't like to see prairie-dogs thus regardless of the latest triumphs of science. and so if the cowboys' revolvers frightened them a little, let it pass. the train stopped again at another "station," and our cowboy passengers got out, being greeted by two evil-looking vagabonds lying in the shade of a shrub. the meeting of these worthies looked unmistakably like that of thieves re-assembling after some criminal expedition. all alike seemed eager to converse, but they evidently had to wait till the train was gone. one man had a bundle which he held very tight (so it seemed to us) between his legs. a few muttered sentences were exchanged, the speakers turning their heads away from the train while they talked, and the rest assuming a most ludicrous affectation of indifference to what was being said. we started off, and looking out at them from the rear platform of the car, i saw they were already in full talk. their animated gestures were almost as significant as words. had i referred to the conductor i might have saved myself all conjecture. for mentioning my suspicions to him, he said, "oh, yes! those rangers who got off at coya are after that crowd: and they're a hard crowd too." they were, without doubt, a terribly "hard crowd" to look at, these cowboy-men. in england they would probably have followed "chucking out" as a profession. i remember in a police court, during election time, seeing some hulking victims of the police charged with "rioting." but they pleaded, in justification of turbulence, that they were "chuckers out of meetings!" they had been captured when expelling the supporters of a rival candidate from a public hall with the fag ends of furniture, and made no attempt at concealment of their misdemeanour. they were paid, they said, to chuck out, and chucked out accordingly, to the best of their intelligence and ability, and when overpowered by the police attempted no subterfuge. their stock-in-trade were broad shoulders and prodigious muscle. for any odd job of fancy work they would perhaps provide themselves with a few old eggs or put a dead cat or two into their pockets. but, as a rule, when they went out to business they took only their fists and their hob-nailed boots with them, relying upon the meeting room to provide them with table legs and chairs. as soon as the signal for the disturbance was given, the chuckers-out "went for" the furniture, and, armed with a convenient fragment, looked about for people whom they ought to chuck. there were plenty to choose from, for a meeting consists, as a rule, of several or more persons, and the chuckers-out having marked down a knot of the enemy, would proceed to eject them, individually if refractory, in a body if docile, and would thus, if unopposed by police, gradually empty the room. there is something very humorous in this method of invalidating an obnoxious orator's arguments, for nothing weakens the force of a speech so much as the total absence of the audience. nevertheless, the chucker-out sees no humour in his job. it is all serious business to him, and so he goes through his chucking with uncompromising severity. now and then, perhaps, he expels the wrong man, or visits the political offences of an enemy upon the innocent head of one of his own party; but in political discussions with the legs of tables and brickbats, such mistakes can hardly help occurring. and the beautiful undulating meadows continue, sprinkled over with shrub-like trees, and populous with rabbits and prairie-dogs and chapparal hens. here and there we come upon small companies of cattle and horses, most contented with their pastures; but what an utter desolation this vast tract seems to be! the "stations" are, as yet, mere single houses, and we hardly see a human being in an hour. and then comes colorado, a queer makeshift-looking town, with apparently only one permanent place of habitation in it--the jail. beyond the town we passed some mexicans supposed to be working, but apparently passing time by pelting stones at the snakes in the water, and soon after stopped to take up some texan rangers for the protection of our train during the night. these rangers reminded me very much of a boer patrol, and there is no doubt that both cowboys and indians find them far too efficient for comfort. they are, as a rule, good shots, and all are of course good riders. the pay is good, and, "for a spell" as one of them said, the work was "well enough." and as the evening closed in, and we began to enter a country of dark jungle-looking land, the scene seemed as appropriate as possible for a texan adventure. but nothing more exciting than cicadas disturbed our sleep. somebody said they were "katydids," but they were not--they were much katydider. chapter xxviii. nature's holiday--through wonderful country--brown negroes a libel on mankind--the wild-flower state--the black problem--a piebald flirt--the hippopotamus and the flea--a narrow escape--the home of the swamp-gobblin--is the moon a fraud? in the morning everything had changed. vegetation was tropical. black men had supplanted brown. occasional tracts of rich meadow, with splendid cattle and large-framed horses wading about among the pasture, alternated with brakes of luxuriant foliage concealing the streams that flowed through them, while fields of cotton in lusty leaf, gigantic maize, and league after league of corn stubble, showed how fertile the negro found his land. and the wild flowers--but what can i say more about them? they seemed even more beautiful than before. there is something very striking and suggestive in these impressive efforts of nature to command, at recurring intervals, a recurring homage. thus, for one interval of the year the rhododendron holds an undivided empire over the densely-wooded slopes of the great himalayan mountains in india. all the other beauties of mountain and valley are forgotten for that interval of lovely despotism, and every one who can, goes up to see "the rhododendrons in bloom." nature is very fond of such "tours de force," thinking, it may be, that men who see her every-day marvels and grow accustomed to them require now and then some extra-ordinary display, like the special festivals of the ancient church, to evoke periodically an extraordinary homage. lest the migration of creatures should cease to be a thing of wonder to us, nature organizes once in a way a monster excursion, sometimes of rats, sometimes of deer, but most frequently of birds, to remind man of the marvellous instinct that draws the animal world from place to place or from zone to zone. for the same reason, perchance, she ever and again drives butterflies in clouds from off the land out on to the open sea, and, that the perpetual miracle of spring may not pall upon us, she gives the world in succession such breadths and tones of colour that even the callous stop to admire the sudden gold of the meadows, the hawthorn lying like snowdrifts along the country, the bridal attire of the chestnuts, or the blue levels of wild hyacinth. as the priestess of a prodigious cult, nature decrees at regular intervals, for the delight and discipline of humanity, a public festa, or universal holiday, to which the whole world may go free, and wonder at the profusion of her beauties. the track was, in places, very poor indeed, the cars jumping so much as to make travelling detestable and travellers "sea-sick." and then dallas, with an execrable breakfast, and away again into the wonderful country, with cattle perpetually wandering on to the track and refusing to hear the warning shriek of the engine. the country was richly timbered with oak and willow and walnut, with park-like tracts intervening of undulating grassland. here the stock wandered about in herds as they chose, and except for a chance tent, or a shanty knocked together with old packing-cases and canvas, there was no sign of human population. but in the timbered country every clearing had the commencement of a settlement, the tumble-down rickety habitation with which the african, if left to his own inclinations, is content. and wonderfully picturesque they looked, too, these efforts at colonization in the middle of the forests, with the creepers swinging branches of scarlet blossoms from the trees, and the foliage of the plantains, maize and sugar-cane brightening the sombre forest depths. but the heat must be prodigious, and so must the mosquitoes. it was sunday, and after their kind the children of ham were taking "rest." parties of negresses all dressed in the whitest of white, with bright-coloured handkerchiefs on their heads, or hats trimmed with gaudy ribands and flowers, and sometimes wearing, believe me, gloves, were promenading in the jungle with their hulking, insolent-mannered beaux. they looked like gorillas masquerading. in his native country i sincerely like the negro. but here in america i regret to find him unlovely. i am told that individual negroes have done wonders. i know they have. but this does not alter my prejudice. i think the brownish american negro of to-day is the most deplorable libel on the human race that i have ever encountered. and i cannot help fearing that america has a serious problem growing into existence in the south. the brown-black population is there formulating for itself, apart from white supervision, ideas of self-government, morality, "independence," and even religion, that may make any future intervention of a better class a difficult matter, or may eventuate in the contemporary growth of two sharply-defined castes of society. i find the opinion universally entertained in america that the brownish-black man is not a sound or creditable basis for a community, and now that i have seen in what numbers and what prosperity he has established himself in the south, i cannot but think that he may be found in the future an awkward factor in the body politic and social. the country in fact appears to be breeding helots as fast as it can for the perplexity of the next generation. to the north of us as we travelled was a large indian reservation, and at more than one station i saw them crouching about the building. but i should not have mentioned them had it not been that i saw a white man trying to buy a cradle from a squaw. he offered $ for it, but she would not even turn her head to look at the money. it is quite possible that the mother thought he was bargaining for the papoose as well as the cradle. but i was assured that these women sometimes expend an incredible amount of labour and indeed (for indians) of money also upon their papoose-panniers. one case was vouched for of an offer of $ being refused, the indians stating that there were $ worth of beads upon the work of art, and that it had taken eleven years to complete. how beautiful texas is! and what a future it has! for half a day and a night we have been traversing grazing-land, and for half a day fine timber growing in a soil of intense fertility. and now for half a day we are in a pine country, sometimes with wide levels of turf spreading out among the trees, sometimes with oak and walnut so thickly intermingled with the pines that the whole forms a magnificent forest. passion-flowers entangle all the lower undergrowth, and up the dead trees climbs that fine scarlet creeper which is such an ornament of well-ordered gardens of some english country houses. but here in texas the people, as usual, have not had time yet to think of adornments, and their ugly shanties therefore remain bare and wooden. they are of course only ugly in themselves, that is to say, in material, shape, and condition, for their surroundings are delightful and location perfect. there is of course a good deal of "the poetry of malaria," as i heard a charming lady say, about some of these sites. for it is impossible to avoid the suspicion of agues and fevers in those splendid clearings, with the rich foliage mobbing each patch of cotton, grapes, or maize. whenever we happen to slacken pace near one of them an interesting glimpse of local life is caught. negroidal women come to the doors or suddenly stand up in the middle of the crops in which, working, they were unperceived. from the undergrowth, the ditches, and from behind fences, appear dusky children, numbers of them, a swart infantry that seems to me to fill the future with perplexity. are these swarms going to grow up a credit to the country? have they it in their breed to be fit companions in progress of the progeny of the best european stocks? the abundance of wild life, too, is very noticeable. wherever we stop we become aware of countless butterflies and insects busy among the foliage, and the voices of strange birds resound from the forest depths. but other sites appear to me perfection. take marshall for instance, or jefferson. which is the more beautiful of the two? some of the "commercial" settlements, just beginning life with a railway-station, six drug stores, and seven saloons, have situations that ought to have been reserved for honeymoon edens. they are "hard" places. law as yet there is none except revolver law, and that is pitiless and sudden and wicked. for texas, the beautiful flower state, blessed with turf and blessed with pines, has still the stern commencements of american life before it--that rapid, fierce process of civilization which begins with cards and whisky and murder, which finds its first protection in the "vigilantes" who hold their grim tribunals under the roadside trees, but which suddenly one day wrenches itself, as it were, from its bad, lawless past, and takes its first firm step on the high road to order and prosperity and the world's respect. for every intelligent traveller these ragged, half-savage, settlements should have a great significance and interest. before he dies they may be chicagos or san franciscos. and these men, with their mouths full of oaths and revolvers on their hips, are the fathers of those future cities. they will have no immortality though in the gratitude of posterity. for they will shoot each other of in those saloons, or the rangers will shoot them down on the flower prairies beyond the forests. but they will have done their work nevertheless. nature in every part of her scheme proceeds on the same system of building foundations upon ruins. whole nations have to be killed off when they have prepared and preserved the ground as it were for those that are to follow. whether they are nations of men, or of beasts, or of plants, she uses them in exactly the same way. everything must subserve the ultimate end. but i did not intend to moralize. the negress waiter at longview (where we dine very badly) reminds me how practical life should be. she never stops to moralize. on the contrary, she just stands by the window, swallowing all the peaches and fragments of pudding that the travellers leave on their plates. two he negroes wait upon us. but it looks as if they were there to feed the negress rather than to feed us. for they keep rushing in with full dishes to us and rushing off with the half empty ones to her. and there she stands omnivorous, insatiable, black. everything that is brought to her of a sweet kind she swallows. not as if she enjoyed it, but as if she must. it was like throwing things into a sink. she never filled up. and then, through the splendid tropical country, to marshall. i must return to marshall, texas, some day and be disillusioned, or else i shall go down to my grave accusing myself of having passed paradise in the train, and not "stopped off" there. what an exasperating reflection for a deathbed! i should never forgive myself. but perhaps it is not so beautiful as it seems. in any case studies "from the life" would be immensely interesting. i caught a few glimpses which entertained me prodigiously. there was the negro dandy walking painfully in patent-leather boots that were made for some man with ordinary feet, with a fan in his hand and a large flower in his button-hole, an old stove-pipe hat on his head, and a very corpulent handleless umbrella under his arm. there was another, similarly caparisoned, escorting three belles for a walk in the neighbouring jungle, the ladies all wearing white cloth gloves and black cloth boots that squelched out spaciously as they put their feet down. and alas! there was the black coquette, with her bunch of crimson flowers behind her ear, her black satin skirt and white muslin jacket, her parasol of black satin lined with crimson--and how she flirts up the green slope, with a half-acre smile on her face! she looks back at every other step to see which, if any, of the black men, or the brown, or the yellow, on the station platform is going to follow her expansive charms, and so she disappears, this piebald siren, into the groves, her parasol flashing back parthian gleams of crimson as she goes. but every one, man, woman, or child, black, brown, or yellow, was a study, so i must go back to marshall some day. at present, however, we are whirling away again through the lovely woodland, and the whole afternoon passes in an unbroken panorama of forest views, with great glades of meadow breaking away to right and left, and patches of maize and cotton suddenly interrupting the stately procession of timber. and then jefferson. is jefferson more prettily situated than marshall? i cannot say. but jefferson lies back among the trees with an interval of orchard and corn-land between it and the railway line, and looks a very charming retreat indeed. a fat negro comes on board on duty of some kind connected with the brake, and a witty little half-breed boy comes on after him. the fat negro is the brown boy's butt. and he nearly bursts with wrath at the hybrid urchin's chaff, and threatens, between gasps, a retaliation that cannot find utterance in words. but the brown boy is relentless, and though the train is rapidly increasing in its speed, he clings to the step and taunts the negro who dare not leave his look-out post. but he knows very well where the fat man will get off, and suddenly, with a parting personality, the little wretch drops off the step, just as a ripe apple might drop off a branch. and then the fat man has to get off. the speed is really dangerous, but he climbs down the steps backwards, thinking apparently only of his tormentor, and still breathing forth fire and slaughter; and then lets go. is he killed? not a bit of it. he lands on his feet without apparently even jarring his obese person, and when we look back, we see that he is already throwing stones at the small boy, whose batteries are replying briskly. i wonder if the hippopotamus ever caught the flea? and if he did, what he did to him? and i remember how the somali boys in aden used to drive the bo'sun to the verge of despair by clambering on to the ship and pretending not to see him working his way round towards them with a rope's end behind his back, and how at the very last moment, almost as the arm was raised to strike, the young monkeys used to drop off backwards into the sea, like snails off a wall. but is this bengal or texas that we are traveling through? the vegetation about us is almost that of suburban calcutta, and the heat, the damp steamy heat of low-lying land, might be the soonderbuns. and here befell an adventure. we were nearing atalanta. the train was on a down grade and going very fast indeed, perhaps half a mile a minute. i was sitting on my seat in the pullman with the table up in front of me and reading. at the other end of the car was a lady with some children sitting with their backs to me. further off, but also with his back to me, was the conductor. each "section" of a car has two windows. the one at my left elbow had the blind drawn down. the other had not. on a sudden at my ear, as it seemed, there was a report as of a rifle; the thick double glass of the window in front of me flew into fragments all over me, and the woodwork fell in splinters upon my book. i instantly pulled up the blind of the other window and looked out to see who had "fired." but of course at the speed we were going, there was no one in sight. i called out to the conductor that some one had fired through the window. he had not heard the explosion, nor had the lady. so their surprise was considerable. and while i was looking in the woodwork for the bullet i expected to find, the conductor picked off my table a railway spike! some wretch had thrown it at the passing train, and the great velocity at which we were travelling gave the missile all the deadly force of a bullet. "an inch more towards the centre of the window, sir, and you might have been killed," said the brakeman. a look at the splintered woodwork, and the bullet-like groove which the sharp-pointed abomination had cut for itself, was suffcient to assure me that he was right. but think of the atrocious character of such mischief. the man who did it probably never thought of hurting any one. and yet he narrowly missed having a horrible crime on his head. "if we could have stopped the train and caught him, we would have lynched him," said the conductor. "a year or two ago a miscreant threw a corn cob into a window, very near this spot too. it struck a lady, breaking her cheek bone, and bursting the ball of her left eye. we stopped the train, caught the man, and hanged him by the side of the track then and there." and then atalanta, in a country that is very beautiful, but with that poetry of malaria which suggests a peril in such beauty. and gradually the land becomes swampy, and the old trees, hung with moss, stand ankle-deep in brown stagnant water. the glades are all pools, and where-ever a vista opens, there is a long bayou stretching down between aisles of sombre trees. it is wonderful in its unnatural beauty, this forest standing in a lagoon. the world was like this when the deluge was subsiding. there is a mysterious silence about the gloomy trees. not a bird lives among them. but in the sullen water, there are turtles moving, and now and then a snake makes a moment's ripple on the dull pools. sunlight never strikes in, and as i looked, i could not help remembering all the horrors of the slave-hunt, and the murder at the end of it, in the dark depths of some such horrid brake as these we pass. what a spot for legends to gather round! has no one ever invented the swamp-goblin? for an hour and more we pass through this eerie country, and then comes a change to higher land with a splendid growth of pine and walnut and oak all healthily rooted in dry ground. but towards evening we come again into the swamps, and the sun goes down rosy-red behind the water-logged trees, till their trunks stand out black against the ruddy sky and the pools about their feet take strange tints of copper and purpled bronze. and suddenly we flash across the track of the narrow-gauge line to new orleans--and such a sight! the line pierces an avenue, straight as an arrow, for miles and miles through the belt of forest. on either side along the track lie ditches filled with water. but to-night the ditches seem filled with logwood dye, and the wonderful vista through the deep green trees is closed as with a curtain, by the crimson west! it was only a glimpse we got of it, but as long as i live i shall never forget it, the most marvellous sight of all my life. no, not even sunrise upon the himalayas, nor the moonlight on the palm-garden in mauritius--two miracles of simple loveliness that are beyond words--could surpass that glimpse through the texan forest. it was not in the least like this earth. beyond that crimson curtain might have been heaven, or there might have been hell. but i am not content to believe that it was merely louisiana. and now comes texakharna with its sweltering zanzibar heat, but an admirable supper to put us into good humour, and a beautiful moonlight to sit and smoke in. if the sunset was weird, the moonlight was positively goblinish. such gloom! not darkness remember, but gloom, blacker than darkness, and yet never absolutely impenetrable. at least so it seemed, and the fire-flies, flickering in thousands above the undergrowth and up among the invisible branches, helped the fancy. and the frogs! was there ever, even in india in "the rains," such a prodigious chorus of batrachians? and the katydids! surely they were all gone mad together. but it was a delightful ride. sometimes in the clearings we caught glimpses of negro parties, the white dresses of the women glancing in and out along the paths, and the sound of singing coming from the huts in the corners of the maize-patches. here at the corner of a clearing stands a cottage, a regular fairy-tale cottage "by the wood," and in the moonlight it looked as if, "really and truly," the walls were made of toffy and the roof was plum-cake. at any rate there were great pumpkins on the roof, just such pumpkins as those in which cinderella (after they had turned into coaches) drove to the prince's ball. and i would bet my last dollar on it that the lizards that turned into horses were there too, and the rats, and in the marsh close by you might have a large choice of frogs to change into coachmen. and yet, i cannot help thinking, there is a good deal of false sentiment expended upon the moon, the result of a demoralizing humility which science has taught the inhabitants of "the planet we call earth." we are for ever being warned by our teachers against the sin of pride, and being told that the universe is full of "earths" just as good as ours, and perhaps better. we are not, they say, to fancy that our own world is something very special, for it is only a little ball, spinning round and round in the firmament, among a number of other balls which are so superior to it that if our own insignificant orange came in contact with them we should get the worst of the collision. nor are we to fancy that the moon is our private property, and grumble at her shabbiness, as our planetary betters have a superior claim to their share of her, and this sphere of ours ought to be very thankful for as much of the luminary as it gets. now, to my thinking, there is something distinctly degrading in this view. englishmen maintain patriotically that great britain is the queen of the sea; why, then, should not we earthians, with a larger patriotism, say that our planet is the best planet of the kind in the firmament, and, putting on one side all petty territorial distinctions, boldly challenge the supremacy of the universe itself? depend upon it, if any presumptuous moon-men or jupiterites were to descend to earth and begin to boast, they would be very soon put down, and i do not see, therefore, why we should not at once call upon all the other stars and comets to salute our flag whenever we sail past them on the high seas of the empyrean. as it is, we are taught timidity by science, and told that whenever a filibustering comet or meteor--the pirates and privateers of the skies--comes along our way we are to expect instant combustion, or something worse. why are they not made to drop their colours by a shot across their bows? or why, when we next see a meteor bearing down upon us, should we not steer straight at it, and, using chimborazo or mount everest, or the dome of st. paul's, or the capitol at washington as a ram, sink the rascal? a broadside from our volcanic batteries, etna and hecla, vesuvius, erebus, and the rest would soon settle the matter, and we should probably hear no more for a long time to come of these black-flagged craft who go cruising about to the annoyance of honest planets. the same unbecoming apprehensions are entertained with regard to the moon. yet it is absurd that we should be afraid of her. the earth, by its velocity and weight, could butt the moon into space or smash her into all her original fragments, could bombard her with volcanoes, or put an earthquake under her and make a ruin of her, or turn the atlantic on to her and put her out. the moon is really our own property, something between a pump and a night light, and, if the truth must be told, not very good as either. twice a day she is supposed to raise the water of our oceans, but we have often had to complain of her irregularity; and every night she ought to be available for lighting people home to their beds, but seldom is. as a rule, our nights are very dark indeed, owing to her non-attendance; and even when she is on duty the arrangements she makes for keeping clouds off her face are most defective. if the earth were to be half as irregular in the duties which she has to perform there would soon be a stoppage of everything, collisions at all the junctions, accidents at the level crossings, planets telescoped in every direction, and passengers and satellites much shaken, if not seriously injured. but the earth is business-like and practical, and sets an example to those other denizens of the firmament which are perpetually breaking out in eruptions, getting off the track, and going about in disorderly gangs to the public annoyance. why, then, we ask, ought our planet to be for ever taking off its hat to the flat-faced old moon, who is always trying to show off with borrowed light, makes such a monstrous secret of her "other side," is perpetually being snubbed by eclipses, and made fun of by stars that go and get occultated by her? but there are objections to discarding the luminary, for it is never a graceful act to turn off an old dependant, and, besides, the moon is about as economical a contrivance as we could have for keeping up the normal average of lunatics, giving dogs something to bark at by night when they cannot see anything else, and affording us an opportunity of showing that respect for antiquities which is so becoming. but what business the man in the moon has there, remains to be decided; and who gave him permission to go collecting firewood in our moon, remains to be seen. for it is well to remember that a very distinguished french savant has proved that the moon is the private property of the earth. we used, he says, to do very well without a moon once upon a time; but going along on our orbit one day, we picked up the present luminary--then a mere vagabond, a disreputable vagrant mass of matter, with no visible means of subsistence--"and shall, perhaps, in the future pick up other moons in the same way." as a matter of fact then, he declares the moon to be a dependant of our earth, and says that if we were selfishly to withdraw our "attraction" from it, the poor old luminary would tumble into space, and never be able to stop herself, or, worse still, might come into collision with some wandering comet or other, and get blown up entirely. we ought, therefore, to think kindly of the faithful old creature; but we should not, all the same, allow any length of service to blind us to the actual relations between her and ourselves--much less to make us frightened of the moon. but the man in the moon should be seen to. he is either there or he is not. if he is, he ought to pay taxes: and if he is not, he has no right to go on pretending that he is. chapter xxix. frogs, in the swamp, and as a side-dish--negroids of the swamp age--something like a mouth--honour in your own country--the land of promise--civilization again. arkansas remains on the mind (and the traveller's notebook) as a vast forest of fine timber standing in swamps. there are no doubt exceptions, but they do not suffice to affect the general impression. and if i owned arkansas i think i should rent it to some one else to live in; especially to some one fond of frogs. for myself, i feel no tenderness towards the monotonous batrachian. even in a bill of fare the tenderness is all on the frog's side. but on the whole, i like him best when he is cooked. in the water with his "damnable iteration" of yank! yank! yank! i detest him--legs and all. but served "a cresson," with a clear brown gravy, i find no aggressiveness in him. it gets cooked out of him: he becomes the gentlest eating possible. butter would not melt in his mouth, though it does on his legs. there is none of the valiant mouse-impaling "mud-compeller" about him when you foregather with him as a side dish. aristophanes would not recognize him, and the "nibbler of cheese rind" might then triumph easily over him. yet to think how once he shuddered the earth, and shook olympus! the goddess that leans upon a spear wept for him, and aphrodite among her roses trembled. but here in arkansas, on a hot night in "the moon of strawberries," what a multitudinous horror they are these "tuneful natives of the reedy lake!" like the laughter of the sea, beyond arithmetic. like the laughter of the sea, beyond arithmetic. like the complainings of the plagued usurers in hell, beyond compassion. i cannot venture my pen upon it. it is like launching out upon "the tenth wave," for an infinite natation upon cycles of floods. it is endless; snakes with tails in their mouths; trying to correct the grammar of a mexican's english. but, seriously; was ever air so full of sound as these arkansas swamps "upon a night in june!" it fairly vibrates with yank! yank! yank! and yet over, and under, and through, all this metallic din, there shrills supreme the voice of strident cicadas, without number and without shame, and countless katydids that scream out their confidences to all the stars. it is really astonishing; a tour de force in nature; a noisy miracle. i wonder moses did not think of it, for such a plague might have done him credit, i think. at all events, the ancestors of arabi pasha would have been egregiously inconvenienced by such a hubbub. it is no use trying to talk; yank--katy did--yank--yank. that is all you hear. so you may just as well sit and smoke quietly, and watch the moon-lit swamps and wonderful dark forests go by, with their perpetual flicker of restless fire-flies, twinkling in and out among the brushwood. if they would only combine into one central electric light! all the world would go to see them--the new "brush-light." but there is very little sense of utility among fire-flies. they flicker about for their own amusement, and are of a frivolous, flighty kind; perpetually striking matches as if to look for something, and then blowing them out again. they strike only on their own box. but here comes a station--"hope." we are soon past hope; and then comes another swamp, with its pools, that have festered all day long in the sun, emitting the odours of a zanzibar bazaar, and standing in the middle of them apparently are some clearings already filled with crops, and a hut or two cowering, as if they were wild beasts, just on the edge of the timber where the shadows fall the darkest. what kind of people are they that live in this terraqueous land? no race that is fit to rule can do it. no, nor even fit to vote. some day, no doubt, the wise men of the world will dig up tufts of wool, and skulls with prognathous jaws, and label them "negroids of the swamp age." or they may fall into the error of supposing that the wool grew all over their bodies equally, and some owen of the future discourse wisely of "the great extinct anthropoids of arkansas." for in those wonderful days that are coming--when men will know all about the wind-currents, and steer through ocean-billows by chart, when doctors will understand the smallpox, and everybody have the same language, currency, religion, and customs duties, and when every newspaper offce will be fitted with patent reflectors, showing on a table in the editor's room all that is going on all over the world, and special correspondents will be as extinct as dodos, and when many other delightful means of saving time and trouble will have come to pass--then, no doubt, as the mormons say, all the world will have become a "white and a delightsome people," and the commentators will explain away the passages in the ancient english which seem to point to the early existence of a race that was as black as coals, and lived on pumpkins in a swamp. and still we sit up, long past midnight, for never again in our lives probably shall we have such an experience as this, so unearthly in its surroundings--forests that crowded in upon the rails and hung threateningly over the cars, pools that lay glistening in the moonlight round the foot of the trees, the air as thick as porridge with the yanking of brazen-throated frogs, and the screaming of tinlunged cicadas, yet all the time alive with lantern-tailed insects--just as if the clamour of frogs and cicadas struck fireflies out of each other in the same way that flint and steel strike flashes, or as if their recriminations caught fire like acestes' arrows as they flew, and peopled the inflammable air with phosphorescent tips of flame--a battery of din perpetually grinding out showers of electric sparks. and to make us remember this night the cars bumped abominably over the dislocated sleepers and the sunken rails, as the spanish father whipped his son that he might never forget the day on which he saw a live salamander; and the engine flew a streamer of sparks and ink-black smoke, till it felt as if we were riding to hades on a three-legged dragon. but it came to sleep at last, and we went to bed, leaving the moonlit country to the vagaries of the fireflies and the infinite exultations of the frogs. awaking in the morning with "the grey wolf's tail" still in the sky, what a wonderful change had settled on the scene! the same swamped forests on either side of us: the same gloomy trees and the same sulky-looking pools; but a dull leaden silence supreme! where were the creatures that had crowded the moonlight? you might live a whole month of mornings without suspecting that there were any such things in arkansas as frogs or katydids or fireflies! i should have gone to sleep again if i had not caught sight of our new porter, or brakeman. he happened to be laughing, and the corners of his mouth, so it seemed to me, must have met behind. i need hardly say he was a negro. but at first i thought he was a practical joke. i took the earliest opportunity of looking at the back of his neck, to see what kept his head together when he laughed. but i only saw a brass button. i should not have thought that was enough to keep a man's skull together, if i had not seen it. and he was always laughing, so that there was nearly as much expression on the back of his head as on the front. he laughed all round. i felt inclined to advise him to get his mouth mended, or to tell him about "a stitch in time." but he seemed so happy i did not think it worth while. is it worth while saying that the swamp forest continued? i think not. so please understand it, and think of the country as a flooded forest, with wonderful brown waterways stretching through the trees, just as glades of grass do elsewhere, with here and there, every now and again, a broad river-like bayou of coffee stretching to right and left, and winding out of sight round the trees, and every now and again a group of wooden cabins, most picturesquely squalid, and inhabited by coloured folk. does anybody know anything of these people? are they cannibals, or polygamous, or polyandrous, or amphibious? surely a decade of unrestricted freedom and abundant food in such solitudes as these, must have developed some extraordinary social features? at all events, it is very difficult to believe that they are ordinary mortals. the hamlets are few and far between, and it is only once or twice during the day that we strike a village nomine dignus. looking at a garden in one of these larger hamlets, i notice that the hollyhock and pink and petunia are favourite flowers; and it is worth remarking that it is with flowers as with everything else--the imported articles are held in highest esteem. writing once upon tobacco cultivation in the east, i remember noting that each province between persia and bengal imported its tobacco from its next neighbour on the west, and exported its own eastward. it struck me as a curious illustration of the universal fancy for "foreign" goods. so with flowers. it is very seldom that the wild plants of a locality arrive at the dignity of a garden. in england we sow larkspurs; in utah they weed them out. in england we prize the passion-flower and the verbena; in arkansas they carefully leave them outside their garden fences. and what splendid flowers these people scorn, simply because they grow wild! some day, i expect, it will occur to some enterprising settler that there is a market abroad for his "weeds;" and that lily-bulbs and creeper-roots are not such rubbish as others think. then poplar bluff, a crazy-looking place, with many of its houses built on piles, and a saloon that calls itself "the xiou saloon." i tried to pronounce the name. perhaps some one else can do it. then the swamp reasserts itself, and the forest of oak and walnut, sycamore and plane. but the settlements are singularly devoid of trees, whether for fruit or shade. the people, i suppose, think there are too many about already. and now we are in missouri--the mormons' 'land of promise,' and the scene of their greatest persecutions. it is a beautiful state, as nature made it; but it almost deserves to be jesse-jamesed for ever for its barbarities towards the mormons. no wonder the saints cherish a hatred against the people, and look forward to the day when they shall come back and repossess their land. for it is an article of absolute belief among the mormons, that some day or other they are going back to jackson county, and numbers of them still preserve the title-deeds to the lands from which they were driven with such murderous cruelty. it was here that i saw men working a deposit of that "white earth" which has done as much to bring american trade-enterprise into disrepute as glucose and oleomargerine put together. in itself a harmless, useless substance, it is used in immense quantities for "weighting" other articles and for general adulteration; and i could not help thinking that the man who owns the deposit must feel uncomfortably mean at times. but it is a paying concern, for the world is full of rascals ready to buy the stuff. and, after all, one half the world lives by poisoning the other. a thunderstorm broke over the country as we were passing through it, and i could not help admiring the sincerity of the missouri rain. there was no reservation whatever about it, for it came down with a determined ferocity that made one think the clouds had a spite against the earth. moss ferry, a ragged, desolate hamlet, looked as if it was being drowned for its sins; and i sympathized with pretty piedmont in the deluge that threatened to wash it away. but we soon ran out of the storm, and rattling past gadshill, the scene of one of jesse james' train-robbing exploits, and sped along through lovely scenery of infinite variety, and almost unbroken cultivation, to arcadia. but this is "civilization." in a few hours more i find myself back again at the mississippi, the indus of the west, and speeding along its bank with the columbia bottom-lands lying rich and low on the other side of the prodigious river, and reminding me exactly of the great flat islands that you see lying in the hooghly as you steam up to calcutta--past the new parks which st. louis is building for itself, and so, through the hideous adjuncts of a prosperous manufacturing town, into st. louis itself. out of deference to st. louis, i hide my texan hat, and disguise myself as a respectable traveller. for i have done now with the wilds and the west, and am conscious in the midst of this thriving city that i have returned to a tyrannical civilization. and i take a parting cocktail with the western friend who has been my companion for the last three thousand miles. "wheat," says he, with his little finger in the air. and i reply, "here's how." the end. london: printed by gildert and rivington, limited, st. john's square. http://mormontextsproject.org/ for a complete list of mormon texts available on project gutenberg, to help proofread similar books, or to report typos. memoirs of john r. young utah pioneer _written by himself_ salt lake city utah the deseret news "words are the soul's ambassadors who go abroad, upon her errands to and fro, they are the chief expounders of the mind, and correspondence kept 'twixt all mankind." they place in memory's clasp, truths we have read, beautiful words, of both living and dead, helping us cherish, and nurse as they grow, elysian plants, from thoughts that we sow. bringing to memory, and waking to life the form, and face of a child, or wife, the choicest treasures to mortals given, the golden thread that leads to heaven. o, may the thoughts in this book penned, prove sweet, and pure, to kindred and friend, to a child, or grandchild, as the case may be. loyal scions, from the ancestral tree; whose pulse will quicken, and brain will throb, as they view the path the grandsire trod." _appreciation_ _with pleasure i express thanks to professor n. l. nelson, historian andrew jenson, elder walter j. lewis, sister w. lyle allred, and to my son, newell k. young, and to you, my many friends, who have given words of encouragement to_ _the author_ contents. chapter . birth.--childhood recollections. chapter . camp on sugar creek.--brigham's charge to the exiles.--death of a noble woman.--free from mobs chapter . petition governors.--william c. staines.--captain james allen chapter . thomas l. kane's description of the city of nauvoo, and the exiled mormons chapter . daniel h. wells.--baptism for the dead.--lorenzo d. young's mission.--wilford woodruff.--saved by prayer chapter . brigham's wise counsels.--joseph toronto.--joseph smith, seer and organizer.--prophecy of august , chapter . a religious commonwealth.--general clark's degree.--brigham's indian policy.--its peaceable fruits.--the glory of the immigrant's first view of the valley chapter . mormon stalwarts.--a war on the plains.--death of celestia kimball.--two indian girls tortured.--sally's death.--ira eldredge's dog and the wolf.--delicious rawhide soup.--eat thistles.--the devastating crickets.--delivered wrought by the sea gulls chapter . my first mission.--uncle brigham's counsel.--parley p. pratt, teacher and orator.--my first view of the ocean.--san francisco.--tracting the city.--scrap with a hotel keeper.--labor as a cook in the home of mr. mclean.--the man who murdered parley p. pratt chapter . sail for the islands.--at honolulu t labor in tin shop.--my first kanaka meal.--a home with kiama.--attend native funeral.--meet mr. emerson.--three days without food.--saved by a donkey.--lose my eyesight.--receive a glorious vision chapter . on oahu again.--john hyde's apostasy.--i meet him in the presbyterian church.--at waiahia chapter . hear of parley p. pratt's death.--buchanan sends harney to utah.--letter from brigham young chapter . praise for the elders.--efforts to bring two natives to utah.--sail for home.--description of steerage.--an earnest prayer.--timidity of the saints.--baptize a new convert at midnight chapter . visit my cousin.--his tempting offer.--meet the agents of mr. walker, the noted filibusterer.--baptize mrs. bradford chapter . start for a thirteen-hundred-mile walk.--become indian scout.--meet jacob hamblin, the indian peacemaker.--surrounded by indians.--shooting a dove, saves our scalps chapter . home activities.--counseled not to study law.--called to uintah and dixie chapter . miss carmichael's parting words.--san francisco.--orson pratt's prophecy.--sail for hawaii.--delivered from the hands of a wicked man.--visit walter m. gibson.--view kawaimanu chapter . conference at wailuku.--return to honolulu.--sail for home.--man overboard chapter . united order.--indian troubles.--mission to england chapter . transferred to the bristol conference.--a remarkable woman.--my views of celestial marriage chapter . a visit to wales.--mrs. simon's good work.--a tribute to joseph fielding smith.--a letter from my wife, albina chapter . death of jehiel mcconnell.--a letter to my daughter.--five thousand dollar reward.--letter from apostle joseph f. smith chapter . a letter to my son.--an enquirer answered.--the sinking of the euridice, four hundred men perish.--letters from home.--two splendid dreams chapter . death of a lady apostle woodruff baptized in , at midnight.--baptize an aged backslider.--a letter from apostle wilford woodruff.--transferred to the london conference chapter . visit london, the grandest city in the world.--meet the claridge family, and leave my testimony with them.--visit portsmouth and the home of nellie grant sardys.--labor with elder connelly.--rake hay and receive a gift from an english lord chapter . conditions at orderville.--letter to e. m. webb, on politics.--visit winchester cathedral.--pass through the town of london.--letter from president william budge.--mobbed at albourne chapter . goodbye to england.--a poem.--the master's question chapter . in memory of my wife, albina.--"by their fruits ye shall know them" chapter . in memory of my wife, lydia chapter . in memory of my wife, tamar, and sacred to my wife catherine appendix--stories and rhymes. chapter . twenty-fourth of july musings sent to president joseph f. smith.--twenty-fourth of july toast.--utah.--thrilling eruption of kilauea chapter . a thrilling experience on the plains.--the stampede chapter . a squaw fight chapter . crusade against plural marriage chapter . salt lake valley in .--utah pioneers.--a peaceful home chapter . from the cradle to the grave.--lines to sister m. l. chapter . the young men's pledge.--brigham young's one hundredth birthday.--mary's birthday.--some things that i remember memoirs of john r. young. chapter . birth.--childhood recollections. i was born april , , at kirtland, ohio. i am the third son of lorenzo dow and persis goodell young. my parents were early numbered among the followers of the prophet joseph smith; and my father, being physically strong and restless, full of spirituality, and endowed with deep human sympathy, was naturally among the foremost in all the troubles the church passed through during the first twenty years of its existence. he suffered much in the missouri persecutions, being one of those who participated in the crooked river battle, and risking his life to aid in delivering his brethren from the hands of kidnapers. his heroic part in that fight led to a price being set upon his head; in consequence, and following the counsel of his brother. brigham young, he, with others, fled to the state of illinois. of those early troubles i write what i have heard my parents and my brothers say; my own memory reaching no farther back than nauvoo. my earliest recollection is of suffering with the chills. how cold i would be! we must have been poor, for the food did not suit me. it rained so much i had to stay indoors, although i cried to go out. one day father took me for a walk, to give me air and sunshine. we met joseph and hyrum smith and sidney rigdon. father shook hands warmly with joseph and hyrum, but he merely bowed to brother rigdon. joseph asked if i was the child father had requested the elders to pray for. being answered in the affirmative, the prophet removed my hat, ran his fingers through my curly locks, and said, "brother lorenzo, this boy will live to aid in carrying the gospel to the nations of the earth." his words thrilled me like fire; and from that hour i looked forward to the day when i should be a missionary. not long after that, joseph was martyred at carthage. i remember how my mother wept, and how shocked and prostrated everybody was, when the bloodstained bodies of the prophet and his brother were brought home. father was away doing missionary work when that fearful tragedy took place. a little later, while attending meetings, i noticed that uncle brigham sat in the place where joseph was wont to sit, and one evening, after father's return from ohio, i heard him say, "they will now seek for brigham's life as they did for joseph's, just so long as he proves true to the trust god has placed upon him." i wondered why that should be. if a man does good, and god loves him, why should men hate him? yet the angel moroni understood that principle, for he said to the boy joseph, "your name shall be had for good and evil, among all the nations of the earth"--a wonderful prophecy, and wonderfully fulfilled. and right here we have a vivid illustration of the operation of prejudice or jealousy, so called. in , the saints, under the guidance of their prophet leader, came to commerce, ill., and purchased a tract of land, principally wild woods and swamps, and on that account, very unhealthful. in five years' time, without capital, by faith and intelligent labor, the swamps had been drained, much of the forest removed, and a thousand comfortable homes had been erected. the walls of a magnificent temple adorned the central part of the new-born city; and the master spirits, who brought about the mighty change, were loved, as men are seldom loved, by the builders of those happy homes. but the dwellers round about were filled with jealousy and rage; and, aided by a few apostate members of the church, waged a cruel war, until joseph and hyrum were slain, and the saints were driven from the homes their industry had created. in my home was at fruitland, new mexico. one day mr. butler, editor of the "aztec enterprise," invited me to write for his paper my recollections of our people's leaving nauvoo. i complied, and from memory wrote the following narrative which i wish to place on record as a gift to my children: how dear to my heart are the scenes of my childhood; how i love to cherish, and con them o'er, the cottage, the temple, the river and wildwood! all sweetly remembered, though seen no more. with malice to none, with charity to all." i turn the wheels of memory back to the home of my childhood. of this terrible episode in the history of our people, others have written better than i can hope to write; nevertheless, through the eyes of a boy of nine, let me look out once more upon the tragic fate of nauvoo, the city beautiful. it is the month of february, . the sun is shining brightly, yet the air is keen and cutting. the wheels ring as we drive over the frozen snow. in our home since early morning, all has been hurry and bustle; two wagons stand in our front yard, and my father with two other men, strangers to me, are carrying out our household goods. my mother looks pale, and when i ask her, "what is the matter?" she takes me in her arms, kisses me, and says, "we are going to leave our home, and will never see it again!" just then some other teams come along, and one of the brethren calls to my father to be sure to put out the fire, and to hurry up, for it is getting late. in a few minutes mother and the children are lifted tenderly into the wagon. father next takes his place on the front seat, turns his face to the west, and his back upon the home, which it had taken seven years of sacrifice and toil to build. at the river are three flat boats, or scows. here and there on the banks of the river stand pale-faced mothers cuddling their little ones, while husbands and fathers quietly, yet resolutely, roll the wagons on to the boats, then with long poles push from the shore out upon the bosom of the mighty river. no farewells are uttered, no words spoken. each man knows his duty, and performs it energetically; for they are not hirelings, these men of stout hearts and muscular arms. nor is it a light task to guide those unwieldly scows through drifting ice, across that mile-wide river. today, as i recall the scene, and remember the names of some of those heroic exiles: edwin little, thomas grover, warren snow, william and lige potter, charles shumway, and many others whose lives are interwoven with whatever is great and enduring in our beloved commonwealth, i cannot but liken them to the brave men who faced ice and cold on christmas night when the invincible washington led them across the delaware to do battle with their country's foes. like these, and also inspired with a new and higher ideal of liberty, our fathers and mothers knew no fear, but trusting in god they crossed the river to the dark beyond, knowing that a conflict awaited them, yet feeling beforehand as only a virile faith can make man feel, that theirs would be the victory, they left their homes in the dead of winter, seeking a better home, but when or where, they knew not! chapter . camp on sugar creek.--brigham's charge to the exiles.--death of a noble woman.--garden grove.--free from mobs. god pity the exiles, when storms come down-- when snow-laden clouds hang low on the ground, when the chill blast of winter, with frost on its breath sweeps through the tents, like the angel of death! when the sharp cry of child-birth is heard on the air, and the voice of the father breaks down in his prayer, as he pleads with jehovah, his loved ones to spare! my father was among the first of the saints who left nauvoo and the state of illinois to avoid the storm of persecution that religious prejudice had created against us. a general gathering place had been chosen nine miles from the river, on sugar creek. here an advance company of brethren had prepared for our coming by shoveling away the snow, so that we had dry spots on which to pitch our tents. nor did we pitch camp a day too soon; for a heavy storm swept over that part of the country, leaving the snow fourteen inches deep, and being followed by a cold so intense that the mississippi froze over, and many later teams crossed on the ice. on the fifteenth day of february presidents brigham young and heber c. kimball joined us; and for the next two weeks a continuous stream of wagons poured into the encampment so that by the first of march over five thousand exiles were shivering behind the meager shelter of wagon covers and tents, and the winter-stripped groves that lined the creek. their sufferings have never been adequately told; and to realize how cruel and ill-timed was this forced exodus one has only to be reminded that in one night nine children were born under these distressing conditions. when it is remembered that only seven years had elapsed since twelve thousand of our people had fled "naked and peeled" from the state of missouri, and that now the entire community of twenty thousand souls were again leaving their homes unsold, it can be easily understood that they were ill prepared to endure the hardships they were thus forced to meet. by ascending a nearby hill we could look back upon the beautiful city and see the splendid temple we had reared in our poverty at a cost of one and a half million dollars; moreover, on a clear, calm morning we could hear: the silvery notes of the temple bell that we loved so deep and well; and a pang of grief would swell the heart, and the scalding tears in anguish start as we silently gazed on our dear old homes. to remove this ever present invitation to grief and sorrow, our leaders wisely resolved to make a forward move. it was believed the frost would hold up our wagons. if not, short drives could at any rate be made. activity would relieve our severely tried hearts. i remember hearing the ringing voice of president young as standing early in the morning in the front end of his wagon, he said: "attention, the camps of israel. i propose to move forward on our journey. let all who wish follow me; but i want none to come unless they will obey the commandments and statutes of the lord. cease therefore your contentions and back-biting, nor must there be swearing or profanity in our camps. whoever finds anything must seek diligently to return it to the owner. the sabbath day must be hallowed. in all our camp, prayers should be offered up both morning and evening. if you do these things, faith will abide in your hearts; and the angels of god will go with you, even as they went with the children of israel when moses led them from the land of egypt." this brief epitome of the rules and regulations that were to guide us, will give the thoughtful reader a key to the wonderful influence of president young and the twelve apostles. the saints were intensely religious and their peculiar faith in prophets and present and continuous revelation had stirred up the anger and prejudice of their christian neighbors until it culminated in the martyrdom of joseph and hyrum smith and the expulsion of the saints from nauvoo. americans, and in many instances the near and direct descendants of revolution sires, cast out from american civilization because they believed in the visitation of angels and persisted in worshiping god according to the dictates of their own conscience. it was on the first of march, , only two weeks after leaving nauvoo, that the saints broke camp and moved forward in two general divisions, under the leadership respectively of brigham young and heber c. kimball. their course was westward over the rolling prairies of iowa. only too soon did they find every hollow to be a mud hole, in which the wagons would sink to the axle. but having started, they could do no better than "double teams" and go slow. often they would not make over three miles a day, and what added to their discomfort was the continuous rain which wet those who were walking to the skin, and even beat through the wagon covers, wetting and chilling the sick and feeble. these conditions gave rise to acts of heroism as noble as were ever recorded. i remember one notable instance: orson spencer was a graduate from an eastern college, who having studied for the ministry, became a popular preacher in the baptist church. meeting with a "mormon" elder, he became acquainted with the teachings of joseph smith and accepted them. before doing so, however, he and his highly educated young wife counted the cost, laid their hearts on the altar and made the sacrifice! how few realize what it involved to become a "mormon" in those early days! home, friends, occupation, popularity, all that makes life pleasant, were gone. almost over night they were strangers to their own kindred. after leaving nauvoo, his wife, ever delicate and frail, sank rapidly under the ever accumulating hardships. the sorrowing husband wrote imploringly to the wife's parents, asking them to receive her into their home until the saints should find an abiding place. the answer came, "let her renounce her degrading faith and she can come back, but never until she does." when the letter was read to her, she asked her husband to get his bible and to turn to the book of ruth and read the first chapter, sixteenth and seventeenth verses: "entreat me not to leave thee or to return from following after thee; for whither thou goest i will go, and where thou lodgest i will lodge. thy people shall be my people and thy god my god." not a murmur escaped her lips. the storm was severe and the wagon covers leaked. friends held milk pans over her bed to keep her dry. in those conditions, in peace and without apparent suffering, the spirit took its flight and her body was consigned to a grave by the wayside. a thousand times thereafter the saints had occasion to sing: "how many on the trackless plains have found an unknown grave, pure,faithful saints, too good to live in such a wicked place. but are they left in sorrow, or doubt to pine away? oh, no, in peace they're resting till the resurrection day." from the first of march until the th of april not a day passed without rain, making the roads almost impassable, and entailing a vast amount of labor with but little advancement. at this date our camps had reached grand river. president young called a halt and set all hands at work fencing a field and planting crops for the benefit of the poor who would follow. first an ample guard was selected to look after the stock. that left three hundred fifty-nine laboring men; of these, one hundred were selected to make rails under the direction of c. c. rich; ten under james allred to put up fence; forty-nine under father john smith, uncle of the prophet joseph, to build houses; twelve under jacob peart to dig wells; ten under a. p. rockwood to build the bridges, and one hundred eighty under daniel spencer to clear land, plow, and plant. all were thus employed, and the camp became presently like a hive of bees. there being no room for idlers, all seemed happy. this place was named garden grove; and samuel bent, aaron johnson, and david fullmer were chosen to preside over those that should remain. they were instructed to divide the lands among the poor without charge; but to give to no man more than he could thoroughly cultivate. there must be no waste and no speculation. moreover, the settlement was not regarded as more than temporary; for as soon as our leaders should find the "place," all energies were to be centered in gathering to that place. as yet, however, no one, not even brigham young, knew where the "place" would be; but it was talked at the camp fires that president young had seen, in vision, a wonderful valley, so large that all our people could be gathered into it, and yet so far from civilization, that mobs could not come at night to burn and whip and kidnap. strange as it may seem, this vision formed the most entrancing theme of our conversations, and the national song of switzerland became our favorite hymn: "for the strength of the hills we thank thee, our god, our father's god." chapter . petition governors.--wm. c. staines, captain james allen. push on, push on, ye struggling saints, the clouds are breaking fast. it is no time to doubt or faint; the rubicon is past. behind us storms and rivers lie; before the sun shines bright, and we must win or we must die-- we cannot shun the fight. on the th of april the main camps moved forward again. there being now more sunshine and the roads firmer, better progress was made; and on the th they reached the middle fork of grand river. here president young selected another farm, and all hands were set at work fencing, plowing, and planting. this place was named pisgah, and wm. huntington, e. t. benson, and c. c. rich were chosen to preside. the counsel given at garden grove was repeated here. the policies were to be the same. brigham's whole soul was thrown into the work, and this can be as truly said of his associates, the twelve. they were united in their counsels. they thought of everything and of everybody. they gave much thought and anxiety toward the poor who were left in nauvoo and these farms were established for their benefit. brigham and heber remained at pisgah until june nd, when they and the main camp pushed on again. we were now in the pottawattamies' land, but the indians received us kindly--i might say, even in a brotherly manner. they said, "we have plenty of grass and wood, and our mormon brothers are welcome to all they want." this kind reception by the red men touched a tender spot in the hearts of the latter-day saints. it was like a ray of sunshine in a dark day; a glimmer of light to a benighted traveler. before leaving nauvoo, the twelve had addressed petitions to the governors of every state in the union asking for an asylum for our people. only two states deigned to reply. governor lucas of iowa wrote a kind reply, expressing his personal sympathy, but advising us to leave the confines of the united states. this we did not wish to do, for we were americans and loved our country. my grandfather was a revolutionary soldier and served under general washington in three campaigns. my father was proud of that record, and transmitted his feelings of loyalty to his children. but now the nation through representatives had risen against us--we were forced to go. senator cass wrote that we had better go to oregon; but to go there we had to pass through powerful tribes of indians, and we feared lest their tomahawks should be turned against us. however, the reception given us by the pottawattamies encouraged us; and president young, ever ready to grasp an inspiration and to act promptly, quietly sent a few discreet men to labor as missionaries among the indian tribes. one of these men, wm. c. staines, is worthy of note. he was a young english boy, a late convert to the faith, small in body, and so deformed as to be almost a cripple; yet he had a soul and an ambition as grand and lofty as the immortal wolfe's. he penetrated the indian tribes as far as the sioux, by his sacrifices and force of character won their friendship and made impressions that opened the way for our people to pass through their lands in peace. from pisgah westward the country was wild, with no roads running in the direction we wished to; for we had now left civilization, and i have sometimes thought that we felt like adam and eve when cast out of eden. the world indeed was before us, but the richest and loveliest part was behind us, and a flaming sword guarded it on every side so that we could not return. however, the people were cheerful and as the weather was pleasant, camp life had an air of romance that amused the young. on the th of june president young and the main camps struck the missouri river. as it would require some time to construct ferry boats, a place was selected on the high lands near by and named council bluffs. the tents were pitched in a hollow square and a brush bowery was erected in which to hold our meetings. as we had no lumber, saw pits were erected, and men suitable for that labor having been selected, under the direction of frederick kesler the work of sawing planks was commenced. in the meantime provisions were becoming scarce. small companies were organized under the leadership of capable men, and sent down into missouri to trade off our watches, feather beds, shawls, and any other articles that could be spared. while god did not rain manna down from heaven for the sustenance of the impoverished saints, still there was a providence over them for good, for conditions had been brought about that made food cheap. the northwestern settlements of missouri had been blest with bounteous harvests. their cribs were full of corn, and the forests were full of hogs, with no market for either. the missourians were therefore eager to take our beds and give us their surplus food. toward the close of the last day of june, captain james allen of the united states army, with a small escort rode into our midst. instantly the camp was filled with a nervous, tremulous excitement. who is he? what does he want? these were the questions that flew from lip to lip. soon the voice of brigham was heard: "attention, israel! we want all the people to assemble in the bowery at ten o'clock tomorrow. we have matters of importance to present to them." the shadows of evening rested down upon the camp, then the stars rose in the east and slowly ascended to the meridian of the heavens. still the camp fires burned and men talked with bated breath wondering what the morrow would bring forth. a spirit of unrest brooded over the white city and many an eye had not closed in sleep when the golden flashes of light appeared in the east. i am not writing these sketches from a theological standpoint, or to make converts to the mormon faith. i was there. i heard, i saw, i suffered, and am trying to write as i felt and still feel. at ten o'clock the people assembled in the bowery, and began services by singing cowper's inspired hymn: "god moves in a mysterious way his wonders to perform, he plants his footsteps in the sea, and rides upon the storm. ye fearful saints fresh courage take, the clouds ye so much dread are big with mercy and will break in blessings on your head." after an earnest prayer, president young introduced captain james allen, who said in substance that he had been sent by president polk to ask for five hundred of our young men to enlist in the army and go to california to fight the mexicans. and now let an abler pen than mine speak a few words: "imagination can alone picture the surprise, almost dismay, with which this startling news was received! the nation whose people had thrust them from its borders and driven them into the wilderness, now calling upon them for aid? and this in full face of the fact that their own oft reiterated appeals for help had been denied!" captain allen affirmed that president polk's heart had been touched by our sufferings and that this was done as an act of kindness! an act of kindness! was it not rather a deep-laid plan to bring about our entire destruction? if we refused, then disarm us and the indians would soon finish the job. from that day to this it has been a debated question among the mormon people as to what the motive was in asking for the battalion. if the men enlisted. captain allen pledged himself to be a friend to the boys "as long as breath remained in his body;" and, be it said to his honor, faithfully and conscientiously did he keep that pledge. after free discussion by several of the brethren president young arose. instantly breathless silence reigned. he was not a brilliant speaker like orson hyde, parley p. pratt, or amasa m. lyman, whose masterful speeches so often charmed their assemblies; but he possessed a magnetism and forcefulness that always claimed attention. the saints realized that he was a man of wonderful resources. "i want to say to the brethren present that this is a surprise to me, but i believe captain allen to be a gentleman, and a man of honor, and i accept his pledges to be a friend to our boys. now, i would like the brethren to enlist and make up a battalion, and go and serve your country, and if you will do this, and live your religion, i promise you in the name of israel's god that not a man of you shall fall in battle." that settled the matter. brigham's promise was as good as gold; the clouds passed away, the spirit of unrest fled the camp, the people returned to their tents satisfied, and on the morrow the stars and stripes were unfurled and nailed to a liberty pole. duzett's martial band and pitt's celebrated brass band were hauled in wagons from camp to camp and aided, with soul stirring music, to enthuse the boys. with brigham and the twelve as recruiting officers the matter went with a rush. in no part of our broad land were five hundred men ever more quickly enlisted than in the mormon camps. the charge of treason and of want of loyalty to our country was flung back into the teeth of those who uttered it. the sacrifice having now been made, the blessing was sure to follow. the raising of the mormon battalion was an event of great importance, for while it brought about many heartaches and much individual suffering, it taught a lesson of patriotism never to be forgotten. it led to enlarged emphasis in regard to our relationship to the national government, for latter-day saints have ever taught that the constitution of our country was given by inspiration, and consequently that all laws made in accordance therewith ought to be loved, honored, and obeyed. as soon as the labor of raising the battalion was accomplished, brigham turned the energies of his active mind to the task of pushing further west. the hope of reaching oregon or california that season was given up; but brigham was anxious to place the turbid waters of the missouri between us and our old enemies. about the st of july the ferry boat was launched and families began crossing over into the land of the otoes. boy that i was, the swimming of the cattle was an achievement of great interest. early in the morning, so that the sun might not shine in the cattle's faces, a boatload was taken across and held on the opposite shore. then a thousand head were driven some distance up the stream and forced into the river. good swimmers would climb upon the backs of some of the strongest oxen, and slapping them on the sides of the faces would guide them into the current. soon we had a string of animals reaching from one shore to the other. of course it was lively and exciting, and called for courage and physical endurance. in days of rest our camp would present scenes of competitive athletic sports which would have been a credit to any nation. brigham, like joseph, was very fond of witnessing tests of manhood, and always had near him trusted men, who could be relied upon for strength, courage, and fidelity. in the act of swimming our cattle not an animal was lost; nor were the hardy swimmers who breasted the missouri river with them ever lost sight of thereafter. about miles southwest of the ferry a place was selected for a winter encampment and called winter quarters. it is now called florence. a town was laid out, a hewn-log meetinghouse was erected, a grist mill was built, and a day school was conducted in the meetinghouse under the direction of professor orson spencer of boston. in the evening a grammar school was taught. i remember one of the short humorous lectures given by apostle george a. smith, cousin of joseph. speaking on the beauties of simplicity in language, he told, by contrast, the following story: a young graduate called at a country hotel for entertainment and said to the hostler, "detach the quadruped from the vehicle, stabulate him, donate him a sufficient quantity of nutrition aliment, and when the aurora of day shall illuminate the horizon, i will award thee a pecuniary compensation." the boy ran into the house and said, "landlord, come out; there is a dutchman here, and i can't understand a word he says." as soon as it was decided to remain over winter an application was made to otoe chiefs for permission to remain on their lands until spring. in consideration of some presents, their consent was obtained, but they did not welcome us as the pottowattamies had done. the finest spots of meadow lands were sought out and soon the white man's scythes were cutting heavy swaths and hay stacks were looming up on all sides. the rising of the stacks seemed to be a signal for the indians to make raids upon our stock. joseph f. smith, then a lad of nine years, and two companions by the name of aldrich were herding milk cows. at about three o'clock in the afternoon the indians raided the herd, the herders barely escaping with their lives. fortunately captain davis with his mounted scouts were nearby and recovered the cattle. from that time on our stock was closely guarded. trouble next began with the government indian agent who lived at sarpees point. he ordered our people to move off from the otoes' lands, and threatened to eject them by force. he even went so far as to refuse to let our people go down to the frontier settlements in missouri without permits from him. as teams would return he would stop them by force and search the wagons under the pretext of looking for firearms, ammunition, and whiskey. as a matter of fact we needed all these things; especially arms and ammunition for defense and self protection, and as the summer passed on, many of the saints were afflicted with malarial fevers, and alcohol was needed for medical purposes. but mitchell refused to allow anything of the kind to pass his post on its way to our camps. several barrels of alcohol bought openly from merchants at st. joseph were knocked in the head and spilt by mitchell's orders. these oppressive acts were very humiliating-; and it required constant vigilance on the part of our leaders to keep some of our boys from resenting these open insults. fortunately for us, colonel kane was still at our camps. he wrote to his father at philadelphia, and the judge visiting washington ably represented our true condition to president polk and his cabinet. the result was, mr. indian agent was called down and the mormons were allowed to winter on the west bank of the missouri river. many years ago i visited hilo, a beautiful city on the island of hawaii. i noticed when gentlemen walked out that they always carried umbrellas with them; and when i asked them why, the reply was, that you never can tell here when it's going to rain. that's a good representation of mormon life. we never know when a storm is brewing from the outside, nor from what quarter the wind will blow. when the main body of the church left nauvoo, it was understood with the mob that the poor and destitute would be allowed to remain in peace, in the possession of their homes, until our leaders should find a place for our permanent settlement. but in this promise we were disappointed. those who thrust us out, were not only desirous of being rid of our presence, but they sought our utter destruction, as the history of all their aggressive operations, when taken collectively, plainly shows. see how thoughtfully they waited until the strength of our camps, the battalion was gone; till our main camps were encroaching on the red man's domain, so that wicked men might stir up the indians to hostilities against us. then our enemies, for i cannot call them else, marshaled all their strength, fifteen hundred or two thousand men, and with a battery of artillery on the th of september, set upon the remnants of our people, who were still in nauvoo, and after three days' battle took possession of the city and drove the inhabitants across the mississippi to perish of hunger and exposure. chapter . thomas l. kane's description of the city of nauvoo, and the exiled mormons. and now i wish you to read the graphic lecture of thomas l. kane before the historical society of philadelphia: "a few years ago, ascending the upper mississippi in the autumn, when its waters were low, i was compelled to travel by land past the region of the rapids. my road lay through the half breed tract, a fine section of iowa, which the unsettled state of its land titles had appropriated as a sanctuary for coiners, horse thieves and other outlaws. i had left my steamer at keokuk at the foot of the lower falls, to hire a carriage and to contend for some fragments of a dirty meal with the swarming flies, the only scavengers of the locality. "from this place to where the deep water of the river returns my eye wearied to see everywhere sordid vagabond and idle settlers, and a country marred without being improved, by their careless hands. i was descending the last hillside upon my journey, when a landscape in delightful contrast broke upon my view. half encircled by a bend of the river, a beautiful city lay glittering in the fresh morning sun. its bright new dwellings, set in cool green gardens ranging up around a stately dome-shaped hill, which was crowned by a noble marble edifice, whose high tapering spire was radiant with white and gold. the city appeared to cover several miles, and beyond it, in the backgrounds, there rolled off a fair country chequered by the careful lines of fruitful husbandry. the unmistakable marks of industry, enterprise and educated wealth everywhere, made the scene one of singular and most striking beauty. it was a natural impulse to visit this inviting region. i procured a skiff, and rowing across the river, landed at the chief wharf of the city. no one met me there. i looked and saw no one. i could hear no one move, though the quiet everywhere was such that i heard the flies buzz and the water ripples break against the shallow beach, i walked through the solitary streets. the town lay as in a dream, under some deadening spell of loneliness, from which i almost feared to wake it, for plainly it had not slept long. there was no grass growing up in the paved ways, rains had not entirely washed away the prints of dusty footsteps, yet i went about unchecked. i went into empty workshops, rope walks and smithies. the spinner's wheel was idle, the carpenter had gone from his work bench and shavings, his unfinished sash and casings, fresh bark was in the tanner's vat, and fresh chopped light wood stood piled against the baker's oven. the blacksmith's shop was cold; but his coal heap and ladling pool and crooked water horn were all there, as if he had just gone for a holiday. no work people looked to know my errand. if i went into the garden clinking the wicket latch loudly after me, to pull the marigolds, heartease and lady-slippers and draw a drink with the water sodden well bucket and its noisy chain, or, knocking off with my stick the tall, heavyheaded dahlias and sunflowers, hunted over the beds for cucumbers and loveapples, no one called out to me from any opened window, or dog sprang forward to bark an alarm. "i could have supposed the people hidden in the houses, but the doors were unfastened, and when, at last, i timidly entered them i found dead ashes white upon the hearths, and had to tread a tip-toe as if walking down the aisle of a country church, to avoid arousing irreverent echoes from the naked floors. "on the outskirts of the town was the city graveyard, but there was no record of plague there, nor did it in any wise differ much from other protestant american cemeteries. some of the mounds were not long sodded; some of the stones were newly set. their dates recent and their black inscriptions glossy in the mason's hardly dried lettering ink. beyond the graveyard, out in the fields, i saw in one spot hard by where the fruited boughs of a young orchard had been roughly torn down, the still smouldering embers of a barbecue fire that had been constructed of rails from the fencing around it. it was the latest signs of life there. fields upon fields of heavy headed yellow grain lay rotting ungathered upon the ground. no one was at hand to take in their rich harvest. "as far as the eye could reach they stretched away, they sleeping too, in the hazy air of autumn. only two portions of the city seemed to suggest the import of this mysterious solitude. on the eastern suburb the houses looking out upon the country showed, by their splintered woodworks and walls battered to the foundation, that they had lately been a mark of destructive cannonade, and in and around the splendid temple, which had been the chief object of my admiration, armed men were barracked, surrounded by their stacks of musketry and pieces of heavy ordnance. these challenged me to render an account of myself and why i had the temerity to cross the water without a written permit from the leader of their band. though these men were more or less under the influence of ardent spirits, after i had explained myself as a passing stranger, they seemed anxious to gain my good opinion. they told the story of the dead city--that it had been a notable manufacturing and commercial mart, sheltering over twenty thousand persons. that they had waged war with its inhabitants for several years, and had finally been successful only a few days before my visit, in an action fought in front of the ruined suburb, after which they had driven them at the point of the sword. the defense, they said, had been obstinate, but gave way on the third day's bombardment. they boasted greatly of their prowess, especially in this battle, as they called it. but i discovered they were not of one mind, as to certain of the exploits that had distinguished it. one of which, as i remember was, that they had slain a father and his son, a boy of fifteen, not long a resident of the fated city, whom they admitted to have borne a character without reproach. "they also conducted me inside the wall--of the curious temple, in which they said, the banished inhabitants were accustomed to celebrate the mystic rites of an unhallowed worship. they particularly pointed out to me certain features of the building, which having been the peculiar objects of a former superstitious regard, they had as a matter of duty sedulously defiled and defaced. the reputed site of certain shrines they had thus particularly noticed, and various sheltered chambers, in one of which was a deep well, constructed, they believed, with a dreadful design. besides these, they led me to see a large and deep chiseled marble vase or basin, supported upon twelve oxen, also of marble, and of the size of life, of which they told some romantic stories. they said the deluded persons, most of whom were emigrants from a great distance, believed their deity countenanced their reception here for a baptism of regeneration, as proxies for whomsoever they held in warm affection in the countries from which they had come. that here parents 'went into the water' for their lost children, children for their parents, widows for their spouses, and young persons for their lovers. that thus the great vase came to be for them associated with all dear and distant memories, and was therefore the object, of all others, in the building, to which they attached the greatest degree of idolatrous affection. on this account the victors had so diligently desecrated it as to render the apartment in which it was contained too noisome to abide in. they permitted me also to ascend into the steeple to see where it had been lightning struck on the sabbath before, and to look out east and south on wasted farms like those i had seen near the city, extending till they were lost in the distance. here in the face of pure day, close to the scar of divine wrath left by the thunderbolt, were fragments of food, cruses of liquor, and broken drinking vessels, with a bass drum and a steamboat signal bell, of which i afterwards learned the use with pain. "it was after nightfall when i was ready to cross the river on my return. the wind had freshened after sunset, and the water beating roughly into my little boat, i headed higher up the stream than the point i had left in the morning, and landed where a faint glimmering light invited me to steer. here among the dock and rushes, sheltered only by the darkness, without roof between them and the sky, i came upon a crowd of several hundred creatures, whom my movements roused from uneasy slumber upon the ground. passing these on my way to the light i found it came from a tallow candle in a paper funnel shade such as is used by street vendors of apples and peanuts, and which flaring and fluttering away in the bleak air off the water, shone flickeringly on the emaciated features of a man in the last stage of a bilious, remittent fever. they had done their best for him. over his head was something like a tent made of a sheet or two, and he rested on a but partially ripped open old straw mattress, with a hair sofa cushion under his head for a pillow. his gaping jaw and glazing eye told how short a time he would enjoy these luxuries, though a seemingly bewildered and excited person, who might have been his wife, seemed to find hope in occasionally forcing him to swallow awkwardly a measured sip of the tepid river water from a burned and battered bitter smelling tin coffee pot. those who knew better had furnished the apothecary he needed, a toothless old bald head, whose manner had the repulsive dullness of a man familiar with death-scenes. he, so long as i remained, mumbled in his patient's ear a monotonous and melancholy prayer, between the pauses of which i heard the hiccup and sobbing of two little girls who were sitting upon a piece of driftwood outside. dreadful indeed, were the sufferings of these forsaken beings, bowed and cramped by cold and sun burn, alternating as each weary day and night dragged on. they were almost all of them, the crippled victims of disease. they were there because they had no homes, nor hospitals, nor poor house, nor friends to offer them any. they could not satisfy the feeble cravings of their sick. they had not bread to quiet the fractious hunger cries of their children. mothers and babes, daughters and grandparents, all of them alike, were bivouacked in tatters, wanting even covering to comfort those whom the sick shiver of fever was searching to the marrow. "these were the mormons, famishing in lee county, iowa, in the fourth week of the month of september, in the year of our lord, . the city, it was nauvoo, ills. the mormons were the owners of that city, and the smiling country around, and those who stopped their plows, who had silenced their hammers their axes, their shuttles and their workshop wheels, those who had put out their fires, who had eaten their food, spoiled their orchards and trampled under foot their thousands of acres of unharvested grain, these were the keepers of their dwellings, the carousers in their temple, whose drunken riot insulted the ears of their dying. they were, all told, not more than six hundred forty persons who were thus lying on the river flats, but the mormons in nauvoo had numbered the year before over twenty thousand. where were they? they had last been seen, carrying in mournful trains their sick and wounded, halt and blind to disappear behind the western horizon, pursuing the phantom of another home. hardly anything else was known of them and people asked with curiosity--what had been their fate, what their fortune!" just a word to let the reader know of col. kane's first coming to our people. one day, while we were still encamped at council bluffs, a delicate-looking stranger rode up on horseback. the young man was colonel thomas l. kane, son of judge kane of philadelphia, and brother of dr. kane, the celebrated arctic explorer. soon after reaching our camp he was stricken with fever. the best medical talent we had watched him unceasingly; and to the joy of the whole camp, he recovered. never was watching, nursing, and praying better requited by man than he repaid to the mormon people. as soon as his returning strength would allow, he hastened back east, and unsolicited by us delivered in his native city and in washington some of the most truthful, vivid life scenes of the suffering of our people that have ever been published. chapter . daniel h. wells.--baptism for the dead.--lorenzo d. young's mission.--wilford woodruff.--saved by prayer. the little band of one hundred twenty-five men who for three days defended the city of nauvoo against fearful odds, are to me patriots and heroes, and their names and deeds should be handed down in history; for the wealth of history is the noble ideals it creates. had there never been an angry jewish mob, we should not have the martyr stephen. had there been no gesler to hoist his cap on a liberty pole, there would have been no william tell. had there been no george iii., there would have been no patrick henry nor lafayette; and had there been no battle of nauvoo, we should have had no daniel h. wells, as noble a patriot, and as true a lover of justice and liberty, as ever lived. daniel hanmer wells was one of the first settlers of commerce, later called nauvoo. when joseph came in and bought land for the church, wells met the prophet for the first time. he noted the intelligence and activity of the young leader. he (wells) was studying law, and his legal attainments made him a useful man in the community. for several years thereafter he was justice of the peace, and thus became thoroughly acquainted with the people and their history. the result was that when the war-cloud broke, he shouldered his gun and for three days fought in defense of the weak and oppressed; and when they were overpowered, rather than submit to the enforced humiliation, he mounted his horse, bade adieu to his old home, and fled to the wilderness, casting his lot with the exiles, and becoming one of their staunchest leading men. now a few words about the ill-fated temple, that beautiful edifice which the saints reared with so much love and sacrifice, and in which so many of our hopes and expectations centered. like all other of our temples, it was erected for the benefit alike of the living and the dead. the apostle paul says, "if the dead rise not at all, then why are ye baptized for the dead?" around that doctrine, amplified by later revelation, the latter-day saints have woven a social service that lays hold of the deepest affections of the heart, and in its scope is as broad as the ocean and as endless as eternity. in the sacred font of that temple in nauvoo, parents were baptized for their dead children, and children for their dead parents. there the husband and wife were sealed as such for eternity, and family ties were cemented to last forever. in the faith of every latter-day saint, the temple was therefore the holy of holies, the most sacred of all sacred places. our enemies knew this; and fearing, that as long as the temple stood, we might be tempted to return, they resolved to destroy it. a purse of five hundred dollars was raised by subscription and given to joseph agnew if he would burn it. on the night of october , , thomas c. sharp and agnew rode from carthage to nauvoo, twenty miles, and having a key to the front door. sharp stood guard, while agnew ascended to an upper floor and fired it. at sunrise the next morning there was nothing left but its four blackened walls. afterwards the icarians, getting possession of the ruins, started, in , to repair it for educational purposes; but a hurricane swept through the city and blew down the walls. finally, piece by piece, the rock was hauled away, until not a stone was left to mark the place where the noble edifice once stood. as soon as word of the mob's treachery reached winter quarters, teams were sent back to bring up the suffering remnants; and they were given all the care and attention possible under existing conditions. they received at least one comfort--they had the privilege of dying, if die they must, with sympathizing friends. and die many of them did. as previously remarked. winter quarters was the valley forge of mormondom. our home was near the burying ground; and i can remember the small mournful-looking trains that so often passed our door. i also remember how poor and same-like our habitual diet was: corn bread, salt bacon, and a little milk. mush and bacon became so nauseating that it was like taking medicine to swallow it; and the scurvy was making such inroad amongst us that it looked as if we should all be "sleeping on the hill" before spring, unless fresh food could be obtained. while we were in this condition there happened one of these singular events which so often flit across the life of a mormon. president young called one day at the door of our cabin, and said to my father: "lorenzo, if you will hitch up your horses and go down into missouri, the lord will open the way, so that you can bring up a drove of hogs, and give the people fresh meat, and be a blessing to you." as i remember, the next day father took me in the wagon, and with a "spike" or three-horse team, started on that mission. the only recollections that i have of that wonderfully productive land, were given me by that journey. the mormons believe that missouri embraces, in its bounds, that portion of the earth where eden stood. adam-ondi-ahman, the place where adam gathered his children and blessed them, is situated five miles northwest from gallatin, on grand river. i will now relate some incidents that took place on that trip to st. joseph, missouri. soon after reaching the frontier settlements we camped for the night with a man who claimed to have been living on his ranch for sixteen years. the home was rather primitive, but the farm must have been a good one. his bins were full of corn, and his horses, cows, sheep, and hogs were fine and fat. father asked if he would sell a horse. "yes, if i can get a good price for one." what was the grey messenger filly worth? "well, that is a good animal; a wonderful traveler," and he wanted a dollar a mile for every mile that he had driven her in a day. and though we might not believe it, yet it was gospel truth, that he had driven that mare in his spring cart, thirty-five miles from sun to sun. the next morning my father pulled out 'with a four-horse team. the messenger fully proved one of the best animals that we ever owned. after a lapse of sixty years i tell this story to my children to show them the difference of ideas about hard driving between the people of the woolly west and the stay-at-home farmer near st. joseph. upon arriving at st. joseph we put up at polk's tavern. a mormon family by the name of lake had left winter quarters in search of work. one of the daughters had found employment at mr. polk's. being frequently questioned, she had told much about the sufferings and the present conditions of our people. she knew my father well, and joyfully recognized him. in the evening the bar room was full of gentlemen, all eager to learn the news and for two hours they listened almost breathless to father's talk. the next day parties approached father and offered to load him with merchandise. this he declined; but he secured the loan of one thousand dollars--i believe from a jewish merchant--and wasted no time in getting down to business. the first move was to buy a forty-acre field of unharvested corn. he paid four dollars an acre for the corn as it stood in the field. it was estimated to average sixty bushels to the acre. the best corn was gathered and put in bins. heavy logs were then drawn crosswise over the field to mash down the stalks. then a notice was posted for hogs. as a rule, they came in droves of about thirty and were bought in the bunch, at seventy-five cents a head. they would weigh from one hundred and fifty to four hundred pounds each. father returned to winter quarters with a thousand head of hogs, and in this way president young's promise to him had been realized. we read in the good old bible of an angel giving water to hagar and ishmael in the desert, when the patriarch abraham had sent them away; and when moses led two million hebrew bondsmen from slavery to freedom, we read of how god rained manna down from heaven for their sustenance, and so wrought upon the elements, that for forty years their garments did not wax old. and i understand that the hebrew children to this day remember with grateful hearts those special acts of providence. now, while i do not claim for the latter-day saints manifestations so marked as these, yet was there many a providential help given to us. what caused the quails to come in such tame flocks to our suffering camps on the west bank of the mississippi river? they were so tame that many of them were caught by little children. and who led the mormon maiden to mr. polk's tavern, and inspired her tongue to utter words of deep interest to citizens of st. joseph, and thus prepared the way for my father to bring to our camps large quantities of food as sweet and nutritious as the quails or manna bestowed so providentially upon the camps of the hebrews in the land of palestine? i remember well the place where i first saw wilford woodruff. it was out in the timber west of winter quarters. i was driving a yoke of oxen on a sledge, after a load of wood. father and a man by the name of campbell were chopping. the wood was oak and hickory. there were several men in the grove chopping, among them apostle woodruff. a cry came for help and the men ran together. brother woodruff had been caught by a falling tree and pinned to another one. the tree that imprisoned him was so heavy that the men could not lift it away until they had chopped it in two. all said his breast was crushed, and they feared he was dead. nevertheless, the brethren took off their hats, and kneeling around him, placed their hands on his body and prayed. then some quilts were placed on the sledge and father hauled him home. i was but a boy; yet the earnestness and power of that prayer entered my soul, and gave me a testimony that has never left me.[a] [footnote a: president woodruff's statement makes it plain that i am wrong. my memory has become confused. it must have been some other man that father hauled home.] i know that the brave, resolute men who left their homes in nauvoo rather than renounce their faith, were god-fearing men. prayer was the balm applied by them for every ill. it was their comfort and solace from every pain. it was their first thought in the moning [sic], and the last word they breathed at night. it burst from the lips of the father and the mother at our camp fires, or from the hearth stones in our humblest dugout homes. in case of misfortune or accident, the first thought was for an elder. the admonition of the apostle james, as recorded in the new testament, was engraven on the hearts of the latter-day saints. "if any are sick let them call in the elders of the church, and let them pray over him, anointing him with oil in the name of the lord, and the prayer of faith shall save the sick." and i testify that our hearts were often gladdened by the reception and fulfillment of that gracious promise. in this instance our hearts were again comforted. our people were passing through a period of sorrow and suffering. it was one of the darkest days in the history of the church. death was reaping a rich harvest from our stricken and depleted camps. we felt keenly the giving up of five hundred of our young men. their absence made men precious with us, and wilford woodruff, being such an active, helpful man, how could we spare him! that cry came from our hearts, and god heard our prayers and answered them. in three weeks' time, wilford woodruff was again on the "firing line" as active and helpful as ever. thus we saw recorded another miracle to strengthen our faith. chapter . brigham's wise counsels.--joseph toronto.--joseph smith.--seer and organizer.--prophecy of august , . in those days of constant home changing brigham was somewhat like the father of a large rustling family; everybody came to him for comfort or counsel. perhaps i cannot do better than relate a few incidents to show how they trusted to his guidance. in an italian sailor by name of toronto, had saved his earnings, until he had several hundred dollars. but he was worried for fear he would lose it, and could not decide where to deposit it. on returning from a voyage, and just before reaching new york, he had a dream in which a man stood before him, and told him to leave his money with "mormon brigham" and he should be blessed. on reaching new york, he began to inquire for "mormon brigham," but no one knew him. finally he met a person who told him that brigham young, the president of the mormon church, lived at nauvoo, ill. toronto never rested until he reached that place. making his way to president young's office, he laid the money on the table, and, merely asking for a receipt, would apparently have left without further explanation, if brigham had not detained him. the money was sorely needed, and the act was so deeply appreciated, that the humble trusting man was taken to the president's home, and became a permanent member of the family. at winter quarters a man by name of majors, a gentleman of wealth and scholarly attainments, came to brigham and said that one of his thoroughbred mares was down from starvation and could not get up,--then asked if he had better not kill her. "no," replied the president, "never destroy life. try to save her. if you can't provide for her give her to toronto and i will tell him how to provide for her." he further arranged to have a windlass erected, and the mare swung up. then sods were cut. of them a stable was built around her, and so the animal was saved. afterwards i saw brother toronto sell a pair of her colts to kinkaid of salt lake for seven hundred dollars. moreover, joseph toronto, humble, untutored italian sailor, became, under the wise counsels of brigham young, a man of property, raised up an honorable family, and gave his children a good education. i could relate numerous other instances coming under my notice during boyhood days, to demonstrate the fact that president young, whether on the plains or in his office, was always accessible to the common people, and that his counsels, when carried out, invariably brought blessings. at winter quarters he was everywhere; now at the bedside of the dying, next in his carriage flying perhaps to the scene of a prairie fire, where his calm voice might be heard directing the labors of his willing followers: counseling peace, but ever urging eternal vigilance. no sooner would his hands drop the critical labors of the moment, than his mind would turn forcefully to preparing for the onward move, which all knew would come in the early spring. from the various camps he selected the hardy, robust, and energetic men whom he wished to have with him in the pioneer movement that the council had decided should be made as soon as grass grew. in my frequent use of the name brigham, i do not wish to convey the idea that there was only one capable man, only one great leader in our camps. on the contrary, i consider that we had a collection of able men. joseph smith, in his short prophetical career of fifteen years, had not only given the book of mormon to the world, but had brought forth and established the most perfect church organization that we have any record of. in doing this he had gathered around him many able, and some very learned men. among the latter were such men as sidney rigdon, willard richards, lorenzo snow, orson spencer, orson pratt and dr. bernhisel; while of the former the new faith had gathered into its fold, a legion of strong, intelligent spirits, such as brigham young, heber c. kimball, george a. smith, john taylor, and a host of others equally honorable and worthy of mention; men who have since made notable history. these were now numbered in the camps of israel and brigham young valued their stalwart character, their sterling integrity, and their wise counsel, and honored their decisions. as a matter of fact, it was not president brigham young's personal superiority which gave him preeminence. his leadership came by calling and ordination from joseph, and the approval of the people. hence in mormon theology, back of brigham stood joseph and the people, and back of joseph stood the mighty lord, even jesus christ, from whom came the power and influence that held this multitude of moving families together, and made it possible for one man--brigham young--to select the men he desired to accompany him on the wonderful journey that still lay before them. of course our people knew, or had reason to believe, that in oregon there were grand rivers, and extensive forests, with rich intervening glades, inviting the home-seeker to come and take possession; but experience had taught us that prosperity and wealth excite jealousy, and invite turmoil and trouble, and so far had culminated in expulsion from our homes. on the other hand, the interior of california was marked on our maps as an uninhabitable desert, and brigham said: "if there is a place on this earth that our enemies do not want, that's the place i'm hunting for." if the reader will bear in mind that in july we had given a battalion of five hundred of our ablest men to fight our country's battles in mexico, it will help them to realize the additional sacrifice the people would now have to make to fit out and part with one hundred and forty men for a pioneer advance guard, whose duty it would be to find the place where, under the blessing of god, the saints might rest in peace. by parting with the battalion boys, our camps were so weakened that in many instances mothers and children had to do the rough, out-of-door work of husbands and fathers; and many of the early converts to mormonism were from the eastern states, and came from homes where refinement had clustered round the family hearth and music and song had happified their lives. the strenuous nature of frontier struggles was consequently new to them. nevertheless, in building up temporary homes at winter quarters, it was no strange thing to see the sisters hauling logs for the cabin, or mixing and carrying mud for the chinking and daubing; and in the winter, when death stalked through our camps, it seemed that a heavy per cent of the "called ones" were our strongest, bravest men; men whose places could not be filled, no matter how willing the substitutes were. nature seldom qualifies the woman to do the work of the man. there is, however, much truth in the adage, "where there's a will there's a way," and the deeds accomplished under the most trying circumstances prove that the mormon people had the will, for what, indeed, is will but another name for faith? and to those who have faith, all things are possible. only by this god-given power, so little known and comprehended, were our people enabled to cross the trackless plains, subdue the wilderness, and make the "desert to blossom as the rose." often in our public meetings the elders would liken the church to a ship, and the "ship zion" was no mean figure of speech. let us carry it further and see her launched upon a boisterous, unknown sea; then let an emergency arise in which the captain and many of the ablest sailors are called away and the ropes have to be manipulated by inexperienced hands; for that is exactly the condition we were in. how appropriately even we might paraphrase nelson's historical signal: "england expects every man to do his duty." england was not disappointed, and to this day the english nation is proud of the record made by her gallant sailors. in simple justice, that is the way the united states should feel toward the mormon people; for never in the history of the world was a grander movement made for the establishment of liberty, than the exodus of the saints from nauvoo. like the cutting; of the dykes of holland, or the burning of moscow, it was the making of a whole-souled sacrifice, that they and all the children of men might receive an expansion of religious freedom. and, we, their descendants, have reason now to rejoice that it was the latter-day saints who were thus resisting oppression and injustice, and suffering untold sorrows, that this nation might retain the proud distinction of being an asylum for the oppressed and down-trodden of the world. coming generations will award the mormons the just praise that is now withheld from them. on the th of april, , the annual church conference was held at winter quarters. it lasted only one day, for the labor of fitting out the pioneers seemed to engross everybody's time. hearts had not yet ceased aching over the parting with the battalion boys; yet now a band of the fathers were on the eve of starting on a perilous journey, and the end thereof no man knew. their departure would leave a poverty-stricken community of widows and orphans. thoughts of that parting dampened every attempt at revelry and would have filled every bosom with gloom, save that we knew it was god's will. for a year we had been singing: "in upper california, o that's the land for me-- it lies between the mountains and the great pacific sea. the saints can be protected there, and enjoy their liberty in upper california, o that's the land for me." we furthermore recalled to mind that on the th of august, , joseph had prophesied: "you will be driven to the rocky mountains; many will apostatize, or lose their lives in consequence of exposure or disease; yet some of you will live to go and assist in making settlements and in building cities and will see the saints become a mighty people in the midst of the rocky mountains." all believed in this prophecy and rejoiced that it was on the verge of fulfillment. consequently, as hannah, in the gratitude of her heart, gave samuel to the lord, so these daughters of modern israel gladly gave their husbands and grown-up sons to be the standard bearers of the prophet brigham in planting the ensign of zion in the tops of the mountains. chapter . a religious commonwealth.--general clark's decree.--brigham's indian policy.--its peaceable fruits.--the glory of the immigrants' first view of the valley. on april , , that historical band of one hundred forty-three men, three women, and two children, known as the mormon pioneers, started for the west, led by brigham young and heber c. kimball. the story of that journey has been so often told, and our western people are so accustomed to traveling with team, and camping out, that i fear my weak descriptions would not be interesting. but the conditions of colonizing utah were so different from those of any other state of the union, that the history will bear repetition. the latter-day saints' founding of a commonwealth was actuated by almost purely religious motives and influences. they came west because they had to, or else give up their faith. as early as general clark said to us, "you must no more organize with presidents and bishops; you must scatter out among the people. and if you ever get together again, i will be upon you, and i will not show the mercy that i have shown this time." that, in effect, was the decree of the nauvoo mob. it was not couched in the definite words that darius's decree was, but it meant, "daniel, if you pray to the god of the hebrews, we will cast you into the lion's den." the same spirit that over two thousand years ago decreed what the hebrew children should worship was today dictating to sons of america what they should, and what they should not do, in matters of faith. and it was the loyalty of the mormon people to god, and their country, that led them to travel westward over trackless and timberless plains. rather than submit to this belated tyrrany [sic] of intolerance, on and on they came westward for more than a hundred days until they struck the valley of the dead inland sea, the spot where brigham had in vision seen the tent come down from heaven, and had heard a voice saying, "here shall israel find rest." but to return to the starting point. anticipating that they would come into frequent contact with the indians, president young sought earnestly to imbue the men with a feeling of friendship toward the red man. he pointed out that from the first coming of the white man to america the indian had been pushed off his lands, his game had been wasted, and feelings of hatred had been fostered until the dictum had been reached that no indian is a good indian until he is dead. "we shoot them down as we would a dog. now, this is all wrong, and not in harmony with the spirit of christianity. in only one instance, that of william penn, has christian treatment been accorded them. but even aside from the aspect of christian duty, i am satisfied it will be cheaper to feed them, than to fight them." such was ever brigham's policy thereafter. in later years the annual passing of thousands of our people in peace through the lands of the sioux, the shoshones, and utes, gave to the world the belief that the mormons were in collusion with and had secret treaties with the indians. such, however, was not the case. our friendship with them was the natural outgrowth of following the wise counsel given to us in those early days. light cleaveth to light, and love begets love as readily in the heart of a heathen as in the bosom of a christian. as an illustration of this fact i may relate a little incident in my own life. my father and my younger brother, a lad of five years, went with the advance company of pioneers. my brother franklin w. and i followed in jedediah m. grant's company. on ham's fork, near fort bridger, a cow gave out, and i was left behind the train to try to bring her into camp. at sunset, while about three miles behind the camp, letting the cow rest, i saw an indian just across the creek move from behind a tree. needless to say i made quick tracks toward camp. in the morning we found that the indians had killed the cow. it proved to be a band of sioux, on the war path after shoshones. had they been angry at us, they could have killed me as well as the cow,--brigham's counsel was bearing fruit. neither my scalp, nor our cattle, beyond that one cow, were interfered with, while fort bridger was heavily raided. to me the migration of our people for the next twenty years was a wonderful history. our companies often scattered far apart in order to get feed for the cattle; our men, weak in numbers and but poorly armed; our women and children often compelled to walk, and therefore, sometimes quite unconsciously going too far ahead to be safe, or, in spite of the vigilance of the guards, becoming weary and lagging behind, yet not a single life was lost by the hand of the indians. again the cheerfulness with which the people passed under the rod during these unparalleled journeys was no less marvelous than the protecting providence that was over them. picture in your mind starting out on a certain morning, in company with five hundred men, women, and children. we walk eight or ten miles, then halt for dinner. five hundred head of cattle have to be unyoked, watered, then driven to pasture and guarded, while fires are built and dinner is being prepared. then the cattle are reyoked, the wagons packed, and the line of travel is taken up again. thousands of our people, many of them mothers with babes in their arms, walked every foot of that ten hundred thirty-seven mile stretch from winter quarters to salt lake. day after day the toilsome journey is renewed. at night a quilt or blanket is spread upon mother earth for a resting place. days pass into weeks, and weeks into months, before the longing eyes find rest and the weary feet pass down the dusty road of emigration canyon. picture then, their feelings, when, on reaching a certain eminence, the salt lake valley, with the dead sea glimmering beyond, burst like a vision of glory upon their view! old and young break down, and weep for joy. o, marvel not, dear reader, if on this day and place unbidden tears bedew each care-worn, sun-burnt face! if long enshrined hope, and over-burdened heart cause weary, toiling pilgrims here to act the childish part, if the glory of this vision, of a truly "sought out land," like a cloud of joy descending, enshroud the little band, reveal to them the blessings their future life shall gain, and blurs the recollections of former toils and pain-- recall the days of sorrows, of diahman, and far west, when the cup of bitter anguish to their trembling lips was pressed, when hordes of heartless mobbers, led by lucas, and by clark, despoiled them of their homes--the fruits of honest work; confined in chains and dungeons their youthful prophet guide-- and scattered wives and children on missouri's prairie wide, then like a bird of plunder, followed on their footsore trail till joseph and hyrum were martyred, in carthage bloodstained jail. and still the lash and fire brand, to our backs and home applied, compelled us to surrender, and cross the mississippi's tide, take to our tents and travel, like israel of old, to the valleys of the mountains, a standard to unfold, an ensign to the nations, a banner ever blest-- where the children of the covenant can find god-given rest, where the "stone cut from the mountain," not by mortal hand, shall become a mighty people, and fill "the promised land." such was the glorious vista that opened to their souls and filled with joy and gladness, their hearts beyond control, filled hearts with joy and gratitude, and bent each willing knee, to him, their loving father, the lord who set them free. chapter . mormon stalwarts.--a waif on the plains.--death of celestia kimball.--two indian girls tortured.--sally's death.--ira eldredge's dog and the wolf.--delicious rawhide soup.--eat thistles.--the devastating crickets.--deliverance wrought by the sea gulls. having foreshadowed the immigration movement in general, i turn back to the parting at winter quarter's. owing to the poverty of our people, and to the lack of men, conditions were such that in making up the pioneer company many families were divided. such was the case in my father's family. my dear mother, poor in health, was left behind with my only sister, harriet, to follow several years later. it fell to my lot to cross the plains in captain jedediah m. grant's company. brother grant was a man of wonderful energy. in fact, the various companies which followed on the heels of the pioneers were led by a host of stalwarts; so that in my youth i became acquainted with many solid men of joseph's day. foremost among them, to my mind, were brigham young, john taylor. geo. a. smith, parley p. pratt, uncle john smith, and uncle john young. the last-named stood as a father to me; and yet, during that pilgrimage i was like a waif upon the ocean. the camp fire was my home, and i was everybody's chore boy. while this arrangement taught me self-reliance, it chilled my heart, and turned me against those finer, more tender endearments of life which ever abound in happy, lovable homes; and from this experience i have learned to pity the child that grows up without a mother's care and caress. on reaching the valley, our people at first all lived in the "old fort." father was the first to move out. he had built a two-roomed log house on the lot where uncle brigham later built the bee-hive and lion houses. on one of father's trips to the canyon for wood, he took me with him. as we returned, we saw apostle john taylor and george q. cannon running a whip saw. they gave father a red-pine slab, which he hauled home and later placed across city creek, and it remained in use for years as a foot bridge. it lay with the round side up, and after the bark peeled off, it became very slippery, especially when wet. after presidents young and kimball moved onto their lots the path leading to this footbridge connected their homes. one day aunt prescinda kimball's little daughter celestia, unknown to her mother, started to go to aunt zina's. it was in the spring of the year, and city creek was swollen by the melting snows. the child evidently slipped off the slab and was drowned. as soon as the family missed her, a cry of alarm was given. i was confined to the house with a painful flesh would in my left leg. hearing the tumult, and seeing the excited people running along the creek, i surmised what had happened. running to the slab, i dropped into the water and was carried by the swift current to brother wells' lot, where the fence had caught flood wood, and formed a dam and eddy. i dove under the drift, and finding the body, brought it to the surface, and gave it to dr. williams; but the precious life was gone. soon after we moved on to our city lot, fall of , a band of indians camped near us. early one morning we were excited at hearing their shrill, blood-curdling war whoop, mingled with occasional sharp cries of pain. father sent me to the fort for help. charley decker and barney ward, the interpreter, and others hurried to the camp. it was wanship's band. some of his braves had just returned from the war-path. in a fight with "little wolf's" band, they lost two men, but had succeeded in taking two girls prisoners. one of these they had killed, and were torturing the other. to save her life charley decker bought her, and took her to our house to be washed and clothed. she was the saddest-looking piece of humanity i have ever seen. they had shingled her head with butcher knives and fire brands. all the fleshy parts of her body, legs, and arms had been hacked with knives, then fire brands had been stuck into the wounds. she was gaunt with hunger, and smeared from head to foot with blood and ashes. after being washed and clothed, she was given to president young and became as one of his family. they named her sally, and her memory has been perpetuated by the "courtship of kanosh, a pioneer indian love story," written by my gifted cousin, susa y. gates. but susa gave us only the courtship, while the ending of sally's life, as told to me by a man from kanosh, was as tragic as her childhood days had been thrilling. after she married kanosh, several years of her life passed pleasantly, in the white man's house which he built for her. then her indian husband took to himself another wife, who became jealous of sally, and perhaps hated her also for her white man's ways. one day when they were in a secluded place digging segoes, the new wife murdered sally and buried the body in a gully. when kanosh missed her, he took her track and followed it as faithfully as a blood hound could have done, and was not long in finding the grave. in his grief he seized the murderess, and would have burned her at the stake, but white men interfered. in due time the indian woman confessed her guilt, and in harmony with indian justice, offered to expiate her crime by starving herself to death. the offer was accepted, and on a lone hill in sight of the village, a "wick-i-up" was constructed of dry timber. taking a jug of water, the woman walked silently toward her living grave. like the rejected swan, alone, unloved, in low tones she sang her own sad requiem, until her voice was hushed in death. one night when the evening beacon fire was not seen by the villagers, a runner was dispatched to fire the wick-i-up, and retribution was complete. sally's funeral had taken place only a day or two previous. over a hundred vehicles followed the remains to their last resting place, and beautifully floral wreaths covered the casket; for sally had been widely loved among the white settlers for her gentle ways. just across the creek on brother kimball's unoccupied lot stood an old gnarled oak tree. ten feet from the ground a large limb shot straight out, making a good gallows on which to hang beeves, and father used it for that purpose. the first ox that he slaughtered he hung the hide, flesh side out, on that limb; and it attracted dogs from the fort, and wolves from the mountain. father set two steel traps at the root of the tree, and during the first night caught a large grey wolf in one trap, and ira eldredge's spotted mastiff in the other. about midnight we heard their terrible fighting; but in the morning the wolf was gone. he had chewed his own leg off below the knee. after liberating the mastiff, i went to the fort, and got ham crow to come with his dogs and run the wolf down. we caught the ugly brute in the mouth of red butte canyon; and brother crow added the carcass to his scant store of provisions, and grateful for it. by the time the grass began to grow the famine had waxed sore. for several months we had no bread. beef, milk, pig-weeds, segoes, and thistles formed our diet. i was the herd boy, and while out watching the stock, i used to eat thistle stalks until my stomach would be as full as a cow's. at last the hunger was so sharp that father took down the old bird-pecked ox-hide from the limb; and it was converted into most delicious soup, and enjoyed by the family as a rich treat. as the summer crept on, and the scant harvest drew nigh, the fight with the crickets commenced. oh, how we fought and prayed, and prayed and fought the myriads of black, loathsome insects that flowed down like a flood of filthy water from the mountainside. and we should surely have been inundated, and swept into oblivion, save for the merciful father's sending of the blessed sea gulls to our deliverance. the first i knew of the gulls, i heard their sharp cry. upon looking up, i beheld what appeared like a vast flock of pigeons coming from the northwest. it was about three o'clock in the afternoon. my brother franklin and i were trying to save an acre of wheat of father's, growing not far from where the salt lake theatre now stands. the wheat was just beginning to turn yellow. the crickets would climb the stalk, cut off the head, then come down and eat it. to prevent this, my brother and i each took an end of a long rope, stretched it full length, then walked through the grain holding the rope so as to hit the heads, and thus knock the crickets off. from sunrise till sunset we kept at this labor; for as darkness came the crickets sought shelter, but with the rising of the sun they commenced their ravages again. i have been asked "how numerous were the gulls." there must have been thousands of them. their coming was like a great cloud; and when they passed between us and the sun, a shadow covered the field. i could see the gulls settling for more than a mile around us. they were very tame, coming within four or five rods of us. at first we thought that they, also, were after the wheat, and this thought added to our terror: but we soon discovered that they devoured only the crickets. needless to say, we quit drawing the rope, and gave our gentle visitors the possession of the field. as i remember it, the gulls came every morning for about three weeks, when their mission was apparently ended, and they ceased coming. the precious crops were saved. i have met those who were skeptical about the gulls' being sent by divine providence, for the salvation of our people, but i believe it most firmly; as witness the preparedness of the indians. they kept on hand baskets purposely made to put in the creeks to catch the loathsome insects as they floated down the streams, and they caught them by tons, sun-dried them, then roasted them, and made them into a silage that would keep for months. their skill in this convinces me that the coming of the crickets had been continuous for ages. nor had the cricket crop ever been interrupted before until our people came, and the coming of the gulls checked the increase of the loathsome insects. the gulls were sent by the same power that sent the quails to feed the israelites. do i love the sea gulls? i never hear their sharp, shrill cry but my heart leaps with joy and gladness, for i know that they saved my father's family and his people from a fearful death. bless the gulls! they and the lovely sego lilies should ever be remembered, protected, and sacredly cherished by the children of the latter-day saints. chapter . my first mission.--uncle brigham's counsel.--parley p. pratt, teacher and orator.--my first view of the ocean.--san francisco.--tracting the city.--scrap with a hotel keeper.--labor as a cook in the home of mr. mcclain.--the man who murdered parley p. pratt. in , at the april conference in salt lake city, i was appointed a mission to the sandwich islands. i was then in my sixteenth year, and with my overcoat on i weighed, on father neff's mill scales, just ninety-six pounds. on the th of may i started on my mission; george speirs, simpson m. molen, washington b. rogers, and i having fitted up a four-horse team with which we traveled across the desert to san bernardino. in our company were joseph f. smith, then in his fifteenth year, john t. caine, edward partridge, william w. cluff, ward e. pack, silas, and silas s. smith, and some others. parley p. pratt was president of the company. we traveled as far as cedar city in president brigham young's company, among whom were my brother joseph w., and my uncle joseph, and my father. at cedar city i was ordained a seventy by my brother joseph w. before the company started westward, uncle brigham, in bidding me goodby said: "johnny, i will give you a little advice. be humble. live near the lord. keep yourself pure from sin. do not tell the people that you are unlearned; it will only weaken their faith. avoid public discussions. i have noticed that they engender feelings of bitterness and seldom do good. never tell all that you know at once; keep back something to talk about the next time. be careful to say nothing but what you can prove." president kimball said, "your name is no longer johnny, but rooter; for you shall root up iniquity where-ever you find it." uncle joseph young said, "be of good cheer. great trees from little acorns grow, and you will grow to be a man yet." my father and brother joseph added their blessing; and with a swelling heart, i turned to face the world, as a mormon missionary boy. cedar city was our southern frontier settlement. from there to san bernardino the country was almost an unknown desert. at rio virgin, muddy, las vegas springs, and mohave were small bands of hostile, thieving indians; but a watchful pacific policy carried us safely through. while walking on those deserts, i formed an attachment for apostle parley p. pratt that has never died. in conversation he was pure and intelligent; and he excelled as a faith-promoting teacher, while as an orator he had, to me, no superior in the church. upon arrival at san bernardino, we were warmly welcomed by presidents amasa m. lyman and charles c. rich, and also by the colony of saints. we rested there for three weeks. i made my home with elder addison pratt. sister pratt and her amiable daughters were very kind to me. as soon as we had disposed of our outfits, we moved on; the saints kindly furnishing teams to haul us eighty miles to san pedro, where i first saw the blue ocean, and sensed for the first time the rotundity of the earth by looking upon that vast expanse of oval water. here we took passage on a sailing vessel for san francisco, entering the bay in the night. i remember, when i came on deck in the morning, how amazed i was at the sight of the great forest of masts, and city built along the beach on piles, or stretching sparsely over the sand ridges. in a few days president pratt called a council, and the missionaries gave all their money to help buy the ship rosalind, with the understanding that she would carry us free to our fields of labor. the idea was, that she would be an "order-of-enoch" ship, devoted to zion's cause. i was young and thoughtless, hence i can say but little about the matter. it was, however, an unfortunate investment, for the hired captain ran away with the ship, and we lost our passage money. after our hopes had thus winged their flight to lands unknown, we missionaries went out among the farmers hunting work to earn money to take us to the islands. as i was too small for a harvest hand, president pratt set me to tracting the city. i went from house to house leaving tracts, and offering to sell church books. at that time there was a bitter feeling towards our people, and i met with much ill treatment. one day i met a man by the name of crump, recently from michigan. as he passed through salt lake valley enroute to the gold mines, he had rested a few days at father's; and now he was cook at a large hotel. he asked me to come in and rest until he had served dinner. i sat at a table in the kitchen by an open window, reading. presently the proprietor came in and looked at my basket. i arose and invited him to buy a book of mormon. with an oath he grabbed the basket and started to throw it into the furnace. i held on, and began pleading with him, when he suddenly let go of the basket, and grappling me, swore he would throw me out of the window. i clinched with him and threw him on his back, and held him until the boarders came in and pulled me off. the rough, big-hearted men were so amused, that i had to go into the dining hall and eat dinner with them. then they bought all my books; and for the first and only time i went back to the office with an empty basket and a well-filled purse. brother pratt was so pleased with my bit of experience, that he released me from tracting. my first sacrifice had been accepted. while making my home in san francisco, i had been kindly cared for by a sister evans, a widow lady. i also made the acquaintance of sister eleanor mclain, an intelligent, energetic, but over-zealous woman, who had recently been baptized by elder william mcbride. the morning after my release from tracting, i took my carpet bag, walked down to the ferry, and paid a dollar for a ticket to oakland, intending to hunt work among the farmers. as the boat was on the eve of pushing off, i saw elder mcbride hurrying down the street waving his hat. i stepped on shore, when he told me that i must come back at once, as parley had a mission for me. upon reaching the office i was told by brother pratt that mclain was making arrangements to send his wife to the insane asylum because she had joined the church, and my mission was to prevent his doing so. he then placed his hands upon my head, and blessing me, said that mclain should never harm a hair of my head. the spirit and power of that blessing gave me more than natural strength and courage; and i at once commenced my labor. it occurred to me that if i could get to talk to mclain and his wife, i could bring about a reconciliation. after repeated calls, i persuaded him to hire me as cook in the family. every day for a month, i dusted his room, made up his bed, handled the revolver with which he was going to kill the mormon elder who should dare to call at his home. during evenings i would read aloud selections from the bible, and pray with the family; and as david played upon his harp to sooth saul in his angry moods, so god gave to me, child though i was, power to soothe that wicked man, and drive the evil spirit from his abode. at the end of a month, having been told by someone that i was a mormon elder, he rushed into the house like a madman, and in a fearful voice shouted: "were you not a child, i would kill you." i reminded him that he claimed to be a minister of the gospel. (he was acting temporarily in that capacity in the unitarian church). he quieted down enough to get his bible, and said he would prove to me that there was not to be any more revelation, and that laying on of hands for the gift of the holy ghost was blasphemy. but his hands trembled, and he could not find the passages. i read to him the words of peter on the day of pentecost, "for the promise is unto you, and unto your children, and to all that are afar off, even as many as the lord, our god, shall call." he then sprang from the table, went into an adjoining room, came back and, giving me forty dollars in gold, my month's wages, dismissed me. i had thus filled my second mission,--had turned the shaft of madness from sister mclain, had earned my passage money, and parley's blessing on my head had been realized. chapter . sail for the islands.--at honolulu i labor in tin shop.--my first kanaka meal--at home with kiama.--attend native funeral.--meet mr. emerson.--three days without food.--saved by a donkey.--lose my eye-sight.--receive a glorious vision. on august , , i sailed for the sandwich islands. the voyage was long and disagreeable, especially as i was sea-sick all the way. how glad i was when we reached the sunny, coral-reefed islands! at first i as appointed to labor at honolulu in president phillip b. lewis's tin shop. i was useful in running errands and in collecting bills. there was a brisk demand for our goods, and our trade was helpful to the mission in its poverty. but i was not satisfied: i had no love for tinkering. on the contrary, feeling that i had been sent to preach the gospel, i desired above all things to begin my mission; and though i made no complaint, i prayed to the lord about it. as my health was failing, the brethren finally released me from the tin shop, and appointed me to labor in the oahu conference under the presidency of elder john s. woodbury. having obtained two horses, president woodbury and i started on a visit to waialua, a large settlement on the north side of the island forty miles from honolulu. for thirteen miles we passed a continuous string of villages, including the residence of a high chief, who hailed us, and asked if i was the son of the prophet brigham young. i told him my father was the prophet's youngest brother. "well then," said he, "you are the prophet's son, and you must stay with me tonight." our horses were soon cared for, and he directed his people to took a chicken. they caught a shanghai rooster, and commenced plucking the feathers before killing. i took the chicken and wrung its neck. brother woodbury mildly cautioned me not to be particular, and especially not to meddle with their affairs, adding, "when in rome, you should do as the romans do." i thanked him, and profited by the admonition. when supper was announced, the rooster came on to the table, "pin-feathers and all." i was hungry, and with difficulty kept from crying. it was my first genuine kanaka meal. president woodbury stayed a few days at waialua, held a meeting, arranged for me to live with kiama, the priest presiding over the little branch, then returned to honolulu, and i was left alone among the natives. about a week after this, a woman of the neighboring families died; and attracted by the wild wailing, i visited the family, saw them wrap the body in kapa, their home-made paper cloth, then sew it up in a mat, which prepared it for burial. i next followed the mourners to the burying ground, where i met their minister, the rev. mr. emerson. he was a venerable-looking man, and i, being young, unsuspecting of evil, and feeling kindly toward all men, shook hands with him, and told him who i was. i saw him draw kiama aside, and noticed that he talked angrily to him. that evening i had no supper, and in the morning, no breakfast. for the next three days i got no food save as i helped myself from the neighbors when i would see them eating. resolving to leave kiama's, i went to our grass-thatched, floorless meetinghouse, pulled some grass, and placing it in one corner, made a rude bed. at night i would button my coat about me and lie down till too cold to sleep, when i would get up and run until warm, then go to bed again. but such a life could not continue. extreme hunger at last conquered me; and taking my carpet bag, i started for honolulu. but when i came to the bridge that spanned the stream south of the village, i stopped, overpowered with the thought that i would rather die than back out from my mission. sitting down on the ends of the planks, i looked into the muddy stream, and wondered, if i fell in and were drowned, whether it would be a sin. then i felt ashamed, and picking up my sack, went up the creek to a grove, where i knelt down and prayed. needless to say i soon felt cheered and strengthened; and retracing my steps, i came back to the bridge where i met a kanaka leading a donkey loaded with oranges. there was a ring in the animal's nose, and a rope tied to it with which to lead it. as the native started up the short, steep hill on the north side of the creek, the donkey refused to go. the man commenced swearing in english, and holding the brute with his left hand, stoned it mercilessly with the right. i asked him why he swore, and why he was so cruel to his donkey. he replied: "don't all white men swear? and i'd like to see you get him up the hill without stoning him." i took the rope, wiped the blood from the donkey's head, patted it gently on the neck, when it followed me eagerly up the hill. the kanaka was both surprised and pleased; and taking me to his home up among the orange groves, treated me kindly until president woodbury came and provided me with another place. i was next transferred to waianae, to live with a native by the name of kaholokahiki. the village is built on a treeless plain near the beach. in order to avoid the fleas, it was my wont to sit out of doors when not at work. here the strong refraction from the sea and white strand so strongly affected my eyes that in a short time i was nearly blind. the family were kind to me, but insisted that my room be darkened, and that i stay indoors until i should be better. but i was restless under confinement, and planned that when the monthly fast-day came, i would plead with the lord until he should heal my eyes. it was arranged for the saints to go on fast-day to the mountains; the women to weave mats, the men to gather pili grass to thatch the meetinghouse. as soon, therefore, as the family was gone, i fastened the doors, and commenced praying. i was faint from fasting, but i continued my pleadings until a glorious vision was given me. i saw joseph and hyrum smith coming from the north. when they came to the gate that opened into the yard of our house, joseph said: "let us call in here." instantly the house was filled with light, and they were standing in the room. i sprang to my feet and reached out my hand to shake hands with joseph; but he moved his hand away. i thought he was displeased; but he smiled and said: "hyrum will bless you." i saw hyrum hold his hands above my head, and rays of light came from the palms of his hands and rested on my head: "be of good cheer; you shall be healed, and you shall speedily learn the language and do a good work. now do not worry any more." they then passed out of the west door and moved southward; and when i came to myself, i was standing out of doors, on the west side of the house, weeping with joy. my eyes were healed, and when the saints came home, i went capering like a freed colt, from house to house bearing testimony, as best i could, to the truth of mormonism. i soon began visiting the saints in the different branches, asking blessings and praying with the families in the native tongue. on the th of april, --my eighteenth birthday--i visited elder william w. cluff at laie, and spent a week with him. we received an invitation to hold meeting in a catholic village. taking a native elder with us, we visited the settlement and held services in the chief's large dwelling house. after singing and prayer, we invited this elder to preach. he was a lahaina luna--a graduate of the lahaina high school, and an eloquent and fluent speaker. he undertook to explain daniel's vision of the setting up of god's kingdom, in the last days, and made a sad failure of it. the people hissed and groaned until he sat down. what were we to do? brother cluff read the third chapter of matthew and commented on the baptism of the savior. while he was talking, i was earnestly praying that our visit might not be a failure. when he finished speaking, i arose and quoted the sixteenth verse of the sixteenth chapter of mark: "he that believeth and is baptized shall be saved." i talked for one hour. the spirit of the lord rested upon me in mighty power. the hearts of the people were touched. at the close of the meeting, we walked down to the river, and i baptized eight persons. previous to this, at honolulu, i had baptized a white man, collins e. flanders; but i looked upon these eight souls as the first fruits given me in the ministry. after the confirmations had been attended to, i was invited to preach the next sunday in the presbyterian church at laie, where brother cluff was laboring. i accepted the invitation, and having studied hard, i went out into the woods by myself and preached until i knew a sermon by heart. on saturday president woodbury, elders john t. caine, and s. e. johnson came from honolulu, forty miles, to attend the meeting. on sunday the church was crowded to overflowing. i tried to speak but could not. there seemed a dark cloud suspended before me. i came near fainting, and had to catch hold of the pulpit to keep from falling. turning to president woodbury, i confessed that i had sinned in taking glory to myself; and said if he would preach and the lord would forgive me, i would never sin in that way again. i believe i have kept that promise. after being nearly a year on oahu, i was appointed to hilo, hawaii, where i labored six months, under the presidency of my cousin, henry p. richards. i was then called to preside over the molokai conference. i labored alone five months on that island. here let me quote from my journal, dated wednesday, april , : "at lahaina, maui, at a.m., i parted with the brethren, and sailed in opuus canoe for molokai. elders richards and cluff walked with me to the beach and waited to see me off. the wind was blowing hard from the southeast; and as soon as we passed the north end of maui it increased to a gale. "we were carried westward beyond our proper landing, and as we neared the shore of molokai, the surf ran so high that the canoe was capsized, and i was rolled for a quarter of a mile over the coral reef, and finally reached shore half drowned, but not a bone broken. when apostle john taylor set me apart for my mission, he said, 'you shall be cast upon the bosom of the sea; but be not afraid, for the hand of god shall be over you, and you shall return in safety to your father's home.' surely there is a spirit in man that revealeth things that are to come. "friday, april , . attended meeting in the calvinist church. asked permission to preach, was refused. april , --my nineteenth birthday--i was alone on molokai. i started early on horseback for kaluakoi, the place selected by the government as the prison colony for lepers. at noon, reached paakea, and had two irish potatoes for dinner. i crossed mauna-loa, (high mountain) from whence i could see the islands of maui, lanai, and oahu. at sundown i reached kaluakoi, a small fishing village on a lava flat. "in the house where i lodged, the fleas were so thick that i went out and slept on the beach,--a beautiful moonlight night. saturday, june , . just as the morning star made its appearance, i arose and started with brother luu in a whale boat for pele kunu (burning hole), where we landed at ten a.m. i was very sick while on the water. i always suffer in these boat rides; they turn me inside out, hence i dread them. "sunday, june , i obtained a private house and held two meetings. all the community attended, wondering how one who had been so short a time on the islands could talk so well in their language. i told them it was a gift from god, and not by my own wisdom. "monday, june , on foot, and alone, i found my way over the mountain through the tangled, trailless forest to waialua, my headquarters." the above is a fair sample of my labors while on molokai. a wave of indifference to religious matters was sweeping over the islands. it was with difficulty that i could obtain food, and several times i worked for twenty-five cents a day to get money to pay the postage on my letters. during those days of loneliness, one of my most valued correspondents was elder john t. caine. i copy herewith a part of one of his last letters to me: "july , . dear brother young: i believe i told you in a former letter, my intentions relative to returning home. i am on the eve of departing, if the lord will; and i could not feel justified in leaving without dropping you a line, just to say, aloha. brother john, goodby; and may the lord bless you and qualify you for every duty you may be called to perform. and when you have done your share here, may he return you in safety to zion, is the prayer of your brother and friend,--john t. caine." i love these expressions of good will from bright, intelligent, pure-minded men. may peace go with him, and i know it will. chapter . on oahu again.--john hyde's apostasy.--i meet him in the presbyterian church.--at waialua. on october , , all the elders of the mission met in conference at wailuku, island of maui. here i met my brother franklin w. and john brown, an old playmate. they had just arrived from zion. our conference was a truly happy one. i was appointed to labor on oahu, under the presidency of edward partridge. october , , with a large company of elders, i walked over the mountain, forty miles, without water, to lahaina, getting there at a.m. at p.m. elders pack, brown, thurston, cluff, alma l. smith, and franklin w. young sailed on the manuokawai (ocean bird) for hawaii, their field of labor for the next six months. at sunset president partridge and elder west and i sailed on the john boyle for honolulu. we went deck passage at two dollars each. the schooner being large, and having but few passengers, we were not crowded into a jam, as often happened. she was also dry on deck so we were quite comfortable. on october th, at a.m., having reached honolulu, we learned that elder john hyde was in the city. for some reason he had not reported his arrival. on friday, october , , an article from john hyde appeared in the polynesia, slandering the latter-day saints. i therefore called on him demanding his church recommends and his temple clothes. he gave them to me, but was very bitter in his attitude toward the church. sunday, october th, he delivered a public lecture in the seamen's bethel, as he said, "exposing mormonism." the hall was crowded, and the speaker was liberally applauded. to me it was a strong testimony that joseph smith was a prophet of god. mr. hyde was a bright, well-educated man. he had been in the church nine years, and much of the time he had been associated with some of our ablest elders. surely, i thought, if there is a weak spot in our gospel armor, he has been able to detect it, and can expose the fraud to a listening world. the people came, and he "tickled" them; but he did it by repeating old tales, and sickly community gossip! not one sensible reason did he show for leaving the church. after the meeting, president partridge called a council of the elders in our conference house, and it was decided that i should follow mr. hyde, in his lecture tour around the island, and give him battle. on monday, october , , eating an early breakfast, i shouldered my pack, and walked forty miles to waianae. i was warmly received by kaholokahiki and the saints of that little branch; and great was my joy at being again in the house where, when a boy, sick and afflicted, the vision of god had comforted me, healed my eyes, and loosened my tongue. on wednesday, november , , i met mr. hyde in the presbyterian church at waialua. several clergymen and about fifty white people were seated on the stand, while the body of the church was packed with natives. mr. hyde lectured on the "evils of mormonism." he commenced by saying: "the mormon elder will tell you that plural marriage is a heaven-born institution, calculated to bless and exalt the human family. if this is true, why did not god in his infinite wisdom, make in the morning of creation a dozen wives for father adam, and thus forever set the question at rest? in france, apostle john taylor denied being a polygamist. at that time he was the husband of five wives. as that took place nine years ago, john taylor stands before the world, a liar of nine years standing. my christian friends, what confidence can you have in the testimony of a liar of nine years standing? (prolonged applause). i went to france, and converted thousands of the french people to the mormon faith. alas, today, i awake, as from a dream, and find mormonism to be false." during his long talk, which was interpreted by the reverend mr. emerson, a dry reed, many of the kanakas had gone to sleep. when mr. hyde closed, i sprang to my feet, and asked permission to reply. the chairman refused to let me talk; but several gentlemen demanded fair play. at length the chairman gave me fifteen minutes' time; requesting me to speak in english and let mr. emerson interpret to the kanakas. this i refused to do for the reason that our elders have visited the homes of the white people, have borne testimonies to them, and have given them tracts explaining the restored gospel. i feel that we have rid our garments of their blood; but we are under obligations to the natives--i shall speak to them. i then said in substance: "mr. hyde asks why did not god make a dozen wives for father adam, and thus forever set the question of plural marriage at rest. i am surprised that a man of mr. hyde's intelligence should ask such a question. your bible, king james' translation, says god made man from the 'dust of the earth,' then caused a deep sleep to come upon him, and took a rib from his side, of which he made woman. now, i will answer mr. hyde's argument by asking him a question. if god had taken twelve ribs from adam, out of which to have made twelve wives, would not adam have been a weak reed for the twelve women to lean upon? "he says he went to france, and converted thousands of the french people to the mormon faith. i never knew before that thousands of the french people were converted to the mormon faith. i understand that our elders met with poor success; in fact, that they had to leave france to avoid arrest. but grant for argument's sake, that mr. hyde converted thousands of them. in the next breath he tells you that he has awakened as from a dream, to find that mormonism is false. so he confesses that he persuaded thousands of people to believe a lie. my christian friends, what confidence can you place in a man who has persuaded thousands of people to believe a lie?" here they interrupted me and closed the meeting. i walked across the street, mounted a horse block, and preached for an hour to an interested audience. this was my first experience in debate. opposition strengthened my faith, and added members to the church. on sunday, november , , two foreign gentlemen, evidently of the wealthy class, called on me and asked if joseph smith and the mormons believe in a plurality of wives, and a plurality of gods. i answered yes; to which they replied: "the moral sense inherent in man compels us to reject such doctrines." i answered that the moral sense in man caused the pious jews to reject jesus christ; yet he was the son of god, all the same. mormonism, moreover, is the power of god unto salvation to all who receive it. in the afternoon meeting brother kiama asked forgiveness for having starved me on my first arrival here. i forgave him, especially when he explained that he had been living in mr. emerson's house, and that this pattern of piety had threatened to turn him out if he kept me. i called later upon the reverend gentleman, told him of his unchristian-like conduct, and said, "if i get into the kingdom of heaven first, i will stand at the door and keep you out until you make this thing right with me." on friday, march , , i made mr. goodale, my mother's cousin, a present of a "voice of warning," and spencer's letters; i also baptized a german by the name of john de grais. on april th following, i attended conference on the island of lanai. we had an enjoyable time. edward partridge was appointed president of maui, and his assistants were william w. cluff, john r. young, william naylor, thomas clayton, and robert a. rose. thus for the second time i had the privilege of laboring under the presidency of the son of the first bishop of this church; a man who, like his father, was without guile: a righteous man whom i learned to love. in maui it was our practice to hold meetings in the morning before the natives went to their labors. on the morning of may , , i did the preaching; and after meeting we separated for active labor; president partridge remaining at wailuku, elders cluff and naylor going to waienae. elder rose to kula to teach an english school, while i went to waiohue. my labors at this time required much walking, often forty miles in a day; and frequently i had to swim the mountain streams, which, when swollen by rains, were rapid and dangerous. on may , , in company with elders partridge, cluff and rose, i visited the extinct crater of haleakala. its crest is eleven thousand feet above sea level. brother kaleohano, with a pack horse, accompanied us as guide. for commissary, he had a calabash of poi and a string of red peppers. the ascent was steep, the soil rich, and vegetation rank and beautiful. an hour's walk brought us to the cloud belt, after which we were enveloped in vapor, thick, cold, and chilly. at p.m. we arrived at the big cave, within a mile of the summit. here we camped for the night. as i stood upon a high cliff and gazed upon an endless ocean of white clouds one thousand feet below me, i thought i had a vision of the christian's heaven, which, they say, lies "beyond the bounds of time and space." such a heaven would not suit me. the scene, strange and sublime though it was, brought no joy,--rather a feeling of unrest, mystery, and doubt; and i felt relieved, when the sun sank below the horizon, for then the clouds settled down, and gave me a pleasing view of west maui, and the island lanai, molokai, and oahu. we arose early the next morning, having passed a sleepless night. the air was damp and cold, the mountain being swathed in heavy clouds. our pack horse was gone. fortunately for us, a strong wind sprang up, and soon we had a clear view of maunakea on hawaii, rearing its snow-crowned crest nineteen thousand feet above the sea. there are nine pots, or cone chimneys to this ancient crater. we descended into one of them; and having spent half a day in explorations, returned tired and hungry to the cave where we rested until kaleohano broiled a bird that he had snared. for our ravenous appetites it proved only a morsel. on our way down the mountain, a rainstorm completely drenched us, and we were glad to reach our guide's hospitable home, and enjoy the rich treat of standing before a cheerful fire while our wet garments dried. on saturday, may th, i accompanied president partridge, on horseback, to honuaula, where we met elder kanahunahupu. he had been one of the first six to embrace the gospel on these islands. he was a firm, intelligent man and an eloquent speaker. our meeting the next day was well attended. president partridge, kanahunahupu, and i spoke, and a good spirit prevailed. before closing, brother partridge, arising a second time, said he was impressed to make a few remarks on the mysteries of the kingdom. you know we all love to hear things. _pohihihi_! "well," said he, "elder young needs a pair of shoes, and that is something that you do not seem to comprehend." i want to finish this shoe story. i went barefoot for several weeks, actively engaged in preaching, and sometimes to large congregations, when brother poaono of kipahule gave me a pair of russian leather slippers. they were two inches too long for me, as hard as a board, and as tough as iron. some of the saints scolded the old man for giving them to me; but i checked their fault-finding, then laid my hands upon his head and blessed him. that night elder cluff slept with me. toward morning i had a curious dream. a person came to me, and taught me several trades. at last he said there was one more trade that i should learn--shoe making. "suppose you have a pair of shoes that are too long. it is the simplest thing in the world to cut them in two and splice them short." when i awoke it was just breaking day. i reached at once for the shoes, and taking my pocket knife, cut them in two. then during the day i made a last, and a pegging awl out of a horseshoe nail, using a piece of lava rock for a file. i next made some pegs, and spliced them up short; and that pair of shoes, and the pair i traded them for, lasted me until i reached my father's home in salt lake city. one incident more, then i am done with these little temporal matters. i was traveling with elder william naylor, of salt lake city. i still had in my care a little mule that brother george raymond had furnished me. in going from place to place in the mission, we would take turns riding. in that way the patient animal was of great help to us. one day it was raining hard, and the creeks soon became swollen. on coming to a large stream, we were confronted with the awkward fact that brother naylor could not swim. near by, however, stood a catholic village and i went from house to house, beseeching the people to let us stay until the water went down. but they all refused, saying their priest had told them we were false prophets, and that god would be displeased if they took us into their homes. coming back to our outfit, i took our hats, coats, and shoes, and tying them firmly to the saddle, fastened one end of my stake-rope around the mule's neck; then going up stream the length of the rope, i plunged in and swam across. brother naylor held to the mule's tail with both hands, while i pulled both mule and missionary through the rushing flood, much to the amusement of a hundred people who had come to see us make the dangerous passage. brother naylor had on a pair of white linen pants, which had too long done good service. as we walked on in our wet clothes, i noticed that his trousers were bursting in strips. they soon looked like a bifurcated dishrag, and taking them off, he threw them away. for the next week we had but one pair of pants between us. he was five inches taller than i; and when he would put on my nether garments to take the air, as he did every day he would look comical. want of clothing was not our only privation those days; we often suffered for want of food. i have walked many a day along the sea shore, gathering moss off the rocks to satisfy my hunger. but these things were as trifles to us; for we were rich in the spirit of the lord. chapter . hear of parley p. pratt's death.--buchanan sends harney to utah.--letter from brigham young. on tuesday, august , , i learned from the western standard of the death of apostle parley p. pratt. i was deeply moved by the news. he had been cruelly murdered by mr. mclain, the man with whom i had lived a month while in san francisco. i wrote the following humble lines, and only regret that my tribute is not more like the noble man whose untimely fate i mourned: he was fifty years old--how little he dreamt that his hours of life were so nearly spent, bright visions inspired his bosom with hope, and nerved his arm to successfully cope with the powers of darkness; and he broke the bands of tradition with a master stroke. but few have battled as manful as he, or braved the perils of land and sea, or slept in dungeons loaded with chains, by a prophet's side, sharing his pains. he had traveled far, had labored wide, a light to the meek, to the blind a guide. with a noble, untiring, unselfish stride he stemmed the rush of sin's evil tide. the ancient prophets, oracles of god, burst into life, at the touch of his rod. thousands, yea millions, shall add to his fame when they read the works that emblazon his name. for, loved and cherished by all good men are the heaven-born truths he faithfully penned, his children's children on earth shall abound, when the murderer's seed shall nowhere be found. a month later, on sunday, oct , , i had the pleasure of meeting in conference at palawai, island of lanai, with elders and native saints. on this day, three years and one week before, i had landed at honolulu. how quickly the time had passed! we had three excellent meetings on that day. all the missionaries bore their testimonies, some of the saints wept, and the hearts of all were softened by the spirit of god. oh, how my heart beats with love, even today for these trusting dark-skinned saints, who, with tears in their eyes pressed around us, each one eager to clasp the hand they might clasp no more in this life. may the god of abraham ever bless the saints of hawaii. at this time the papers from the united states were full of boastful predictions as to what the government was about to do with the mormons of utah. lo, the whelps of missouri loudly boast, and a "harney" echoes from plain to hill, while every ass that's seeking a post is loudly braying the mormons to kill! but brigham with a steady hand guides zion's ship of state aright, and with jehovah's helping hand, she'll weather the seas on this stormy night. during the preceding three months the elders who came in had been released, a few at a time; and as fast as they had been able to get means, they had quietly sailed for home. on the th of october, , after having labored three years, i also was released. accordingly, as soon as conference was over, i crossed the channel in a whale boat to molokai. i had not a cent in my pocket, and was poorly clothed. i worked one month for mr. meyers, a german whose acquaintance i had made while presiding over the molokai conference. for this service i received twenty dollars. i next sold my gold pen and some books for five dollars, and then returned in a whale boat to lahaina. of this, my last sea voyage in a whale boat, my journal says: "friday, november , , at midnight i set sail in makapoos' whale boat. the moon shone brightly, throwing her soft mellow light over the surface of the great deep. not a breath of air was stirring; the sea was calm and smooth; and we sped swiftly on, propelled by four stout oarsmen. presently i lay down to sleep. sweet dreams visited me. i forgot for a time that i was a stranger on a strange land, or rather an inexperienced youth dwelling with a benighted branch of israel, and trying to teach them the gospel of salvation. we reached lahaina at sunrise, but as there was no wharf, i had to be carried ashore. a brawny kanaka undertook the job, but stumbled headlong, giving us both a thorough ducking. as i walked along the public thoroughfare i met several half-clad prostitutes returning to their homes from the dens of vice that befoul this fair city of palm trees. presently i turned aside to a little grass hut, ten by twelve in size, and surrounded by numerous fish sheds. here i was greeted by elders alma l. smith and william naylor, two faithful mormon boys. brother smith was laid up with a broken arm. for one month these brethren had lived in this unwholesome place, with none to pity, or administer unto them, except brother kalua, who lived from hand to mouth by fishing. we sat down to breakfast,--poi and salt, and not enough of that. i went out and bought twenty-five cents' worth of fish, and this addition gave us an enjoyable meal. i next paid alma's doctor bill of twenty dollars, which left me five dollars to go home with. on november th, elder william w. cluff arrived from waialuku. he, like myself, was hunting work in order to get money with which to return home. brother smith's arm having got strong enough so that he could travel, he and brother naylor started for waialuku, a mile walk over a waterless mountain. i wrote as follows to my brother who was laboring on hawaii: "dear brother franklin w.: it has been a long time since i received a line from you. i presume your letters have not reached me, as i have been shifting from place to place for the last two months. i came to lahaina last saturday with intention of going to hawaii to see you; but no opportunity has been offered, and i am compelled to go home without seeing you. i have only five dollars with which to go, hence i cannot run around much;--but my heart yearns to see you. the thought of going home without saying farewell is painful. if i could see you for one day--then i could return to our loved ones, rejoicing. "as it is, i go--pure and uncontaminated from the evils of the world. i love those with whom i have been associated while on this mission; both those who have returned and who are about to return to our war-threatened vales; and my heart is no less warm to those whose duty it is to tarry in the mission field. i pray god to bless them, and to bless you, my brother. "be humble, prayerful, and diligent: 'tis the only path that leads to honor, glory, and salvation." the night of november th was dark and stormy. i heard the captain of the maria say he would not unfurl canvas for five hundred dollars; but the captain of the moi was more venturesome. desirous of obtaining a cargo that had been promised to the maria, he sailed immediately for honolulu. elder cluff and i took passage, two dollars each cabin. upon reaching that city i walked the streets three days before i found work. i then got a job of digging a well, and building some stone wall for a mr. duncan, he giving me one dollar a day and board. on november , , i received the following letter from the president's office, salt lake city, dated september , : "john and franklin young, honolulu, sandwich islands: "my dear nephews: yours of april rd has just been received per southern california mail. i feel thankful to observe the good spirit breathed in your letter. the prospects for zion's cause are indeed cheering, when elders like unto a majority of those now abroad are found to preach the gospel. "our harvest has been most abundant. we have threshed eighty bushels of wheat from an acre on the church farm. almost all the men are engaged in harvesting and securing our grain. "the public works are progressing rapidly; and although there are apparent prospects of an open rupture with the united states government, yet the brethren continue to build and improve, much as though we were at peace with all the world. "i suppose you are posted in regard to the difficulties that threaten us. the government has collected two regiments of infantry, one of dragoons, and two batteries of artillery, and has placed them under the command of that blood-thirsty old villain, general harney, with orders to come to utah and regulate the mormons. this has been done without investigating, or even taking into consideration our own reports, or looking at any circumstance which would withdraw the pretext, which they have for years been seeking, to make a final or fatal blow at the kingdom. "we had determined years ago, if a mob again attacked us, whether led by their own passions, or unconstitutionally legalized by the general government, or by the government of any of the states, or territories, that we'll resist their aggressions by making an appeal to god and our own right arms, for that protection which has been denied us by christianized and civilized nations. our former determination remains unshaken. your father, mother, and all the family are well. william g. and james a. have not arrived; but i expect them in the course of three or four weeks. brother heber and daniel desire kind remembrance to you. "may the god of israel ever inspire you to do his will, and make you an honorable instrument in his hand of accomplishing much good upon the earth, is the sincere prayer of your uncle, "brigham young." chapter . praise for the elders.--efforts to bring two natives to utah.--sail for home.--description of steerage.--an earnest prayer.--timidity of the saints.--baptize a new convert at midnight. november , . the day was beautiful, perhaps because my heart felt to rejoice; for i had been truly blest during my sojourn on these islands. i attended meeting and listened to remarks by elders bigler, woodbury, bell, and cluff. i loved brother bigler for his wisdom and humility; brother woodbury for his loyalty to the church, and for his eloquence in preaching in kanaka. truly his speaking was a gift, and came not by his own wisdom. i spoke on the nature of opposition. herod sought to kill jesus christ, because christ came with power to organize and establish god's kingdom upon the earth. the jews persecuted him because they feared, "lest all the world would go after him, and they would lose their place and nation." and so it was with the christians when the prophet joseph came; they feared him, for he had more powder, wisdom, and godliness than all of them. they do not hate us personally; but they are determined to resist the truth, and overthrow the kingdom. their inspiration comes from satan. the following is from my journal of friday, november , : "we are anxious to take two native elders home with us; but their laws forbid their emigrating without a government permit. for this reason elders bigler, woodbury, and i waited on his excellency, governor kekuanaao. he is a large, robust, fine-looking, elderly man; and like all hawaiians, he is fond of ease and good living. "we apprised him of our desires and asked his permission for two of our hawaiian brethren to go home with us. he was quite ignorant of the law on this matter, but said he would consult prince lot, and if there were no objections he would grant our request. we called next on his royal highness, prince lot, and found him clad in rich chinese costume. he is above the medium height, strong, well-built, about twenty-five years of age, kind and courteous in manner, and speaks good english. "on december , , the government informed us that they declined to let the native brethren go with us. "monday, december th. for thirty dollars i secured steerage passage on the bark yankee, to san francisco. i had ten dollars left, and having sold my only coat for ten dollars, left the twenty dollars with elder bigler to give to my brother franklin w. who was still on hawaii. "wednesday, december , , elders sextus e. johnson, william king, eli bell, william w. cluff, smith b. thurston, john a. west, simpson m. molen, george speirs, and john r. young sailed for home on the bark yankee. the treatment we received was anything but courteous, and so the following doggerel verses fairly illustrate our feelings: "the wealthy gent may think i'm wrong in writing this poor, uncouth song. but those who share my humble berth will count my theme of greater worth. perhaps you all who've crossed the sea have, of the mfamous bark yankee, heard much of good, by fiction told. but now the truth i will unfold. poverty, i know, is oft despised by those who think they're rich and wise. but oft in modest birth we'll find men of sense, and noble mind. "excuse sufficient this must be, true worth needs no apology. you to our steerage i'll invite, where you shall see a motley sight. for here we sit 'mong ropes and rags, spars, chicken coops, and dirty bags, turkeys, sheep, and guinea hens, with johnny ching ching,--all in one pen-- a pen some folks a steerage call, with ample room to hold us all. "from morn till night we sit around, like gypsies camping on the ground. some of us talk, and others sing, while some are busy scrimshawing. some of politics are talking, others on the decks are walking, and with the dogs ofttimes are playing, but pause to hear some witty saying. below sits caesar with open hymn-book seeking grace with a pious look; while carpenter and mate with hammer, do their best to make a clamor. "hark! now the bell for dinner rings, and each one for the hatchway springs. 'old salt horse again' half-raw, to chew would need an iron jaw. 'look here, cook, this meat's not done.' 'boiled three hours,' cries afric's son. 'but if you do not like the meat, there's murphies plus sea bread to eat. you can't complain, for as the crew are treated by us, so are you.' these are the words of captain bob, who thinks no harm poor men to rob. for robber it is, in every sense, to treat men thus, to save expense. "now for our hammocks let us look; search your corner--scan each nook. vain the search. from hatch to hatch the yankee's steerage has no match. on ropes and barrels men must lie, thankful to get a little hay. for forty dollars per head we've got a passage minus bed or cot. filled with barrels, ropes and sails, where light o'er darkenss [sic] ne'er prevails. here men are classed with brutish dogs, and treated worse than farmer's hogs. "such odious scenes you can't admire, so from the steerage let's retire. but when again we go to sea 'twill not be in the bark yankee. to you, dear friends, i'll say goodbye-- for supper time is drawing nigh-- and welcome are the hours of night that from my view will hide the sight of filth and dirt, and drive away the thoughts that haunt me all the day. "saturday, december , . this morning land could be seen from the mast head. at ten a.m. it could be seen from deck. at noon we hove in sight of the golden gate, and soon sailed into the beautiful bay of frisco. "but now the wind died, and we were left without a breath of air. the sailors whistled, but the sails flapped lazily, and the ship moved not. the day slipped away, the moon rose in all its splendor, the night was beautiful, and there lay the city with her thousand sparkling lamps. oh, how i longed to be on shore, to tread american soil once more, to walk on my native land the land of my fathers, where i should be glad to dwell in peace. "but alas, that boon is denied me. even now the camp fires are kindled by a strong, and well-disciplined army sent by a corrupt government to rob my parents, kindred, and people, of the sacred rights bequeathed them by their noble sires who fought and bled, to win the freedom and justice that england refused to grant. and yet this same nation, that became thus, under the blessing of god, a home for the free, and an asylum for the oppressed has now turned to be an oppressor! "o, god, hear my prayer. for thou knowest the integrity of my heart. i have returned from the mission thou gavest me through thy servant, to find thy covenant people denied their rights; falsely accused, and persecuted without cause; therefore, i pray thee, do thou guard and protect them. deliver them. father, from all their enemies. let the armies of the oppressor go backwards and not forward! let the fierce storms and tempests of the mountains block their way. may contentions arise among them, and union be far from them, until they turn to righteousness and abide by the constitution which thou didst give by inspiration to our fathers. i ask it in the name of jesus christ, thy son. amen." on sunday, december , , i attended meeting in the home of brother dwight eveleth, president of the san francisco branch. the local saints were afraid to sing, or talk aloud in our meetings, for fear of being heard upon the street. but i felt like shouting hosannah, and i would not be restrained. attracted by my voice, several strangers called in. after meeting, i walked down to the bay and baptized elijah e. warren, a young man from santa clara. chapter . visit my cousin.--his tempting offer.--meet the agents of mr. walker, the nicaragua filibusterer.--baptize mrs. bradford. on monday, december , , i borrowed two dollars and fifty cents and bought from a jew store a very good second-hand coat as i had come from the islands in my shirt sleeves. the returning elders scattered out in search of work. elders molen and speirs went to sacramento, elders johnson, king, west, and thurston went to the redwoods; while elders cluff, bell, and i remained in the city. i visited my cousin, lorenzo sawyer, attorney general for the state of california. he said if i would stay with him, he would send me to school for three years, then let me study law in his office a year, and then give me one thousand dollars in gold to commence life. i thanked him, but told him there was not gold enough in california to bribe me from going home, and sharing the destiny of the latter-day saints. i also met at brother eveleth's, mr. cooper, mr. harbin, and mr. mathewsen, straight from new york, agents of mr. walker, the celebrated filibusterer. they were commissioned to go to utah and sell the mormon people two million acres of land in central america. i did all i could to dissuade them from going, but in vain. before leaving the island, i was counseled to change my name, as the spirit of persecution was strong against us in all parts of the united states. hence, i was now passing under the name of john brown; but i could not conceal my identity. everybody knew me, and president eveleth advised, as a precautionary measure, that i should leave the city. tuesday, december , . elders william cluff, eli bell, and i took stage for the redwoods, seeking opportunity to work where no one knew me. when within four miles of whipple's mills, we left the stage and walked through the fields. the mill had closed for the day. one man was working at the saw. brother cluff and i sat down on a log, while brother bell went to make inquiries. as soon as the man was addressed, he left his work and came straight to me, saying, "brother young, i am glad to see you. a few nights ago, i saw you in a dream, and i know you have been sent here to do a good work." again everybody knew me, and i told the brethren that, live or die, from this time on i would be john r. young. i went to work for brother eli whipple. he owned a large steam saw-mill, and was anxious to close out and go to utah. his wife and three daughters were not in the church, and were opposed to gathering. in fact mrs. whipple was very bitter toward me. i pleaded earnestly with the lord that he would soften her heart and bring her into the church. in about three weeks i had the joy of seeing her and mrs. mary whipple walker baptized. sister whipple gave me the following account of her conversion: "when you first came to live with us, i thought you were the ugliest-looking man that i had ever seen. you looked dark and swarthy, and i could not help but hate you. one evening, after you had borne a testimony to me, i went into my room, knelt down and prayed. i asked god, if what you had said was true, to give me some evidence of it. that night i dreamed that i saw you clothed in white raiment, and your face shone like the face of an angel. in the morning when i met you, i could see a halo of light around your face. and i never see you now but what there is a bright spot on your cheek." ever since that day aunt patience has been as kind and gentle to me as my own mother. so did the father answer my prayers. brother whipple had a large number of logs scattered among the timber, ready to be hauled to the mill. i took four yoke of his oxen and went to logging. one day, as i came in muddy and tired, i met a gentleman who asked for mr. young. i answered: "that's my name." but he wanted elder young, the mormon preacher; and he could hardly comprehend how a man could be an ox driver and a minister of the gospel at the same time. after supper i held meeting in the kitchen, and talked to a house full of earnest listeners until midnight. on saturday, february , , i went home with mr. bradford, the gentleman who came the previous evening. i stayed a week with him. daytimes i threshed barley with a flail, at two dollars a day; evenings i gave gospel talks to his family and a few invited friends. at the end of the week, his wife wanted to be baptized. the doctors and ministers visited her, and said that if she went into the water it would kill her, as her health was delicate, and she had been heavily dosed with calomel. nevertheless, at three o'clock sunday morning, we put her into a spring wagon and drove fifteen miles to a secluded place on a sparkling mountain stream. mr. bradford helped me carry her into the water, and i baptized her for the remission of her sins, and confirmed her a member of the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints. i then returned to the redwoods and held a meeting at brother whipple's. a good many strangers attended; and as a result of these meetings seven persons were added to the church, for which i greatly rejoiced. about this time my brother franklin w. arrived from the islands. chapter . start for a thirteen-hundred-mile walk.--become indian scout--meet jacob hamblin, the indian peacemaker.--surrounded by forty indian warriors.--shooting a dove saves our scalps. by the first of march forty persons had gathered at the redwoods, miles south of san francisco, prepared to go to utah. we organized a company by appointing eli whipple, captain; sextus e. johnson, sergeant of the guard; john r. young, chaplain; and elemuel sawtell, clerk. brother whipple furnished the provisions, and hauled the blankets for the returning elders, thirteen in number; and with hearts full of hope and joy we started out for a walk of thirteen hundred miles. before setting out, joseph a. kelting and i went to san francisco and purchased thirty-five rifles and one hundred pounds of powder. at the start grass was short, and teams were heavily loaded, so we traveled slowly. by the middle of april, it was evident that our provisions would not last us through. our meat was nearly gone, and i began to urge the brethren to lie over a day and hunt. however, as we saw but little game, and killed none, there was no spirit for hunting. on the th of april we camped at elizabeth's lake. after evening camp prayers, i talked and prophesied that if we would lie over, and go out to hunt, we should kill all the meat we should want. the company consented; and the next morning at daybreak thirteen of us started out. i was the odd man, and went alone. i had walked about a mile when i saw nine deer standing across a hollow. i fired and killed a large buck. that commenced the ball. william king killed three without moving out of his tracks. by noon we had in all, twenty-two deer. we lay by and jerked the meat. needless to say, we had plenty to last us the rest of the journey. at stony creek, mr. cooper and party from new york, overtook us. my services were secured to pilot them to salt lake city. so bidding goodbye to my fellow missionaries, who were very dear to me, and to the saints that composed our little company, i mounted a mule and struck the trail for home. on the mohave, having struck the mormon road leading from salt lake to san bernardino, we saw indian signs. the redskins approached our camp at night, but kept out of sight in the day time. that looked unfriendly. at the lower crossing of the mohave we picketed our animals close around our wagon. at three o'clock in the morning, they stampeded, and all got away but one. i mounted bareback, without stopping to dress, and soon overtook the frightened animals, and making a wide circuit, brought them safely to camp. at the vegas springs t met for the first time, that renowned indian peacemaker, jacob hamblin, and learned from him the history of the mountain meadows massacre. he said the indians were still hostile, and thirsting for more blood. on the muddy, a small stream of that region, we found living in a wagon-bed, turned bottom-side up for a shield from heat and sand, ira hatch and thales haskell, strong men, giving the better part of their lives to missionary work among the indians--a labor that brought them neither pleasure nor wealth. taking their advice, we rested a day, purposing to make rapid drives from there to the settlements. on the th of may we nooned at the beaver dams, rested until night, then drove to the clara mountains, made a dry camp, kindling no fire. in the morning we drove to the cane spring for breakfast. scarcely had we turned out our horses when we were surrounded by forty indian warriors, their faces all blackened. i soon became convinced that they had been watching for us, and intended to rob, if not kill us. many of them had on good broadcloth clothes, which i suppose they had taken from the people they had murdered at the mountain meadows. most of them had good guns, and they were very insolent, helping themselves to whatever they wanted. a few minutes after they came, a mourning dove alighted on a willow at the head of the spring, about twelve rods from our camp. the wind was blowing hard from the south, waving the willow on which the bird rested. the indians commenced shooting at it. with a sudden impulse, i raised my rifle and fired. if i had had the dove in my hand, i could not have cut its head off more nicely than i did. the indians seemed astonished, and for a short time were quiet. in our small company--only five of us--was a mountaineer by the name of hardin. i felt that he was the only man that could be relied on in case of trouble. he had loaded a double-barrelled shotgun with navy balls, and stood leaning by the side of the carriage, the butt of his gun on the ground, the muzzle resting in his right hand. three indians crawled under the carriage and commenced scuffling. instantly one barrel of his gun went off, taking off the upper part of hardin's ear, and tearing away the rim of his hat. it knocked him down, and i thought he was killed. the chief threw the back of his hand to his mouth and gave the war whoop. i cocked my gun and put the muzzle against his belly. he stopped yelling, and hardin sprang up and attempted to shoot him; but i interfered, telling the men that our lives depended on our keeping the chief. i then spoke in ute, and ordered the indians to their camp, but kept the chief a prisoner. we hitched up, and putting the chief into the carriage, drove until three o'clock, then rested until dark, when we hitched up and drove rapidly until midnight. we then camped, tied up, and stood guard without a fire until morning. after breakfast, we gave the indian a shirt and plug of tobacco, and told him to "git." years after, i became intimately acquainted with this chief jackson. he was a bad man; and while he lived there was no peace with his band. without doubt, all that saved our scalps at that time was the fortunate shot in killing the dove, and the course we pursued in keeping the chief a prisoner. after turning the indian loose, we passed a painfully anxious day; our animals were so exhausted that we had to take several rests, and were fearful of being followed by the indians. just before night, however, we had the good fortune to pull into the town of pinto, the frontier mormon settlement. we were kindly received by the good people of that ward, and after resting a few days, continued our journey. the monotony of the desert was now pleasingly changed by the many ranches and busy villages we passed. at parowan, two hundred miles south of salt lake city, we encountered a scene that i shall never forget. i remember distinctly, the "exodus," as it was called, from nauvoo, when sixteen thousand souls left their homes and commenced that marvelous journey of fourteen hundred miles to the unknown valley of the salt lake. but that exodus was like a small rivulet by the side of a mighty river when compared with the seventy-five thousand men, women, and children that we now met in one continuous line of travel. horses, oxen, and cows were harnessed or yoked to wagons and carts; and one family by the name of syphus, was moving their effects on a handcart drawn by a pair of yearling steers. mothers and children walked along as merrily as if going to a corn husking; each family moving its little bunch of cows and flock of sheep, and all starting on the journey (that was never completed) to sonora, in mexico, or some other place. at times we were compelled to drive our wagon for miles outside the beaten road, everywhere hearing and seeing evidences that increased my gentile companions' wonderment of the marvelous power held by brigham young over his people; and added to my curiosity to see the outcome of mr. cooper's colonizing scheme. surely everything looked favorable for the promoters of that idea. at last we reached provo, where the church leaders had made their temporary headquarters. in the evening i visited president young, and made known to him the object of mr. cooper's visit. two days later he gave audience to messrs. cooper, mathewsen, and hardin. they held a lengthy conversation, in which mr. cooper, in glowing language, told the mormon leaders what a splendid opportunity it was for them to lead their people to central america, where, he said, they could found an empire that would crown the stirring life of brigham young and his associates with endless glory. i can still hear the ringing words of brigham young's answer: "gentlemen," said he, "god almighty made these everlasting hills to be bulwarks of liberty for the oppressed and down-trodden of the earth. we shall never leave here and go to a country where we should have six hundred miles of sea coast to defend, and where any nation at their pleasure could send war ships to bombard our cities. furthermore, gentlemen, should the desire ever come, we have hundreds of boys, just as capable of going to nicaragua, and of taking possession and holding it, too, as general walker of new york. gentlemen, you have our answer." on june , , my cousin, brigham young, jr., carried me in his one-horse buggy to salt lake city. at draper i received the kiss of welcome from my dear sister, harriet m. brown, and from my dear aged mother. at the city i met my father, who, like a lion in his lair, was watching the coming fate of his deserted home. he and a few fearless, trusted men had been left behind to see that johnston's army kept its pledges not to quarter in the city. had they broken their pledge the city would have been burned. i sat with the guards in the upper room of the lion house, and saw that army in death-like silence march through the deserted streets of the dead city, a few of the officers with uncovered heads, as if attending a funeral. to us western mountain boys, the solemnity of the march was oppressive; and glad relief came to our strained feelings, when we saw the soldiers' camp fires kindled on the "other side of jordan." chapter . home activities.--counseled not to study law.--called to uinta, and dixie. as soon as i had seen the army "pass through," i returned to provo to report myself to president young. i had been gone on my mission a little over four years, as before recorded. when apostle john taylor set me apart for this mission he said, "you shall be cast upon the bosom of the sea; but fear not, the hand of the lord shall be over you, and you shall return in safety to your father's home;" also in parting president young had said: "if you will be humble, live near the lord, and not commit sin, when you return you will take me by the hand and tell me that you know mormonism is true." i had kept the conditions, and i knew the gospel of jesus christ had been restored to the earth, and that it is the power of god unto salvation to all who receive and obey it. about this time peace was restored by president buchanan's proclamation of pardon to the mormons. i took hold with energy to help move my father's families back from the south, whither they had fled, at the near approach of the army. that task accomplished, i made arrangements to go to san francisco, intending to live with my cousin, lorenzo sawyer, and go to school and study law. one day, as i passed uncle brigham's office, he called to me, then came out and walked with me to brother wells' corner. we sat down on a pile of lumber, and i told him my plans. he counseled me not to go to california, to let the law alone, to find a good girl, get married, and make me a home. during the winter i attended a school taught by sister eleanor pratt, and here became acquainted with miss s. e. carmichael, one of utah's most gifted daughters. on january , , i married albina terry, eldest daughter of william reynolds and mary phillips terry. during the summer following, i worked as a farm hand for my brother-in-law, joseph g. brown. on november , , i moved to payson and bought a home of david crockett, paying for it during the winter by hauling tithing wheat from sanpete valley to salt lake city. november , , my eldest son, john terry, was born. the mother came near dying with hemorrhage at the nose, but elders levi w. hancock and william mcbride laid hands on her, and she was instantly healed. in the spring of , i was called, with ten other families of payson, to help settle the uinta country. i sold my home, bought two good teams, and loaded up my things; then going to salt lake city, i reported to president young for specific instructions. after a long talk, in which he seemed pleased with my labors, he told me the indians had become hostile, and he should release those who had been called. he advised that i return to payson and buy another home. i did so, trading my teams for a house and lot and ten acres of farm land. i also rented a ranch, with twenty cows and a flock of sheep, for three years, of james mcclellan. during the summer i picked up sixty calves, to be kept on halves. i also married as second wife. miss lydia knight, daughter of newell knight, a life long trusted friend of the prophet joseph smith. everything that i touched seemed to prosper, and i was happy--but the "best-laid plans of mice and men gang aft agley." in the fall, i was called, in connection with my brother franklin w., who at that time was bishop of payson, to go to dixie. i purchased two yoke of oxen and a big wagon. my brother franklin w. accompanied me as far as toquer, where we parted. i going to the santa clara, i bought an indian farm situated on the creek just below the old mission fort. i worked hard during days, fencing with timber that grew on the place. the long evenings i spent in grubbing the heavy sage and squaw brush that covered a great portion of the farm. my wives, albina, and lydia, would pile the brush, and keep up fires so that i could see to work. we were ambitious to make a good home; and the only capital we had was health, strong-arms, and resolute will. just as i had completed the fence, and had several acres ready for plowing, the big flood came like a thief in the night. the wall of water, which was ten to fifteen feet high, struck the west side of the fort, a rock structure two hundred feet square, in which several families were living. the solid wall stood as a dam, causing the stream to divide the greater part following the creek channel to the south, but a sheet of water four or five feet deep spewing over the creek bank, and running along the fort wall until it came to the north side, where it swept through the gate like a mill race, flooding the inside of the fort to a man's armpits. such were the conditions when the inmates of the fort were awakened to their peril. the alarm was given to those living outside of the fort; and soon all the men, and some of the women, were gathered at the point of danger. the first care was to rescue the women and children. inside the fort, the water was comparatively still, so that men were able to move around as they wished; but as they approached the gate, no man unassisted could stem the current. to remedy this, a rope was passed from a tree on the outside, through the gate, and made fast to a post on the inside. by holding to this line, men could pass in and out; the women and children were then taken on the men's shoulders and carried to a place of safety. the rescue was scarcely accomplished, before another danger faced us; for by this time the high tide of the flood had passed; and the channel of the creek, which had also become enlarged, sucked the water from the overflowed flats, strengthened the current in the creek, undermining its banks, and caving them in. suddenly the southwest corner of the fort, ira hatch's home, fell into the flood, sweeping away everything he owned. other families suffered, but he, taken by surprise, lost all. across the creek from the fort was a little grist mill owned by jacob hamblin. father chamberlain, the aged miller, with two grandchildren, a boy and a girl, were living in a dugout near the mill. the first they knew of it, a stream of water was pouring in upon them. they succeeded, however, in emerging from the trap, and climbing a near-by tree, where they passed the night in terror. in the morning they waded to a high spot on the mill-race, and none too soon, for both the tree they had climbed, and the mill, were carried away. it was three days before the water fell sufficiently for ira hatch and myself to wade across and rescue them. during the summer preceding the flood, the clara indian missionaries had labored in the united order. the northwest corner room of the fort had been used by them for a granary. here they had two hundred bushels of wheat unsacked. it was agreed that all hands should assist in carrying out the wheat; while i stood, lantern in hand, to signal any danger from the encroaching flood. one hundred seventy-five bushels had been saved, when i gave the alarm. the men came out at once: and ten minutes later the room caved in. we felt that we had done all that could be done; and the men being nearly exhausted, and chilled to the bone, went to their homes. the rope that was used at the gate had been taken down, coiled, and hung on samuel knight's gate. jacob hamblin begged me to hold the light, while he moved a pile of cord-wood, and said when that was done, he would go and rest. he had moved about half of the pile, when a large block of earth on which he stood, dropped into the flood. i called for help. joseph knight ran to me, catching the rope in his hand as he came. at the bank i held the light so that we might peer into the seething waters below. so much earth had fallen that it pushed the water back; and we saw jacob clinging desperately to snapping roots. brother knight rapidly made a noose and dropped it over his head and shoulders. hamblin then grabbed the rope, and we pulled him from the jaws of death; for no man could have lived long in that torrent of mud and water. during the damp and rainy weather that accompanied the flood, our little son, john t., took the croup, and after several days of terrible suffering, died. this was our first life sorrow, and the blow was a heavy one. the old fort and town having been washed away, a new town was laid out under the direction of apostle erastus snow. i secured a city lot, and some farm land, and went to work again. in the spring of i was called by the bishop of the clara ward to drive an ox team to omaha on the missouri river, to get some cotton gins and spinning jennies for the benefit of the ward. leaving my family camped in a tent, i responded to the call, driving my own team, and crossing the plains in john r. murdock's train. at omaha i found my brother joseph w., who had charge of the church immigration, lying at the point of death. he had been knocked down by lightning, and nearly crushed to death by baled wagon beds that were blown upon him during the terrible storm. under the blessing of god, and with careful nursing, his life was preserved. for three weeks i aided in purchasing teams for the immigrants, and brought up the rear end of that year's emigration. after all our companies had started back, i received orders, by telegram from president young, to buy more teams and wagons and to clear out the church warehouse at florence. on the th of august i started for salt lake with twenty-two wagons and teams, but only ten teamsters; and we traveled one hundred miles before i got additional help. on elm creek, while on the move, we were charged by a stampeded herd of buffalo, estimated at three thousand head. it was with great difficulty that we turned them aside, and kept the train from being run over and trampled to pieces. during the combat, one of my night guard was dismounted, and his mule, a fine animal, ran off with the buffalo. as soon as the train was safe, a young man by the name of stewart, and i, followed the herd, stampeded them again, and riding into the heaving, rolling mass, secured the mule, and also succeeded in cutting out three oxen and a cow that we found running with them. two of the oxen were large, fine fellows, and were very helpful in my team. upon reaching salt lake city, i gave them to bishop hunter, as a donation to the perpetual emigration fund, and they were used for years on the temple block, to move the blocks of granite that were placed in the temple walls. near fort laramie we overtook captain william h. dame's train of fifty wagons. as he was prostrate with mountain fever, we blended the trains, and i took charge of them until we reached fort bridger. when i reached salt lake city, president young gave me a beautiful canadian mare, which the church had furnished me to use on the plains; and he gave me, moreover, his blessing as a reward for my services. at provo, i found my wife lydia with a sweet babe--lydia roseana--in her arms. i gave mother knight a cooking stove for her kindness to me and mine. jesse, my wife lydia's brother, wished to go to the clara; so i employed him to drive my ox team, for which service i gave him a french pony, valued at seventy-five dollars. he was a noble boy, and i always loved him. it was late in the fall when i returned to the clara with the machinery i started for. in six months' time i had traveled twenty-eight hundred miles with my four yoke of oxen. i found albina and babe well, but still living--and without a murmur--in a tent. in , i was called by bishop edward bunker of the clara ward, to go to the states and help gather the poor. i had charge of ten teams from that ward. i drove my own team of four yoke of oxen. on the trip eastward we made part of daniel d. mcarthur's train. at florence i was appointed captain of an independent danish company of forty-four wagons. on the return trip we had several stampedes, in one of which two women and one man were killed. with that exception we were greatly prospered. i became very much attached to the danish people. my brother, lorenzo s., was with me, and was of great help to me. jeremiah stringham and family joined the company, and i learned to love him for his courage and fidelity. upon my return to the clara, i found my two wives living in a one-room adobe house that my brother-in-law, samuel knight, had built for them. in the fore part of the winter, william r. terry (my father-in-law) and i were requested by president erastus snow, to move to st. george. i promptly set about the work; putting up a small hewn-log house, then going to pine valley to make the shingles. while finishing the roof i received a letter from president young, calling me on a second mission to the sandwich islands. on march , , i started to salt lake city to fill this mission. i had been notified that i would need to raise four hundred fifty dollars. i therefore sold my ox teams, and otherwise raised all the money i could before starting. albina and children went with me to draper, where i left her with her father. the weather was unusually stormy, and the roads were bad. on march st we camped on pioneer creek, near fillmore. for the first time in my life my children cried for bread, when i had none to give them. early in the morning, however, sister mcfate, a widow, came along and sold me five pounds of flour. at round valley brethren were owing me twenty-five bushels of wheat; but i could not get a bushel, nor a dollar in cash. bishop jesse martin came to my rescue and generously helped me out of his own pocket. april , , i stayed over night with bishop william mcbride, of santaquin. in the evening a heavy snow storm swept over the place; and while we were in his home at supper, a pair of valuable navajo blankets were stolen from my wagon. i immediately got out a search warrant, and early next morning, with the constable, commenced search. learning that a man had left town before daylight, we followed him through payson to spanish fork, where we caught him with the blankets. he was tried, convicted, and fined ninety dollars. on sunday, april , , i reached battle creek, and visited my brother-in-law, william frampton. in the night my horses got out of the stable and strayed off. i hunted four days for them, then gave them up. our friends took us to the city. on friday, april , , forty-six missionaries met in the historian's office and were set apart for their respective missions. apostle wilford woodruff blessed me as follows: "brother john r. young, in the name of the lord jesus christ, and by virtue of the holy priesthood, we lay our hands upon your head and set you apart unto the mission whereunto you have been called by the servants of our god; to lift up your warning voice, to preach the gospel to the children of men. "we say, go in peace, bearing precious seed; go trusting in god. call upon him day by day and night by night. follow the dictates of the holy spirit in this ministry and mission; and inasmuch as you will do this, the blessings of the heavens will rest upon you. and you shall rejoice before the most high, because of the blessing that will be given unto you in this mission, in bearing the responsibility with your brethren in laboring to build up the kingdom of god, to warn the nations of the earth, to search out the honest in heart wherever you may be sent, to gather the people to zion. we dedicate you unto god, and set you apart for this great and glorious mission. "you shall go forth in peace and be preserved upon the land and upon the water. while the land is full of danger, and these dangers will increase, trust in the lord, and all will be well with you. you shall do a good work, and bring many souls into the kingdom of god; and you shall increase in wisdom and the gifts of god. "when your mission is ended you shall return in peace and joy to your family and friends. we seal upon you every blessing you can desire in righteousness, and ask our heavenly father to preserve you, to give his angels charge concerning you, and enable you to do much good in your day and generation. all these blessings, together with all you may need and require, we confer upon you in the name of the lord. jesus christ. amen." elder benjamin cluff was set apart to be my companion. brothers abram hatch, john t. caine, f. a. mitchell, richard white, and uncle brigham were liberal in helping me on this mission. chapter . miss carmichael's parting words.--san francisco.--orson pratt's prophecy. sail for hawaii.--delivered from the hands of a wicked man.--visit walter m. gibson.--view kawaimanu. wednesday, april , . i spent the day visiting my dear mother, and passed the night beneath my father's hospitable roof. miss s. e. carmichael wrote "a parting word to my friend john r. young:" my words are seldom strong, or bright, a woman's tones are low, and 'tis not much a hand so slight can offer thee, i know, 'tis like the quivering breath that wakes where forest leaves are stirred, yet from a friend's true heart it takes to thee, a parting word, remember. remember--hope in thy sorrow, remember--faith in thy prayer, remember--the bright tomorrow that dawns on the night's despair, remember--the hearts that love thee are with thee--everywhere. remember--the path of duty when other paths seem fair, remember--the truth's white beauty when weak illusions glare. and should the world defy thee alone its strength to dare, remember--heaven is nigh thee, remember--god is there. a friend's kind thoughts attend thy way where e'er that way may be, and so i make remember, a parting word to thee. on april , in company with elder benjamin cluff, i took stage for sacramento. we were six days and nights, jolting across the dusty, rut cut deserts. at austin and egan mining camps, nevada, hay was two hundred dollars per ton and flour cents per pound. on may th we reached san francisco, where we met apostles lorenzo snow and ezra t. benson, returning from the islands. they had cut walter m. gibson off the church, and appointed joseph f. smith president of the mission. i also met and spent six days with apostle orson pratt. he was on his way to austria to introduce the gospel to that nation. he telegraphed to president young to see if my mission could be changed, so that i could accompany him. it was thought best, however, for me to continue on to the islands. sunday, may , , i accompanied brother pratt in a walk to the summit of the high cliff west of the city. we found a secluded crevice and knelt in prayer. he seemed oppressed in spirit, grieving perhaps, over the infidelity of his son orson. while he was talking, the spirit of the lord came upon him; and he upbraided the inhabitants of san francisco, and prophesied that the city should be destroyed by earthquake. on tuesday, may , , we sailed second cabin on the bark onward, hempstead, captain. brother cluff and i occupied one room with a missourian named mccarty, said to be suffering with consumption. he was a large, raw-boned man, of a quarrelsome disposition. one day captain hempstead invited us three to have seats on the upper deck with the first-cabin passengers. the reason for this courtesy was soon apparent. among the cabin passengers were several ministers; and they wanted a little diversion at the expense of the mormon elders. a warm discussion ensued. it was asserted that the mormons were driven from missouri and illinois on account of their thieving and lawless acts. in my defense i challenged the proof of a single dishonest deed, and testified that joseph and hyrum were innocent, and that they were murdered in cold blood. mr. mccarty became angry, and boasted that he helped kill joseph and hyrum smith. i told him then that by his own confession he was a murderer, and that the curse of god was upon him. he would have struck me, but the captain interfered, and made him behave. about midnight of the th of may, i was awakened by mccarty. he was sitting on a stool, in front of his bunk; the full moon shining through the window giving him a white, ghastly appearance. he told me to get up and get him a drink. i replied that the guard passed the door every five minutes and would wait upon him. he seized a butcher knife, sprang to his feet, and swore he would cut the heart out of me. i was lying in the middle bunk, and had but little room in which to move, and nothing with which to defend myself; but i felt i would rather die than do his bidding. i therefore silently asked god to deliver me from his power. he took one step forward, threw up both hands, and fell backwards. i sprang from the bunk, and raised his head, but the man was dead. brother cluff called the guard, who soon brought the captain and the doctor. the latter said he died of heart failure. in the morning they sewed him up in a canvas, a cannon ball at his feet. i stood by the taff rail, and saw the body slide off the plank; and as i watched it sink into the depths of the ocean, i rejoiced that i had borne a faithful testimony of god's martyred prophets, and was truly grateful that i had been delivered from the hands of a wicked man. at honolulu, where we arrived june th, we were warmly welcomed by elders joseph f. smith, william w. cluff, and the native saints. in council it was decided that i should visit mr. gibson on lanai, and if possible, recover some church property that he had possession of, then join elder a. l. smith on maui, and with him visit the saints and reorganize the branches of the church on maui and hawaii. on the th of june, i wrote my brother franklin w., as follows: "i am waiting for a vessel to lahaina. my first labor will be to visit mr. gibson, and try to get back several hundred books of mormon that he got possession of when he first came. he has proved to be a deceitful though shrewd and capable man, possessed of one absorbing idea, that of founding an empire of the pacific islands. for that purpose he joined the church, asked for a mission, and commenced at once his empire building. "to raise money, he made merchandise of the priesthood. under his "dispensation," he ordained all the saints, both men and women. to be an apostle cost one hundred dollars, a deacon, five dollars. he sold our meetinghouses, making lanai the only place where the word of the lord could be given to the people. "clothed in his temple robes, he publicly laid the foundation of a temple, using for the chief corner stone, a huge boulder that had drunk the blood of many a victim, sacrificed by the idol worshipers of lanai. he then covered the stone with brush and tabooed it, giving out that if anyone uncovered it, he would be smitten with death. "while apostles snow and benson were laboring with gibson, trying to bring him to repentance. elders joseph f. and alma l. smith, w. w. cluff, and talula, mr. gibson's daughter, visited the temple site; and brother cluff, with impious hands, pulled the brush away, and left the "consecrated" slaughter rock exposed to rain and sun. "mr. gibson had used the old heathen hale pule site for the purpose of working upon the superstitions of the islanders. in their fear he had enshrined himself as a god. coming into his presence they would prostrate themselves in the dust of the earth, and await his bidding to arise. "but now in a moment, all his power had been swept away. from their doors they had seen elder cluff _desecrate the tabooed stone_, and return to them unharmed. the charm was broken. mr. gibson was cut off the church, and his polynesian empire soon dissolved. from this on, he will be a crownless king, without a kingdom." from lahaina i crossed to lanai in a whale boat. i stayed a week with mr. gibson. he surrendered to me five hundred books of mormon, his temple clothes, and a watch that my father had given to him. i recrossed the channel to maui--as usual in a whale boat--and found elder a. l. smith anxious to learn the success of my mission. while waiting for dinner, i wrote: lines to albina. this little card on which is traced the image of a lovely rose, was given me, by one who shared my brightest joys, my deepest woes. it is to me a priceless gem, a token dearly prized, as emblematic of the life of one i idolize. i'll place it with my choicest books, there shall it linger long to mark the place where i may look on a favorite author's song. and when bright words and noble thoughts kindle my soul aglow, i'll think of my wife, as i gaze on the rose that is traced on the card below. very dear to me, are the little gifts that richer men oft spurn. they speak to me of the honest love a humble life may earn. i will gather them up as flowers that bloom beside the pathway of life; leaves of affection, wafted from home, and kissed by the breath of a wife. on june , , we sailed on the schooner kilauea for hawaii. on the th, we arrived at kapaliuka and were warmly welcomed by brother kanaha and his wife nakiaielua. i have taken much interest in this family, on account of their strength of character. when gibson came, kanaha had no faith in him, and refused to gather to lanai, or to deed his home to him. for these sins he was cut off the church. but he continued to hold meetings and kept his little flock together until we came. when the old man met us, he wept with joy; and we were equally rejoiced to see his integrity and manhood. this branch has been replete with interesting incidents. here, during our first coming, elder hawkins had been shamefully mobbed. here ward e. pack, cast the devil out of two catholic priests who had incited natives to mob him. the act of casting out had greatly amused the kanakas. monday, july , , at waipio. we started on foot for kawaimanu (flying water), a secluded mountain village, seldom visited by white men, a very fertile glade fifteen miles north of waipio. we had to climb a pali two thousand feet in height: a solid rock wall almost perpendicular. when about half way to the top, we stepped to the side of the narrow trail and looked down on the sea that washed the rock below us. the sight made my head dizzy, and i hurriedly drew back. our path led over the mountain, near some celebrated waterfalls. i wrote: our meal of poi, pakai, and shrimps, in silence we partake, then with a guide to lead the way, the mountain path we take, narrow and winding in its course, and difficult to find. the vale below is growing small, as upward still we climb. and now great drops of sweat appear upon the traveler's brow; reminding me of summer days when following the plow. surprised, we meet a mountain maid, wild, indian-like, and free; around her waist a shirt is tied-- the custom here, you see. she meets us with a smiling face-- "which way, strangers?" asked she. "we're going to kawaimanu, the waterfalls to see." breathless we reach the mountain crest, where dark winged clouds oft fly; and seldom can the traveler pass and keep his jacket dry. the natives call it "pele's tears"-- full often doth she weep, till torrents gushing from her eyes roll thundering down the steeps. for "pele's" home--at kilauea, in a burning lake of fire, where demons wild, in hideous form, are ever hovering nigh her. but why she weeps, they cannot tell; unless to quench her fever, or else to drown the mystic yells of fiends who never leave her. through forests dense our guide doth lead, and vales of tangled fern, so green that neibaur's match receipt would fail to make them burn. the clouds are dark'ning o'er our heads; and yonder on our right, the craggy peaks in vapors black are hidden from our sight. hurrah, we see the waterfall-- three thousand feet or more from cliff to cliff three noble streams their foaming waters pour. they're leaping from the battling clouds that clothe in darkness now, the storm-scarred cliffs, and snow-crowned peaks of mauna keas brow. in foaming sheets, the cloud streams leap, sending back roar for roar, in answer to the deafening crash that peals from ocean's shore. the music of the universe is never silent here-- by day or night the sea surf's song rings in the peasant's ear. and when i wake, and gaze upon the authors of that song, i see the ocean's vast expanse; the mountains bulwark strong. for endless ages they have stood: eternities to come, may listen to waimanus flood, and the ocean's ceaseless song. after crossing twelve deep canyons and descending a pali half a mile in height, we reached the village and were kindly entertained by the few saints who reside here. we held three meetings, baptized three persons, and organized a branch of the church. we remained one month on hawaii, visiting the saints and organizing branches to the best of our ability. on the . th of august we sailed for maui, and landed on the th at malia. here we met president joseph f. smith, who in those days, as now, was always active, and thoughtful for others. he met us on the beach with horses, and a hearty welcome. a two hours' ride brought us to waialuku, where i received several home letters. the cheerfulness of my family was a comfort to me. as the gentle dews of heaven give life, beauty, and freshness to the flowers of the field, so good news from loved ones cheers, animates, and strengthens my heart, fills my bosom with joy, and makes me a happier, and i hope, a better man. chapter . conference at wailuku.--return to honolulu.--sail for home.--man overboard. on sunday, august , , a conference was held at wailuku, with sixty members present. arrangements were made to build a new meetinghouse, gibson having sold the old one which was built ten years ago. president joseph f. smith testified that the saints, in following mr. gibson's teaching, had departed from the gospel of jesus christ, and had become darkened in their minds. "as soon as you manifest works meet for repentance," said he, "we will let you renew your covenants by baptism, and then we will place upon you the responsibility of preaching the gospel to this nation." monday, august , . i had the pleasure of accompanying president smith on a visit to elder george raymond at waihu. after dinner, we rode up to the mountain, following a deep canyon, until we came to a beautiful orange grove, the property of george raymond. the native brethren asked president smith to rebaptize them. the request was granted, and i went into the water, a pure mountain stream, and baptized kanahunahupu, george raymond, and kapule, three intelligent and staunch defenders of the gospel. we next confirmed and blessed them. on the th, i accompanied president smith to lahaina and visited his excellency, governor kauwahi. he was once an active elder in the church, and aided president george q. cannon in translating the book of mormon. on the th president smith sailed for honolulu. alma l. smith went to east maui, while i labored in the vicinity of lahaina. on saturday, sister mary kou, my makau honi, (adopted mother) was thrown from a horse and seriously injured. i administered to her, and she was instantly healed. on sunday, september , , i received a letter from my brother franklin w., enclosing a twenty dollar greenback, for which i was very thankful. brother alma l. smith returned from east maui. we labored together, visiting the saints, earnestly desiring their welfare. we were diligent, holding many meetings, bearing testimonies, and administering to the sick. by letter from president smith, we were instructed to arrange our labors so as to visit honolulu about the th of this month. friday, september rd, we sailed for that city on the steamer kilauea, deck passage, reaching there on the th. we were kindly, received by president joseph f. smith and william w. cluff. september th we held a council meeting. a letter from president young was read, suggesting that elders joseph f. smith, william w. cluff, and alma l. smith return home, and that john r. young preside over the mission, assisted by benjamin cluff. at this time my family was residing at st. george, and their destitute condition preyed upon my mind. in associating with the brethren, i had read my home letters to them. the spirit of these letters, cheerful and self-sacrificing under severe trials, enlisted the sympathy of the brethren; and it was decided in council that i should return home. therefore, on wednesday, october , , in company with joseph f. smith, william w. cluff, and sister albion burnham and three children, i sailed on the bark onward for san francisco. sister burnham was the widow of george albion burnham, who had received the gospel during the opening of the mission by president george q. cannon and his co-laborers. brother burnham had been valiant in defense of the elders. at a period of cruel persecution in honolulu; and his manly battle in rescuing phillip b. lewis and william farrar from the hands of a drunken mob, endeared him and his family to the elders of the hawaiian mission. on our second mission we found the widow in the depths of poverty, and resolved, on our release, to take the family home with us. to this end, president smith gave me fifty dollars from the salt lake mission fund to aid in gathering sister burnham. on saturday, october th we were still in sight of land, about eighty miles north of oahu: no wind, a calm sea, and a full moon making a beautiful evening. at ten p.m., i was sitting on deck talking with the mate, mr. ferrier, when i noticed that the man on the forward watch acted strangely. i said to the mate, "that man wants to jump overboard." in a few minutes i went to my room, and had just taken off my shoes when i heard the mate call, "a man overboard!" i ran on deck, seized a rope, and threw it to the man, striking him on the head. he looked at me, and swam from the ship. i ran up the rigging, and watched him until a boat was lowered. then i gave directions to the captain, and he with a speaking trumpet, directed the crew, until they picked him up. the man's name was barstowe. the next morning mr. ferrier harpooned two sharks, one of them over eleven feet long--not a very pleasant prospect for a would-be suicide. our passage was long and tedious, owing to the many calms that overtook us; yet on november th it became evident that we were nearing land; for the water had lost its clear blue color, and was becoming black and filthy. that day we saw a school of porpoises, rushing to and fro as if frightened, and casting up a wall of white spray as far north as the eye could see. we also saw several whales. it is a novel sight--these huge monsters sporting in the mighty deep, lashing the waves with their fan-shaped tails, and spouting columns of water high into the air! at noon the wind sprang up from the north, and steadily increased until at nine p.m. it blew a gale. the sea became very rough, the waves dashing over the cabin deck in great violence, and causing dishes and boxes to be rolled in confusion over the cabin floor. at midnight the storm suddenly ceased, and we could hear the waves breaking on a distant shore. the captain sounded, and finding we were in shoal water, cast anchor and waited for daylight. on saturday, november , , at six a.m., a heavy fog was hanging over us. we could hear bells ringing, and see several red lights. at nine o'clock the fog lifted, and i counted twenty ships anchored near us. at ten, a light wind from the north enabled the fleet to pass through the golden gate into a beautiful bay; and at three p.m. we lay along side the wharf at san francisco. as heretofore, we found a warm welcome at brother dwight eveleth's home. in the evening, i witnessed for the first time, a political torch-light procession. it was said forty thousand people were on the street rejoicing at abraham lincoln's re-election. soon after our arrival, president young telegraphed us to wait until the th. in the meanwhile i crossed the bay to visit the honorable john m. horner, to me a wonderful man. mr. horner told me that when he was a boy joseph the prophet, and oliver cowdery had called on the horner family. john m. wanted to visit with the young prophet; but his father insisted that he finish hoeing a piece of corn given him as a stint. joseph, on learning of it, took off his coat, asked for a hoe, and helped finish the task. the sequel: john m. horner was baptized by oliver cowdery, and confirmed and blessed by joseph smith, who predicted that the earth should yield abundantly at brother horner's behest. in california, brother horner at one time paid a tithe of twenty thousand dollars, the fruit of agriculture. contemplating this remarkable piece of history, i wrote a poem, "the young men's pledge," which is published in the appendix of this volume. on the th of november, having returned to san francisco, i learned from sister margaret curtis of salt lake--with the aid of her models--to cut dresses; and while selling models, i did considerable missionary work. as a new departure, elder cluff and i visited an organized community of harlots, taking tea with them, and holding a meeting. i spoke with great freedom, assuring my fallen sisters that the gospel of jesus christ would correct all the evils of society, giving honorable companionship and lawful motherhood to every intelligent woman in the world. on sunday, november , , i met elders francis a. hammond and george nebeker direct from salt lake city on their way to the islands, to select and purchase a gathering place for the hawaiian saints. it seemed a wise movement, and i hoped it would prosper. in council, it was arranged for elder joseph f. smith and william w. cluff to go home by stage, while i took their baggage, and sister burnham and children, and worked my way home by way of san bernardino. on wednesday november rd. we sailed on the bark j. b. ford, under captain knife, for san pedro. we encountered heavy storms, and were nine days making a four-day voyage. on the th, i was afflicted with severe pain in my back and left side. after i had suffered twelve hours, the disease settled in my bowels, and brought on vomiting and cramping. for three days i took large doses of laudanum, and poulticed my body with mustard. i finally lost my speech, but knew everything going on around me. i heard the captain tell the steward to have the canvas and cannon ball ready, so they could bury me without delay. it grieved me to die away from home, and i prayed earnestly that t might live. when they went out of my room, an elderly person, dressed in home-made clothes, came in. he knelt down by me, and, placing his hands upon my head, blessed me. i went to sleep, and when i awoke, it was morning. i dressed, and went on deck, to the surprise of the captain. i have always believed that the person who visited me was my grandfather young, and that his administration preserved my life. on saturday, december nd, we landed at wilmington, near san pedro. i gave mr. pedro a freighter, twenty dollars to haul us to san bernardino, where we arrived on december th. here we were kindly cared for by brother and sister kelting. after resting a few days i hired a room for sister burnham, while i found a home with the family of colonel alden a. m. jackson. toward spring george garner went to utah with several loads of honey. i persuaded him to haul sister burnham and children to my home in st. george, and brother smith's and cluff's baggage to payson. through my efforts brother jackson caught the spirit of gathering, purchased two teams, and sister jackson and two daughters moved to st. george. i drove one of the teams for my passage home. needless to say, my return was a pleasant surprise to my family. the people in dixie were having a hard struggle. flour was twenty-five dollars a hundred; my family had only a week's provisions in the house, and where the next would come from they did not know. for months they had been without fire-wood, save as they went to the hills, grubbed up brush and carried it home. i applied at the tithing office at st. george for provisions for sister burnham, but they did not have it. i then got a team and moved sister burnham and family to parowan, where bishop wilham h. dame cheerfully undertook to care for them. returning to st. george, i went to work to support my family; but i had scarcely time to put in a few acres of wheat before i was called to serve in a military capacity. the black hawk war was spreading terror among our southeastern frontier settlements, causing many of them to be abandoned. i enrolled in captain willis copeland's company of scouts, and was elected first lieutenant. i aided colonel j. l. peirce in moving the settlers from long valley and kanab. as soon as that task was accomplished, i was called to labor among the indians, and spent the summer with jacob hamblin and john mangum in cultivating friendly relations with the kaibab tribes. during the winter of , with jacob hamblin, ira hatch, thales haskel, and others, i visited the moqui indians. the trip was fraught with hardship and danger, as the navajos were on the warpath. on our return trip, we crossed the colorado on a flood-wood raft. there were forty-seven men in the company, and we had to make five trips, which took all day. i worked from morning till night on the raft, my feet in the cold water and my body perspiring from exertion. that night i was seized with cramping colic. in the morning we had to move on, as we were out of provisions. it hurt me to ride on horseback, but i had to do so or be left to die. at kanab they found the running gears of an old wagon. on this they put two poles, and swung me in a hammock between them; then making harness of ropes, they hauled me to washington, my home. they had given me twenty-two pills and a pint of castor oil; and i carried that load in my stomach nine days without relief. doctors israel ivins and silas g. higgins came from st. george five days in succession, then gave me up. bishop covington, a dear friend, came and dedicated me, that i might die without further suffering. but my wife albina would not relinquish me. she sent for a humble elder, albert tyler, and when he came, they two administered to me, and i was instantly healed. for some time i had been unconscious, but i awoke, as it were, from a dream. i wanted to get up, but my wife, with tears of joy, persuaded me to rest until morning. then i dressed, and rode in a lumber wagon to st. george, to attend the stake conference. on november , , i was ordained a high priest, and set apart to act as a high councilor in the st. george stake, by apostle erastus snow, who had been ordained an apostle by brigham young, who had been ordained an apostle by joseph smith and the three witnesses on february , . joseph smith was ordained an apostle by peter, james and john, and they were ordained apostles by the son of god himself. in i went to pine valley and drove five yoke of oxen as a logging team for bishop robert gardner. in i rented eli whipple's saw mill. soon after, on attending conference at st. george, i was called to the stand by president young, who gave me a seat by his side, talked kindly to me, made many inquiries in regard to my financial circumstances, advised me not to work in the saw mill, as i was not strong enough for that kind of labor, and said if i would move to washington, he would give me labor in the factory he was building. i returned to pine valley, made settlement with brother whipple, and was released from the mill. i next sold my little farm on the clara for six hundred dollars, and moved to washington, where i labored three years in the cotton factory at good wages. on the th of may, , william r. terry, my wife albina's father, died at st. george. he had ever been a help to me. when i was on missions he farmed my land, and cared for my family as if they were his own. in his death, i lost one of my best counselors and my truest friend. in the meantime, my brother joseph w. had been appointed president of the st. george stake. i was sincerely attached to him, and his counsel had great weight with me. by his request, i took my families, albina and tamar, to the pipe spring ranch, near kanab, and boarded the workmen who were building windsor fort. when that building was erected, joseph w. desired me to make a home at kanab. at first i felt reluctant to do so for i had built a large rock house at washington, just west of the cotton factory. it was a pleasant situation. my family was beginning to be comfortable, our vineyard was bearing fruit, and i dreaded to break up and begin pioneer life again. while in this state of mind, my cousins joseph a., and brigham young, and ferra m. little visited our southern settlements. it was decided to make a trip to kanab. ferra m. and james a. little, joseph a. and brigham young, joseph w. and john r. young--brothers in pairs and all cousins--comprised the party. the climate and soil of kanab being adapted for fruit, and there being excellent facilities for stock raising, the town gave promise of becoming a place of considerable importance. accordingly joseph w., joseph a., ferra and james a. secured city lots, and i also yielded to the influence. having secured a building spot, i immediately moved to kanab, fenced four lots and planted a vineyard. about this time the line between utah and nevada was surveyed, and the settlements on the muddy proved to be in nevada. the nevada assessor at once visited our settlements and required the people to pay the back taxes for the five years they had been there. president young promptly advised breaking up the settlements rather than pay the unjust tax. i sent a four-horse team to assist the saints in moving away. many of them, who still had homes in utah, were counseled to return to them; those not so fortunate were advised to make homes in long valley. being called to go to long valley to assist joseph w., i sold my home at washington for eighteen hundred dollars, and invested in a saw mill, and a ranch near it. in the spring of , my brother joseph w., with a company of brethren, was working a road over the "devil's backbone," near lee's ferry, arizona, when he received a partial sunstroke, from which he never fully recovered. he was further prostrated by overwork, taking stock and branding cattle at the church pipe spring ranch. being conveyed to his home at st. george, he was tenderly nursed by his family and friends. he suffered much, and became very weak in body; but his mind remained clear and active to the end. my brother was superintendent of the building of the st. george temple, and felt great anxiety in regard to that work. the telegrams i received of his condition at length alarmed me. saddling my horse, and being accompanied by my father-in-law, w. m. black, i went to st. george, and stayed with him thereafter until he died. on meeting me, he rejoiced, saying i had saved his life at florence; and if it could be done, i would save it again. in private, he told me that a messenger had visited him and told him that his name had been presented before a council of the priesthood behind the veil; that a man of experience, of integrity, and of purity of life was wanted for the ministry in the spirit world; that he (joseph) had one blemish. he had not strictly kept the word of wisdom as he had always used tea. he then expressed a wish to be carried to salt lake city before he died. i consulted president alexander f. mcdonald, and doctor higgins. the former advised me to be careful and not do anything i should regret in after life. doctor higgins said that if he was moved it would kill him. i told joseph what these brethren said. he took hold of my hand and replied, "johnny, i know what i am doing, and while i live i shall preside. will you carry out my wishes, or must i get someone else to serve me?" i promised to do all that he wished me to do. he then gave minute directions how to fix his wagon and how to arrange a spring bed for him to ride on. i proposed to make a litter and have brethren from the different settlements carry him by relays, but he over-ruled me. everything was consequently done as he desired. the first day we moved him to washington, and he stood the ride well. the next day, while crossing the harrisburg bench, we encountered a hot wind, which seemed to smother him. i saw that he was failing, and asked if we should turn back. he raised his head, looked around and said no, but to drive on as long as he lived. in due time we reached harrisburg, and camped under some large shade trees. here president alexander f. mcdonald and david h. cannon drove up in a buggy. brother mcdonald went to joseph and spoke about some dispatches he had just received from arizona while i went to care for the team. in a few minutes brother mcdonald called me, and i saw that joseph was dying. i raised him a little and held him in my arms. he motioned for his wife lurana to come, and having embraced her, put her gently away, and took hold of my hand. his mind now began to wander. "brethren," he said, "be careful on that temple wall, and don't let the chisel fall." these were the last words of joseph w. young. we returned to st. george, and all the people mourned. i telegraphed for his wife julia and sister harriet, who traveled by team a hundred miles, through the heat, sand, and dust, to get one last look at the loved one's remains. his death occurred on june , . john w. young was appointed his successor in the presidency of the st. george stake. chapter . united order.--indian troubles.--mission to england. in the winter of and president young visited dixie, and taught the people the principles of the united order. i received a letter from him requesting me to meet him at rockville. i took my son ferra, then a lad of eight years, and crossed the mountain on horseback. the snow was three feet deep on the divide, and the weather stormy. in fact, we faced a blizzard for eight hours. when we reached rockville, the afternoon meeting was in session, the house being packed, and people standing in the aisles. president young, having called me to the stand, and there being no room to pass, the brethren lifted me up and i walked forward from shoulder to shoulder. the interest in the president's message was intense, and the awakening general in the south. i attended ten meetings and listened to the prophet at every one of them. how great was my joy! i felt that an era of prosperity and happiness had dawned upon the saints. how pointed and rich were the instructions! "give your hearts to god." "do unto others as you would have others do unto you." "the way the world does business is a sin before god." "if you are not one in temporal things, how can you be one in spiritual things?" all these utterances, it seemed to me, pointed to the happy time when there would be no poor in zion, and the idler should not eat the bread of the laborer. i received a written appointment, signed by brigham young and george a. smith, authorizing and instructing me to visit our southeastern frontier settlements and organize them into working companies in the united order; the object being to enable them to become self-sustaining by encouraging home production. with bishop levi stewart i visited and organized the pahreah branch. i also organized working companies at glendale and mt. carmel in long valley. i was sustained as president of the working companies in kanab, while levi stewart was sustained as bishop of the ward. this was wrong in principle, and led to division, retarding the growth of the ward. in the winter of , four navajos, the sons of a chief, were on a visit to the utes. on the return trip, as they were camped one morning in a deserted house in circle valley, they were set upon by some stockmen, led by mr. mccarty, and three of the indians were killed. the fourth one was severely wounded, an ounce ball having passed clear through his body, just below the shoulder blades; yet he lived, traveled one hundred miles over mountains and deep snow, swam the colorado river, reached his home, and told his story. the navajos believed the mormons to be the perpetrators of this cruel tragedy. two mormon families and a few indian missionaries were living at the moancopy and mawaby. peokon, a war chief, visited these and demanded two hundred head of cattle as pay for their murdered sons, and thirty days was given in which to get the stock. john l. blythe and ira hatch dispatched the word to bishop stewart and me, and we telegraphed it to president young. upon receipt of the message, john w. young telegraphed for me to raise a company of men and bring the families and all the missionaries to this side of the colorado river, and leave the navajos alone until they should learn who their friends are. andrew s. gibbons of glendale, thomas chamberlain of mt. carmel, and frank hamblin of kanab, with six men each, responded promptly to the call. we reached the moancopy two days before the time set by the navajos to make their onslaught. i found my task a hard and delicate one. jacob hamblin and john l. blythe were older and more experienced in frontier life than i. each of them, moreover, was presiding in some capacity over that particular mission, and so they were reluctant to yield to my counsel and suggestions. i have always felt thankful to frank hamblin and ira hatch; for, by reason of the loyal manner in which they supported me, the task was accomplished without loss or accident of any kind. this was my last labor in indian matters. in bishop stewart and i were released from our positions, and l. john nuttall of provo was sent to preside. i was disheartened at the way things had gone, and believing that my days of usefulness at kanab was ended, i returned to long valley, and associated myself with orderville united order. in this community i formed valued acquaintances and cherished friendships. the people were poor, humble, and prayerful, and therefore fruitful in faith and good works. had president brigham young lived, the history of that community would have been different. for the good i witnessed i have words of praise; for the faults, only charity and silence. the problems of cooperative labor, equal wages, and boardinghouse economy were not fairly tested; the future may give these questions a test under more favorable conditions. the fact is that in the death of brigham young, orderville lost its guiding star and pilot. in the spring of i was called on a mission to england. the health of my family was not good, and i felt sad at leaving them; but i responded to the call, trusting that the sacrifice would bring its blessing. on the th of april i started for england, in company with elder samuel claridge. we left home in a snow storm. the brethren of orderville, having given me a pair of carriage horses, i sold them to my brother william g. and thereby purchased a good outfit. our company of missionaries traveled in care of apostle joseph f. smith, going by rail to new york, then by cabin passage, first-class steamer, to liverpool. the journey both by land and sea was pleasant and interesting. upon reaching england, i was appointed to labor in wales, under the presidency of samuel leigh. he was ever kind and fatherly to me. on july , , in company with elder joseph w. taylor, i spent the day down in the dyfern coal mine. the pit is seven hundred feet deep and employs four hundred fifty hands--men, boys, and women. it has a thirty-horse-power steam engine, and forty-two horses down in the pit. the property is worth one million dollars. while in the mine we were joined by the government mine inspector from london. he was curious to hear a mormon elder preach, and prevailed upon the superintendent to signal the miners together, and devote an hour to a meeting. i spoke forty minutes on the first principles of the gospel, and its restoration. i found the welsh people warm-hearted and excitable. the history of the welsh saints abounds in incidents of marvelous healings and spiritual manifestations of god's power. august st i visited tredagar, and held meeting in st. george's hall. i preached to a large gathering of people, and two native elders followed me, bearing powerful testimonies. on september st i walked to merthyr and received the following telegram: "john r. young: president brigham young died yesterday, august th, at four p.m., of inflammation of the bowels, superinduced by cholera morbus. received cablegram this morning.--signed joseph f. smith." on sunday, september , , our meeting was well attended by saints from the neighboring branches. elders leigh, rowland, joseph w. taylor, walter j. lewis, and thomas f. howells from utah were present. the news of president young's death had spread, causing this gathering. the meetings were addressed by all the valley elders. the spirit of the lord was poured out upon us; and many comforting words were spoken. i bore testimony of the purity and prophetic power of brigham young's life, and the saints returned home, strengthened in their faith and determination to serve god. i labored four months in wales, and formed many pleasant acquaintances; but it would be unjust to name a few, when all were so kind to me. i walked eight hundred miles, preached seventy times, and wrote forty-five letters. i was satisfied with my work; i had been humble, faithful, and diligent; the result i left with my heavenly father. chapter . transferred to the bristol conference.--a remarkable woman.--my views of celestial marriage. on monday, october , , i bade goodbye to elder joseph h. parry--who had succeeded samuel leigh as president of the welsh conference--and to walter j. lewis, and the saints of cardiff, and went to bristol, where i was kindly received by president daniel jacobs. and now comes a repetition of my experience in wales. day after day, with carpet sack in hand, i walked alone; talking by the wayside, preaching whenever opportunity presented in churches, or in the open air, and yet we seemed to accomplish but little good. on october th, in company with president jacobs, i visited cheltenham. this is a beautiful city: broad, clean streets, elegant dwellings, and beautiful grounds. we lodged with brother james bishop. i became very much attached to this family. on october th, we walked ten miles to clifford mesne, visited john wadley, brother of william wadley of pleasant grove, utah. in the evening we visited father and mother wadley, and stayed over night with them. october th, we walked ten miles over a hilly, well-timbered country, and crossed over maiden hill, said to be the highest mountain in england; visited sister martha burris, at little dean hill. this sister has long been a member of the church, and keeps an open house for our elders, and has done so for the past years, yet her husband and only son are not in the church. i received letters from howard o. spencer and samuel claridge. october th, we visited father lerwell of east down, south molten, devonshire. he is an independent farmer, and has a good home. he made us welcome, and we stayed two weeks, holding evening and sabbath meetings in his large kitchen. it was a good time. i wrote a letter to thomas robertson, from which i copy: i have traveled far, i have traveled wide, from atlantic's shore to pacific's tide; yet of all i have seen, i love utah the best, and my orderville home, far away in the west. i know that in old england there are many lovely homes, where wealth and pleasure linger, and sorrow seldom comes. i see within the shady grove, the ivy-covered walls, and graveled walks, all lined with flowers, that lead to painted halls. the ostrich and the pea fowl are seen upon the lawn, displaying robes of beauty, as at creation's dawn; but round the park and palace are wall, and gate, and bar, cannon, and spear and halbert, accoutrements of war, and when the gate swings open, i see the glistening steel that speaks in tones of thunder, "behold the power we wield!" i look across the gateway, and catch a gleam of smoke that rises from a thatched roof, beneath a tangled copse. no voice of pleasure soundeth there--no graveled walk is seen-- no peacock strutting on the lawn as proud as egypt's queen! but there are rags, and naked feet, and cheeks all wan and pale! and hacking cough, and fretful voice of over-work and pain! o yes, it is a goodly thing to be a lordling born-- to have the serf, who tills the soil, bring in the wine and oil; but i would rather face the blast of nebo's snow-capped dome, than be a slave, and dwell within the proudest briton's home! on november th, i wrote to my daughter lydia: "i am glad that brother a-- and h-- have gone back to leeds. all who come to orderville hankering for 'leeks and onions, and the flesh pots of egypt' will assuredly be dissatisfied, and go away. it requires faith to enable a person to overcome selfishness; and all who gather there expecting to be made the lead horse in the team will be disappointed. and when the disappointment comes, it will cause them to feel that the water is not good, and they will sigh for the soft streams of ramaliah, and prefer to labor in the brick kilns of pharaoh on the shores of the silver reef. "there is one thing that i desire to see changed at orderville: that is the school system. how long shall we be penny-wise, and pound-foolish? the best man, the wisest, the one who wields the most influence in the community, should be placed at the head of the school department. it wants a man of good government, a man filled with the spirit of god. then will our children advance in mental culture and spiritual development; keeping pace with the spiritual growth so nobly manifested at orderville. "you are now fifteen years of age--in stature a woman. the mind ought to develop with the body. cultivate a taste for good reading. write as much as you can. be sure never to walk out nights. keep company with no man who presumes to take liberties with a lady. guard your chastity and virtue as you would your life. robbed of that, you are robbed indeed. "i believe there is not a man or woman in orderville who would, upon reflection, do a sinful act; but all are tempted, and in a thoughtless moment good people sometimes fall. sin brings us under bondage. purity is perpetuated only by eternal vigilance. in the beautiful morning of life guide your feet far from the paths of wantonness, and keep the lamp of prudence burning in your heart; so shall you end your days in peace." on thursday, november nd, we walked twelve miles to john hatt's, chalcutt hill, wilts. the walk was made disagreeable by heavy showers of rain, and terrific gales of wind. sister hatt is a tall, healthy-looking woman, fifty-four years of age, and the mother of fourteen living children. on november rd, i received from sister m. a. tippitts, a view of swanage, isle of purbeck. on the back of the card i wrote the following lines, then sent it to my wife albina: "this beautiful isle, the isle of purbeck, to look on the map, is but a mere speck, but once reach the shore, set foot on the land, you'll find it as large as the palm of your hand. and the surface as green--as green-sward can be, from the crown of the hill to the shore of the sea-- while cottage and palace erected by man. add beauty and polish to nature's first plan. how grand and sublime are the works of our god, from mountain and dale, to flower and sod! the streams of pure water, the bird in the air, the life and the light we see everywhere! the heart must be happy--how can it be sad? when the beast and the bird, and all things are glad? and i too, am happy--yet thinking of thee i wish i could walk on the waves of the sea, or fly through the air with the speed of a dove, to my home in the west, to the friends that i love. though our clay hills are naked, and valleys are bare, yet the spirit of freedom is hovering there; while here the strong hand of oppression is seen clouding the glory of nature's bright scenes-- then blest be the day, and happy the hour when i can return to freedom's fair bower." november th, we visited sister mary hatt, who has been suffering for twenty-seven years with rheumatism. her hands and feet are sadly deformed, her legs doubled up, and her arms crooked; for three years she has been bedfast, and not able to feed herself. she is eighty-seven years old, yet retains all the powers of her mind. she knows fifty latter-day saint hymns by heart, and can repeat many chapters of the book of mormon. she never murmurs, but rather is cheerful and happy, waiting for death to set her free. we had a pleasant talk with her, blessed her, and returned to our lodgings feeling well paid for our six mile walk. on saturday, december , , i visited the so-called white horse of westbury. the picture is made by cutting away the green turf and exposing the underlying white chalk, on the brow of a hill that can be seen for many miles around. at a distance, the horse looks as natural as life. after i had taken measurements, i wrote to my little son ferra: "the white horse of westbury." i saw a horse upon the plain, a horse of great renown; his equal i have never seen walking above the ground. most beautiful in form and limb, his skin of spotless snow, i longed to be upon his back, but could not make him go. this horse in size is hard to beat-- from nose to tail i measure-- it is one hundred and seventy feet; now isn't he a treasure? to know the height we stretched a line from hoof to top of shoulder-- one hundred and twenty feet we find, and he's daily growing older! a horse so big i'm sure would make a team for any man-- e'en jacobs thinks he'd cut a wake if he but owned a span. and so would i, you bet your hat, i'd have a jolly bust-- i'd take him down to london town and swap him off for dust. i'd want a penny for each hour that he has stood alone-- i'd want a crown for every pound of flesh, without a bone; or i would sell him by his age-- (not sell him as he runs) for he has stood a thousand years, exposed to rains and suns! he stands erect upon the hill, as proud as proud can be, to mark the place where alfred wise gained his great victory. for whip or spur he will not budge, and yet he will not balk. this is a fact, and not a fudge, for he is made of chalk. on sunday, december nd, , we held meeting in the saints' hall, bristol. president jacobs delivered an excellent discourse on the first principles of the gospel. i followed, showing that mormonism is not a new gospel, but is the very gospel of jesus christ renewed in its purity as taught eighteen hundred years ago, by the savior and his apostles. the meeting was well attended, several strangers being present. i wrote a letter to elder edward m. webb, of orderville, from which i make an extract. "it may seem strange, perhaps incredible, to you, when i say that plural marriage and the united order were both painful to me. when i was a child i had seen so many of the follies of men, and the breaking up of families by the thoughtless acts of unwise persons--all of which i attributed to the evils of a principle which is in itself, pure--that i became embittered and cherished hatred toward that which i now admire and love. "so it was when president young called upon the saints to organize and work together in the united order. i saw change, waste, and trouble ahead; and i was quite willing to see my brethren wrestle with the problem, while i stood aloof and looked on. nor was i wrong in my conjectures. it was soon plain that most of us were willing to receive the blessing, as sectarians want to receive salvation; that is, without labor or sacrifice; but we were not willing to give up our _selfishness_, that little "jewel," dear to us as the apple of the eye. "but the hour came when i had to meet the issue; when president young asked me to lead out and set an example before the people. that night i never closed an eye in sleep. i reflected, i prayed earnestly, and i was convinced that the only way to win the victory was to 'give the heart to god.' when that was done, all was peace." near taunton i became acquainted with a mr. samuel knight, a deacon in the church of england. his wife, a young-looking, intelligent lady, had led the choir and taught the parish school for twenty-seven years, and was the mother of ten children. these good people often assisted me, for which i was grateful. i wrote them the following letter: "dear friends, your kind letter came all right. we thank you for the postage stamps--they came very opportunely, as we were out. it is interesting to note how the way opens before us: the things we need come from sources not looked for, and is another evidence that we are god's servants. "we have not suffered for anything, and how thankful i am! several respectable persons, besides yourselves, are inquiring after the truth. we are sorry that you are troubled and persecuted by neighbors who should be your friends. but to me it is another evidence of the truth of this gospel that we are trying to preach to you. did not a prophet say, 'when the wicked rule, the people mourn?' are not the pillars of your church oppressors? your ministers 'preach for hire, and divine for money,' do they not? "as for business, what shall i say? the way the world does business is a sin. it is a system of oppression. one builds himself up by pulling his brother down--the big fish eat the little ones. who does unto others as he would have others do unto him? i know of but one way of deliverance from these evils; that is to repent, and obey the gospel of jesus christ as restored by the prophet joseph smith." friday, december th, a dark, stormy day, i walked to dunstan abbott, eight miles in the rain, to visit joseph able and family; returned to candle green and stayed over night with james timbrell, a game keeper. the family had no children, the house was neat and tidy, but cheerless and cold. i wrote: the days are short and the nights are long, the houses are cold as a yankee's barn-- the smoky chimneys, and open doors are nicely matched by damp stone floors. kindle the fire, but it will not blaze unless you open the door a ways. shut the door, and the crack above is broader than a christian's love; or, if tight above, then the gap below is as wide as the hole where sinners go. turn it over, twist it around. it is all the same, whether up or down-- a rainy, smoky, foggy england. saturday, december th, we returned to cheltenham and remained a week, visiting among the people. i wrote: "mrs. m. a. tippetts, dear sister: your kind letters and view cards are safe in hand. i thank you for them. yesterday we mailed a 'voice of warning' to your uncle. it is as you say, a most excellent book for circulation, and i hope in this case it will do good. we are much pleased to see the faith you manifest in your works and words. may the father bless you, and make you a savior to your husband and your dear children. "the latter-day saints--and they alone, as far as i have seen--feel today as the people of god in days of old felt, when men were blessed with visions and visitations of angels, and often held communion with god himself. see the blessing on the head of rebecca,--gen. : ; also rachel's desires as recorded in gen. ; also hannah's thanksgivings, samuel - chapters. these are the feelings that inspire the hearts of the latter-day saints; feelings which give strength to our sisters to share with each other the protection and affection of a worthy husband; and which inspire our brethren to assume the responsibilities of providing for large families, to the end that virtue may be sustained, and every woman enjoy the blessing of motherhood, without committing sin. "a person must be a fool who cannot see that it requires more toil and care to support two families than it does to support one. hence, if the saints were wicked and sensual, as the world say they are, they would seek pleasure where it could be purchased most cheaply, as men of the world do. but the principles of the gospel, including celestial marriage, lead to a purity of life, that those who know not god are strangers to. "i hope your husband will continue to read my letters. they are poorly written, which i cannot help; but they speak the truth. they are not the emanations of a person paid for his labor. i am not working for 'bread and butter.' the little education i have was acquired in the midst of severe toil--often acquired while lying on the ground by the camp fire. those who love the truth, however, will pass these imperfections by, and rejoice in the testimonies of god's humble servants; and realize that their words, like the holy scriptures, bear the impress of the spirit of jehovah upon them." on monday, december th, i parted with president jacobs, walking to tewksbury, nine miles. farmers were busy plowing and sowing grain; and gardeners were transplanting as if it were spring. as i was passing through taunton, mrs. evans hailed me, asking if i was a mormon elder, and invited me to dinner. i soon learned the motive--there were five church of england ministers visiting with them. i consequently spent the afternoon in a lively discussion. i was surprised at the wisdom given me, for i had the best of the argument, and three of the ministers left, in a rage. mrs. evans was pleased, and invited me to call again. in the evening after the discussion, i walked eight miles to pendock cross, and stayed all night with thomas newman. the family being poor, had but one bed, so i sat up all night in a wooden-bottomed chair. yet i slept, and had a dream, in which i saw an old lady, then a stranger to me, give me the gold to pay her fare to zion. the next day i walked fifteen miles, and found mother jaynes. she had not seen an elder for nine years, and was living on the parish. yet she gave me her passage money; and when i came home, i brought her with me, thus literally fulfilling the dream. on the th, i walked twelve miles to john wadley's. the roads being very muddy, i sat down to rest a few minutes by the roadside. putting my hand in my overcoat pocket to get an apple, i found a pair of knit woolen mits. i wrote: "accept my thanks for the cozy cuffs. i found them one day, you see-- as i was resting, an apple to eat, beneath a roadside tree. how nice they are--so soft and warm! so clean, and tidy, and white; emblem i hope, of the heart that gave, and the eyes that sparkle so bright. i value a gift from allie's hand, though a "mitten" 'tis plain to see. i'll keep them, and wear them, but never return a "mitten," dear friend, to thee. chapter . a visit to wales.--mrs. simons' good work.--a tribute to joseph fielding smith.--a letter from my wife, albina. december , . in the evening president jacobs baptized john wadley. on the th we walked eight miles to little dean. it was warm and muddy. we were kindly received by sister burr is, who ever has a tidy room, and a 'bit of cake' for the elders. we decided to visit wales. in response to an invitation from president joseph h. parry, we took cars to cardiff and ponty pridd, arriving there at noon, and walked two miles to david r. gill's. in the evening we held cottage meeting at john evans', then slept at brother hughes'. i enjoyed the evening very much; but i can see the meshes of poverty are tightening around the poor, and the saints have to bear a part of the afflictions and troubles that are coming upon babylon. on the nd, i walked to mountain ash, taking dinner with brother loveday, who has a large and excellent family. we went to cumbach, held evening meeting, and stayed over night with sister phillips, a blessed, good woman. on sunday, december rd, before breakfast, i walked five miles to merthyr, and during the day and evening attended three meetings. many strangers were present, the singing was sweet, and the speaking was attended by the power of god's holy spirit. on december th, i visited thomas jones, and saints at dyfern. in the evening, while at supper, i heard mrs. evans, a lady not in the church, say: "if my health were better i would walk to merthyr and help the saints sing in their concert tonight." i replied, "if you will be baptized, you shall be healed." she said: "i am ready." it was a dark, foggy night; but the brethren got a lantern, and we walked to the river, which we found full of floating ice. one of the elders, lying down on the bank, held my hand while i slid into the water and found solid footing; then they lifted sister evans down and i baptized her. returning to the house, we confirmed her, and she walked two miles to merthyr, took part in the singing, and was healed. this was the only person that i baptized while laboring in wales. christmas dawned, clear and cold, the ground covered lightly with snow. as soon as it was light, elder william n. williams and i walked to thomas jones'. on the way, we witnessed a foot-race, the runners being stripped to the flesh, and running splendidly. a large crowd was out to see the performance. returning to merthyr to attend a conference meeting, i next walked twelve miles with president jacobs, and a sister simons of bountiful, utah, who, after twenty-five years' absence had returned to visit relatives and obtain genealogies for temple work. she is doing good missionary work; many, through curiosity, come to our meetings to see a live woman from utah. to them she bears a faithful testimony of the divinity of the latter-day work. in the evening, the tredagar saints gave a concert, which we attended. the welsh are fond of amusements, especially singing, in which they are highly gifted. on the th, i attended a public meeting. elders jacobs, young, howells, and williams spoke. after meeting, two were baptized. on december th, i walked twelve miles to abersychan, attending a meeting at which four valley elders spoke. we had an excellent time. on december th, elder thomas f. howells and i walked six miles, to pontypool, to visit a few saints living at that place. we took dinner with brother richard watkins, and he accompanied us to abergavanny. in the evening we held meeting at brother bazzants', then visited father ellis and his grandchild. the next day we returned to abersychan, met elders jacobs and williams, and were kindly cared for by a sister thomas. on sunday, december th, we held two meetings. it was a bitter, bad day, with heavy wind and rain; yet our meetinghouse was crowded. all the valley elders spoke. i have always found a good spirit among the welsh saints, and trust that i shall always remember, with pleasure, the many good meetings and reunions i have had with them. on monday, december st, , we parted with elders william n. williams, thomas f. howells, and the local saints, and returned to bristol, where i found letters from home awaiting me. albina wrote that the weather was very cold and that some of my children were barefoot. this was unpleasant news; but i was thankful to learn that they were in good health, and had homes in the peaceful secluded vales of utah. "may god bless them," is the comment in my journal. "i have labored four months in wales and three months in the bristol conference. during that time i have walked nine hundred seventeen miles, preached ninety-eight times, baptised two persons, written one hundred fifty-seven letters, and received sixty. thus ends the year ." on tuesday, january , , i remained all day in the office, getting out financial and statistical reports. i had bread and herrings for breakfast, dinner, and supper. the weather is cloudy, but mild. as yet, there is no hard frost. out-door wall flowers are in bloom, while fruit buds are swelling, as if spring were at hand. i received a pleasant call from brother and sister hatt, and three of their daughters. on sunday, january th, i received the following letter: "elder john r. young: dear brother: i have taken the liberty of writing a few lines to you, and hope my letter will find you and elder jacobs in good health. i am happy to say myself and two little girls are well at present. i can truly say that from the time you were here, a great weight of sorrow has been lifted off my heart, for which i feel to thank the living god. and i also feel to thank you; that god may bless you, and enable you to fill your mission and return in safety to your family in zion, is the prayer of your sister in the gospel of peace, jane roach." it is always a comfort to me to know that i have been a comfort to others. to help the poor, the weak, the needy, the tempted and tried; to turn the sinner from the evil of his ways--this is ever more than meat and drink to me. on monday, january , , we left bristol, passing in view of clifton, and over the suspension bridge, which is two hundred forty-five feet high, above high water, twenty-five feet wide, and four hundred feet long. we also passed a fine park, and saw therein a large herd of fallow deer. how beautiful they looked! walking to nailsea, ten miles, we visited with a family not in the church; then talked till midnight with brother w----- and father miller. the latter is eighty-five, yet bright and strong in mind and memory. these good people slept by the fire in the big arm chairs while president jacobs and i occupied the poor little bed in the garret. on the th, i left brother jacobs, by his request, and visited plymouth. it is a city of beauty, wealth, and sin. the branch here was in a sad condition. i lodged with samuel norman, who had kept "bach" during the last fifteen years. he was kind to me, but his home was a little garret four stories high. the one little window that gave us air overlooked the plymouth starch works' back yard, a filthy, stinking hole; and the room literally swarmed with rats and mice, of which, like any woman, i am in mortal terror. here i lived two weeks on one meal a day, while visiting the saints as a teacher. having got out hand bills and placarded the city, i had an open-air discussion with the city post-master. i also attended a methodist revival meeting, where a minister invited me to pray. among other things, i thanked the lord for having raised up the prophet joseph smith. this advertised my coming meeting better than my hand bills had done. accordingly, on sunday, january th, i preached to a large and attentive congregation, mostly strangers. after meeting i wrote "early recollections of apostle joseph f. smith," who is now presiding over the british mission. i knew joseph f. smith, in life's rosy morn. when herding cows, and plowing corn; and though he worked early and late, he never murmured at his fate; but smiled to think that his strong arm brought wheat and corn to his mothers' barn. his first mark made, i remember well, 'twas when he flogged philander bell; a champion then for innocence and youth, as he is now for "liberty and truth." if plain his speech, and strong in boyish strife, i doubt if he could mend the history of his life! the years of trial on hawaii's land were more than wiser heads would stand, poi, paakai, poverty and shame, were all endured, for the blessed savior's name. the crime, and filth, and ulcerated sores opened to view, bleeding at every pore; tried the metal, proved one's pride, then was the day of choosing sides; then was the hour to begin, and he pulled off his coat, and waded in. we need not urge him to improve, he seeks, as joseph did, light from above; and god has given strength to hyrum's son, speeding him, on the race so well begun. for unto him a charge is truly given, to lead erring men from sin to heaven, to realms of glory, where truth divine, enlightens life, with joy sublime; but i leave to pens abler than mine to paint the beauties of that heavenly clime. i choose to feast on more substantial food; one to be great, must first be truly good. the precious clouds that bless our vales with rain, descend from lofty peaks, and kiss the plain. so god, himself, in plainness said to man-- "blessed are the meek," "i am the great i am," and while his voice echoed from sinai's peak, he talked with moses "the meekest of the meek;" then look to christ, and note the key-words given to lead men back to god--and heaven. brother, nobly and well thou hast begun-- now "hold the fort," "until the victory's won;" and when the smoke and din of war is past, your works, and name, on history's page will last. on wednesday, january , , i baptized miss elizabeth short, and told her i hoped her journey with the saints would not be like her name; but rather, would be long and pleasant. on friday following, i visited the plymouth and davenport cemetery. it is the largest burying place that i had ever seen. it is laid off in good order, and ornamented with trees, shrubs, and flowers--a lovely place in which to rest. that day i wrote to president john taylor: "dear brother, i take the liberty of writing a few lines to you, and of sending my letter by the hand of my father. i do not think you will remember me, although i was born and brought up with the saints, and have known you since . "in , i went on a mission to the sandwich islands, you having set me apart for the mission. soon after returning, i married and moved to southern utah (dixie), where my family still resides. in my heart i have desired to build up zion, and to that end i have labored for the kingdom of god, and the gathering of israel. "the object of writing is not, however, to relate what i have done, but to ask a favor in behalf of some of my brethren. my labors since last june have given me a good opportunity of becoming acquainted with the saints of the welsh and bristol conferences; and i wish to present to you a few names of saints whom i feel to recommend as being worthy of assistance in emigrating. "i will here say that personally i expect no benefit in the gathering of these people; but i believe them worthy of a blessing, and i ask as a favor that their names be held in remembrance; and that when it is right and reasonable, that they be granted deliverance from this land of poverty. "humbly asking god, our father, to bless you and your counsel, and make you mighty in the truth, that you may have power to lead israel in righteousness, i remain, your brother in the gospel of peace." on sunday, january. th, i preached in the davenport hall, to a congregation of strangers. i felt satisfied with my labors here. i came fasting and praying, without purse or scrip--and the lord comforted me. the next day i met president jacobs at taunton; also i received the following letter from a sister spickett: "elder john r. young, dear brother: since i received your last letter, i have been called upon to part with my dear father. he calmly passed away last saturday night, january th. it was a great trial; but the lord has taken him for a wise purpose. i loved him dearly--such a good man--a kind husband and loving father. it was a severe trial to lose dear mother; but now all seems to be gone. "i trust this may find yourself and president jacobs in good health and spirits. hoping to hear from you soon, and praying god to bless you, i am, respectfully, your sister in the gospel of peace. grace e. spickett." on january , , i replied as follows: "dear sister, i did not receive yours of the th until last evening. i feel truly to sympathize with you in the loss of your dear father. i should be much pleased if i had the power to write so as to comfort you. "it appears from the records that your father has been a member of the church for thirty-four years; hence i am led to suppose that you were born in the church, and nurtured under the influence of the spirit of the gospel. if so, you will readily comprehend that the present painful separation is of short duration. "i have often reflected upon the last trial and suffering of our beloved savior; what must have been the anguish of the few loving, trusting, weeping disciples who followed him to the closing scene on calvary! what overpowering grief must have settled upon them! how the heart must have throbbed, when they looked back upon the past, and the mobbings and persecutions which they suffered, in many instances forsaking all things for the gospel's sake. "true, while he was with them, in freedom, the precious words of life that fell from his lips repaid them for every loss. but to see him whom they had loved more than they did their own lives, taken by cruel hands, scourged, and beaten, and nailed upon the cross; and when parched with fever, and asking for drink, to see his murderers offer him vinegar and gall, and finally, on seeing his mangled body laid in the tomb, to feel the last hope of their hearts buried with him in death! "how comforting it is to know that sacrifice ever brings forth the blessings of heaven! the death of christ filled the hearts of his disciples with the deepest of sorrow. but the showing forth of the power of god in the resurrection banished every sorrow, dried the tear in every eye, and filled every believing heart with joy unspeakable! "o, the beauty and glory of a literal resurrection! and this is the faith and hope of the latter-day saints! we know in whom we trust, and we know if we are faithful that we shall meet our parents again; and when we meet them we shall know them as readily as the saints knew the crucified and risen redeemer. "so you must not feel, dear sister, that you are left alone. loved ones may be near us, and we not able, in our present condition, to see them. if you will seek to do the will of god, the spirit of your father will visit you, and you will be comforted by dreams and the soft whisperings of the holy spirit. "it seems to me that the work of establishing your father's house now rests upon you. let nothing turn you from the truth; but seek diligently to gather with the saints; and let your life be pure, that you may enter into a holy temple, and see that your father's work is carried on. "praying god to bless you, and to lead you in paths of virtue and righteousness, i am your brother in the gospel of peace." on thursday, february th, ten months ago today since i left home in a snow storm, i wrote the following verses: "gathering flowers from an english hedge, at the close of day on charlcutt hill, while thoughts fly fast o'er sea and ledge to my pleasant home in orderville. ten months ago the snow fell fast, and the northern winds blew loud and shrill, as i urged my steed against the blast that whirled in gusts, by glendale's mill. "i had pressed my lips to a wife's pale brow-- had blessed a new-born child; then turned to face the falling snow, and the gale that blew so wild. i wended my way through the mountain pass where forest pines grew high, till the storm was hushed, and a calm at last spread over land and sky. "and the sun's bright gleam in rays of gold, danced over the hills and plain-- and the cheered heart cried in accents bold: "thus may it be when i come again!" o, vision sweet! let it bide in my heart, with the image of loved ones dear; like an angel of peace, may it never depart-- but tarry, to comfort and cheer!" i have always felt that god blessed me with a good family. here is a letter from my wife albina: "dear husband: at five o'clock this morning. brother jehiel mcconnell died. he has not rusted out; but was true and faithful to the end. he often said in meetings since coming here, that he had never enjoyed himself so well before. "a great many reflections have passed through my mind today. i think it would do me good to see you, and hear you talk. i received your welcome letter the day after new years--i am always glad to hear from you; but i felt a little disappointed not to get your likeness as a new year's present. true i have one, but i should have been glad of another. "i have been to brother mcconnell's funeral. brother thomas robertson preached a splendid sermon--not to the dead, but to the living. i think some of his discourses ought to be recorded. "this evening the home missionaries were here. john carpenter preached, and did splendid for a new beginner. brother samuel mulliner followed with an order sermon. he is an order man in word and deed, and enjoys the spirit of god. it does me good to hear him talk, and i feel thankful to live where we have good meetings. it keeps me alive. "i am looking forward with joy, to the day when you can return to family and friends. sister piersen sends her love to you. she is weaving away as faithful as ever. sister claridge has gone north to her daughter's. there are but few that i choose in this world for companions. there is a sister porter, a widow who came from the north, that i think much of. she is the mother of the young man who was accidentally killed up in the canyon above our saw mill. she has suffered much. i think she is a noble woman. "i am well pleased with your christmas gift. i should like to live on that beautiful island with our family ferra was well pleased with the verses about the white horse, and sends his love to you. roy says 'tell father i have a pair of new shoes, and a kiss for him.' joseph is well. he is a fine boy. i am getting old; but my heart is as young as ever. from your affectionate wife, albina." chapter . death of jehiel mcconnell.--a letter to my daughter.--five thousand dollars reward.--a letter from apostle joseph f. smith. brother jehiel mcconnell was one of the party who were with elder george a. smith, jr. when he was killed by the navajo indians. when george a. was wounded and the party had to retreat, brother mcconnell got onto his big mule behind the saddle, took george a. in his arms in front of him, and carried him until he died; thus manifesting a love and loyalty to his wounded brother that always endeared the man to the people of orderville. on wednesday, march th, i wrote the following letter to my dear daughter, lydia. "your kind letter came with aunt albina's. i am glad to have you write to me, and pleased that you are going to school. i want you to take all the pains you can in writing and arithmetic. they are the foundation stones of usefulness. and i desire also that you become a lady; and no one can be a lady who is not pure in body, and cultivated in mind. "as for 'old shoes,' you can shed them off any time, and put on a new and better pair--when the better day comes, and that day will come, if you observe the principles of the gospel; but ignorance cannot be put off, like an old garment. the young ivy vine, when it begins to spread its delicate fibers around the mighty oak, can easily be stripped off; but left alone until matured by age, and you will find them so embedded in the wood of the tree that you must take the ax and chop the vine in pieces, and cannot separate them without doing harm to the body of the tree. so it is with ignorance. if we are studious in youth, and think of, and reflect often upon pure things, we shall grow in intelligence and purity. "in my heart i feel to draw my children to me; and notwithstanding that i have been much from home, on missions; and that when at home, i am the husband of three wives, still my love for home and family is strong, and the ties of affection burn as deeply and sacredly in my bosom as those holy passions do in other men's breasts. "sin and vice will diminish and extinguish from the heart the attribute of love, while a pure, clean life will increase it. it is not every little girl that i should write to, as i do to you. nor would i write with the same freedom to some women. but i know your heart, that you can be trusted; and i want you to preserve yourself, and marry a good honorable man, that i may always have joy in associating with my daughter. "i am so pleased that your little brother (newell) is growing so finely. what a comfort he must be to your mother! and how precious are the blessings given us by the gospel! i am so proud of my family; and yet, had it not been for the principle of plural marriage, as taught by the prophet joseph smith, this blessing never would have been mine." in the evening we held meeting. elder william n. williams gave an interesting talk, and i followed, speaking on the first principles of the gospel. the next day elder williams, who has been my companion for the last two weeks, returned to wales. he was a good man, and i ever pray god to bless him in his labors of love--that he might win souls to righteousness. march , , i held two meetings in father lerwell's big kitchen, which were well attended by strangers. near the close of the day i walked to the top of east down hill, and kneeling down, gave myself up in prayer. it was so calm and peaceful that i fain would remain. i am such a lover of nature and of solitude that i could not help writing: on the brow of this beautiful hill, its fields now clothed in green, and blossoms white, surpassing the loveliness of artist's skill, with dew drops sparkling in the sun's pure light; and sweet to me is the sunshine bright, for clouds of mist oft hover o'er the land of britain, and spread from shore to shore a veil of dampness, that begetteth blight. hence, welcome the sunshine of the present day-- and here, in nature's temple, i humbly pray. i kneel, and plead for wives and children dear, yea, all the loved ones my heart holds near. albina, with counsel, calm and wise, lydia, more like april's changing skies; tamar, whose voice is like dew from above, blessed trinity, whose words of love are thrilling in my breast. father, wilt thou give rest and peace to each of them; and to thy saints, the wide world round, where e'er the gospel's glorious sound hath found a friend. on wednesday, march , , i received a letter, in which it was stated that the "liberals" of salt lake city had offered a reward of five thousand dollars for the arrest, "dead or alive," of howard o. spencer, wanted in a prosecution for killing sergt. pike. i wrote: five thousands dollars! the sum is too small. bid up, uncle sam, or don't bid at all; for men with royal blood in their veins are not secured without greater pains! "dead or alive" has a martial ring, it smacks of the power of despotic kings. it speaks of a power now dying out-- a power that is cursed with palsy and gout; a power that came from the witch fires of spain, that crushes religious freedom wherever it reigns! 'tis a wholesome sign, to see a man of god defying the power of the tyrant's rod; walking erect, with a stately tread-- when gesler cries out "bow down thy head." what though he fly to the mountain tower to escape the venge of the tyrant's power. let him bide his time, it will come ere long; victory is not to the proud and strong, for "truth is mighty, and will prevail"-- 'twill sweep from utah, with fire and hail, the "liberal" lies; and this gouty wail, borne on the wind o'er sea and land, is the dying groan of the "liberal clan." be thou firm and true, as the tone of thy prayer, and god will be with thee everywhere. and i--oh, how i long to sing the funeral dirge of the "liberal ring." howard o. spencer was a playmate of mine, and while i was not with him at the time sergeant pike made his brutal assault, here is what howard told me about it: "army officers had demanded of uncle daniel spencer that his stock should be moved from the vicinity of his corrals. uncle sent al clift and me to move them; we reached the ranch just as the sun was setting. i was at the stack yard, with pitchfork in my hand, in the act of putting hay in the mangers for our horses, when pike with several soldiers rode up, he dismounted, and coming to me, with gun in his hand, ordered me 'to get out and move the stock.' i faced him squarely, and told him there would be no cattle moved that night; with an oath he struck me with his gun. i held up the pitchfork to ward off the blow, the fork handle was of pine home-made, the blow broke it in three pieces, and came with such force, that i was felled to the ground with a crushed skull. pike turned to mount his horse, when a soldier said, "put his head down hill, so he can bleed free." he caught me by the hair, and pulled me around, then they rode off laughing. a little ranch boy was with me; he ran and told luke johnson who came and took charge of me. when president young learned of it, he sent allen hilton and dr. sprague, with a carriage for me. i was taken to salt lake city and placed in the care of dr. france and anderson. with their intelligent treatment, and careful nursing, my life was saved. as soon as howard's wounds were healed, so he could sit a horse, he came to my home, at draper, and got a team to help the spencer family, with their summer's work. at that period there were no houses, on the road from the cottonwood to draper, on the dry creek bench, howard met general lyon with a company of u. s. dragoons. they were enroute to bear river, with the announced purpose of protecting the morrisites in their anticipated move to california. when he met the troop he stopped them, and asked if sergeant pike was with them. they answered, "no, but what do you want?" the reply was, "i am owing him a little, and i thought if he were here, i would pay the debt." what a blessing that pike was not there! had he been, spencer would have killed him, without any thought for his own safety. as a man he was the soul of honor, kind and gentle, and slow to anger, but when aroused, he was fearless as a lion. his friends affirm that after the assault at rush valley, his mind was unbalanced. i have no comment to offer on that. i do know, however, he was void of the sense of fear, and that he felt, in the pike difficulty, that he was assaulted because he was a mormon, and his love for and loyalty to the mormon people stamped in his heart a determination to pay the debt in kind, let the consequences to himself be what they would. his love for law and order, held him in check, until he saw the farce played, when pike was brought into the provost court, with his gun buckled on his side, escorted by his armed comrades, heard the colored pleadings of pikes counsel, and the prompt decision of the judge, evidencing to unbiased men, that in that court, there was no justice for a mormon. with that feeling uppermost in his mind, he walked quietly out of the court room, and when pike came out, he paid the debt, by shooting him. in the confusion that followed spencer escaped. years after, i met him on the sevier, traveling alone, unarmed, and unguarded, going to salt lake city, to stand his trial, and i believe the jury's verdict, that acquitted him, met the approval of just men and angels. the following letter shows the spirit and methods used by the mormon missionaries to help the poor to emigrate: "elder john r. young. my dear brother: i need scarcely say i was pleased to hear from you. can old acquaintance be forgot? your experience in the british mission is that of scores of elders who have labored there of late years. "you no doubt say truly that in some respects the bristol conference is the molokai of the british mission; but it is not the only one. our experience of today there, is not what it might have been twenty years ago. we are now gleaning the field after the harvest is gathered. "i think it is right for the elders to change about somewhat, as circumstances may seem to require or warrant, so as to equalize the toil, hardships, and enjoyments among all. i have suggested to brother naisbitt to make such changes this spring as may be deemed right and necessary for the well-being and prosperity, both of the elders and the mission. among others, i have not forgotten to mention you. "i do not know yet whether it will be myself or some other person who will be sent to preside over the mission. i am of the opinion that i have almost served my apprenticeship there, and that i will be relieved, at least for the present. if you know me, and i think you do, you know that my sentiments are in favor of fair dealing and justice, as well as mercy; and i want no favor-kissing in mine. i have learned, too, that we cannot always judge, from a short acquaintance, of the real merits of men. "one thing we should do: that is, encourage the saints, as much as possible, to help themselves. if many of them would smoke less tobacco, drink less beer, visit fewer shows, buy fewer household toys and ornaments, and get along more economically, with a view of saving up their pennies until they multiply to pounds, they could, in a short time, emigrate themselves. we need to be wise as serpents, and harmless as doves. "god bless you. love to brother jacobs. all well here. your brother in the gospel, joseph f. smith." chapter . a letter to my son.--an enquirer answered.--the sinking of the euridice.--four hundred men perish.--letters from home.--two splendid dreams. "silas s. young: my dear son: your very neat letter of february nd came safely to hand, and i was pleased to have you write to me. "i have recently been to crew kerne, a noted pleasure resort and while there, witnessed the somerset steeple-chase races. i will try to tell you something about them. to begin with, i must tell you that england, and wales, so far as i have seen, are hilly countries; the hollows abounding in creeks, and springs--and such beautiful clear, soft water; while the ridges and table lands are covered with forests of pine, oak, beach, and other varieties of timber. the tillable lands are generally drained; and the steep hills are cultivated, as well as the level plains. "but farms in england are mostly cut up into small fields. the fences, which are mainly ditches and hedges, are crooked and irregular; often leaving the plow lands in triangle, or flatiron shape. with this explanation, i will now come to the race course. "the grandstand, a glass-roofed shed with raised seats capable of seating a thousand persons, was situated on the east side of a glade, one-half mile wide, and commanding a good view of the same. a circular track, eight rods wide, and bounded on each side with red flags, was marked off a mile and a half long. this track crossed eight hedges, one deep creek and hedge combined, the object evidently being to select as difficult and dangerous a track as possible. "the points to be tested were strength, speed, and activity in the horses; and nerve, skill, and horsemanship in the riders. they were required to run twice around the track; making a three mile run. the most difficult leap was a hedge six feet high, four feet wide on top, with a deep three-foot ditch on the opposite side. this leap had to be taken on an up-hill run, which made it hard work. "but the part of the race that attracted the most attention was leaping the creek. this was ten feet wide and eight feet deep; but the water was partially dammed, causing an overflow of four feet on the farther side. the hedge on the approaching side was five feet wide and four feet high; making in all, twenty feet to be leaped. "in the race, twelve horses started. a mare fell at the up-hill hedge, and broke her leg; the rider was thrown and so badly hurt, that he had to be taken away in the hospital cab. a horse fell in the creek, and the rider was nearly drowned. two bay mares, the winners, and such beauties, went twice around the track, leaping the creek, twenty-two feet, neck and neck. it was the prettiest running that i have ever seen. "be a good boy, and write again." friday, march nd, i spent the day posting the conference books. the next day president jacobs came from trowbridge. he is in good health and spirits, and working hard. i also received the following letter from my father, dated salt lake city, february , : "my dear son, i should be glad if i were in a condition to send for the saints you so much desire to emigrate; but it is not in my power. yesterday i went to see your uncle phineas. it was his seventy-ninth birthday, feb. , . he is quite smart; gets up early mornings, does his own chores, and often walks up into town, two and one-half miles. uncle joseph is also well, and full of faith. he is eighty-one years old. "well, johnny, hold on, and never give up until the battle is won. we shall all be glad to meet you when you come home. the family all join me in love. may god bless you, is the prayer of your father, lorenzo d. young." monday, march , . as several of the welsh saints had written asking me to spend a sabbath with them, i got leave of a week's absence from president jacobs and crossed the bristol channel on the steamer wye. i visited brother harris at cardiff, and held meeting. wednesday, the th, i also visited d. r. gill. that day a collier was killed by the falling of a stone in a mine where several of the saints are working. poor fellows, spending their lives toiling down in the dark, foul pits, with blocks of death hanging over their heads! hundreds die yearly, as this man died. in the morning the goodby is cheerfully spoken, for no shadow of death looms forward as a warning; at sunset the block has fallen, and the dying man is borne by his comrades to the heart-broken wife. the next day he is buried, and soon forgotten by all save those to whom his strong arm brought daily bread. on the th i visited brother jenkin thomas, a. j. jones, and brother edwin street. the latter is still confined to his bed, suffering from the effects of the terrible bruises he received in a coal pit two years, ago; but he keeps in good spirits and is firm in the faith. i held meeting in his house, that he might hear the service. the room was crowded, many strangers being present. on monday, the th, i visited richard wadley, gentleman, on his farm twelve miles from cardiff, to help him in his work. i plowed while he sowed grain. this pleased him so much that he hitched his "cob" into the cart and drove me to his home in cardiff. i spent the evening with the family, preaching the gospel to them. under this date, i wrote to an enquirer, not in the church: "i know the idea generally prevails, that a man can love but one wife at a time; but a careful reading of the word of god forces the conviction that the idea is wrong; and my own experience confirms this view. i find in the scriptures of divine truth, that we are commanded to love the lord with all our heart, and to love our neighbor as ourselves; what a terrible tax to place upon a man who can only love one wife! i am thankful to say that i have learned to govern love by principle; and i can truly say, that the bright and intelligent sons and daughters born to me by different wives, are alike beloved, and dear to me." on wednesday, april , , i returned to bristol, and received the following letter from my wife lydia: "dear husband: the day's work is done, the children are sweetly sleeping, and the nine o'clock bugle (curfew) is sounding, 'hard times, come again no more!' "if i knew hard times would come no more to you, while you are in that land of poverty and wretchedness, i should be very thankful. i have been treated with much kindness by the brethren and sisters here in orderville. neither i, nor mine, have suffered for food or clothing. "i am striving diligently to overcome selfishness, and i am gaining ground a little. i feel that if there are any more needy than i am, who are laboring faithfully in the order, let them be served first. "i cannot accomplish as much work as i should like to, but i do all that i can. i am making hats, and have charge of the hat department. my babe is as nice a boy as anybody ever had; and the lord knows it is my desire to bring him up in such a way that he will be an honor to his parents. vilate is very delicate; i do not feel at all easy about her, but i do hope and pray that she will be spared to us. "may the blessings of the lord be with you, is the prayer of your affectionate wife, lydia k. young." april th was a cold, windy day. i went to sister burris's, little dean hill, forty miles, and found the family well. i wrote elder samuel leigh, of cedar city, as follows: "dear friend, i have just returned from a short visit to wales, our old field of labor, and feel to write a few lines to you. "i thought that england would go to war with russia but as yet the lion and the bear are content to watch the bone, and snarl and growl at each other. however, the war feeling is becoming more intense and bitter, and it is hard to say what a day may bring forth. "in wales, there is still much suffering--worse a great deal than when you were here. you will doubtless remember brother street of treorky, who was so badly crushed in the coal pit. he is still suffering, yet clinging to life and full of faith, else he would have been dead long ago. at one time, his wounds had nearly closed; but they opened again, and several pieces of the backbone came out. the doctors can do nothing for him; and our christian friends call long and loud for a miracle, and because he is not healed, they harden their hearts and persecute the saints; forgetting that john did no miracles, yet a greater prophet never lived." one of the most melancholy events of the season was the sinking of her majesty's war training-ship, euridice. she was returning from a six months' training trip, having on board four hundred picked young officers and men. in forty minutes more she would have been at anchor in portsmouth. thousands of friends had assembled on the pier to give them welcome; when a sudden squall, accompanied with snow, swept from the headlands across the bay, striking the ship. in a few minutes the storm was past; but the ship was nowhere to be seen. the hand of death, as it were, had smitten her; and of the four hundred souls on board, all perished but two. on sunday, april , , i attended a baptist meeting in the baptist chapel, the rev. mr. griffiths preaching an able discourse on baptism by immersion. after the services he put on a rubber water-proof suit, and stepping into a font filled with warm water, baptized eight persons; using these words: "upon your profession of faith in christ jesus, i baptize you in the name of the father, the son, and the holy ghost. amen." at the close of the service, i went to the pulpit and introduced myself, and asked the privilege of preaching in the chapel. the ministers refused. i then told the people i was an elder from utah, and that i would preach that afternoon at mr. burris's, and my meeting was well attended by saints and strangers. on monday, april , , i walked to clifford mesne, twelve miles, and found brother wadley and family well. my wife wrote: "orderville, february , . dear husband: your favor of january th came today. i can truly say it is a kind and good letter. it gives me new courage, and i feel more determined to press on, in the straight and narrow path. "several things have happened today, causing me to feel well: your letter and a good one from father, and hattie's new dress. she is much pleased; but poor little mary--her lips are put up, and tears are in her eyes. i tell her it will be her turn next. "frank's cough is still very bad. last, week we received the parcel you sent by brother leigh. william is so pleased with his knife. he carries it in his pocket in the day time, and sleeps with it in his hand at night. "the children are having a dance tonight. roy and hattie have gone. they took hold of hands, and walked off together so kindly. they seem to think a great deal of each other, and i am proud to see them. "you have been gone ten months, and my babe is walking around, by holding on to the chairs. he is so intelligent, and has such bright blue eyes. as for teaching my children to pray, i have always done so, since they were old enough to talk, and i generally pray with them night and morning. "i am trying to do right, and i intend to improve as fast as i can in all good things. i am thankful that i am here in orderville. i have never felt discouraged. last night i dreamed that you and father both came home. i thought you had been gone just eleven months. as ever, your wife, tamar b. young." april , , from my journal: last night i stayed with brother and sister thomas newman. as they had but one bed, i sat up all night in a wooden-bottomed chair; but i got some sleep, and dreamed that i saw an elderly woman apparently lost in the woods--and a person told me to go and get her, for she was ready to go to zion. in the morning i asked sister alice newman if there was an aged sister in the church living in the branch that i had not seen. she said, "mother jaynes lives about six miles from here, in an out-of-the-way place that no elder has visited for the past four years." "well," said i, "i want you to tell me the way, as i must see her and get her emigration money." this amused sister newman: for sister jaynes had been living on the parish for over twenty years. it was a dark, rainy day; but sister newman put on her cloak and walked across the fields with me. we found the old lady gathering bits of sticks from the hedge. i asked her to go to the house, make a good fire, and give us some refreshments. when we had warmed and rested, i told her i had come to get her emigration money. she said, "the lord has sent you, for no mortal knows that i have any money." she went into a back room, and soon returned with her apron full of gold, emptied it on to the table, and told me to do as i pleased with it. i counted out her emigration money, and sent it to the liverpool office; and when i came home, i brought her with me--to echo on the weber, where her friends were waiting for her. having returned with sister alice, i then walked two miles to the top of malvern hill, knelt down and gave thanks to the lord for the revelations of his spirit to me; a spirit that guides me so often into unknown paths. chapter . death of a lady apostle woodruff baptized in , at midnight.--baptize an aged backslider.--a letter from apostle wilford woodruff.--transferred to the london conference. on april , , i walked seventeen miles to cheltenham, and received the following letter: "beloved brother young: i received your kind and welcome letter yesterday, and was very glad to hear from you. i read your letter with pleasure. i also read and read over again, your letter to brother leigh, and i feel to say, amen, to it. i am willing with all my heart, and am seeking earnestly for the privilege of gathering with god's people. "i am not afraid of hard work, and i am used to hard times. there is one lesson in the gospel that i love very much, and i have learned it pretty well; that is humility. i love to read of the union and love that prevails among the saints; and i read the home letters that you sent, with much pleasure. to see the good spirit and humility manifested by your wife--oh, that all the wives of the saints were so humble, and would so sustain their husbands! it would make a heaven of our homes, and the blessings of the lord would be with us, always. "we have secured a very nice meeting room, near brother daniels. we opened it the sunday before last, three strangers present. last sunday there were twenty-three strangers with us. next sunday, if all is well, and the weather permits, we are going out in the open air to preach. from your brother in the gospel, d. r. gill." sunday, april th, in the morning, with miss alice bishop, i visited the cheltenham cemetery. trees, flowers, green sward, and monuments erected to the memory of loved ones, all make it a pleasant place. we held meetings and administered the sacrament. this week i visited the malvern hills, and preached in places, where thirty-seven years ago. president brigham young, and wilford woodruff bore their testimonies and reaped a rich harvest of souls as recompense for their faithful, loving labors. a lady of wealth, baptized by elder woodruff in , died recently in this place. on her death-bed, she sent a message to me, requesting to be sealed to brother woodruff. it is strange how principles of truth spread. a daughter of that woman is now seeking information in regard to the gospel, the effect of her mother's dying words. the daughter's husband is a wealthy, worldly man, and will not let his wife attend our meetings. i earnestly seek for wisdom to guide me in all my movements; for while i sympathize with the oppressed, or those barred of gospel privileges, yet i have no desire to give the wicked an occasion or opportunity to destroy my life and usefulness. the farmers are beginning to weed and hoe the fields. many women engage in this labor; and yesterday i stopped to witness the working of a threshing machine. it was driven by steam. the foreman, feeder, and two other hands were men; the pitching, band-cutting, and sacking were done by women. it was a sight that i had never seen in utah; yet, out in the world i hear much about the slavery of mormon women. tuesday, april th, at midnight, i baptized an old man by the name of waradell. he was among the first to embrace the gospel on these islands. he went to nauvoo, worked as a carpenter on the temple, crossed the mississippi river to go west with the saints in , with charles shumway. at sugar creek his heart failed. he apostatized, and returned to england, and now, old and penniless, he comes back into the church to die. during the clay i baptized three of brother bishop's children. i am proud of this; to me they are a lovable family. "oft have i wandered, weary and alone, to gather flowers, by mortal hand unsown, in shady nook or dell; and sometimes find, hidden from view, blossoms of rarest kind. and thus in life, the good, and pure, and true are often hid, by circumstance, from view. happy the man who brings the treasures forth, and gains, for recompense, a gem of priceless worth." april th, i walked twelve miles in rain and mud, and stayed over night with heber white, at ryeford. i suffered all day with sick headache. the next day, though still feeling poorly, i started to walk to nailsworth. the weather was damp, and the roads bad. after going about three miles, i fainted. when i came to myself, i knelt down and prayed. in a short time, a gentleman came by in a buggy, and invited me to ride. in utah this would not seem strange, but here it is like a miracle. when he learned who i was, he took pains to carry me to george white's, the presiding elder at nailsworth. i truly thanked the gentleman and praised my heavenly father for the blessing given me. april , . one year from home; a damp, wet day, and i was confined to the house, for this damp weather affects my lungs. i wrote the following letter: "dear brother lorenzo: on the th of this month, if spared till then, i shall be forty-one years of age. as a birthday present, i send you my photo, and a bible card to each one of your family. "i feel grateful for the blessings and mercies bestowed so graciously by the father upon me. true there are times, when in sorrow, i may feel for a few moments, that my lot is hard, and my labors poorly recompensed. you know how much i have been a wanderer for the gospel's sake, but you do not know how many weary steps i take, and how sadly i am tempted. out of all, so far, i have been delivered, my weak body strengthened, and my heart comforted. in this i have great joy; and i trust this, my joy, will continue until the end of my pilgrimage in this life, which i now consider more than half completed. "the spheres of our calling seem not to be alike; yet one may be as useful and honorable as the other. i hope you will be faithful in all the duties assigned to you. no matter how humble the post, make it honorable by your faithful application of the principles of the gospel. this principle should be the guide in all our labors. "no doubt you meet with trials at orderville; and where, indeed, do we not find them? there is only one way that i know of, to be free from them; and that is to live so god will wall us around, as he did job and enoch, and his people. but we are hardly prepared for that, although we have started right. now, if we can keep our integrity and purity to the end of this life, then we shall enter into the rest of our lord. kind love to you and sarah." sunday, april st, i attended two saints' meetings and spoke in both of them; went home with a mr. tanner, not a member of the church, and talked with him until midnight on the principles of the gospel. my wife tamar wrote: "i don't want you to feel that i have hard times. i know if i were surrounded with riches, it would not make my health any better. i know that i am greatly blessed; and like you, i am proud of my children, and i desire to bring them up in righteousness. "i know that you are a man of god--and i want to uphold you. you see and comprehend many things that i do not, until you point them out, and explain them to me, and i know that you have never given me other than good counsel." on thursday, april , , my forty-first birthday, i remained in the office, nursing brother jacobs. on may st, my wife tamar's twenty-sixth birthday, i walked fourteen miles, then took train sixteen miles to trowbridge. unable to find lodgings, i walked three miles to heywood lodge, where joseph trumble, game keeper, received me. i ate a cold supper, and starting upstairs to bed, was taken with a chill, and suffered all night. the next day i was still in pain, and kept my bed. on the rd, i received a letter from president jacobs, informing me that i was released from the bristol conference, and appointed to labor in the london conference. by his request i returned to bristol, very feeble in body; but on sunday, may th, a fair day, i attended a good testimony meeting, and partook of the sacrament. a letter from apostle wilford woodruff, dated. historian's office, salt lake city, april , , awaited my arrival: "elder john r. young. dear brother: i received your interesting kind letter of march , , and am much pleased to hear from you--also pleased to learn that you keep a journal. i wish all elders in the vineyard would do it. "i returned from st. george in march to attend the april conference, and have been very busy here in church business. among other things, erastus snow and i have charge of building the manti temple, which will occupy considerable of our time. we have had a great deal of hard labor to perform about the temple ground, before laying the first corner stone. we have had the mountain to move; forty feet high, about two hundred feet square, to make a place for the foundation. "this foundation is about seventy feet above the level of the street below it. then we have built four walls, one thousand feet long, seventeen feet high, and three feet thick on an average; and built terraces between, which will be covered with fruit trees, shrubbery, and flowers thus making one of the most picturesque landscapes in america. "in the logan temple, the builders had nothing to do, but dig a trench three feet deep and lay the foundation, which they did last fall; while at manti we had to move five thousand yards of rock and earth before we could lay the first stone of the building. we have the terrace walls nearly finished; and i am in hopes to lay the corner stone of the temple by the middle of may. "we have had very early spring throughout utah. trees in salt lake were in bloom the first of april; but we have now been having a cold rain and snow storm for seven days, and consequently fear for the loss of our fruit. "we have done a good deal of work for the dead in the temple during the past year; and the work is still on the increase. on the th of february we baptized for one thousand five hundred eighty-four names; we have given two hundred forty-four endowments in a day; my day averages two hundred. the following is a list of some of our work during the last year for the dead: baptized , ; gave endowments to , ; gave ordinations for the dead, , ; and attended to all other ordinances accordingly. "i shall be glad when our other temples are finished, so that all the people can enter therein and attend to the ordinances for their dead. i will put the name of on -- my list, according to your request and attend to it as soon as i have had an opportunity. i have had baptisms for some three thousand of my dead friends, and endowments for one thousand sixty-four before i left st. george; all of which are recorded on my family record. "the friends are generally well in st. george. i shall be pleased to hear from you at any time. remember me kindly to any of my acquaintances you may see. your brother in the gospel of christ. w. woodruff." from my journal: on tuesday, may th, i bade goodbye to president jacobs. i have labored very pleasantly with him for the last six months. may the blessings of the father still be with him. i took train for newnham, for the purpose of visiting sister burris and family. was sorry that mr. burris did not come into the fold. chapter . i visit london, the grandest city in the world.--meet the claridge family and leave my testimony with them.--visit portsmouth, and the home of nellie grant sardys.--labor with elder connelly.--rake hay, and receive a gift from an english lord. "on may th, , a wet, disagreeable day, i walked twelve miles to brother john wadley's. the next day i baptized and confirmed mrs. eliza wadley and her son henry. i received a letter of instructions from elder john cook, president of the london conference. "on may th, i parted from brother wadley, and took train for london. at five p.m. i saw from the car window the brown slate and red tile roofs of the great city, the home of five million people, and the center of the wealth of the world. "at partington i left the cars and took the under ground street cars to king's cross, then walked three miles to bishop's grove, where i met my cousin lorenzo d. young, howard o. spencer, joseph w. taylor, and elder ashworth, all from utah. "sunday, may th, i went with brother spencer to white chapel and addressed the saints. in the afternoon i preached on the commons. these things are wonderful to me, and i keep repeating to myself: 'who am i, that my heavenly father should honor me, to be a witness of his son, the redeemer of the world, to the inhabitants of the great city of london?' "monday, may th, i met brother samuel claridge, looking and feeling well. i went with him to his brother's, where we spent the day, talking with much freedom on the principles of the gospel. we next visited mr. claridge's boot and shoe factory, a large establishment. here we exhibited to the employees, views of salt lake city, and photos of president brigham young, the twelve apostles, and of many personal friends; always closing our talks with a testimony of the truth of the gospel, as taught by the prophet joseph smith. i have joy in these gospel conversations. "on tuesday, may , , with elders spencer and claridge, i visited mr. ward, elder samuel claridge's brother-in-law, and family, and had the pleasure of meeting sister millard, who came with us from utah. i also met mother claridge, who is eighty-three years of age, yet very smart and active. "it seems she had learned of my having been helpful to elder claridge, her son, and in gratitude, she put her arms around my neck, and said: "bless thee heart, laddie, as long as i have one biscuit left, thee shall have half of it.' she listened attentively to the testimony of the man 'who had been so helpful to auntie millard, and who saved sam's money while in new york.' "i was pleased with the confidence this numerous, intelligent, wealthy family placed in me; and i sought to leave a testimony that they would not forget. i talked one hour to them, which is a long time for me. i spent four pleasant days with brothers claridge and spencer, visiting the tower of london, the crystal palace, albert's palace, westminster abbey, st. paul's cathedral, madame tussaud's wax works, green's park, hyde park, regent's park, and the american hotel. "following this brief sight-seeing respite, i attended a reunion of the north london branch of the church and had a feast of good things, spiritually and temporally. the prospects seemed bright for me to do good in connection with elder claridge, when the conference president hastened my departure. consequently, on friday, may th, i accompanied my cousin lorenzo to southampton, by train, eighty miles. we stayed at brother norton's, a gardener, and i received many kindnesses from this brother and his amiable wife. "on saturday, may , , we walked to portsmouth, twenty miles, putting up at a hotel; lorenzo paying the fare. in all my missionary labors, i have gone without purse or scrip, trusting for the way to open before me. this, as a rule, has thrown me among the middle classes; and to this day i am bashful and awkward among the upper circles of society; but feel at home among farmers and trades-people. "on sunday, may th, i attended meeting in the saints' hall at two p.m. lorenzo occupied the time. in the evening i addressed a full house, and spoke with great freedom. the next day i wrote to thomas robertson as follows: "dear friend, i spent four happy days in london--sight-seeing, walking about ten miles each day, and i scarcely made a beginning. first we went to the bank of england--but i might as well stop: i cannot tell a thousandth part of what i saw, and my predicament reminds me of that of the queen of sheba, after having reviewed the rich appointments of solomon's temple. "the massive-looking buildings of london, some of them twelve stories high, are marvelous to me; but what impresses me most is the solid, everlasting, never-tumbledown aspect of the old english masonry. the present generation are departing from the ways of their grandfathers, and imitating american fashions; building light and cheap, for quick sale, and not for durability. "but here we are at the bank, and what a jam! several streets converge as to a grand center, and every street is pouring forth a stream of busses, cabs, drays, and pedestrians like two conflicting tides, they ebb and flow, wave following wave; and none can tell why they come, nor whither they go. "we pass on to the bridge that spans the thames. i measured it by my steps. it is one thousand twenty feet long, and forty feet wide; and the massive blocks of rock that form the abuttments, make a wall that looks to me substantial enough to form the ground work of the egyptian pyramids. "next in order with us was a boat ride upon the thames; sweeping beneath the arched bridge of highways and railroads, until we reached westminster. our respect for the british nation would not suffer us to pass the house of parliament without paying our compliments. we accordingly entered its honored portals, and bowed to the wigged statesmen we met in the grand hall. we next listened a few minutes to the monotonous reasoning of a speaker, and were impressed with the respectful silence and studied order that seemed to prevail; then we quietly retired. "wellington's and nelson's monuments are worthy of notice. i cannot do them justice, but while we were looking upon those splendid statues, the spirit seemed to whisper, 'see what heroes england has produced.' it was with relief, however, that we turned from contemplating waterloo and trafalgar to a pleasant walk in the park. "of all the beautiful things that i see in england, the sweetest to me are the parks, and no wonder; the druids loved the sacred groves--nature's temples, where the forest choristers ever warble sweet praise to the giver of all good gifts, the creator of heaven and earth. "but i came not to these lands seeking the glories and pleasures of the world; and the eye, untutored, soon wearies of gazing upon these brilliant scenes. with quickened steps, therefore, we turned our faces toward bishop's grove, where our brethren congregate. we never tire of listening to their voices; and the sweet hymns often sung by our english sisters are more soul-stirring to us than 'rule britannia, rule.' "may , , , i helped to pack the goods of, and start, two families for utah: a busy, yet happy day. portsmouth is noted for its excellent harbor and costly dock yards, said to be the largest in the world. the floating bridges and steam ferries pass from port sea to goosport every ten minutes; a penny (two cents) for crossing. the harbor is studded with all kinds of watercraft, from the stupendous iron-clad battle ships to the tiny pleasure boat. "i often pass by the 'victory,' noted as the ship on which lord nelson fought his last battle, dying like a brave sailor in the very hour of victory. taken all in all, portsmouth is a pretty place. england's peace policy, i.e., prepare for war in time of peace, is at present giving employment to many hands. "it was near this place that the unfortunate "eurydice" foundered with four hundred souls on board. all perished but two; the most of the men being below and dying in their rooms. divers say it is frightful to look through the windows into these cabins. the gruesome appearance of the dead appalls the stoutest heart. so far, all efforts to raise the ill-fated ship have failed; she still rests with her dead at the bottom of the sea. "returning on foot to southampton, twenty-three miles, at warsash i passed the residence of nellie grant sardys, daughter of ex-president u.s. grant. the house outwardly has the appearance of an ill-proportioned farm house. it is going to decay; the roof of a lean-to has fallen in, and the gates and fence are sadly in need of repair. "southampton is a pleasant place, with plenty of sunshine and fresh air. the dwellings are not as compact as in most english cities; but the parks and lawns, with their flowers, shrubs, and trees, give a fresh rural appearance that i greatly admire. "as i approached the ferry, the ringing of many hammers attracted my attention. i noticed the hulls of two large iron-clads on the docks. today a thousand hammers are welding the ribs of these huge sea-monsters; and cannon balls are being moulded by the ship-load. legislative hall, pulpit, and press alike resound with words of encouragement, hurrying forward these so-called peace measures, which are really instruments of death. it is but a few days since i heard a clergyman say, 'it will be a great blessing if we can go to war, and kill off two or three million of the working people: we are too densely populated.' "on monday, the th, i walked to lockersly, fourteen miles, and found a family of saints by the name of paddock. i blessed three of their children, and baptized one; also held an open-air meeting. it had been ten years since they had a visit from a valley elder. "on may th, i returned to southampton. it was a pleasant walk, the road passing through a lovely country, clothed in its spring robes of green. the next day i visited many families of the saints, seeking to get acquainted, and speaking a few comforting words to each family. "may st, by request of president cook, i returned to portsmouth, and met elder john connelly, who will be my companion for the present. president cook wished us to move southward, and visit the saints who are somewhat scattered in the south coast district. we labored about one month together, visiting isolated families, and small branches of the church; holding out-door meetings, and preaching by the fireside. brother connelly's health was poor, yet he was a pleasant companion, an excellent speaker, quick-witted, and humorous; and i believe if he had been nursed and encouraged that he would have filled a good mission. as it was, he felt discouraged and soon returned home. "on june th, , with elder connelly, i walked to ashburn, ten miles, and visited sister winchester. her husband is not in the church, and he has been so bitter and abusive that the elders have ceased calling on them. we resolved, however, to take up a labor with mr. winchester, and stayed three days, having a good rest and visit. sister winchester was very kind and thoughtful of our wants; and when we left, mr. winchester quietly slipped four shillings into my hand, showing that his heart had been softened. "on saturday, june th, we visited brother elphick, and met a mr. burton, a relative of robert t. burton's. he kindly showed us through a gentleman's park, and garden. i was pleased with the order and neat appearance of walks, lawns, fish ponds, flower beds, forest trees, and well-trimmed hedges. at this place, hops are extensively cultivated, giving employment to thousands of women. "june th, we visited william guy of westfield, then walked to rex hill, and dined with mrs. morris, not in the church, having a good gospel conversation. we next took cars for chalvington, and were kindly received by benjamin guy, a farmer. here we stayed four days--bright, sunny days and as there was a demand for hands in the hay field, i put on a 'smock frock,' and pitched and raked hay as well as the best of them, blistering my hands, but otherwise enjoying the labor. "on the fourth day i was called from the field to converse with an english lord, the owner of the farm. he had run down from london to see how work was getting on. he asked many questions about utah. i spoke of the state's importance as a stock-raising and wool-growing country; referred to our lead, copper, silver, and gold mines; pointed with pride to our educational record; and wound up with a synopsis of the principles of the gospel, and the object of temple building. he requested me to drive him to the depot, four miles, and when we parted, he gave me a sovereign, and wished me 'god speed.' "friday, june st, we returned to bosham by way of brighton and chichester. the walk was a hard one for elder connelly, who is not strong in body; neither is he used to out-door manual labor. i wish he had a better mission field. we found brother wallace and family well, and glad to see us. "he says when we are with him, he always has good luck in fishing." i received a letter from brother david r. gill, telling me that he and his family would sail for utah with the th of june company. "several families will go from that place" and they wished me to come and see them off. i wrote and got permission to make a short visit to wales. i parted with elder connelly, and on june rd, i preached in the saints' hall, southampton. monday, the th, i called at bristol to see president jacobs, but he failed to connect. while walking on the street, i saw a man fall dead, the effect of sun stroke. i rode to gloucester, then walked ten miles to see brother wadley. i found him sick, and confined to his bed. he thinks he is going to die. i promised him, in the name of the lord, that if he would start for the valleys, he should live to get there, and have a home with the saints. tuesday, june th, i administered to brother wadley, when he got up, and walked a mile with me. he covenanted that he would pay his tithing, and gather with the saints. i walked to little dean hill and visited sister burris. her little girl emma is much better, but a mere skeleton compared with what she used to be. i took her in a perambulator, and wheeled all through town. i remember how bravely she stood by me, when the people, angered by my testimony, threatened to mob me; and i love her for her trustfulness, and purity of soul. in the afternoon i went to ponty pridd. yesterday and today, i had attentive listeners in the cars; for i always tell the people where i am from, and then, if they permit, i teach the gospel to them. on wednesday, june th, i went with sister coles, to tell her parents that she is going to utah. they were surprised, and at first, angry; but after i had talked to them, they said it was all right. after dinner, i went to hafod, where i met elders william n. williams and thomas f. howells, and joined them in holding an open-air meeting. on tuesday, june th i visited mr. coles, gave him a "voice of warning," and bore testimony to his family. in the evening i attended a baptismal meeting on the banks of the creek near by, and spoke on the necessity of baptism. i showed that christ gave his life as a seal of the divinity of the gospel; also that thirty-four years ago today joseph smith sealed his testimony with his life's blood. the next day i was up at four o'clock. brother gill was sick and the family were fearful that he would not be able to travel. i packed his things, called the family and visitors into prayers, asked god to heal brother gill, which he did, loaded his things on the cart, and seated brother gill and his wife on the top of the load. the elders and a large company of friends followed on foot, three miles to the station, where we met other families--jenkin thomas, albert jones, john d. evans, and others. some of the saints were short of money to pay freight on their luggage. i talked with the agent, and his heart was softened, so that the small sum that i gave him made up the deficiency. i parted with elder thomas f. howells and brother hughes, and took train with the saints as far as pontypool. here i bade them and elder walter j. lewis goodbye, wishing them a safe journey to utah. while waiting on the platform for a downward train, i wrote: parting with the saints. i see pale faces looking out of cars, i hear the whistle shriek--the start and jar, and the train, with its load of human freight fades from my sight, but still i wait. stand and look to the dim, dark, west, with an aching head, and a throbbing breast, till a streak of smoke, like a thread in the sky, marks the path where the loved ones fly-- flying by steam, with the speed of a dove, to the zion of god--the land that i love; o beautiful scene, sweet vision of light, to follow the saints in their gathering flight. the beautiful parks and fields are passed, with the ripening grain, and waving grass-- the hill's green-sward, and the forest grove, the singing birds, and bleating droves; a thousand scenes so dear to the eye, appear like a dream as we pass them by. we will not speak of the "mocking throng," the tained oath and bacchanal song, the crying for bread, the tattered clothes-- all these we leave with babylon's woes. but we'll speak of the songs that ring in my ear-- "o zion, dear zion" and "cheer, saints, cheer"-- "there is a land in utah that i remember well, and there the saints in joy and peace, and plenty ever dwell," o may it prove a chosen land, to the dear ones going there-- and to this weary care-worn band, be ever bright and fair! i cannot help but wish them well, and yet my thoughts i cannot tell. beginning with jones, who rang the bell, the "out-door meetings" cried so well, swelling the audience by his loud tones-- who can forget the crier, jones? next in the list comes jenkin thomas, who pegged men's soles and pegged them honest. his smiling face i loved to see, he always looked so good to me; and if the face is index true to secret thought and actions, too, then jenkin thomas, as sure as grace, was "predestined" to win the race. and john d. evans, honest man, merits a name among the band. oft has his voice rang on the breeze, seeking not man, but god, to please. and d. r. gill, whose voice inspires to actions, worthy of our sires: small in stature, but large in soul-- his birthright he has never sold; it lies 'mong "everlasting hills," by crystal lakes, and mountain rills. in joseph's land, which, long concealed, by jehovah's word is now revealed. there honey and milk and oil and wine are blessings ephraim's children find; and finding, bless their father and cod "for the strength of the hills, and the mountain sod." and now, goodbye to one and all-- parents, children, great and small. i've said my say, and now i go, the seeds of truth again to sow; scattering it with liberal hands as i have done in other lands. these smiling faces i'll see no more until we meet on zion's shore. will they forget? and you, dear kate wilt ever linger "at the garden gate?" and think of him, who at ponty pridd, proved friend to thee, and brother indeed? oft will he long for thy voice again-- but, goodbye friends, here's the downward train. on saturday, june th, i went to lockersley and visited brother paddock. at seven p.m. we were visited with one of the heaviest rain storms that ever i have seen. the water seemed to fall in sheets, and soon the streets were like young rivers. heavy thunder and lightning accompanied the rain. i was thankful that i was under shelter. sunday, june th, i walked into southampton in time for meeting; found elder connelly and friends well. july nd, i held evening cottage meeting at shirley, and had a good time. july rd, i went on to brother quinton's. here i parted with elder connelly: he walked on to london, while i returned to southampton. chapter . conditions at orderville.--letter to e. m. webb, on politics.--visit winchester's cathedral.--pass through the tower of london.--letter from president william budge.--mobbed at albourne. july , , a quiet peaceable day, i baptized miss eliza combs, also mrs. powell and her daughter. it is a comfort, while gleaning, to find, once in a while, a cluster of fruit. i also received letters from home. newell is very poor in health. i fasted and prayed that he might be healed, and live to be an active worker in the vineyard of our lord. today he is an intelligent worker in church and education lines. orderville, may , . "elder john r. young. dear brother: it is with pleasure i seat myself to write to you at this time. health prevails in our midst, and seemingly there is nothing but prosperity awaiting us; and yet the power of the adversary is not overcome, by any means. "i have taken great delight in hearing your descriptive letters. one can almost imagine himself at the places you mention, looking at, instead of hearing of them. i am in hopes that you and brother claridge will soon be released. you are needed here. we have had close times this winter in food and clothing; but if i can see the future right, as i believe i can, our worst days of poverty are past. "yet, looking at things naturally, what varying changes and circumstances god may call us to pass through, to give us necessary experience, is more than i am prepared to say. we have been blessed in having a good yield of wool this clip--about twenty-five hundred pounds more than we expected. our prospects for good crops this year are a great deal better than at this time last year. our tannery and furniture shops are beginning to bring us an income. we intend launching out in these businesses, the tannery especially, and the manufacture of leather articles. "we have purchased the glendale grist mill: price, three thousand dollars. we pay stock in kanab mill, twelve hundred dollars; land in kanab field, six hundred dollars; your city lot in kanab, five hundred dollars; we are to pay four hundred fifty in trade, and two hundred fifty dollars in cash. "during the past two years the mill has brought in over a thousand bushels of grain, for toll. it is in good repair. we take possession the first of august. i should like you to write to me if you can spare the time. with kind regards, i am your brother, e. m. webb." this letter interested me, as it awakened sweet recollections of past labors. in , acting under a written appointment from president brigham young and george a. smith, i visited the mt. carmel ward, and organized the orderville united order. israel hoyt was sustained as president, and william heaten, secretary. the organizing of that society brought division into the ward. bishop bryant jolly, and his strong, numerous family and relations, formed a wall of opposition against cooperative labor that made life in the community unpleasant. to avoid strife and contention the members of the order sold their homes, and moved in a body onto a new, unimproved piece of land, two miles above mt. carmel. here they commenced the town of orderville, securing the title of the land to the order. from that start onward, no man could say "this is mine." all members were required to deed their property, both real and personal, to the society, thus all wealth became common, there were no rich, and no poor, for all were equal. the first building erected was a hotel, where all who were in health could eat at one table. william m. black was placed in charge of the hotel, with seven sisters as a working force. when the order was in the zenith of its prosperity, those eight persons placed the food upon the table for eight families, the meals were served at , , and o'clock, and were as regular as clock work. if the organization had been perpetuated, that one change would have brought wealth to the community. for instance, instead of eighty women getting breakfast, eight persons prepared it, thus saving seventy-two days labor daily. again, by the hotel system, all laborers could start their work at the same minute, thus saving many hours of valuable time. a president with two counselors were the presiding authority. six directors chosen by the people formed the executive board, men and women were organized into working companies. the men were classified into three grades, boys, juniors and men--the men were credited $ . per day, all men were credited the same wage, there being no difference between common and skilled labor. they engaged, in farming, sheep and cattle raising, saw mills, grist mills, furniture, tanning, manufacturing boots, shoes and harness, blacksmithing; and established a woolen factory. they were the most independent self-sustaining community in the state of utah. each branch of industry had a foreman selected from the community, and nominated by the directors, but we were governed by common consent, hence nominations were not in force, until voted upon. each family had their separate home, which was sacred to the family, subject strictly to the parents' government and discipline. honesty, virtue and temperance were necessary to secure fellowship in the society; the policy of the order was to select the wisest men and women to be our leaders. soon after organizing, howard o. spencer was sustained as president. he was a fearless, good man, but by nature not a financial business man. later, thomas chamberlain, a young, progressive man, developed in the community, presided, and edward m. webb, became secretary. under this capable guidance the association was prospering. but president brigham young was the pilot, the guiding star. when he died the master mind was gone. the visible leader, who said, "unless you are one in temporal things, how can you be one in spiritual things?" and "the way the world does business is a sin, the strong build themselves up by putting the weak ones down." that was the voice of the good shepherd to that people, and when that voice was hushed in death, the light was gone--and the community dissolved. it needs the leadership of the priesthood to establish the united order. july , . i received a letter from my brother franklin giving an account of the death of his son david. he was a lovable boy. i wrote: "let me rest, for i am weary; tell the children to keep still-- soon i'll pass the trackless prairie, and will stand on zion's hill, o, how hard to some the journey! but to me 'tis peace and joy, truth and purity bring favor, and i've been a faithful boy. saying thus, he turned him over, gently sank in peaceful rest; who can doubt that now in glory, david liveth with the blest. o how happy was the passing o'er the desert we call death, like a ship with fair wind sailing to the saints' haven of rest. "to a land of fruit and flowers, where pure fountains ever flow, where the gentle summer showers cause life-giving food to grow, and we'll find celestial order in that land of fruit and vines-- fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, 'tis so sacred and divine. here we are but few in number; there we'll meet a countless throng, and we'll smile, and ask in wonder, how we tarried here so long. "then we'll see the hidden wisdom of concealing from our view, light and knowledge, and the vision of our home where all is new. may we all have strength to follow, in this happy painless way; short the struggle and the sorrow when we leave this house of clay; with our kindred dear to bless us, all the loved ones gathered round, angels also near to lead us, to the home where christ is found." i passed sunday, july th, at satchel. from my journal: "today we had a most excellent meeting. i had the privilege of giving my testimony to several intelligent strangers. i trust i am sowing seed that will bring a harvest of souls to some future reaper. on july th. i walked to bosham. my health is poor. i wrote as follows: "elder e. m. webb, dear brother: in answer to yours will say, we are having a fine summer, warm and clear; crops look well, and the oats and barley harvest has commenced. wheat is also looking golden and ripe. potato blight is not quite so bad as last year. "before this reaches you, you will have learned that peace has crowned the efforts of the berlin conference, and the russian-turks war is ended. russia acquires batoum and considerable adjoining territory of importance to her, as it opens the way for her to make further advance into eastern persia and egypt. to offset this, england, to the surprise of all europe, has secured by purchase and secret treaty, at the very time of the convening of the peace congress, the island of cypress, said to be the key to the highway leading into the rich agricultural districts of the nile; and also the overland road to her extensive east india empire. "i am not a political man, but in my opinion, england has got the lion's share. her gold, and disraeli's diplomacy have given her the victory. russia submits with a deep low growl! austria gets a nice bone, sweeter than she expected; while france, snubbed and defied, is loud in her expressions of discontent and indignation. earl beaconsfield has covered himself with present glory, while gladstone is no longer glad--the stone of disappointment lying heavy on his heart. when i came to england, the masses spoke of him as the people's "will;" now they call him "the discarded bill." "strange such a difference there should be, 'twixt tweedledum and tweedledee." this is the result, and fortune of politics. in all nations, so far as i have seen, are restless spirits who must be active. if assailed by outside enemies, these restless cusses will unite in the common defense; but overcome outward pressure, and they will turn round and sow division, just for the pure love of the thing. "england is a grand nation; and her laws are administered impartially in harmony with the moral tone of the nation. this gives her strength and durability; but the life-destroying doctrines of bradlaugh, falsely called the philosophy of life, are slowly but surely, sapping her strength and durability. class distinction is also a great evil. the hereditary aristocrat fears the tiller of the soil, and does all in his power to perpetuate his poverty; which means weakness to the nation, begetting as it does, jealousy and hate; while the wage earner, true to the law of fallen humanity, returns hate for hate; steals and defrauds whenever he can, and smiles as he thinks of a day of change when he will break the neck of the proud man, and scatter his wealth as the sower scatters the grain in fresh-plowed fields. "the kings of the earth have their eye upon this discontent; and try for self protection, what suavity and promise of reform may do, or else get up a war abroad in order to have peace at home. yet their jealousy of one another, coupled with internal restlessness compels every european country to keep large standing armies--to maintain their power by a wall of cannon and a circle of steel. "today the kings are taking counsel of one another, while the working men are forming unions; hence two great powers are consolidating. in course of time, like angry clouds driven by different winds, they will dash upon each other, until they are broken. thus may the way be prepared for the kingdom of god, beneath whose justice and mercy men will feel a spirit of compromise, the forerunner of universal peace. "the mail has just come, bringing letters from you, thomas robertson, and from my wife lydia. while i read these, political ideas vanish from my mind as dews fade before the rising sun; and now increased love, deep yearnings, and fond recollections of home swell in the heart: o zion, thou loved one, when shall i behold thy chaste brow, and view thy lofty hills all clothed in snow? "i walked to winchester, looked again through the cathedral, and had a long gospel talk with a lady and church of england minister. next i visited sister mathews at newfishborne. she is very feeble and nigh unto death. i gave her the sacrament and blessed her. "monday, july nd, i went to london. i met president warren b. smith and his brother alma l., who is released to return home. in the evening, with them, i visited madame tussaud's wax works, viewed over two hundred life-sized statues of the leading men and women of the world, examined the french guillotine, an instrument used to clip off suspected people's heads. on the side wall was a row of heads, showing a specimen of work done. it looked too natural to be pleasant,--as if the blood were still dripping from the severed necks. "i was pleased with napoleon's carriage. order and comfort were combined in its arrangements. he could write, sleep, or eat, as he chose. a group of the berlin congress attracted most attention. prince bismarck's towering and powerful figure was in marked contrast with earl beaconsfield's diminutive body. the russian ministers were noble-looking men: they may be barbarous, but they are nobody's fools. henry viii, with his six wives grouped around him were interesting to me. strong will and voluptuous tendencies were plainly stamped upon his features. "with alma l. and warren b. smith, i took a street buss to london bridge, and went through st. paul's cathedral. it is a stupendous building. the spire is four hundred seventy-four feet high. the gilded cross looks from the ground to be six inches in diameter, yet six men can sit on it. from the cathedral i went by steamer down the thames to westminster abbey, passed through its venerated halls, then visited the house of parliament, the forum of anglo saxon legislation. we lingered some time in the lobbies, but did not hear the voice of chatham nor burke. "from parliament we went to the crystal palace, where we remained until p.m. this is the loveliest place that i have ever seen. the palace is a model of beauty, and it was a feast to wander in the garden-beds of flowers and rose plants, interspersed with statuary or stuffed animals, and the statues of noted travelers, teaching history with object lessons. we next passed into the art gallery, and looked at novelties from all parts of the known world. here we listened to a dramatic tragedy, followed by music from the grand handel organ; which latter, to my untutored ear, was a real treat. the hour was late when we returned to bishop's grove; but the best part of my sight-seeing came after midnight: i dreamed of home, blessed home! on july th, utah's sacred holiday, we visited the tower of london, the ancient, national, political prison of england. if these gloomy walls could speak, what tragedies they could unfold! here are specimens of arms, and accoutrements of war, ancient and modern; from the knotty hawthorn war-club to the improved repeating rifle; men and horses clothed in armor; instruments of torture; the heading block and the ax that severed the gentle lady grey's head from her shoulders. but the gem of the tower was the "jewel room," in which are deposited crowns and jewels to the value of six million pounds sterling--wonderful wealth locked up where it can do no good. it can neither feed the hungry nor clothe the naked; it can satisfy only pride and power. we next went to albert's hall, and saw albert's monument. i shall long remember this beautiful work of art, the witness of a nation's love for a noble man. in the evening i attended meeting, and listened to an interesting discourse by elder a. l. smith, who gave a thrilling narrative of the massacre at haun's mill, where eighteen of our brethren were shot down in cold blood. his father and little brother were among the killed, and he was himself grievously wounded, his hip bone having been shot away. on my return home i found the following letter from the mission headquarters in liverpool: "elder john r. young. dear brother: on my arrival from sheffield last night i found a letter from president john taylor in which he says, 'we shall be pleased to have you release elder john r. young, now laboring in england, to return home this fall.' the reason is, your father wishes to gather all his children together at st. george this fall or coming winter to attend to ordinances in the temple, which he does not think it prudent to delay. you are therefore, brother young, at liberty, with our approbation and blessing, to make preparations to return home. "and as we are anxious to have your help in the mission as long as we consistently can during the favorable season, we therefore suggest that you return in the ship to sail about the th of october. i have not heretofore made your acquaintance, but shall be pleased to do so when you reach liverpool. praying that god may continue to bless you in your labors, i am your brother in the gospel, william budge." on saturday, july , , i went to newbury, where i had the pleasure of meeting elder howard o. spencer, a friend much-loved. sunday, the th, we held meeting at brother bristow's. elder spencer and i occupied the time. at : p.m. i preached on the public square, near the corn exchange, then went home with brother pocock, four miles--and english miles are long. july th, i wrote letters until dinner, then walked back to newbury and preached on the public square, followed by elder spencer. we encountered much opposition. i am glad that father desires to get his family together. how pleased i shall be to see my parents stand as prince and princess in the holy priesthood, at the head of their numerous offspring, and see all this sealed upon them in this life. then, it seems to me, they can pass the portals of death in joy; knowing that rest and peace, as well as eternal life are blessings gained by union, obedience and sacrifice. i walked to ramsbury, seven miles, and attended a methodist open-air meeting. at the close of their service. elder spencer and i addressed the people. thursday, august st, howard and i went to aidbourne and held meeting on the public square. we were mobbed by about one hundred fifty persons. brothers spencer, chouls, griffin and his wife and i backed into a narrow alley, where we kept a solid front, and beat the mob back. howard, griffin, and his wife fought like heroes--until we reached brother griffin's house, where we found shelter; but the mob broke in all the windows, and hammered on the door until a late hour. chapter . good-bye to england--a poem--the master's question. i continued to labor pleasantly with elder howard o. spencer until i was released to return home. i remember the sad look that rested on howard's face when i said goodbye to him; a man of sorrows, but as true and good a man as ever lived. i borrowed ten dollars of john h. miles, and sold him my valise for five dollars. then i bought a suit of clothes that served me until i returned home. my last sunday in england i spent with elder jacobs. we attended a methodist open-air meeting on may hill. there were four local ministers present. they mistook me for one of spurgeon's elders from london, and invited me to preach. with joy, i accepted the chair; but soon they ordered me down; and when i refused to come down, they tried to pull me down. i appealed to the people, who sustained me. the ministers left in disgust. i talked for one hour on the restoration of the gospel, then called president jacobs to the chair, and he bore a strong testimony to the truth of what i had said. it was thus that i closed my missionary labors in england. when i came home, i brought mother jaynes, the old lady whom i first saw in a dream, while sleeping in a wooden-bottomed chair. just before starting for home, i received a kind letter from my father-in-law, william m. black. brother black had forgotten my address, and so sent the letter to the liverpool office. by mistake it had been sent from there into scotland. it traveled thence all over scotland and england, and finally found me on the streets of london. the envelope was so worn that a ten-dollar greenback bill was plainly visible, and was kept in its place only by a tow string tied around the envelope. the money, reaching me in that way seemed a miracle, and i resolved to do a charitable deed with it. at michael, dean hill, in the bristol conference, lived a family by the name of burris. the family consisted of father and mother, a son absalom, nineteen; emma, seven; and kissy, three years of age. the father and son were not in the church; but the home had been a home for our elders for twenty years. when i was there, the elders had been mobbed so much that open-air meetings had been discontinued. president joseph f. smith wrote me to persist in holding them; but the saints refused to accompany me, so i went at it alone. only little emma burris went with me, and several times i felt that all that kept the mob from doing violence to me, was the presence of that innocent little girl clinging so trustingly to me, and i loved her for it. i wrote to mr. burris, and asked him to let me bring emma home with me. he consented; and with that ten dollars i emigrated her to salt lake city. upon my arrival at father's, her uncles, joseph and thomas morgan, came to see her. they begged me to let her stav with them. i consented on condition that they would bring the family to zion. they promised to do so, and they kept their covenant. upon reaching zion, emma's father and brother absalom joined the church and brother burris died a faithful worker in the logan temple. at this writing, , appie's son is filling a mission in the southern states. what a rich harvest from so small a sowing! and the end of the fruitage is not yet. how much good i have done, i leave to the lord. my life has been humble, but active. starting in for myself without a second coat to my back, i have supported a large family and given much of my time to preaching the gospel and doing pioneer work. to my wives and children, for their loyalty to me, i owe much,--more indeed than i may ever repay. in this brief writing, i have endeavored to show that they suffered much, and yet always did a noble, sacrificing part. no man ever had a better family. my father, in his declining years, helped me liberally, and i love his memory. upon my return from england, i received a hearty welcome from my parents, my family, and my brothers, sisters, and friends. my wife albina, and son silas, met me at salt lake city with a team. on our arrival at orderville, the band came out and gave us a serenade and welcome. i associated with the orderville organization seven years; laboring to the best of my ability for the good of all, and there was joy in that labor. after the death of president brigham young, the order was left to stand upon its own merits. at least president taylor seemed to take but little interest in our affairs. the orderville people were emerging from the deep poverty they at first had to contend with, and prosperity was coming to them. but with plenty came a spirit of speculation, and speculation brought disunion. i therefore withdrew from them, careful not to do them any wrong. i moved next to loa, where my home should be today, ; but because i will not put away wives that i married twenty years ago, when there was no law making it a crime, i am compelled to seek the "underground," or else be humiliated by imprisonment, which i will not submit to, if i can possibly avoid it. one day, while sitting under a tree, writing this journal and watching my sheep, i found in an old newspaper that my dinner was wrapped in, the following verse, with the heading: "the master's question." "have ye looked for sheep in the desert, for those that have missed their way? have ye been in the wild, waste places where the lost and wandering stray? have ye trodden the lonely highway-- the foul and darksome street? it may be ye'd see in the gloaming, the prints of my wounded feet." to this i made answer in the following verses, which may not unfitly conclude the account of my missionary labors: yes, i have sought in the desert for the sheep that have wandered afar. i have followed the trail o'er the mountain by the light of the polar star. i have climbed the steep wild pali, thousands of miles away; i have sought in rain and sunshine, for the sheep that have gone astray. with footsteps faint and weary, i have threaded the darksome street, i have entered the lowly dwelling, asking for a crust to eat. i have walked from eve till morning, facing a pelting storm, earnestly seeking to gather the sheep into the master's barn. i have folded home to my bosom, the tender, trembling lamb. i have carried on my shoulder, the weak and helpless dam. i have cried with a voice of kindness to the wayward, heedless throng; i have checked the dogs that in blindness were worrying the wild and strong. i have left my home and loved ones-- the mother who gave me birth-- and wandered, weak and lonely, half way round the earth. from hawaii's shore to london, my voice by night and day, has called, as a shepherd's warning to the sheep that had gone astray. i have used my strength and substance, i have given the little i had, ever willing to lend a hand to the sinning, and the sad. and though my strength is failing, and i often stumble and fall, yet would i hunt the desert again, at the blessed savior's call. for i have seen the prints of his feet, when the spirit rested on me; and when the sheep are gathered, i trust, in the master's fold to be. chapter . in memory of my wife, albina.--"by their fruits ye shall know them." in , when i was returning from my first mission to the sandwich islands, i met in san francisco, lorenzo sawyer, the attorney-general of the state of california. he was my cousin on my mother's side. at that time the mormon people were under a cloud of displeasure from the people and government of the united states. acting upon misrepresentation, and without investigation, president buchanan had sent an army of two thousand five hundred men under general albert s. johnston, to put down the alleged mormon rebellion in utah, as already narrated elsewhere in this journal. my cousin, seemingly wishing to snatch me from the doom overshadowing my people, made me this offer: "if you will stay here, i will put you into the best school in the state of california for three years, then take you into the office with me, a year, and let you study law. then i will give you a thousand dollars in gold, for you to commence life with." that was the most liberal offer that ever came to me. i desired an education, but i loved my people more than i loved myself. i said to my cousin, "you do not know the mormon people. you believe them rebellious and disloyal to our government. it is not so. the reports put in circulation against them are false. i thank you for your kind offer, but decline it." i returned to utah, and on the rd day of june my cousin brigham drove me in a one-horse buggy from provo to salt lake city. at draper i received the kiss of welcome from my dear mother, and my sister harriet. at the city i found my father, waiting like "a lion in his lair," and ready to apply the torch to his home if the army did not keep its promise to not camp within the limits of our city." at that time father's families had been moved to spring creek, seventy-five miles south of the city. as soon as peace was declared, i engaged actively in moving them back to their homes. when that was accomplished. i told father of the offer my cousin made, and said i am now going back to california to get an education. the next morning, while i was passing the church office, uncle brigham beckoned to me,--then came out and walked with me to brother wells' corner. here we sat down on a pile of lumber, and after i had told him of my plans, he was silent a moment, then asked, "johnny, did you ever know me to give unwise counsel?" "never." "well, i want to give you a little counsel. don't you go to california. don't you study law. look around, find a good girl, get married and make yourself a home. without another word he returned to his office and the brightest dream of my life had been swept away. what should i do? i sat a few minutes as if dazed, then sprang to my feet, saying, "i will accept counsel, let it lead me where it will." a little later i met my uncle joseph. he said, "johnny, bishop stewart wants you to go to draper and talk to the young folks. will you go?" "yes, when does he want me." "next monday night." "i will be there." the schoolhouse was packed full that night. i had commenced talking, when a lady came in and was given a seat in front of the stand. our eyes met, and i heard a voice say, "that is your wife." after meeting she was introduced to me as miss albina terry. from that hour our life stream began flowing in one channel, but not to anticipate, i will let albina tell her side of our love story. after we were engaged she confided to me: "i had been unfortunate and unhappy in my first loves, and it had left me with a bleeding heart. i tried to forget, but could not. my health failed, until my parents became alarmed at my condition. one day in a heart to heart talk, my mother said, 'my daughter, if you will go to the lord with your sorrows, he will comfort you.' i accepted her counsel. with fasting and prayer i asked the father for help, and he graciously answered my pleadings. in a dream i saw a rosy-cheeked laughing boy, and a person said, 'see, your husband.' "i told my mother the dream; my hope revived, and my health became better. i waited and watched. suitors came, but i shunned them. three years had passed, and i was still at home. johnston's army was coming, and all of our people from salt lake city northward, had fled to the south. our home being only a few rods back from the road, we saw thousands of people pass southward until the stream was exhausted. one day as i sat weaving, my face to the street, a one-horse buggy with two men in it, drove by. the one on the side nearest us turned his face toward me and laughed. instantly i cried, 'oh, mother! that is my husband. who are they?' i came to the meeting, and when i saw you, i knew you. i felt confused, yet a thrill of joy came to me. at the close of the meeting, i sought your sister and went home with her, for i knew you would be there." on new year's day we were married--and a blessing had come to me. she was industrious and saving as a housekeeper; she was also a wise counselor, and a loyal wife. as my family became enlarged, i adopted the plan of buying my family supplies by wholesale. while we were living in long valley, i was a farmer, and also a saw-mill man. in the fall i would load my teams with lumber and grain and go to the washington factory seventy-five miles away, buy my supplies, take them home, and give them to albina, for i knew that she would divide them justly with every other member of the family. she was big hearted enough to sympathize with the other wives, and if trouble occurred in the family she always took their parts, yet so wisely and soothingly, that she always kept my love and confidence. by nature, i was of a quick, irritable disposition, and her firm calmness was a great help to me. it served as a balance wheel to keep me from flying to pieces. and her life had deeper roots than love for her husband, as the following incident illustrates: in st. george, in , i had two wives; for four years we had lived in tents and wagon beds, owing to deprivations, resulting from extended missionary labors. i had succeeded in getting up a one-roomed house which i was shingling, when the postman in passing, handed albina a letter, remarking, "i think brother young is called on a mission again." i exclaimed, "i will be if i will go." "o father, don't say that," said my first wife. "you don't want to humiliate us. think how we would feel if you should refuse to respond to a mission call." thus did she ever encourage me to be loyal to my duty to the nation and the church. the following incident, also touched upon elsewhere, illustrates her power of faith: in , returning from a visit to the moqui indians, forty-seven men in our company, we crossed the colorado river on a raft made of flood-wood. i had charge of the rude ferry. we made five trips, which occupied the entire day; most of the time my feet were in the cold river water, while my body was perspiring with the exertions i had to make. that night i was attacked with cramping colic and suffered fearfully. in the morning, being out of food, we had to move on. keeping in the saddle gave me great pain. at kanab the boys found the old cast-away running gears of a wagon. they made a harness out of ropes, and lashing two poles on the running gears, they swung me in a hammock between them, and hauled me to washington to my house. john mangum was my driver and nurse, and he was careful and tender to relieve my pain. he gave me in all twenty-two pills and a pint of castor oil, and i carried that load in my stomach nine days. as soon as we reached washington, doctors israel ivins and silas g. higgins were summoned from st. george. they came and worked five days with me, then gave me up. bishop covington came, and "sealed me up unto death," that my sufferings might cease. he kindly offered to watch during the night, but albina excused him. as soon as he was gone, my wife sent for brother tyler, a humble ward teacher. she next persuaded the family to get a little rest, then sitting by my side, poured out her soul to the lord, until brother tyler's heart was touched; and kneeling by my bed, he too pleaded with the father to spare me. while he prayed, i awoke as from a sleep. i saw the two kneeling; i listened to their pleadings, and wondered what it meant. i placed my hand on albina's head, when she looked up and sprang to her feet crying, "he is saved! he is saved!" in the morning i dressed, and as the bishop came by, i hailed him, took a seat by his side, and rode in a lumber wagon over to st. george to attend the quarterly conference. to me, it has ever seemed the womanly strength of character and faith of albina that saved me. albina died on the th of january, . from her birth to her grave, she was a pioneer. she drove a yoke of oxen from the missouri river to salt lake city. one of her sons, in learning of her death, wrote: "the hand is still that bore the whip, across the dreary plain, heeding neither wind nor dust, nor driving mountain rain; trusting in a hope divine that ever bore her up, tasting alike the joy of toil, and of its bitter cup. and thus through life she journeyed on, bravely to the end, and all along her thorny trail, were those who called her friend." chapter . in memory of my wife, lydia. when i married albina, uncle brigham and aunt clara d. honored me with their presence at the banquet, which father provided. uncle brigham told this incident: "the first time that i spoke on the principle of plural marriage was in the nauvoo temple, in a room we had finished and dedicated as a prayer-circle room. at the close of our exercises, i gave permission for any one to ask questions. dr. bernhisel, who was on a visit from philadelphia, arose and said: "i have heard it reported that joseph taught, and introduced into the church, a principle called plural, or celestial marriage. is it true? if so, what is the nature of that principle?' "i answered, 'joseph gave us a revelation on celestial marriage, and had hyrum read it to the high council. let the brethren of the high council who heard hyrum read the revelation, hold up their hands.' several hands were raised. i asked, 'does that satisfy you that joseph gave the revelation ?' 'yes,' 'very good; now for the principle.' "we will suppose there are three young men, just starting out on the journey of life for themselves. they resolve that they will be farmers, as that is a labor with which they are acquainted. one says, "i am not going to rush things in the start; i want to enjoy life. i will put in ten acres of grain; that will support me, and that's all i care for.' the second one says, 'i will put in twenty acres. i can care for that amount and not work very hard; and i want to forge ahead a little.' the third one says, 'boys, i want to make all that i can while i am young and strong. i am going to plant forty acres.' "now, we will suppose that they keep up their fences, and properly care for the crops. when the harvest comes, which man receives the greatest reward? you will all answer, 'the man who planted the forty acres.' and joseph has told us, 'there is a decree eternal, that men shall be rewarded according to their works.'" i never forgot that story; and one year from that day i married lydia knight, daughter of newell knight, who was a life-long trusted friend of the prophet joseph smith. lydia was a bright, cheery spirit, and i was proud of her. but in some respects she was the very opposite of albina. i soon found that it required more wisdom and patience to direct the activities of two wives than it did to direct one. lydia was strong and firm in her spiritual convictions and impressions, active and persistent in character. she became an earnest church worker in the relief society and primary association. for seven years we lived and worked in the orderville united order. lydia had charge of the millinery department, and she put whole souled effort into the work entrusted to her. the members of the orderville ward entered into that communal association, believing it to be a sacred duty to do so. we came together as strangers, each handicapped with individual weaknesses, but all imbued with an earnest desire to overcome them. the very fact that 'we had all things common" tended to banish selfishness, and helped us to "love our neighbor as ourselves;" and it is a fact we became deeply attached to one another. at the commencement of this social experiment, president young said to us: 'if, at any time, you run up against a problem you don't know how to handle, come to me, and i will give you counsel;" and while he lived, we looked to him, and he never failed us. soon after his death, however, a question arose which we were divided upon. the board of directors sent me to salt lake city to lay the matter before president taylor, and solicit his counsel. there were several brethren in the office when i stated the case to him. he listened patiently, then arose from his chair, shrugged his shoulders in a way peculiar to himself, and said: "brethren, i must tell you a little story. a few years ago, horace s. eldredge, while acting as our emigration agent, was down in missouri buying cattle for our emigrants. happening toward the close of the day to be in a part of the country that was once owned by the saints--and from which they were driven by mobs--he was curious to know if any of our people were still living there. seeing a young man chopping wood, he asked him if there were any mormons living in the neighborhood. the boy replied, 'well, dad used to be one of those kind of fellows, but he ain't doing much at it now days.'" i returned to orderville, and withdrew from the association, giving as a reason, "if the president of the church does not approve of our labors, i am not willing to continue the experiment." my withdrawal gave pain to some of my dearest friends, and was a source of deep sorrow to lydia. she felt that we were under obligation by the sacred covenant of baptism (for we were all baptized into the order) to consecrate our lives to help bring about, and establish a social system in which there should be "no rich and no poor;" that we could, and should give our hearts to god, and love our neighbors as ourselves. however, the later dissolution of the order by the counsel of apostle erastus snow, brought lydia back to us, and made unity once more in my family, for which i was truly thankful. during the period of which i am writing, a wave of brutal terrorism flowing from the evils of the civil war, had inundated the southern states, "compelling the best blood of the south" to organize the "ku klux klan" for self preservation. a ripple of a similar official tyranny later reached and enveloped the mormon people. in order to enforce the laws enacted for the suppression of polygamy, our fair land was filled with "spotters, spies and deputy marshals" and it is not strange that the government in clothing with new powers so many men of low order of morals, for only characters of that class could be induced to trail honorable men and women for hire, should have some officials who were cruel and unscrupulous. a case in point was enacted when edward dalton of parowan was cowardly and maliciously shot and killed, because he was a polygamist. that act stirred up bitter feeling in my heart. going to salt lake city i consulted with my father who advised me to go to mexico. i next consulted with my wives. albina dreaded moving, and begged me to let her remain in the home at loa, not however through unkind feeling toward me, or the other families. on the contrary, she urged me to take them, and go where i could live in peace with them. accordingly i sold my farm, arranging so that albina could purchase it, and thus secure the home to herself. i then took lydia and tamar, with their families, and departed for mexico. i had one four-horse team, two two-horse teams, and fifteen head of cows. bishop joseph h. wright, and my son-in-law, h. t. stolworthy, each with a team, and a plural family, accompanied me. we left huntington, keeping the main-traveled road for green river, until we reached the iron springs. then, fearing that we should be arrested at blake, we turned, crossing the san rafael desert to hanksville. we thereby came to a forty mile stretch without water, and while crossing that waterless sand waste we encountered the worst desert blizzard that i ever experienced. the sand drifted into the road so furiously that it was almost impossible to move; and at the close of a hard day's labor, we had not made over four miles progress. just at night a short, sharp hail storm swept over us. we camped, blanketed our horses, cuddled into our wagons, and rested the best we could. during the night it froze hard, which proved a blessing to us. the next morning, at three o'clock, keeping the women and children in bed, we pulled out. the road was as hard and smooth as the floor of a house. for fifteen miles we sped merrily along; then the sun's rays melted the frost, and the wagon wheels dropped into the sand five spokes deep. we rested during the day, and broke camp again at midnight; and by nine in the morning, reached hanksville without any serious suffering. we struck the colorado at the dandy crossing, swam our cattle and horses, and ferried our wagons on a small boat, paying twenty dollars for the use of it. the journey to mexico was long, tedious and expensive, but we were happy, for we had escaped imprisonment. upon reaching mexico, i bought fifteen acres of land, (it is now a part of the city of dublan) and made a home on it for lydia; then moved tamar to pacheco. soon after that i lost my arm in an accident, and was made a cripple for life. i felt that with only one hand i could not successfully compete with mexican labor, and as the manifesto had been issued, giving promise that those already in plural marriage should not be disturbed, i resolved to return to my native land. lydia, believing that bitterness and violence would continue to follow us in the united states, chose to remain in mexico. i deeded to her the little farm; then with tamar i returned to the united states. i now realize that i did wrong in leaving lydia without a husband's help when she most needed it in caring for her young family. by nature she was proud spirited, and ambitious to appear well. she therefore toiled beyond her strength, which hastened her to an early grave. she died may , , at dublan, mexico. in closing, i can affirm, conscientiously, that lydia died a martyr for the gospel. she was a noble woman--and under favorable conditions would have been a leader in church activities. a love of the gospel was born with her. and many of her sorrows are traceable to her zeal in spiritual matters. i cannot remember that there were ever disputations, or unkind jealous feelings among my wives; they ever sustained and loved one another. but lydia and i differed in our interpretation of the manifesto. she believed it required a severance of marriage covenants between the husband and the plural wife, while i held that it only bound the latter-day saints not to enter into new, additional plural marriages, that former plural marriages remained undissolved, and were sacred. on that rock we parted. she remained in mexico, while i returned to the united states. in my heart, i have always felt that the father blessed me with a noble family. i loved them; and i believed in my soul what president young said about the young man who planted forty acres of grain. i tried to lay a foundation for growth and expansion in the kingdom of god. i may have over-taxed my strength and ability, and through lack of knowledge, may not have cared wisely for the field i sowed, but i firmly believe that when the day of recompense comes the lord of the vineyard will confirm to me the family relations i gave my best years' dearest efforts to build up. chapter . in memory of my wife, tamar. more than four thousand years ago the lord said to the children of israel, "honor thy father and thy mother," and thou shalt inherit a blessing; and today, among christian or heathen nations, the child that gives love and obedience to its parents is in return loved and honored by his fellow men. in , i was laboring in president young's cotton factory at washington, utah. joseph burch, the superintendent, sent me with a four-horse team loaded with factory goods, to beaver, with orders to exchange the goods for wheat. i was to store the wheat in the beaver grist mill, then come home with a load of flour. one day, when working at the beaver grist mill, i received a note from sister black, stating that her daughter tamar wished to go back with me to washington to see her father, who was then running the washington grist mill. i declined to take her for the reason that it was stormy weather, and that i was heavily loaded. the next day sister black came to see me. she told me her daughter had an offer of marriage from a man of wealth, the owner of a good home. it looked, from a worldly point of view, like a splendid offer; but the girl doubted the man's profession of faith in the gospel, and she wanted to counsel with her father. i told the sister that without doubt the trip would be muddy and disagreeable, but if the daughter could put up with the inconvenience, she was welcome to go. she went. we were eight days wallowing through the mire and snow. tamar was young and bashful, thinly clad, and i know she suffered from the cold, but she did not murmur, for she was going to see her father. her appreciation of his counsel was supreme. her devotion and loyalty to her father made her companionship sweet to me. when i was a boy of sixteen i received my endowments in the old council house. president heber c. kimball made the most impressive talk on virtue and chastity that i have ever heard, and purity became, in my mind, an ideal more precious than gold or silver. it was my practice of this ideal that led to the winning of tamar's love, and that gave me unreservedly her father's blessing. a few days after returning from beaver, i walked with brother black over to st. george, seven miles, to attend a priesthood meeting. on the way, i asked him what answer tamar had given the man who wished to marry her. he replied, "i advised her to decline his offer, and she did it." as events turned out, our trip proved providential. eight days of companionship under such trying circumstances could not fail to awaken a mutual admiration. i too discovered in tamar a high and lovable type of womanhood, a type that no outward vicissitude of life would daunt or weaken. perhaps her first appreciation of me was in the nature of perfect trust, and indeed her virtue had been as sacred with me along this lonely road as it would have been with her father or mother. fifty years ago, we of utah had no railroads, nor automobiles, and not even brakes on our wagons. i got my brother joseph w.'s big mules, loaded up with cotton yarn, then with albina and her children, and tamar, i hiked to salt lake to be married. as we got into the wagon father black put his arms around tamar, and said, "my daughter, you are going to marry into a large family. many trials will come to you; and i want you to remember, 'it is better to suffer wrong, than to do wrong.'" this was splendid counsel, and the daughter never forgot it. the following incident illustrates tamar's presence of mind in sudden danger. as i remember, about fifteen miles north of beaver, we went down a long, serpentine hill. rains had washed the old road into a deep gully. the new track above it was sidling and very rocky. in the front end of our wagon was a mess box, the lid being level with the top of the wagon bed. a sheepskin on this box formed my seat. as we reached the top of the hill, the wagon began to crowd the mules. i stopped to get out to lock the wheel with the chain fastened to the side of the wagon bed. as the team stopped, the ring in the neckyoke broke, letting the tongue down. the mules sprang forward with fright, and would have jerked me off the wagon; but tamar, quick as a flash, placed her knees against the mess box, clasped her arms around my body and held me firm; while i, with a grip of iron, held the wagon bunt against the mules. down the hill we went like a whirlwind, the end of the wagon tongue, in front of the mules, sending the cobble rock flying in every direction. on reaching the level flat, i succeeded in stopping the outfit, and no injury was done, save the shock of fright that we all received. in , in the seaman's bethel in honolulu, i heard an anti-mormon lecturer tell an audience that they could readily recognize the "polygamous children," for "they were born imbecile pigmies." no slander against my people could be fouler than this one. utah's foremost citizens today are of polygamous lineage. tamar was herself, a splendid refutation of this slander. tamar's mother was a plural wife, and tamar measured five feet eight inches in height, and weighed one hundred forty-five pounds. in disposition she was quiet and cheerful, yet in danger was quick and heroic. here is a notable instance: after i had lost my arm, in coming back from mexico, while i was still feeble, when crossing the new mexico desert, the navajos were unfriendly. at captain toms wash, they started in to rob us. a big buck, after making an inflammatory speech, sprang upon the wagon hub, caught hold of a sack of provisions to lift it from the wagon. as quick as a flash, tamar struck him across the nose with a stick of wood. the blood spurted from both nostrils, and the brave, dropping the sack, got off the wheel quicker than he got on. for a moment my heart ceased to beat, for i expected trouble; but the warriors who witnessed the act, roared with laughter, and i soon saw that they were amused at the defeat, by a "squaw," of their windy-mouthed captain. but it was in the home circle where she shone with the greatest brilliancy; not with a meteoric flare, rather with the continual glow of the summer's sunshine. perhaps the darkest hour of my life was when i lost my arm, and fell penniless among strangers. but tamar with a smiling face, nursed the mutilated man, and at the same time whirled the wheel of the washing machine; thus winning the bread that kept the breath of life in us. tamar calmly and bravely met the responsibilities of married life, grateful for the gift of motherhood, and willing to sacrifice her own life, if need were, in order to give life to others. she believed and practiced the principle that "it is more blessed to give than to receive." i never was so weary or discouraged that her words would not rest and cheer me. she being younger than i by fifteen years, i fondly anticipated that my last hours would be comforted by her ministration. i often hear the remark that "we never miss the water till the well goes dry," and that "we do not appreciate the loved ones until they are taken from us." possibly i did not fully value the wealth i possessed in my family, but i always said--and it came from my heart--that god had blessed me with noble wives; that i became a better man through obeying the principle of plural marriage than i ever should have been without it. joseph smith was a prophet of god, and no other principle taught by him would have done as much for the uplift of the human family, on the plane of purity and righteousness. the men and women who practiced that principle were not sensual sinners, but they were strong, clean souls, willing to suffer, and die if need were, for the right as they saw the right. i have partaken of the hospitality of the common people in england and in the united states. i have witnessed the love and happiness that abide in the christian homes of these christian nations; but never have i seen more perfect trust, confidence, and love without guile, than i have witnessed in some of the plural families of the latter-day saints. take for instance the father who will give to his beloved daughter, as a parting benediction, "it is better to suffer wrong than to do wrong," and "it is more blessed to give than to receive," and you have a revelation of a clean heart, and a pure spirit. it may not be possible for mortal man to teach truths as sublime as did the christ, but if it be true that "from the abundance of the heart the mouth speaketh," then that father possessed a pure heart, certainly the daughter to whom the precious admonition was given was a worthy child; and the diligent practice of those celestial ideals made tamar b. young a lovable mother and a peerless wife. in conclusion, i will say that each of those three wives bore me seven children, making in all seventeen sons and four daughters. they were all strong and healthy children; not a weakling among them. moreover they have all made honorable and virtuous men and women. one of my sons, upon learning of the death of his mother, wrote: "oh, how thankful i am for my parentage; for the noble souls who gave me life! how i love them for the clean, uncontaminated body with which they blessed my spirit. no loathsome disease fastened to it, no craving for liquor and tobacco, as an hereditary hindrance to my progress. oh, those noble women! their crowns will be as bright, and will shine with a splendor equal to that of the prince at whose side they walked unflinchingly through life, turning their sorrows into joy. again, how thankful i am for my noble parentage!" and i add: i am proud of my children, and they are proud of me; when the reaping comes, what will my harvest be? in the three chapters preceding this, i gave the best statement of motives and experiences of my life as it passed in rain and sunshine, with the three noble wives who shared my joys and sorrows. there is one other wife, who has claim as valid and sacred as the ones that i have so warmly eulogized. the reason that a chapter is not given to her memory is a sad one. on the th of october, , i married in the salt lake temple, catherine coles, to me a sweet, chaste girl. on the th day of november, , she gave her life, in giving birth to a sweet baby girl. by her request the babe was named mary ellen, and with my consent she was adopted by aunt ellen young, who cuddled her to her breast and held her there until the child grew to womanhood and found a pleasant nest of her own. in that child's veins flows the blood of a young. she came honestly and virtuously by that heritage. the woman does not exist, either dead or alive, who can say that i ever invited her to commit sin. my wives were given to me in sacred places, by those who had authority to seal on earth, and it was sealed in heaven, and if i can be pure to the end, those ties will be eternal. appendix stories and rhymes chapter . twenty-fourth of july musings, sent to president joseph f. smith.--twenty-fourth of july toast,--utah--thrilling eruption of kilauea. sitting 'neath the pines, in the cold mountain air, inhaling the inspiration of the chaplain's prayer; breathing the spirit of the orator's theme, memory sweeps backward o'er the troubled stream of my people's lives. wild, vivid scenes of frontier life burst like a meteor on the mind. i see the broad prairie lands of our dear far west, with a hundred new-built, new england fashioned cottages. i hear the ring of the workman's ax, and the noisy laughter of many children,--the evidence of virtuous, happy homes. but the scene changes. a cloud of dust rises on the horizon, and soon the tramping and neighing of a thousand horses is heard. and the cohorts of clark's mob militia burst into view. they encircle the village, kindle their camp fires, and place their sentinels. then commences a raid of pillage and rapine. homes are plundered, cows shot down, maidens insulted. our leading elders are treacherously arrested and driven at the point of the bayonet, with demoniac yells, into their camp. a court martial is convened. a sentence of death is passed upon the captives--"general doniphan was to have the honor of shooting them at sunrise the next morning," for they, like the hebrew children of old, must die for worshiping israel's god. but when general doniphan looked into the faces of those youthful, noble-looking men, his heart was touched, and the unjust, cruel sentence was never carried out. then followed a less severe, yet heart-rending scene. on the morrow, the prisoners were allowed to take a silent parting with their wives, children and parents; with the added solemn warning that they would never see them again. one clasp of the hand, and a tender look into the eyes of the loved ones, and they were torn away; and like murderous criminals, they were chained together, and driven to "liberty." not to freedom, but to a dungeon, while their unprotected families were driven from their homes, to wander in the cold, biting blasts of winter. while fleeing from the state of missouri, among the fleeing exiles i see a woman of majestic appearance. her firm step and compressed lips denote great will power; while the calm expression of the countenance evidences faith and trust in god. in her arms nestles a two weeks' old baby boy, born since the silent parting with her treacherously arrested husband. that woman was mary fielding smith! that baby boy was our beloved president, joseph fielding smith! could we follow that mother and child, and their suffering companions, in their winter flight from missouri to illinois, and from nauvoo to salt lake valley; through the perils of mob violence--the burning of homes, the exposure to pitiless storms, the crossing of mighty rivers on treacherous ice, the traversing of unexplored deserts without guides, the bridging of long periods with little food--it would make a story of sacrifice and suffering, of perseverance, and thrilling adventure unparalleled in the history of civilized life. all these trials our fathers and mothers passed heroically through, marking the pioneer trail with the unlettered graves of their bravest and dearest loved ones. the hands that first scourged them never left their trail, nor ceased applying the fire-brand to their homes and the lash to their naked backs, until the hunted fugitives, with a courage born of despair, (yet mixed with unyielding faith), crossed the mississippi and plunged fearlessly into the unknown west. and as the hunted deer, with beating heart, flees long after the hounds have given up the chase, so these nationally banished exiles followed their intrepid leaders on, on, and still on, until the glistening sands of the "inland sea" greeted them. oh, how they loved the rugged mountains, and the deep chasm-scarred canyons that surrounded them, and shielded them from their foes! no mobbings, no house burnings, no tar and feathering here; but peace and freedom, blessed freedom. salt lake city, utah, july , . elder john r. young, blanding, utah. my dear brother john: it was with a great deal of pleasure that i read your letter which was written from blanding on the th of the present month and reached me on the th, and which contained so many reminiscences of our earlier days and recalled old memories and scenes of my childhood and early youth. i did not attempt to make any answer to your letter before this because i have been for a long time under the weather and have neglected a great many matters which did not require immediate attention. while i have been confined to a very great extent to my room, i have had a great deal of time to devote to reflection and musing over earlier scenes and missionary experiences of my younger days. your letter brought back very vividly the days of our missionary labors in the islands, where i was sent when only a boy, inexperienced in many things, and yet, through force of circumstances caused by the loss of both father and mother whose counsels i very sorely needed, with a training beyond my years caused by contact with hard necessity in those early pioneer days in a new country where but a few years before scarcely a white man had placed his foot. i recalled my travels across the desert and our journeyings to southern california and from there up to san francisco; the dangers through which we passed because of hostile bands of indians; laboring in california in order to get means to make the passage over the ocean to the appointed field of labor and the difficulties encountered after arriving there. i recalled the promises made to me by brother parley p. pratt that i should receive the knowledge of the native language by the gift of god, and how it was fulfilled. i thought of the arrival of our boat and when the natives surrounded us as they came out in the harbor talking what appeared to me as an unintelligible gibberish, how it would be possible for me, or any one else, to learn to speak such a language and preach the gospel to them in such a tongue. but the lord blessed me and it was not many days before i was able to converse in the hawaiian language and preach in my missionary journeyings among that dark, benighted but kind hearted people. i recalled not only the companionship of my friends, john r. young, silas smith, my kinsman, smith b. thurston, washington b. rodgers, william w. cluff, francis a. hammond and many others, but the many dark skinned natives whose friendship and brotherly love could not be surpassed. how my love went out to them! for are they not also the children of god, and of the seed of abraham with a right to the promises made by the lord to israel? and did they not prove to us their worthiness and integrity even though they had not been taught and trained as we and were filled with the superstitions of their people which had come down for many generations. and farther back to the days of my childhood in these valleys, my reflections carried me, to the time when as a herd boy i tended my mother's cows and those of others in this salt lake valley where many prosperous farms are now located, to my early school days which were sadly limited because of necessity and then my early departure for the islands of the sea. yet farther back i went in my wandering to the days of nauvoo where for so short a time the saints were happy and i played, amused myself in the home of the prophet and with his sons as well as in my father's house. well do i remember the return of my father with the prophet after they had crossed the river and had started on their journey west, because the false cry was raised that they were deserting the flock and how they went to carthage never again to return in mortal life, cut down because of the testimony of jesus in the prime of life and sealing their testimonies with their blood. then followed the feverish days in which the saints continued the labor on the nauvoo temple until it was complete and endowments were given therein and the wicked expulsion of thousands of innocent people from their homes. i recall the departure of the first companies over the frozen river on the ice in the depths of winter and how, shortly afterwards my mother and her family were forced also to take their departure in poverty and wend their way westward with the rest. my brother john had gone at an earlier day and we overtook him on the journey. then came the struggle on the banks of the mississippi where we tried to save means to continue the journey to the valleys of the mountains and my employment as herdboy while we there sojourned. it was here that i had one of the most thrilling and exciting adventures of my life when the indians made a raid on our cattle and, although but a child, i remember how the thought came to me that if our cattle were taken our journey to the salt lake valley could not be taken. with more than human effort--for i know the lord was with me--i turned the cattle and started them for home where they escaped although i was taken captive by the savage redmen, but considered so insignificant that they dropped me on the ground where i was left to survive or perish as chance it may and the horse on which i rode was stolen. then came the journeying across the plains and after many difficulties the arrival in the valley--the promised land--where we were promised rest at least from enemies thirsting for our blood. we moved out on the mill creek and started to farm, but before many years had passed away my beloved mother was called home and i was sent out when but fifteen years of age to perform a man's duty in the world--a duty that was not, however, new to me--for had i not done the like when we crossed the plains? all these thoughts and a thousand more have coursed through my mind, and i have reflected on many scenes of the days of missouri, when i was too young to remember the persecutions of the saints, and on scenes of more recent years, not all of which have been sad, for there have been many bright days in the years that have followed and companionships that have been formed that shall be everlasting. and i remember my old friends, many of whom are now laboring in the great beyond and a few who are still left and scattered throughout zion. and among these friends i recall my beloved brother and true friend john r. young. may his days be increased and made happy in his declining years, and may we all meet in the kingdom of our god when our work is done, there to dwell in joy and happiness forever. this is the prayer of your friend and brother, who greets you in love and remembrance of former days. respectfully yours, joseph f. smith in memory of president joseph f. smith. _by john r. young_. i thank the mutual improvement association of blanding for the invitation to speak a few words in memory of my boyhood's friend, joseph f. smith. i shall not attempt to speak of the activities of his matured life, his splendid manhood and noble, spotless character. it has been well told by his bosom friend, bishop charles w. nibley. it was my lot, however, to know joseph in his boyhood. i was with him on his first mission in . we were numbered with the twenty young elders called to the sandwich islands. joseph was the youngest, (when called he was in his fifteenth year) of the company, but of the thirty men who crossed the desert to southern california together, there were but five who were believed to be his equals in athletic exercises. as i am limited to time, i shall speak only of the most marked events, delineating his character when a boy. upon reaching san francisco, president parley p. pratt gave joseph, william w. cluff and myself a mission to tract the city. at the close of the first day's tracting joseph asked to be released. he said, "i can not offer a book of mormon without having to listen to a burst of blasphemy and a tirade of falsehood and abuse to my uncle joseph, and i cannot be peaceable and hear it." he was released from tracting. at that time he was lodging at the home of his aunt agnes. she was the wife of his uncle don carlos smith, who died at nauvoo. after his death she married a man by the name of william pickett, a man whose heart was full of bitterness toward president brigham young and the utah mormons, and he seemed to delight in slurring them to annoy joseph. pickett's home was on a sandy hillside. one day a man came with a load of wood. in passing through the gate the hind wheels slid down so the hub struck the gate post. mr. pickett asked joseph and the teamster to lift the upper wheel, while he would lift the lower one and slough the wagon back. the upper wheel was lifted, but the lower one was too heavy. joseph proposed that he try the lower one. pickett replied, "young man, if you think you are a better man than i, take hold, and maybe you'll learn something." the wagon passed in, and when the man had unloaded and was gone, joseph faced his uncle and said, "uncle, you seem to enjoy making slurring remarks about brigham young and the utah mormons. i wish you would not do so any more in my presence, and mr. pickett remembered the request. after working two months in the harvest field to earn his passage money, joseph with other elders, sailed steerage passage, on the bark yankee, for the islands. as soon as the ship was clear from the wharf, the passengers were lined up on the deck and their names read off to see if there were any stowaways. when the purser called, "joseph smith" the captain asked, "any relation to old joe smith?" "no, sir," was the prompt answer, "i never had a relative by that name; but if you had reference to the prophet joseph smith, i am proud to say, he was my uncle." "oh, i see," said the captain, and he did see a man who had the nerve and manhood to demand that proper respect be shown to the name of the prophet, whom he loved and honored. within one hundred days after landing on the islands, he was preaching the gospel of the lord jesus christ in the hawaiian language. after six months' labor on maui, he was called to be the president of the molokai island conference. here he made the acquaintance and won the friendship of a wealthy gentleman by the name of meyers. stopping, by invitation, a few days with him, he met jules remy, a french savant and author, who was making a circuit of the world. with six companions he visited the wild wonderland of molokai, the reverend mr. dwight, presbyterian pastor of the islands, acting as guide and interpreter. while all were seated around the supper table, mr. remy asked joseph if the report was true "that the mormon people were in rebellion against the united states?" before joseph could reply, the parson chipped in, "yes, brigham young has always been a traitor, and now he has not only rebelled, but he has ordered his people to massacre all the gentiles in the territory. already they have murdered over a hundred innocent men, women and children at a place called mountain meadows." joseph sprang from his chair, and seizing mr. dwight by his collar, lifted him to his feet and said, "brigham young is not a traitor, the mormon people are not in rebellion, but you are a liar, and you will take back what you have said, or i will drive your teeth down your throat." mr. remy acted the man and came to joseph's assistance by affirming the question was to mr. smith, and that mr. dwight was out of place, and that he should apologize, which he did, and from that time on there was at least one mormon elder that mr. dwight treated with respect. in relating these incidents where joseph resented insults and untruthful accusations, i do not want any one to infer that he was of a quarrelsome disposition, for he was not. in all of my acquaintance with him, i never knew him to be the aggressor nor to be tantalizing in the least degree, but he was plain and positive. to me, from a boy, he lived in harmony with the spirit of god, and i have good reason for believing that his father and his uncle joseph watched over him continuously, and when joseph was nigh to death with typhoid fever at president hammond's on the island of maui, i feel sure that those two exalted brothers, walking hand in hand, visited and ministered unto him, whereby his life was preserved and he was enabled to complete his earth life mission, leaving on record a testimony of one of the purest lives ever lived by man. bishop nibley told of a railroad incident where joseph, by listening to an invincible warning, was kept out of danger. i want to recall the scene at lahaina. in apostles ezra t. benson, lorenzo snow, and elders joseph f. smith, william w. cluff and alma l. smith were sent to the islands to put a stop to walter m. gibson's mischief making among the hawaiian saints. when the ship reached lahaina, (an unsafe harbor) the incoming wave swells were so heavy that the ship had to anchor nearly a mile from the land. in going ashore the captain invited the elders to ride with him in his boat, but joseph declined, he was so strongly impressed with a feeling of danger that he pleaded with his brethren to wait until the native boats should come; but the brethren were anxious to be ashore and went. the result, the boat was capsized and apostle snow was drowned, and it was a miracle that he was resuscitated and his life saved. in the early days of the hawaiian mission our elders met with much opposition and with several severe mobbings. at one time in honolulu, a crowd of ruffians mobbed the aged president, philip b. lewis. the harmless old man was knocked down and dragged by the heels, his head bumping on the cobble rock pavement until the ruffians thought he was dead; then they flung him into the gutter, while they went to a saloon to celebrate the achievement. a carpenter, a new convert to the faith by the name of burnham, from the roof of a house that he was shingling, saw the last brutal act of the mob and gave the leader a severe thrashing. he whipped the brute so thoroughly that it put an end to the mobbing in honolulu. the manly fight put up by burnham endeared him to us, and when we returned to the islands in we found that brother burnham had died leaving the family, (sister burnham and three children) in poverty, homeless. after the apostles had cut mr. gibson off the church, joseph was appointed president of the mission. with the assistance of elders william w. cluff, alma l. smith, benjamin cluff and john r. young, all the islands were visited and the branches reorganized; then joseph f. smith, william w. cluff and john r. young were released to return home. at that time it cost $ . for a ticket from san francisco to salt lake. president young sent the money necessary to pay our passage home, but joseph said, "i will not go and leave sister burnham. it was finally decided to go the southern route as our money would take us to san bernardino; from there we could in all probability, work our way home as teamsters, while sister burnham could find a home with the saints of that place. for a change we sailed for home cabin passage. upon arrival at san francisco we found a telegram awaiting joseph, requesting him to come home as soon as possible. bear in mind joseph was an elder, and a financially poor one at that, as his whole life had been in the mission field and he was the last man on earth to ask for help. what could we do? in council it was thought best for joseph and william to go by stage, while i with the burnham family would go by san bernardino. and now comes the tempter. there were living in san francisco quite a number of relatives by marriage to the smith family, and some of them were wealthy. they held a family reunion and invited joseph to attend. he asked me to accompany him, which i did. we met them at mr.--'s; some twenty all told; six or eight strong, healthy looking men. a few stories were told, then the conversation drifted into personal experiences and present home conditions. they pitied joseph and offered to deed him a good home if he would cut loose from the "utah mormons" and stay with them, _his true friends_. he declined, and said if they would excuse him he would bid them good night. all rose up, and then the storm broke. their spokesman said in substance, "joseph, we are disappointed in you; we thought you were a smith, but any man who will come and go at the command of brigham young, the man who connived at the murder of your father and uncle joseph, has not a drop of smith's blood in his veins." joseph: "do i understand you to say that brigham young connived at the murder of the prophet joseph smith?" "yes, and i can prove the assertion." then there leaped from joseph's lips the strongest expression that ever i heard come from them. "you are a damned infernal liar! joseph smith never had a truer friend than brigham young." to me, how grand he looked. he seemed to expand until he towered head and shoulders above his opponents. while their faces scowled with anger, yet like the tempest tossed waves of the ocean, whose fury had been spent at the foot of the boulder, they recede, leaving the beach cleaner and whiter than before the storm. how i loved that man's manliness; he not a smith? the very tension of the rigid muscles proclaimed him the embodiment of the chivalrous macks and smiths. over forty years ago, while laboring as a missionary in the london conference, i wrote in my journal: i knew joseph f. smith in life's rosy morn, when herding cows and hoeing corn; and though he worked early and late, yet he never murmured at his fate, but smiled to think that his strong arm brought wheat and corn to his mother's barn. his first mark made i remember well; 'twas when he flogged philander bell. a champion then, for innocence and youth, as he is now for liberty and truth. if plain his speech, and strong in boyish strife, i doubt if he could mend the history of his life. the years of trial on hawaii's land were more than wiser heads would stand. poi, paakia, poverty and shame were all endured for the blessed savior's name. the crime and faith, and ulcerated sores opened to view, bleeding at every pore, tried the metal, proved one's pride. then was the day of choosing sides. then was the hour to begin, and he pulled off his coat and waded in. we need not urge him to improve, he seeks, as joseph did, light from above, and god has given strength to hyrum's son, speeding him on the race so well begun; for unto him a charge is truly given to lead erring men from sin to heaven; to realms of glory, where truth divine enlightens life with joy sublime. but i will leave to pens abler than mine to paint the beauties of that heavenly clime. i choose to feast on more substantial food. one to be great, must first be truly good. the precious clouds that bless our vales with rain descend from lofty peaks and kiss the plains, so god, himself, in plainness said to man, "blessed are the meek," "i am the great i am," and while his voice echoed from sinai's peak, he talked with moses, the meekest of the meek. then look to christ, and note the keywords given to lead men back to god and heaven. brother nobly and well thou hast begun, now hold the fort until the victory's won, and when the smoke and din of war is past your works and name on history's page shall last. and i feel in all my being that joseph f. smith held the fort and won the victory, giving him a seat with his prophet uncle and his martyred father in the mansions of our heavenly father. twenty-fourth of july toast--"utah." o utah, thou switzerland of america, the home of many a tell, for freedom's fires are burning bright, in all thy mountain dells. thou art the cradle, and the home of freedom's struggling child; for here beneath thy mountain domes, within thy canyons wild, a band of fleeing exiles found first a "resting place" from persecution's bitter blast, that smote them in the face. and utah's pioneers who fled from missouri's wrath and flames-- whose unshod feet so often bled, while creeping o'er the plains-- are grateful for the noble men who stand as "beacon lights," who "sink or swim, in life or death;" stand up for equal rights. we love our country--north and south, her plains, and mountain sod, we stand for "freedom of the soul," "our country and our god." kilauea on the war path. in and ' , i was laboring as a missionary on the island of hawaii, and during that time the volcano of kilauea gave us an exhibition on a stupendous scale. in company with elder henry p. richards, i went through the forest several miles and met the stream of lava that was running down the mountain, threatening to destroy the town of hilo. here is an extract from my journal: we paused to contemplate the sublimity of this vivid scene. it was one calculated to interest the naturalist, and to please the eye of the poet. the wonderful imagination of a milton, or the great genius of a byron could here find a theme on which their minds could feast. the lava had burst forth from its prison cell, in the bowels of the earth, on the south side of the mountain, some thirty miles above the town of hilo, which is situated at the head of a beautiful bay bearing the name of byron. the close approximation of the town to the mountain rendered destruction almost certain. the mountain was covered with a dense growth of timber, and as the mighty stream of running lava drew near, the forest seemed to catch an electric spark, and in the twinkling of an eye, one sheet of flame burst forth, reaching from pueo to puna, about three miles in width. the startled kanaka fled for his life, leaving his grass thatched home to the devastating fire. i stood, with my companion, upon a craggy peak overlooking the waters of waikahalulu. below us was a beautiful cascade, and over this the lava swept with astonishing rapidity. oh, it was a grand sight--the burning of the forest, the crackling and falling of the trees, the rushing of the lava, the hissing and spouting of the water, the clouds of steam and vapor, mingled with the shrieks and shouts of the natives! i saw a man in his frenzy try to leap a boiling stream; his foot slipped, and he fell. a cloud of vapor hid him from view, but an agonizing shriek told too well his fate. our native guide refused to stay longer with us, but the increasing danger added to our excited fascination, and we declined to retreat. at this moment, the wind shifted, and a strong breeze from the south lifted the banks of smoke and steam, giving us a fair view of the town that nestled so lovingly on the green lawn at our feet. we could see groups of people laden with what they could carry, hurrying from their homes to places of greater safety. a few ships were anchored in the bay, and between them and the shore, small boats were rapidly plying, evidently carrying the wealthier citizens to these prepared places of safety. while viewing this romantic picture, a low rumbling was heard. it grew louder and louder until it seemed the heavens were rent in twain, and the ground reeled and tottered beneath our feet. we fell prostrate to the earth, and held our breath, through fear. a thick cloud of vapor, or hot steam, swept over us, followed by the pattering sound of falling stones hurled from the crater by the power of her convulsive throes, but returning to the earth in obedience to the law of gravity. this shock had hardly passed, when the rain began to fall in torrents, but the flow of the volcano had spent its force. the fiery waves rolled back as if sorry for the destruction they had done, retaining for a moment their red glaring frown, then changed to a black, barren, chasm-scarred waste. hilo was saved. then there leaped forth, from man and maid, a song of joy and mirth; the most sedate could not be stayed, from thrilling notes of worth. it was a song of gratitude for home and lives preserved, no sweeter gush of sympathy, by man was ever heard. chapter . a thrilling experience on the plains.--the stampede. in , i was living in southern utah. it was believed the mormon immigration would be unusually heavy that year; hence great exertions were put forth by the people, to bring the season's gathering to a successful termination. cooperation was the power which, under the wise guidance of brigham young, made it possible to build up a prosperous commonwealth in that isolated desert. teams were raised in all parts of the territory, organized into companies of fifty wagons each, four yoke of cattle to each wagon, and placed under the care of experienced men. these were sent to the missouri river, fourteen hundred miles, to haul back the luggage of the immigrants. the people were required to walk. rules of government were established in each camp, and firmly carried out. no swearing was allowed; all assembled for prayers at the call of the chaplain, morning and night; usually at nine o'clock all retired for rest; and at five all arose. these camps were practical training schools of great value. it fell to my lot to drive a team in captain john r. murdock's train. upon arriving at omaha, i was selected to take charge of an independent company; people who had means to immigrate themselves to utah. on the th of august, i commenced the task (mission, we called it, for we all served without pay) of leading these people, who were scandinavians, from omaha to salt lake city. when it is remembered that these people spoke a language that i did not understand; that they were not accustomed to driving teams; that i had to teach them even how to yoke their cattle, and hitch on to their wagons, it will be easy to imagine the magnitude of the task i had undertaken. for the first week we made only from five to ten miles a day; but at the end of two weeks, we could make twenty-five. at wood river centre, the western line of civilization, and the last telegraph station, i received a dispatch from our immigration agent, feramorz little, telling me that the sioux were on the war-path, and that we must be watchful or they would run off our cattle. as a word of encouragement, he added that captain preston would overtake me in a few days, and would give me four mounted utah men to aid me as scouts and night guard for my cattle. thus cheered, i pushed boldly out into the hunting grounds of the sioux. but day after day passed, and captain preston did not come. at last i reached ash hollow, where there was a stockade and five utah men guarding supplies left by the down-going trains. leaving early the next morning, we made a drive of twenty-five miles, across the big bend of the platte. in the evening a squad of u. s. troops camped on the opposite side of the river, and helloed across to us to look out, for "the devil was let loose"--meaning that "sitting bull" was on the war-path. in the morning they were gone, and when we brought up our cattle, one of our best oxen was missing. it belonged to a swede, who had only a light wagon and one yoke of oxen. selecting a large cow from the herd, i yoked her in, and started the train in charge of the interpreter. i then circled the night herd-ground; and being a good trailer, i soon found the track of the ox going back and caught him at ash hollow twenty-five miles from camp. giving my horse a feed of grain, and taking lunch with the men, i started with the ox to overtake my train. the long, weary day went by, the sun was near setting, and i had just passed the night camp ground, i had left in the morning, when a small cloud of dust coming from the foothills attracted my attention. just as i was entering a gorge, i drove the ox into the wash, then turned back up the hill, until i could see the dust again. with the aid of my telescope i made out four indians rapidly driving a herd of horses toward a patch of timber on the river. a careful inspection convinced me that the loose animals were american horses, and i soon recognized them as captain preston's. it now flashed through my mind why he had not overtaken us: the indians had stolen his horses and crippled his movements. well, there i was, twenty miles from camp, alone, with no weapon but my revolver, and almost face to face with the robbers who had stolen my friend's horses. i stood and watched until they reached the timber. selecting a large tree for a camping place, they threw down their traps, and three of them bunched the horses, while the fourth caught and hobbled them. then they cut poles, and started down the river, evidently to catch fish for their supper. i saw that the arroya, that i was in, emptied into the river near their camp; and knowing that the moon would not rise until a few minutes after dark, i instantly formed a plan, and went to work to put it into execution. i was averse to shedding blood, having always been taught to avoid it except in self defense. i resolved, however, to recapture the horses, and then, if followed, i would fight. leaving the ox, i moved cautiously down the ravine, and reached the mouth of it just as the gloom of night settled over the plain. the indians had returned and built a large fire. one of them walked out and bunched the horses, and their movements attracted the attention of my mare. she threw up heir head and started to neigh, but i gave the bit a jerk in time to check her. the movement, slight as it was, showed me how dangerous was the enterprise i had undertaken. the indian soon returned to camp, and threw some more wood on the fire, which in the still night flamed high in air, rendering objects visible for some distance round, and greatly assisted my movements. i felt that now was my time to act. approaching carefully the outer circle of horses, and dropping my bridle reins, i moved quietly from horse to horse, cutting their hobbles, then regaining my own horse, moved the band slowly until they found they were unfettered, when i leaped into my saddle, and started them on a run. the wild yell that rang out on the night air curdled my blood, and made my hair stand on end. for a moment i was quite unnerved, but soon recovered, and lashed the horses at a wild rate across the plain. by the time i reached the ox the moon had risen, and it seemed as light as day. i drove the horses and the ox across the gully, and then wheeled back and stood in the darkness at the bottom of it, waiting for my pursuers. soon the pattering of feet reached my ears; and holding my breath until two dark forms came into view, i opened fire. the quick somersault and rapid retreat convinced me that mr. indian had been twice surprised by the white man. emptying my revolver to give the idea that there were several of us, i sent the stock hurrying toward my camp. the road was tolerably straight and free from hill and hollow, so i was not much afraid of being ambushed. yet i was keenly alert, and the fluttering of a bird or starting of a hare would rouse me. as several hours passed, however, without interruption, i concluded that my shots had taken effect, at least so far as to discourage the indians from following me. but i was suddenly aroused from this feeling of security by another danger i had not counted on. it was the low distant howl of a wolf. soon an answer came, then another, and another. i smiled, for i had a contempt for the whole wolf tribe, believing them to be cunning and cruel, but cowardly. i turned the cylinder of my pistol to see if it was properly reloaded, and finding it all right, calmly awaited the gathering of the howling pack. with lolling tongues and fiery eyes they came galloping up, falling into small groups, snapping, snarling, and fighting. i hesitated to shoot for fear the smell of blood would whet their ferocious appetites. my hesitation ceased, however, as a large grey wolf trotted up to my side and crouched to spring at me. instinctively i put a bullet through his shoulder and he fell backward with a yell. in an instant a score of hungry brutes sprang on to him, and tore him to pieces. at the same moment, a fresh pack came sweeping across the road in front, enclosing us in a circle. the frightened horses recoiled back upon me, and i began shooting right and left. one of the excited ponies suddenly bolted from the herd, and ran wildly across the plain. instantly every wolf joined in pursuit. for a moment, there was a rushing sound, which gradually died out in the distance, then i was left alone with my trembling ponies, and my heart wildly beating. at four a.m. i reached the camp in safety. the danes had put the children to bed; but the men and women were sitting around a fire in the centre of a corral formed by the wagons. when i rode up they greeted me with four hurrahs, and strong hands lifted me from my saddle and bore me triumphantly to the watch fire. when the joy had somewhat subsided, i said: "brethren, that ox has traveled one hundred miles, and i have ridden seventy-five. these horses are captain preston's.[b] i took them from the indians who had stolen them. now, double the guards around the camp and cattle, put out your fire; and let me sleep until sunrise." [footnote b: the horses were not captain preston's; they belonged to a small company of men who were returning from oregon.] it is strange how susceptible of impression the mind of man is. as the first glint of sunshine rested upon my face, i awoke. the camp was bustling with activity. the danes, though naturally a slow, stolid people, yet when aroused to enthusiasm are like a deep stream almost irresistible in force. and present conditions were such that the deepest feelings of their hearts were enlisted. their faith, begotten of new convictions, was leading them to gather to utah. it was their mecca, their zion upon earth; and every possible effort was cheerfully put forth to bring them to that haven of rest. hence, camp rules and regulations were willingly adopted. even the children seemed to vie with one another in carrying them out. and needful it was that such faith should exist, for the journey before them was beset with trials and dangers; and no one could tell how or when trouble would come. the first day after my adventure passed pleasantly. we made a good drive and camped on a small clear stream--and the usual horse-shoe corral was formed. at dusk, the horses were placed on the inside, and guards placed at the ends of the corral. in the morning it was reported that the horses had been restless. i circled the camp; and near the mouth of the creek i found where two indians had jumped across. i knew that mischief was intended. that night i was cautious in selecting a camp ground, and careful in forming the corral; being sure that no gaps were left. before our company left omaha, two american families joined us. they were rough nebraskan farmers; and one of the men, whom i will call jerry, was of great service to me. he was good-natured, strong and fearless. a younger brother of mine was also with me. he, too, was quiet and reliable. at prayer time i told the people that i feared the indians were following us, and that they would try to stampede our stock, which i dreaded above all things. i had seen the effects of stampedes in my first trip across the plains. a tornado is but little more to be dreaded than the rush of a large herd of crazy, frightened cattle. i have seen wagons smashed to stove-wood, and strong men trampled to death. i therefore requested jerry and my brother to spread their blankets near me, and i kept my best horse saddled ready for any emergency. and the emergency came about three o'clock in the morning. a wild yell like an indian war-whoop rang out on the air, followed by a rush of cattle. in an instant, all was confusion; women and children tumbled pell-mell out of the wagons in their night clothes, screaming and fainting. the men, guns in hand, formed bands and, rushing in front of the cattle, fought desperately to keep them from bolting; and caused the crazy beasts to run in a circle. every round brought them nearer the wagons; and i knew if they struck them that we were ruined. grasping my two trusted men, i urged them to mount their horses and throw themselves between the cattle and the wagons, and force the cattle, if possible, to bolt from us. i seconded their efforts by mounting my horse, and getting my interpreter, hurried to the men who were fighting the cattle, and led them to where i could hear jerry and my brother's voices vainly trying at each returning surge of the dark mass, to force the cattle farther from the wagons. massing my men at the most exposed angle of the corral, i ordered them, on the return of the cattle, to fire a volley into the air. the sheet of flame from the guns seemed for a moment to paralyze the stock; and then with a rush that shook the ground beneath our feet, away they thundered toward the foothills on the north. i lay flat on my horse, and crowding him into the jam, was swept along with the herd for about three miles, until i was satisfied no indians were following; then i straightened up and commenced talking to them. this had the effect of quieting them. they slowed up, began lowing, as if calling to each other, and finally stopped. i was soon joined by my brother; but jerry's horse, being slow, was soon distanced and lost, and he did not find us. nor did he reach camp until the next day. as soon as it was light, we moved the cattle back to camp; but they were nervous, and great care had to be taken in yoking them up. about nine o'clock we broke camp. i put my brother's team in the lead, and told him to drive briskly as i wanted to keep the wagons some distance apart. i strung out the teams and instructed the drivers to not close up. i purposed to drive fast until we should reach goose creek, fifteen miles away, and then camp. all went as i desired, until we reached the summit of the last ridge. from there we had a mile of downhill grade to the creek. i glanced back, and could see the line of white covered wagons following each other like birds of passage, moving in orderly columns to a warmer clime. a feeling of joy filled my bosom, for i felt that the labors of the day would end in peace. i spurred my horse and galloped rapidly to the front to select the best spot on which to form my camp. crossing the creek and ascending the bench a few rods to the west, i turned and looked back just in time to see two indians ride from the head of a hollow on our left. as they rushed past the rear of the train, they gave their wild, blood-curdling war-whoop. as quick as lightning an alarm seemed to flash from one end of the train to the other, and every team rushed wildly down the hill. my pen is too weak to describe the heart-rending scene that followed the fearful rushing of the wild, stampeded cattle. wagons were jolted against wagons with such force that the inmates were thrown out, to be run over and trampled under foot by other mad teams following in their rear. on they came, tearing blindly in any direction that their crazy fear led them. wagons were embedded in the mire of the creek, and the tongues jerked out. at last they began to scatter, and then stopped. children ran instinctively to their parents for protection. in groups they wandered from their teams, avoiding them as though they had become beasts of terror to them. i rode to my brother, and directed him to the selected camping place. he unhitched his team, and driving the oxen some distance away, unyoked the right ox and turned its head toward the off one's tail, then yoked it again. in this shape, as long as yoke and bows held, there was no danger of stampeding. the movement was like a revelation to the people, and they took new hope. i rode from wagon to wagon directing their movements, and checking noise and confusion. by sundown, the camp was formed, the cattle secured, the guards placed, and fires lighted. then i turned my attention to the wounded ones. i had but little knowledge of surgery; but all eyes were turned to me. with a prayer for god's blessings to attend my efforts, i sewed up gaping flesh wounds. providentially no bones were broken but there were two lovely women and one man who needed no help of mine. loving hands smoothed the tangled hair and closed the eyes of the dead, and loving lips kissed the pale brows. then white sheets were spread over them, and they were left to rest. on the morrow, on the near hillside, we dug their graves, and of the dear old family chests, coffins were made. then a venerable man, in workman's garb, spoke sweet words of comfort: "blessed are the dead who die in the lord." and whether they rest on prairie wild, or sleep in the city's polished sepulchres, it matters not, so god's will is done. in the resurrection morn, they shall come forth clothed with life and immortality. chapter . a squaw fight. the coming of our people to utah in brought us into contact with the powerful intermountain tribe of utes. up till then, these indians had had but little association with the white man; consequently in their social life, they were following exclusively the customs and traditions of their savage ancestors. many of their practices were horrifying. the law of "an eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth" was born and bred in them; hence, if a white man killed an indian, the tribe took revenge by killing the first white man who chanced to fall into their hands, though he might have been perfectly innocent, having never harmed them. they also took great delight in torturing helpless victims. at our coming, the notorious chief walker was at the zenith of his power. not only was he a scourge to the spaniards in california, but he remained also a terror to the weaker bands of indians inhabiting the intermountain country, from whom he exacted a yearly tribute of children, to sell into slavery to the spaniards. it was governor brigham young's prohibiting of this child-slave traffic in the territory that led to the walker war. next in brutality to child-slavery was what we termed "squaw fights." they came about in this way: if a brave saw a maiden that he desired, he would go to her father, who, according to their laws, had a right to sell her, and bargain for her, usually paying from one to five ponies for her. if it happened that the girl had a lover, and he would put up as much purchase money as had the first applicant, then the lovers would settle it by a fist fight. sometimes conditions would be such that every warrior in the tribe would be allowed, nay, would be honor-bound--to take part in the melee, and aid his tribesman to win his wife. it would then be a national war, and would be conducted on long-established rules and ceremonies which the indians hold in deep reverence. in , at the frontier town of santa clara, in southern utah, i witnessed one of these tribal fights. a young, slender, delicate-looking girl, evidently the belle of tutsegovett's band, was purchased by a brave of coal creek john's band; but a brave of the santa clara tribe was the girl's accepted lover. the aspirants were men of influence in their respective bands, though they were unequal in physical ability. the man from cedar, whom i will call ankawakeets, was a large, muscular, well-matured man of commanding personality--a warrior tried and proven, while panimeto, the clara man, was only a stripling; a youth of fine features and an eagle eye, bespeaking pride and ambition, but fifty pounds lighter in weight than ankawakeets. by the rules of the contest, this physical difference made it impossible for the lovers to settle it by single combat; hence, it was arranged by tribal agreement, that twenty warriors on each side should participate in the struggle. the ground selected was a flat just west of the old clara fort. a square was marked off, the creek being chosen for the south line; a line drawn in the sand marked the east, west, and north boundaries. east of the east line was ankawakeets' goal, which, if he could reach with the girl, she was his; contra, west of the west line was panimeto's goal, claiming the same concessions. on opposite sides of a line running north and south through the center of this square where the braves, lined up, stripped to the skin save for the indispensable gee-string. at the tap of the indian drum, with bowed heads, and arms wildly beating the air, the two files rushed like angry bullocks upon each other. the air-hitting was fierce and rapid for a few minutes, until a second tap of the drum, when the warriors clinched, and the mass became a seething, whirling, cyclone of dark figures, cheered on by the squaw, and by an occasional war-whoop from some interested, on-looking warrior. to vanquish an opponent you had to throw him and hold him flat on his back for the supposed time it would take to scalp an actual enemy. at the end of an hour's exciting struggle, a few warriors on each side had been vanquished; but the forces remaining were equal in number, so neither party had gained any advantage. they now changed the procedure. the father led the maiden to the central line. she looked terrified; and well she might, for the ordeal through which she was to pass was a fearful one; one of brutal pain that would test her powers of endurance to the uttermost. the champions ran to the girl, and seizing her by the wrists undertook to force her to their respective goals. soon it became a "tug-of-war" with fifteen strapping warriors on each side. the flesh of the trembling maiden quivered under the strain of thirty brutal demons struggling and yelling to accomplish their aims. gyrating from one side of the field to the other they came, in one of their wild swirls, to the banks of the creek and fell into the water pell-mell up to their necks. the girl, evidently in a swoon, was entirely submerged, only her mass of glossy tresses floating on the surface of the water. andrew gibbons, one of the indian missionaries, flung himself on the bank; and seizing the girl's hair, he raised her head above the water. instantly every brave broke his hold, and scrambled on to the bank; and ankawakeets angrily demanded that gibbons should fight him for having interfered. to my surprise, gibbons accepted the challenge, flung aside his hat, and stepped into the ring. tutse gave the signal, and ankawakeets sprang to the fray, only to measure his length backward on the sand. three times in succession his stalwart body kissed the earth. then, moving with more caution, the indian dodged a blow, and succeeded in grappling with gibbons, but again the white man's skill was superior to the savage's strength. ankawakeets was flung to the ground and held until the imagined scalping was performed. then gibbons stepped back and folded his arms. his vanquished opponent arose, and with a majestic air, that a white man could not imitate, he stepped to the maiden, spoke a few low words that seemed to have a magical effect, and taking the unresisting hand, led her to the victor and presented her as a bridal trophy for the white man's valor and skill. gibbons, with a face glowing with satisfaction at the happy turn of the combat, accepted the maiden, and leading her to panimeto, gave her to him--a mistake wherein the white man's sympathy for the weak overruled his judgment. the presentation was followed by a war-whoop from ankawakeets, and his braves. rushing to their camps they returned with guns in hand, and forming a circle around the girl, ordered her to march. this fight gave me a deeper insight into the nobility and sterling character of our indian missionary boys. what fearless men they were, ready for any emergency! at this crisis it looked as if ankawakeets would triumph by armed force; yet the whites felt that his cause was not just; but an unsuspected champion, a veritable lion, stood in the path. this time it was thales haskell, another indian missionary, of whom it was said, "his cheeks never paled, and his voice never trembled." he sprang in front of ankawakeets and said, "i called you a chief, but i see you are a boy, and a coward at that. put up your gun, and be a man." then tutsegavit's voice was heard, commanding the father to lead the girl to the center of the field, and told the warriors that they might go on with the fight until the sun should hide its face behind the mountain. if neither party won by that time, the girl should be released from' the father's vows. each band of warriors withdrew by themselves for a few minutes' consultation; then, with firmness depicted on every countenance, they took their places, the champions grasping again the wrists of the trembling young squaw. a look of despair deepened the pallor of her face, as if the terror of death was resting upon her; and a death-like silence reigned as both sides waited the signal to begin the encounter. at this critical moment, the girl's young brother, who had stood aloof with folded arms and clouded brow during all the struggle, bounded to his sister's side and, drawing his knife from its sheath, he buried it in her bosom. she fell lifeless into her father's arms. the brother, holding the bloody knife on high, said: "i loved my sister too well to see her suffer more. you call me a boy; but if there is a brave who thinks i have done wrong, let him take the knife and plunge it to my heart; so will i join my sister and lead her to the red man's happy hunting ground. i am not afraid to die." every warrior bowed his head, and turning, walked in silence to his camp. on the morrow, our people aided in giving fitting burial to the lovely indian girl, whose life had been sacrificed to the demands of a brutal custom. i will only add that shortly after this tragedy, jacob hamblin, the man whom the prophet brigham young ordained to be the "first, apostle to the lamanites," gathered the indians in a council and talked to them until they promised to give up the squaw fights. it was a step which marked an epoch in the life of the indians; and incidentally it serves to illustrate the influence for good that this wonderful peace-maker held over our fallen brethren, the lamanites. chapter . crusade against plural marriage. when the crusade against plural marriage commenced in utah, i was not willing to give up my families; and being of a timid nature, i sought to avoid trouble. in my heart i felt justified in having more wives than one, believing plural marriage to be god's law; and therefore i resolved to cleave to my wives and children, let come what might. on the other hand, i did not court martyrdom; i was quite willing to retire and live in seclusion until the wave of prejudice should pass away. accordingly, i took up a ranch on the boulder mountain, at a place called wild cat, a lonely retreat twenty miles from any town. here i took my wife tamar, and began to run a dairy. albina, my first wife, remained on the farm in rabbit valley. i had learned that there was a warrant out for me in the hands of deputy marshal armstrong, charging me with adultery--adultery, forsooth, with my own wife! on one occasion, i was in nephi staying with thomas bowles. we were walking past whitmore's store in the evening, when brother bowles suddenly caught my arm. "there's armstrong!" said he, pointing to a man in front of the livery stable who was trying to hold a lantern, and at the same time to do some repair work on a buggy. i stepped forward, held the lantern, and chatted with him some fifteen minutes. he thanked me, and i knew johnny armstrong from that time onward. soon after my return to wild cat i received a communication from my brother franklin, saying that armstrong and mcgary wanted to meet us, and try to make "terms" with us; pledging their word that we should not be arrested at the meeting. i declined to meet. i knew the marshals, and i didn't intend that by any such ruse they should make my acquaintance. my brother met them, however, and agreed on terms; and when notified, he went to beaver and surrendered himself; received as his "medicine" the full extent of the law--three years and three hundred dollars. before harvest time, it became necessary for me to go to the city for a reaper. my wife albina was with me on my way home, and just as we reached the head of the long dugway overlooking rabbit valley, armstrong drove up. i stopped and let him pass. he thanked me, and drove by. i knew him and rejoiced that he didn't know me. once i came up from wild cat to get a load of rock salt for my cattle. i called at the co-op. store, but it had none. hugh mcclellan, the man that the deputies always stopped with, said, "drive me home, and i will let you have a load." "am i safe?" "perfectly; there will be no one here for three or four days." i went, and was loading the salt into my wagon when lish goff, a rough man, supposedly unfriendly to me, pulled my sleeve, and nodded toward a side lane. there came armstrong and mcgary! i felt i was a "goner." surely i could not escape this time! however, i picked up my lines and drove off. mcclellan was as white as death. as i turned my back to the marshals, i was not ten rods in advance of them. goff stepped out, and told them dinner was ready. they wanted to go to the store, but he persuaded them to wait until after dinner. thanks to goff and the "deps" not knowing me, i escaped again. in the fall, i loaded up a four-horse outfit with cheese to take up to the valley. on monday morning i sent my little boys to the pasture to bring up my horses. as they were gone rather long, i stepped a few rods in front of the house to look out for them, and i heard a voice distinctly say, "don't go today." i consequently told the boys to saddle me a riding pony, and turn the work horses out and let them go to the mountain. going down the road about ten miles, i turned off to giles' sheep camp. just as i reached the camp, we were visited with a heavy rainstorm, and as one happy result all previous tracks in the road were obliterated. on my return home i saw a fresh buggy track, and looking ahead three hundred yards, i beheld my friends, the enemy! i followed leisurely until the road made a curve around the head of a hollow, when i cut across and came in ahead of them. they helloed, but of course i did not hear. mcgary stood up with his gun in his hand, but as i quickened my pace, he sat down again. presently we came to the forks of the road; the right-hand went to wild cat, the left to brinkerhoff's ranch. i took the left, riding leisurely so the buggy might follow. when within a mile of the ranch, i rode rapidly ahead, found everybody gone, and the door locked. i next rode over the brow of a rock ridge, then from behind a tree i observed the enemy, until the shadow of night settled down upon us, and they had unharnessed, tied up, and gathered wood to keep fire until morning. then i went home to a loving family and a warm supper. in the morning the deputies hunted until discouraged, and were on the eve of leaving the mountain when they met a stockman who gave me away by directing them to wild cat. they came, got their breakfast, then subpoenaed tamar, and her daughters harriet and may, to appear in court on a certain day. when the time came, i sent albina, my first wife, with my daughters harriet and may; instructing them, when before the jury to speak the truth freely about me, and promising that all should be well with them. they did so, and the court treated them respectfully, marshal armstrong being a gentleman and a friend to them. tamar's health was delicate, and i determined she should not be dragged into court to be cross-questioned by lawyers; and, as often happened, censured and lectured by a missionary judge. my next meeting with the men who looked so kindly after the "cohabs" was at thurber. my son ferra had purchased a strong, nervous, though vicious horse, and we believed that, given a little start, there was nothing in our burg that could overtake him. i had again been for a load of salt, returning with a four-horse team, and had reached thurber when my son william r. overtook me. "father," said he, "you had better ride selim a little while, and be quick about it." i had just mounted when bishop coleman and my brother franklin w. met us. they turned across the canal and drove rapidly toward the river, the marshals being in sight and driving furiously toward us. i loitered near my team in hopes to draw the "deps" after me; but they could see coleman's rig, and wheeled across the canal in pursuit of him. i jumped my horse across the canal; and galloping around a block, came into the road just ahead of the officers. they called on me to stop; but i could not do it, as some dogs ran out from a house i was passing, and so frightened my horse that he broke into a dead run. i jerked back violently and broke one rein, virtually turning the vicious brute loose. he seemed to go crazy. a man by the name of keel was working on a vacant rocky lot near by. the horse bolting in that direction, pitched at the man, who struck him over the head with a crowbar. this seemed to daze the animal for a minute, then he commenced bucking; and for a short time he made it mighty interesting for me, and the people who were looking on. finally, he threw up his head and broke for home, and i was quite willing to let him go. the marshals turned and followed, whereby the other "cohabs" got away again. i took a skurry through the hills, and late in the evening brought up at my brother's, in teasdale, where i found willie r. later still, bishop coleman and franklin w. arrived safe and sound. brother c. l. christensen was living on a ranch about half way between wild cat and the valley. one day the marshals caught him. "now," said they, "you are a poor man, and we don't want to make it hard on you. we will let you go now if you will promise to come when we want you. you can thus be at home in peace with your family until you are wanted in court." so he promised. "now," they said, "we are going home, and we will write you about ten days before we come for you; so you will have time to be prepared." as soon as they were gone. brother christensen kindly came over and told me of the bargain, adding, "now you can stay at home and not worry; for when i get the letter, i will send you word." i was pleased; for staying at home in peace in those troublesome times was pleasant. it was getting cold on the mountain, so i moved down to my winter ranch on pleasant creek. one night i woke up, and a low voice said to me, "the marshals will not write to christensen, and you had better get away from here." in the morning i rode eight miles to bishop joseph h. wright's ranch, told him of my impressions, and said: "tomorrow morning, before light, i shall pull for colorado." he replied, "i will be at your place tonight, prepared to go with you." the next morning, at three o'clock, we pulled out, without letting our neighbors know of it. i had three horses and a big, snorty mule in my team, and my wagon carried three thousand pounds of freight. about two o'clock, while driving across a smooth clay flat running parallel with the dirty devil river, i had raised the cover and was looking at a ranch on the south side, when i heard a moan; and looking around i saw tamar fall from the wagon on to the heels of the mule. the team, becoming frightened, ran two hundred yards before i could stop them. when i finally did so, there lay tamar, the nigh front wheel on her breast. i sprang out, pulled the team back with one hand, and lifted the wheel with the other until i rolled it off her. the mule backed until her feet struck tamar, then she wanted to run again. i tried with one hand to pull tamar's body from the road, but she said, "don't, you hurt my hand." then i saw that her hand was under the wheel. with one hand and my knee, i lifted the wheel and she drew her hand out; then she fainted. all this time, little ray, three years old, frightened nearly to death, was screaming and threatening to tumble out of the wagon. i lifted him down, then examined tamar's hand, expecting to have to take my knife and cut off her fingers, for they looked, in the blood and dust, as if they were ground to pieces. i found the bones were not broken. thus relieved, i thought of assistance; and called to bishop wright, who was some distance ahead. luckily he heard me, and ran back. tamar still lay as if dead. brother wright brought some water from the river; we bathed her face, and she revived. we arranged a bed in the wagon, and placed her on it, then drove till after midnight before we reached a habitation. we finally got into a school-house and spent the rest of the night in administering to, and nursing my wife. her breast bone was crushed in, and her hand badly lacerated; and i feared the nervous shock and the bruise would bring on premature child-birth and perhaps death. in the morning she felt so much better, however, that we moved on to hanksville, about fifteen miles. on the west side of town was a store, in care of mrs. dr. jorgensen, an old acquaintance of ours. at the store the public road shot to the north and south. the latter led to hall's ferry, on the colorado; the former crossed the dirty devil and went to blake, on green river. as we drove up, sister jorgensen ran out to see tamar. i jumped from the wagon and stopped her, telling her she must not see her, as it would get her into trouble. she prepared some liniment, and told me how to nurse her; then i bade her good-bye. we crossed the road, pulled through the town, down the river two miles, and stopped with william bacon. they gave us their best room and bed, and tamar rested comfortably for two days. again in the night, an unseen power said to me, "move on." tamar's body was sore; but i knew the road was sandy and free from rocks, and she said she would rather go than be arrested. we crossed the river in brother bacon's field, and followed an old wood road up a sandy hollow, until we struck the main road. just before reaching it, we saw the tops of three wagons passing. they drove to the ford near the store, and camped. they had scarcely unharnessed when armstrong and mcgary drove up. the freighters assured them we were not on the road, as they were direct from green river and had met no one. the officers then wheeled and took the road for hall's ferry. twenty miles out they met dan dalton, who assured them we were not on that road. they then returned to the store and questioned sister jorgensen, threatening to arrest her unless she would tell them where we were; but she maintained stoutly that she had not seen mrs. young, and knew nothing of her whereabouts. when the marshals first reached the store, twenty minutes' drive would have taken them to us; but when they came back from a forty-mile run, their team was exhausted. they offered fifty dollars for the use of a fresh team; but no one in. hanksville wanted the money, and to this day i have a warm spot in my heart for those good people. the day we left brother bacon's was full of painful anxiety to bishop wright and myself. the sand was deep, and our loads heavy; we had to move slowly, walking by the side of our teams and resting every few rods. these, however, were minor troubles; the atmosphere was full of apprehension and danger. from the top of every ridge we looked back, expecting to see our enemy coming; and i had determined that tamar should not be dragged into court if i had power to prevent it. our wives were innocent of crime; they were virtuous, honest, bashful girls, unused to public life. in their innocence and spiritual devotion, they had trusted us for guidance and protection; and i was not going to see my wife slurred and brow-beaten by a profligate lawyer, nor humiliated by a missionary judge. we might suffer by flight--and we did suffer more than my pen can tell; as a matter of fact, tamar suffered for years from the effect of the accident she met with--but we escaped arrest, and there was comfort in that. i had never felt that the road to exaltation was through the utah penitentiary; i did not owe uncle sam a cent; and i certainly did not want to be honored by wearing the uniform of his boarding house. one more incident and then i am done with the marshals. by appointment, i met my cousin brigham in rabbit valley, and accompanied him across the desert to new mexico. below hanksville, we met dan dalton, who was freighting from the henry mountain. he told us there were two marshals at the ferry evidently waiting for someone. we passed on, and when by ourselves, brigham asked, "what shall we do?" i replied, "you are the captain; as you direct, i shall act." "well," he said, "i'll tell you: if you will drive the team i will do the fighting, and there are no two deputy marshals living that can take me back to utah." when we reached the colorado, we met platte d. lyman and l. h. redd, the supposed marshals. they took our carriage apart and ferried us over the river in a small boat, swimming our horses. i went to fruitland, new mexico, with brigham, then bought two scrub ponies and went back alone. in a seven days' ride on the desert, i met but three persons. the first two were bishop allan taylor and bishop franzen, who were on the "underground," and later on i met a deputy marshal on this wise: there being no one at the ferry, i swam the colorado, pack-horse and all; and passing through hanksville in the night, i rode out on to the desert about fifteen miles, hobbled my horses and went to sleep. as soon as it was light in the morning i was moving. presently i met two grey horses, hobbled, and evidently running away. tying the greys to my pack-horse's tail i took them with me about three miles, when i met the owner. he was pleased with what i had done, and became communicative, telling me he was a deputy marshal; then, stopping suddenly, he asked my name. "brown," said i. "what brown?" "john." "where are you from?" "kanab." "what are you to guernsey brown?" "cousin." that reassured him. he told me he had been to kanab after "cohabs." by this time we had reached his camp. i took breakfast with him, and he continued to interest me by telling me he was after a fellow by the name of young. i asked him what young. he said "john r." i told him i had heard of him; but had never met him. he said young had gone to new mexico to hunt him a home; but would soon return by way of blake, and he was going to wait for him. we rode together until we reached the san rafael. there we parted, as i was going to the iron springs to look at a bunch of cattle i thought of buying. that night, about midnight, i reached my little home in huntington, and found my wife tamar very feeble. she had lost her babe, and was still suffering with her breast and mutilated hand, the result of her fainting and falling out of the wagon when fleeing to avoid arrest and imprisonment for having become a plural wife when there was no law making it a crime. during the crusade, i suffered my family to become scattered. it was one of the errors of my life. the principle of plural marriage came from god; and when honestly lived up to, it purifies the life and enlarges the soul. on the same reasoning, since the manifesto was adopted, it should be honored, because it came from god, for the temporal salvation of his people. and now that plural marriage is barred by law, that does not justify men, when in power, in being cruel and oppressive, as some of the judges and many of the marshals were. the intent of the law is to render justice, tempered with mercy; but in this suppression of polygamy in utah, the roman idea, that to the "victor belongs the spoil" was adopted; and i felt then, as i do now, that it was unjust and cruel. chapter . salt lake valley in . salt lake valley, as it lay in eighteen forty-seven, was a desert desolate. its parched wastes were given as a play ground for the hot winds that in whirlpools sent clouds of alkali dust whirling through the air, poisoning with its white breath the scant vegetation existing there. and in the summer, from the grey, sunburned bench lands, looking westward, the glimmering lake, and the glistening sands of the great american desert, met the traveler's view. forming a horizon, beyond which no white man knew. only the red man whispered, "not many moons ago a train of white men's wagons passed along the southern shore, vanished in the murky mirage, and were seen no more; save one, who with tattered clothes, emaciate, and footsore, came to our camps, and with feverish greed-- snatched our cricket meal, and wild grass seed; by signs explained that all his friends were dead, that he alone was left, the backward trail to tread." no more was learned, and this gruesome view was magnified by bridger, to the exiles of nauvoo. the pioneer camp was silent, no boisterous laughter there; each step was still and careful, each word a whispered prayer. in wilford woodruff's carriage, the prophet brigham lay burning with mountain fever, no skill of theirs could stay. o father, spare thy servant--we need his helping hand to guide thy people's footsteps, till they reach the promised land. no power but thine can save him. shall thy people plead in vain? stay thou, the burning fever that is racking him with pain. they were camped in echo canyon, between those massive walls that send back an echo to the thunder's pealing calls. but the very voice of nature seemed hushed upon that day and the peace of god came to them; a peace that came to stay. again the voice of brigham, like joseph's, rings out clear; 'tis firm, bold, and decisive, banishing doubt and fear; "let orson pratt and erastus snow move on with half the train, and when you reach the valley, go northward o'er the plain till you strike a mountain brooklet; then camp and sow your grain, and you shall reap a harvest. push on, and do not doubt-- for it shall be our zion, the "land of rest, sought out." upon the mountain-top, the weary band stood still and watched their pale-faced chieftain, the man of iron will, who had freed the hosts of israel from mobocratic power, and held that host together, until the present hour. when george m. hinkle faltered, and betrayed our prophet guide, 'twas brigham's faith and courage that stayed the treacherous tide, that flowed from boggs' scheming, to sweep the church aside; with matchless skill and wisdom, checkmated benton's plans by sending a battalion to fight the mexicans. even president van buren, with benson as his aid, was fairly circumvented at the cruel game they played. 'tis true we lost our city, the beautiful nauvoo, 'twas sacked, and desecrated, by brockman's heartless crew. and these, the fleeing exiles that stood upon that hill, had faith in their great leader--they loved his iron will; but the scenes that lay before them stretched e'en the chords of faith-- were they going to destruction? had they found their burying place? was death to be the outcome, the answer to their prayer? were they, their wives and loved ones, donner's fate to share? o think, you pious christians, who drove them from their land, could you have stood the trials of that heroic band? they place upon the altar the treasures of the soul, the hope of an existence, to god they gave the whole. and god, who ever watches over his faithful ones, sent down the bow of promise; it came through brigham young. "i have seen this land in vision; i saw the tent come down and rest upon the summit of yonder rising ground. there we will build a temple, a resting place for god, and his spirit will requicken the hill and valley sod." these were the sweetest sayings that mortals ever heard; it was the balm of gilead, jehovah's healing word. they will stand through endless ages as brigham's crowning act; the strength and inspiration that founded a commonwealth, where the love of god, and liberty, will dwell in every soul, and columbia's sons, in righteousness, will govern and control. then the honored name and memory of brigham young shall be a legacy as priceless as the boon of liberty. utah's pioneers written july , dear pioneers, brave pioneers! we welcome you with hearty cheers! i search in vain, in every land, to find the equals of that band of noble men and women true who left their homes, their lov'd nauvoo. facing hunger and wintry blasts to 'scape a foe, whose blood-stained lash had scarred the back of sire and son, and burned the homes of helpless ones! a lawless mob, whose thirst for blood flowed like a stream, a filthy flood-- submerging nauvoo's well tilled grounds, and spreading sorrow all around, destroying property and life and ushering in the bitter strife that ended the noble prophets' lives. and forced the bleeding saints to flee to utah's vales, harbor of law and liberty! marked ye, the path the fathers trod? how close they crept to israel's god? like moses at the burning bush, took off their shoes midst thorns and brush, and tramped across the cactus plains, that we our freedom might obtain? o liberty, blessed, priceless gift! for which our fathers bled and died! casting all thoughts of self aside! giving their lives, if need must be, that we, their children, might be free. o precious seed, and wisely sown! see how the fruit of it has grown: an empire state of spotless fame, no traitor's act has our flag stained, but loyal to the heart and core our sons are mustering by the score, and rushing to the battle's van, to "win or die" to the last man, our hearts are set, we lift on high our nation's glorious battle cry, and shout aloud, with trumpet breath, "give us liberty, or give us death!" a peaceful home. from f. m. young's journal. better than gold is a peaceful home-- where all the fireside chanties come, the shrine of love, and the heaven of life, hallowed by mother, or sister, or wife. however humble the home may be or tried by sorrow by heaven's decree, the blessings that never were bought or sold. and center there, are better than gold. --copied oct. , chapter . from the cradle to the grave. a little boy at his mother's knee, laughing and babbling in childish glee; a willow horse in his chubby hand; acting the role of a grown-up man. shaking his head in an angry mood, as if deep wrongs he had endured. tossing a lock from his baby brow-- catching a flash of repentance now, then cuddling close to his mother's side, as if to heal his wounded pride-- and many a wound, by a mother's kiss is changed from pain to a cup of bliss. a strapping youth at the "garden gate," anxious to meet his expected mate; with a wish in his heart the future to see, to catch one glimpse of his destiny. willing to give his share of the world for a warranty deed of his cherished girl; nervous to right an imagined wrong, nursing his wrath for a battle strong; heedless of counsel, for in his own eyes his case is just and his judgment wise. "'tis manly to stand in defense of truth," and "i know i am right" is the voice of youth. next comes the man, majestic and grand. and what is grander than a noble man? in every move there is power and grace, revealing the origin of his race; the depth of thought, the fire of his brain, leaping from earth to realms whence he came; chaining the lightning with a skilful hand, making it serve the bidding of man; building a kite to fly to the skies, onward, and upward, without knowing why. from the baby's cradle to the father's grave, as restless and forceful as the ocean's wave; the child, the youth, the man in his power show that conditions are made for the hour; that cause and effect are as true to their rule as any, those laws, we learn in our school. to mortals, old age is the crowning link, the last breathing spell, as we stand on the brink of a wonderful change, called the river of time, or passage of death, a terror and dread to most of the living, but what of the dead? the millions of loved ones who've passed through the door, and are hid from our view, on that mystical shore? can just spirits answer? speak up if you can, and tell us the future of him we call man. is life there a burden, or is it a joy? an existence of pleasure, without pain or alloy? hark, a voice comes from joseph, the prophet and seer; '"listen, ye mortals, the glad tidings hear;" death is the portal that gives to our sight an endless progression, in the mansions of light; and with the faithful meet the father and son, and dwell with the righteous, exalted ones. 'tis the "lost tree of knowledge" that opens our eyes, and brings us to eden, a redeemed paradise. lines to sister m. l. there was a sound of revelry by night, and grayson's school-house was all aglow; windows were brilliant with borrowed lights, and youthful feet were tripping to and fro. "soft eyes looked love to eyes that spake again," and words of cheer sent back a warm refrain; for every heart was full of joy and pride, like the wedded lover, welcoming the blushing bride. and speech, and song, with hearty zest, each one to entertain doing his best. and wherefore this? in this broad land there is no foe, no cloud of war, no shadows of impending woe. the sky serene; an atmosphere of peace, inviting old and young as to a feast. and 'twas a feast, a feast of soul a prize more precious than a mine of gold; a sacrifice, free given, on the altar of pure love, a call to mission labor, from the courts above. o brothers in a common cause, did you ever feel coming to your being a joy you can't reveal? a baptism, or a birth, an unction from on high? an evolution of happiness, that moistens every eye? like the joy that came to abraham, when he offered up his son, when his guardian angel shouted, "hold! harm not the precious one!" the metal has been proven in the crucible of pain; the dross has been rejected, the gold alone remains. so tonight, we say to mary, a daughter native born-- we have known her from the cradle, in sunshine and in storm; one of the chosen spirits our father sent to earth to labor in the mission field, a trust of sacred worth. and every soul within our town will hasten to the hall to witness his approval of this angelic call; go forth, thou blessed sister, into the mission field; to meet the mists of darkness, keep virtue as thy shield; strong in thine own inheritance, a pure and spotless life, and you shall be victorious in every gospel strife. chapter . the young men's pledge.--brigham young's one hundredeth birthday--mary's birthday.--some things that i remember. the young men's pledge. joseph smith and john m. horner. two boys were hoeing corn one day, beneath a july sun. and as they worked, in friendly chat their youthful fancies run. "i'll be a farmer," the younger said, "and study nature's laws-- if there is growth of tree or plant i'll know the primal cause." thus john, the younger of the two, with a bright, progressive mind, explained to joseph what he'd do when he became a man. i watched and listened with interest now, to the elder boy's reply; for his was a fine, intellectual brow, and a keen, prophetic eye. "i'll be a man of god," he said-- "a student of truths divine; i'll soar from earth to realms above where endless treasures shine. "i'll study the lives of noble men; i'll search the scriptures too, and i will know, if mortal can, if hebrew books are true. "i'll know if moses talked with god, upon the mount sinai; the paths the ancient prophets trod-- i'll tread before i die." and each one, happy with the thoughts that stirred their youthful breasts, silently finished the task in hand, then sought their home and rest. as years rolled on, we watched those boys, and history proves to you, throughout their lives they kept their vows, with motives pure and true. the farmer became a wonderful man in agricultural skill; and boundless wealth came from the soil in obedience to his will. his name and fame went round the world, and kings bestowed their praise. he is today a shining mark of god's mysterious ways." the other one, would that my pen could a truthful picture give, of the prayerful, trustful, god-like life that noble boy did live. how every word of that first pledge to the letter was fulfilled; how his bright mind grasped light and truth, until the seer was killed. how god the father, and christ the son, talked face to face with him; how peter, james and john--anointed ones, were sent by eloheim to lay their lands on joseph's head, the priesthood to restore; how moses and elias came with keys they held in days of yore. moroni, the nephite prophet, came in robes of spotless white, talked with the boy of hidden things, from eve till morning light. we talk of teachers learned and wise, of pupils, apt and bright; but never by man was mortal taught as joseph was that night! history of nations, long since dead, were revealed to him so plain that he in language strong and clear, could make them live again. he learned the solar system's laws, and measured kolob's time-- that god, of matter formed the worlds that now in splendor shine. that man, now mortal, is jehovah's child-- a birthright, endless and grand, the crown of glory, in heaven, is this: to be an exalted man. these were the paths the young man trod-- that was the glorious aim, to pierce the skies, commune with god, eternal life to gain. brigham young's one hundredth birthday. our multitude of little ones, dear precious souls, so bright and gay-- so full of life and harmless fun, in neat attire, together come and shout aloud, "'tis first of june, and we have come to sing a tune in memory of the natal day of israel's chieftain, brigham young." "teacher," they cry, with faces all aglow with life and joy, "we wish to know more of the life, the acts, the worth of that great man who came to earth one hundred years ago." "well, children, i have heard my father say that brigham came upon a 'blusterous day.' the june sun rose so bright and clear, but soon a change came o'er the atmosphere. dark clouds went scurrying through the sky-- and shrieking gusts and moaning sigh gave warning of a coming storm that filled the people with alarm-- the elements ceased not their war until the day had gone afar toward the setting of the sun. but e'er old sol his race had run, a wondrous change again had come; and all was bright, serene and calm when brigham young was born-- at night within that humble home, rest and peace to all had come. 'twas the foreshadow of that great man's life-- at baptism commenced the bitter strife; the sneer and scoff of sectarian hate increased to town, to county, and to state. armed and legalized mobs were soon in line against the god-sent prophet of modern times; and gifted men, once active in the cause, turned traitor to the kingdom and its laws; but brigham's knees ne'er trembled in that hour, defending joseph with all his might and power. first at far west, the storm in fury raged, and zion's leaders in chains were caged; for six long months they wore the galling chains; in dismal dungeons their weary limbs had lain. and clark's militia mob despoiled the saints, till e'en the strongest faith seemed faint; then brigham showed the temper of his soul-- leader born, and warrior bold. he rallied the scattering sheep, led them to pastures new, till joseph came, and founded fair nauvoo. 'twas in those years of toil and strife, and sin, that joseph learned to trust in him, and pointed the path the saints should tread when joseph and hyrum would be dead. at last the storm in fury broke at carthage jail, with cruel stroke, joseph and hyrum both were slain-- the church had lost its head again. then brigham's lion heart was seen-- with master mind he spanned the stream, and led the bleeding saints to utah's inland sea, and planted them in liberty, in valleys sheltered by lofty snow-capped domes, where god has smiled upon their homes. and then he brought the poor from every land and made a strong united band; taught them how to till the soil, taught them peace--to cease turmoil; taught them to give a helping hand to every soul throughout their land. he taught our children to be kind and pure, and truthful, and refined. and god so blessed the work thus done, that millions loved the name of brigham young. mary's birthday. mary y. roberts--dear may, this is a warm, beautiful winter day, and your mother says it's your birthday; that forty years ago, precisely at dinner time, your earthly life began to shine, such a tiny, faint little glimmer-- a mere dot, a spark dropped from above. from the mystic, boundless ocean of love, the mother, and giver of all creation; we were waiting, looking, and praying for you; we wanted you, yet we hardly knew how to prepare properly for your reception. but your mother did the best she could, and with aunt marinda's help so clever, and with your grandpa, kind and good, they nursed the little feeble flame to life; helped it gain courage to remain, and it became a source of joy forever. what ups and downs have passed since then! who knew the future, where, how, and when the lightning's flash from out the storm would crush to earth some loved one's form-- or tear loved branches from the tree, and shroud the home in misery? for pain and death come to the earth unheralded. not so with birth. death comes; we have no power to stay the blow. it strikes; the dearest ones are first to go, no matter how firm the heart-strings cling; 'tis like a bird upon the wing-- soon 'scapes the reach of our weak hands, and takes its flight to other lands while we, held by an unseen power, are crushed by the sorrows of the hour; we droop, and like the bird we've caged, against our prison bars we wage a restless warfare, seeking in vain, freedom from life that gives us pain. but freedom's boon will never come, until we learn, "thy will be done," and every quiver of the soul by patient guard has learned control; and prove another law divine, that every act reaps of its kind, and all who sow in purity and love, reap a rich harvest from above. you, dear child, born forty years ago, have drunk your cup of grief and woe. this is the arch of the span of life; it marks the zenith of earthly strife. for forty years you've climbed and climbed-- it is enough. hereon the path shall wind 'mid shaded groves of field and flowers, bringing bright days, and pleasant hours; no storm shall rise to cross your path again, but what the cold shall turn to summer rain, and every cloud, by children's love dispelled, will whisper peace, and, mother, all is well. these are the words a father's lips declare; from this time on your life shall taste, and share the peace and love, the joy and bliss that crowns a life of righteousness. some things that i remember i am seventy-seven years old today-- my step is light, but my hair is gray. the ear and eye are not so bright, showing a failing in hearing and sight. and i cannot run as once i could, when legs and lungs were strong and good. my breath goes short as i climb the hill, showing that strength is not equal to will; for hope and will, blessed gifts of god, are strong in my heart like an iron rod; leading my feet in their earthly strife, pointing my soul to a higher life. what a flood of sorrow, what an ocean of joy has crossed my path, as man and boy! o, could i tell the changes i've seen, 'twould equal in romance alladin's dream. it would quicken our pulse with a warm desire to review the deeds of our noble sires; for progress and growth in the realms of thought, are often with pain and sorrow bought; and the richest gifts that crown our lives, come as a reward for a heart's sacrifice. i remember when seven summers had fled, of kneeling beside a sick mother's bed; with her motherly hand on my curly head, she told me that joseph and hyrum were dead. how deeply we loved the patriarch and seer was shown by the thousands who wept at their bier; the saints at nauvoo were crushed by the blow-- 'twas my first comprehension of national woe, for israel that day lost a heavenly treasure, a shepherd who fed them with wisdom unmeasured. i remember full well the prophet's sweet smile as he patted my head, i a weak, sickly child, and said to my father, "fear not, brother young, for a long life awaits this dear little son. he will grow up to manhood, the priesthood he'll hold, and carry the gospel to nations untold." those kind words of promise illumined my soul; the light is still with me, although i am old. the next i remember was the ice-flowing tide of the great mississippi, its flood a mile wide, the shout of the boatmen, the splash of their oars, as they pushed the huge scow from the river's east shore. they were giants in stature, and fearless and bold, they shrunk not in danger, nor shivered in cold there was tall thomas grover, and brave warren snow, and three other heroes whose names i don't know. with skill and endurance they stemmed the wild tide, and landed their freight on the iowa side. say, what was the freight that faced ice, wind, and snow? 'twas the saints who were fleeing from homes in nauvoo. i remember the camp fires that blazed high in the woods, while one side was freezing, one scorched where we stood; and the anguish of childbirth, when the mother's strength failed, was drowned by the fury of the tempest and hail. 'twas a cruel, bitter struggle with cold and with rain: the route of our journey was marked with our slain; with zeal, faith, and courage, ne'er excelled by man, the journey to utah our fathers began. i walked with the children, and helped drive the sheep, hatless and shoeless, with sore bleeding feet. the wonderful journey was ended at last-- forgotten in pleasures, were the cold wintry blasts; for the sunshine of utah brought strength, peace, and health, with a promise, if faithful, of the blessings of wealth; the words of the prophet in part were fulfilled; israel had fled to the mountains, an empire to build. sixteen summers had passed, and i had grown tall-- five feet, lacking two inches, as i leaned 'gainst the wall; and i weighed ninety-six pounds, on father neff's scales in the old grist mill, overlooking our vales. at the annual conference, in eighteen fifty-four, i was called on a mission, new fields to explore, with twenty companions, young men bright and clean, with them joseph f. smith, a boy of fifteen, manly, studious and faithful, keys to a life and career that has crowned him as president, prophet and seer. one night, sleeping with him on the isle of maui(ee), at president hammond's, 'neath a banana tree, i was wakened from slumber by joseph's sharp cry-- a centipede stung him, in the core of the eye. the venomous reptile struck the tenderest part; the poison soon spread from the brain to the heart. how fearfully he suffered the rest of the night! it was feared, through our ignorance, he might lose his sight. then the power of the priesthood came to our aid, by anointing and prayer the pain was allayed. my mission is ended, four years have slipped by-- without purse or scrip, repentance i've cried; the will of the father i've tried hard to do, and by doing, i know the gospel is true. again, i have seen the dark clouds of strife hang over our people, and threaten the lives of brigham, and heber, and john taylor, too, and all the brave spirits that to joseph were true; but there's more union in zion today than was found in nauvoo when they drove us away. we are nerved for the battle, and first on the program is to burn up our homes, leave a desolate land-- leave it barren and foodless, as when we first came; not a tree, nor a shelter will we leave on the plain. our wives and our children to the mountains must hie, then we'll fight for our rights, for we fear not to die. the people responded with a hearty amen, for the spirit of freedom burned bright in our glens; then wagons and horses, men and women, with carts, form in squads and battalions; for sonora they start; for three hundred miles, from logan to cedar, a moving, human stream, without captain or leader, for the light of the prophets was shining so bright that the humblest pedestrian could see its bright light. but he, who moves in curious ways, his wonders to perform, accepted the offered sacrifice, and calmed the rising storm. today, zion's cities are the wonder of the world, and a temple of beauty stands where our banner is unfurled; and on the waste, where, as a boy, i herded cows and sheep, now twice a year, the saints of god in solemn conference meet. and many strangers yearly come our temple to behold, and go away, and often say, "the half has not been told." these are the scenes that many years have brought into my view, and i testify, with soberness, the words i speak are true; and to my wives and children dear, who cluster round my hearth, i say, with tears of happiness, i'm glad i had a birth. archive. university of kansas publications museum of natural history volume - editors e. raymond hall donald s. farner donald f. hoffmeister h. h. lane a. byron leonard edward h. taylor robert w. wilson museum of natural history university of kansas lawrence, kansas museum of natural history university of kansas lawrence, kansas printed by ferd voiland, jr., state printer topeka, kansas - contents . the pocket gophers (genus thomomys) of utah. by stephen d. durrant. pp. - , figure in text. august , . . the systematic status of eumeces pluvialis cope, and noteworthy records of other amphibians and reptiles from kansas and oklahoma. by hobart m. smith. pp. - . august , . . the tadpoles of bufo cognatus say. by hobart m. smith. pp. - , figure in text. august , . . hybridization between two species of garter snakes. by hobart m. smith. pp. - . august , . . selected records of reptiles and amphibians from kansas. by john breukelman and hobart m. smith. pp. - . august , . . kyphosis and other variations in soft-shelled turtles. by hobart m. smith. pp. - , figures. july , . . natural history of the prairie vole (mammalian genus microtus). by e. w. jameson, jr. pp. - , figures in text. october , . . the postnatal development of two broods of great horned owls (bubo virginianus). by donald f. hoffmeister and henry w. setzer. pp. - , figures in text. october , . . additions to the list of the birds of louisiana. by george h. lowery, jr. pp. - . november , . . a check-list of the birds of idaho. by m. dale arvey. pp. - . november , . . subspeciation in pocket gophers of kansas. by bernardo villa r. and e. raymond hall. pp. - , figures in text. november , . . a new bat (genus myotis) from mexico. by walter w. dalquest and e. raymond hall. pp. - , figures in text. december , . . tadarida femorosacca (merriam) in tamaulipas, mexico. by walter w. dalquest and e. raymond hall. pp. - , figure in text. december , . . a new pocket gopher (thomomys) and a new spiny pocket mouse (liomys) from michoacán, méxico. by e. raymond hall and bernardo villa-r. pp. - , figures in text. july , . . a new hylid frog from eastern mexico. by edward h. taylor. pp. - , figure in text. august , . . a new extinct emydid turtle from the lower pliocene of oklahoma. by edwin c. galbreath. pp. - , plate. august , . . pliocene and pleistocene records of fossil turtles from western kansas and oklahoma. by edwin c. galbreath. pp. - , figure in text. august , . . a new species of heteromyid rodent from the middle oligocene of northeast colorado with remarks on the skull. by edwin c. galbreath. pp. - , plates. august , . . speciation in the brazilian spiny rats (genus proechimys, family echimyidae). by joão moojen. pp. - , figures in text. december , . . three new beavers from utah. by stephen d. durrant and harold s. crane. pp. - , figures in text. december , . . two new meadow mice from michoacán, méxico. by e. raymond hall. pp. - , figures in text. december , . . an annotated check list of the mammals of michoacán, méxico. by e. raymond hall and bernardo villa-r. pp. - , plates, figure in text. december , . . subspeciation in the kangaroo rat, dipodomys ordii. by henry w. setzer. pp. - , figures in text, tables. december , . . geographic range of hooded skunk, mephitis macroura, with description of a new subspecies from mexico. by e. raymond hall and walter w. dalquest. pp. - , figure in text. january , . . pipistrellus cinnamomeus miller referred to the genus myotis. by e. raymond hall and walter w. dalquest. pp. - , figures in text. january , . . a synopsis of the american bats of the genus pipistrellus. by e. raymond hall and walter w. dalquest. pp. - , figure in text. january , . index pp. - . the pocket gophers (genus thomomys) of utah by stephen d. durrant university of kansas publications museum of natural history volume , no. , pp. - , figure in text august , university of kansas lawrence the pocket gophers (genus thomomys) of utah by stephen d. durrant university of kansas publications museum of natural history volume , no. , pp. - , figure in text august , university of kansas lawrence university of kansas publications, museum of natural history editors: e. raymond hall, chairman, donald s. farner, donald f. hoffmeister volume , no. , pp. - , figure in text. published august , university of kansas lawrence, kansas printed by ferd voiland, jr., state printer topeka, kansas - the pocket gophers (genus thomomys) of utah by stephen d. durrant contribution from the department of biology, university of utah, and the museum of natural history, university of kansas. introduction the history of pocket gophers of utah begins with j. a. allen's mention in of mounds of these animals. for them he employed the name "_thomomys rufescens?_" ( : ). actual specimens were reported upon a year later by elliot coues ( : , ), who used the name _thomomys talpoides_ for specimens from "utah" but later in the same paper listed specimens from provo as _thomomys talpoides bulbivorus_. even as the great variation in utah pocket gophers has been perplexing to modern workers, so it was also to coues seventy years ago who left the problem with the statement that animals from provo "exhibit among themselves such variations that their labelling becomes a matter of indifference"! in the same year in another report, coues and yarrow ( : ) used the name _thomomys talpoides umbrinus_ for animals from provo. in , coues again referred these same animals to _thomomys talpoides bulbivorus_, using the name _umbrinus_ for the animals of only southern utah (coues, : , ). the two names _thomomys bottae_ and _thomomys talpoides_, now applicable to gophers in utah, were synonomized under the name _thomomys talpoides bulbivorus_ by coues ( : ; : ). after this beginning only three other papers, all by j. a. allen, appeared in the next twenty years. they were reports on collections of mammals made by walter w. granger and charles p. rowley. one of these contained the description of _thomomys aureus_. likewise, in the ensuing twenty years there were only three papers, one in by c. hart merriam in which he described _thomomys uinta_, one by allen ( : ), and vernon bailey's ( ) "revision of the pocket gophers of the genus _thomomys_" in which he summarized the information then available on these animals within the state. barnes ( and ) reprinted the information summarized by bailey. since approximately twenty-five papers, mostly taxonomic, have been published in which reference is made to utah gophers, and especially since much information has been accumulated about the distribution and speciation of this genus within the state. specimens to the number of , have been available for this study. whereas bailey (_loc. cit._) listed only four kinds belonging to four different species, thirty-five kinds are now known from utah. seven of these are herein described as new. the thirty-five kinds are found to belong to only two instead of four full species. inasmuch as the literature is scattered and since names have been applied in different ways at different times, i have attempted to give a synonomy as complete as possible for each form found within the state. the bibliographies of hayward ( and ) and miller's ( ) "list of north american mammals" have been of great use. capitalized color terms in the accounts are after ridgway, color standards and color nomenclature, washington, d. c., . in the lists of specimens examined, the localities are listed by counties from west to east, beginning at the northwestern corner of the state, and within each county from north to south. when two localities are on the same latitude, the westernmost is listed first. i am deeply indebted to professor r. v. chamberlin, of the university of utah, for encouragement and support in my investigation. i also acknowledge critical assistance in the preparation of this paper from professor e. raymond hall of the university of kansas. for the loan of specimens i am grateful to the following: clinton g. abbott and lawrence m. huey, natural history museum of san diego, san diego, california; harold e. anthony and j. eric hill, american museum of natural history, new york city, new york; seth b. benson, museum of vertebrate zoölogy, university of california, berkeley, california; william h. burt, museum of zoölogy, university of michigan, ann arbor, michigan; j. kenneth doutt, carnegie museum, pittsburgh, pennsylvania; ross hardy, dixie junior college, st. george, utah; c. lynn hayward and vasco m. tanner, brigham young university, provo, utah; h. h. t. jackson and viola s. schantz, united states fish and wildlife service, u. s. national museum, washington, d. c.; remington kellogg and alexander wetmore, u. s. national museum, washington, d. c.; j. s. stanford, utah state agricultural college, logan, utah. unless otherwise indicated, specimens are in the museum of zoölogy, university of utah, salt lake city, utah. in lists of specimens examined, abbreviations are employed as follows: (a. m. n. h.) american museum of natural history. (n. h. m. s. d.) natural history museum of san diego. (m. v. z.) museum of vertebrate zoölogy, university of california. (u. m.) museum of zoölogy, university of michigan. (c. m.) carnegie museum. (r. h.) collection of ross hardy. (b. y. u.) brigham young university. (u. s. n. m.) united states national museum. (u. s. a. c.) utah state agricultural college. (k. u.) museum of natural history, university of kansas. [illustration: fig. . map showing the distribution of species and subspecies of pocket gophers in utah.] guide to subspecies: . _t. t. gracilis_ . _t. t. wasatchensis_ . _t. t. oquirrhensis_ . _t. t. uinta_ . _t. t. pygmaeus_ . _t. t. ravus_ . _t. t. ocius_ . _t. t. moorei_ . _t. t. fossor_ . _t. t. parowanensis_ . _t. t. levis_ . _t. b. aureiventris_ . _t. b. robustus_ . _t. b. minimus_ . _t. b. nesophilus_ . _t. b. stansburyi_ . _t. b. albicaudatus_ . _t. b. bonnevillei_ . _t. b. centralis_ . _t. b. sevieri_ . _t. b. convexus_ . _t. b. tivius_ . _t. b. contractus_ . _t. b. lenis_ . _t. b. levidensis_ . _t. b. osgoodi_ . _t. b. howelli_ . _t. b. wahwahensis_ . _t. b. dissimilis_ . _t. b. aureus_ . _t. b. birdseyei_ . _t. b. virgineus_ . _t. b. planirostris_ . _t. b. absonus_ . _t. b. alexandrae_ genus =thomomys= wied all pocket gophers of utah belong to the genus _thomomys_. there are only two species within the state, _thomomys bottae_ with twenty-four subspecies and _thomomys talpoides_ with eleven subspecies. due to marked mutational capacities and ready response to environmental pressures and sedentary habits, pocket gophers differentiate readily into numerous subspecies. it is well known that utah by its highly varied topography and climate possesses widely different types of habitats. the aforementioned plasticity of these animals and possibly the fact that both species are at the extreme limits of their ranges in utah account for the numerous forms found within the state. the genus may be characterized as follows: highly specialized fossorial rodents, with heavy, thick bodies; all four legs of approximately equal length, but front legs more muscular for digging, and feet provided with long claws; external fur-lined cheek pouches; small eyes, short ears and tail; upper incisors long and projecting external to lips. skull: stout and flattened; zygomatic arches well developed and usually widely spreading; all teeth with permanent pulp cavities; incisors superficially smooth, but fine median groove present on anterior face of each upper incisor; dental formula, i. / , c. / , p. / , m. / ; external auditory canal long; stapedial artery small and enclosed within an osseous canal. =thomomys talpoides= (richardson) _thomomys talpoides_ is a northern species that in utah approaches the southern limits of its range. the animals of this species inhabit the mountains and high valleys. in the southward extension of their range, as in utah, they are found at higher elevations which zonally represent lower elevations at more northern latitudes. the specific characters are: sphenorbital fissure absent; incisive foramina anterior to infraorbital canal; anterior prism of p triangular; interparietal relatively large; lambdoidal suture concave posteriorly in region of interparietal, in utah specimens. =thomomys talpoides gracilis= durrant _thomomys quadratus gracilis_ durrant, bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , february , . _thomomys talpoides gracilis_ durrant, bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , august , ; goldman, journ. mamm., : , december , . _thomomys quadratus fisheri_ hall, univ. california publ. zoöl., : , april , . _thomomys uinta_ bailey, n. amer. fauna, : , november , ; barnes, bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , april, ; bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , june, . _type._--male adult, skin and skull; no. , museum of vertebrate zoölogy, university of california; pine canyon, , ft., mi. nw kelton, box elder county, utah; july , ; collected by annie m. alexander; original number . _range._--mountainous regions of extreme northwestern utah. _diagnosis._--size medium (see measurements). color: upper parts buckthorn brown grading over the sides and flanks to light buff on the underparts; chin white; nose and postauricular patches grayish black. claws on front feet long and slender. skull: long and slender; rostrum long and narrow; zygomatic and mastoidal breadths slight; palatal pits deep; upper incisors narrow; basioccipital wide. _comparisons._--compared with topotypes of _thomomys talpoides fisheri_, _gracilis_ is of approximately the same size. upper parts darker and underparts lighter; postauricular patches larger and darker; claws on front feet longer and slenderer. skull: generally longer and narrower; nasals and rostrum longer; basioccipital wider. as compared with _t. t. uinta_, _gracilis_ is of approximately the same size but differs as follows: color: lighter throughout; postauricular patches markedly smaller and lighter; inguinal and pectoral regions much lighter. one characteristic difference is in the ear. in _uinta_ the external opening of the ear is much larger; the pinna of the ear is larger, more rounded at the tip, and lacks most of the pigmentation on the inner margin. skull: generally narrower and longer; nasals longer; zygomatic arches weaker and less angular; upper incisors narrower. this form is easily distinguished from _bridgeri_ by smaller size, and by the skull being longer, narrower and less angular. from _thomomys talpoides oquirrhensis_ to the southeast, _t. t. gracilis_ can be distinguished by: total length and ear shorter. color: generally lighter, except the underparts which are about the same; postauricular patches larger and more deeply pigmented. skull: braincase less inflated; nasals truncated posteriorly as opposed to rounded; zygomatic and mastoidal breadths less; rostrum shorter but narrower; upper incisors narrower and shorter. for comparisons with _wasatchensis_ see comparisons under that form. in general, this mountain form can be distinguished from all other _talpoides_ in utah by lighter color, narrow, slender, "graceful" skull whence the name _gracilis_ is derived. _remarks._--in utah, _gracilis_ is limited to the extreme northwestern corner of the state. this part of the state is in the snake river drainage. the main part of the range of this race lies in south-central and southwestern idaho and northeastern nevada. the center of its range might be considered to be in the jarbidge mountains area of nevada. the south slopes of these mountains are in the humboldt river drainage, while the north slopes are in the snake river drainage, and this subspecies occurs as far north as the snake river and south and west almost to central nevada. no specimens are available from the area in utah between the raft river mountains inhabited by _gracilis_ and the wasatch mountains in central utah inhabited by _wasatchensis_. judging from the nature of the terrain, the range of _gracilis_ does not extend eastward much beyond the raft river mountains. the type locality for a gopher of a different species, _thomomys bottae aureiventris_, is in the first valley east of these mountains. furthermore, all valleys to the east and south, as far as known, are inhabited by gophers of the _bottae_ group. also, all mountain ranges in this area, as far east as the wasatch mountains are inhabited by members of the _bottae_ group. no specimens from utah indicate intergradation between _gracilis_ and _wasatchensis_, the form to the east, but specimens from farther north at albion, cassia county, idaho, do show intergradation. bailey ( : ), hall ( : ), and durrant ( : ) have reported on these specimens which at the present time seem best referred to _t. t. gracilis_. _specimens examined._--total, , distributed as follows: _box elder county_: yost, (u. s. a. c.); pine canyon, , ft., mi. nw kelton, (m. v. z.): lynn canyon, raft river, ; park valley, (u. s. a. c.); etna, (u. s. a. c.); raft river mountains, clear creek camp of minnedoka national forest, (r. h.); raft river mountains, , feet above clear creek camp of minnedoka national forest, (r. h.). =thomomys talpoides wasatchensis= new subspecies _thomomys quadratus uinta_ hall, univ. california publ. zoöl., : , april , . _thomomys talpoides uinta_ goldman, journ. mamm., : . may , . _thomomys uinta_ bailey, n. amer. fauna, : , november , ; barnes, bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , april, ; bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , june, ; stanford, journ. mamm., : , november , . _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. , museum of zoölogy, university of utah; midway, , ft., wasatch county, utah; september , ; collected by s. d. durrant; original number . _range._--wasatch mountains and neighboring high valleys as far south as spanish fork canyon, utah county. _diagnosis._--size medium (see measurements). color: upper parts snuff brown, finely mixed with black; sides and flanks sayal brown; underparts overlaid with cinnamon buff, with suffusion of black on underfur; postauricular patches black, extending around ear; ears pointed and covered with black hairs; nose, cheeks, chin and top of head dusky; front feet, hind feet and distal part of tail white; tail covered proximally with light brown hairs. skull: moderately heavy and ridged; nasals long, wide posteriorly and not markedly dilated distally; posterior ends of nasals emarginate; zygomatic arches fairly widely spreading and angular, being nearly straight in adults, but tending to bow out slightly at posterior ends in young; zygomatic processes of maxillae heavy; interparietal small and variously shaped, but always wider than long; interorbital region fairly wide; well marked dorsal depression in frontals posterior to ends of nasals; interpterygoid space narrowly v-shaped; tympanic bullae large; occipital condyles large and widely separated; foramen magnum large and higher than wide; basioccipital wide; dentition light. _comparisons._--from topotypes of _thomomys talpoides moorei_, _wasatchensis_ differs as follows: size slightly larger; ears longer and more pointed. color: generally darker throughout; postauricular patches smaller. skull: zygomatic arches not as widely spreading; zygomatic processes of squamosals dip farther ventrally; premaxillae less extended posterior to nasals; nasals wider posteriorly and less dilated distally; median dorsal depression of frontals present; tympanic bullae generally larger, but less inflated ventrally; foramen magnum larger especially in dorsoventral dimension; occipital condyles farther apart; basioccipital wider; alveolar length of upper molar series less; molariform teeth smaller; upper incisors wider and shorter. topotypes of _wasatchensis_ differ from topotypes and near topotypes of _thomomys talpoides uinta_ as follows: size larger in every measurement taken. color: darker throughout; ears longer and more pigmented; opening of external ear smaller; postauricular patches larger. skull: in females larger throughout, more massive and angular; nasals longer, wider and not so dilated distally; rostrum longer but wider; zygomatic arches wider, more angular and less widely spreading posteriorly; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals less; tympanic bullae larger, but less inflated ventrally; foramen magnum larger and more ovoid; width across occipital condyles greater; basioccipital wider; molariform teeth smaller; upper incisors shorter and wider. topotypes of _wasatchensis_ can be distinguished from those of _thomomys talpoides oquirrhensis_ as follows: size larger; tail longer; ears longer. color: slightly darker on sides and underparts. skull: heavier, more ridged and angular; nasals more dilated distally; posterior ends of nasals more deeply emarginate; zygomatic arches heavier and more widely spreading, but more nearly parallel and less divergent posteriorly; zygomatic processes of maxillae much heavier; braincase and tympanic bullae larger; pterygoid hamulae shorter; interpterygoid space more narrowly v-shaped; wider across occipital condyles; foramen magnum larger and more ovoid. from topotypes of _thomomys talpoides gracilis_, _wasatchensis_ differs as follows: size larger; hind foot longer; ears longer and more pointed. color: darker throughout; postauricular patches relatively smaller. skull: larger, heavier and more angular; nasals emarginate posteriorly as opposed to truncate; rostrum heavier; zygomatic arches heavier and more widely spreading; zygomatic processes of maxillae much heavier and more angular; mastoid breadth greater; interparietal relatively smaller; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals actually as well as relatively less; palatal pits deeper; tympanic bullae larger; interpterygoid space more narrowly v-shaped; foramen magnum more ovoid; upper incisors wider. topotypes of _wasatchensis_ can be readily distinguished from those of _thomomys talpoides levis_ and _parowanensis_ by larger size; more massive, ridged, angular skulls; larger tympanic bullae; large, ovoid foramen magnum; and relatively smaller interparietal. _remarks._--specimens from mount timpanogos and environs are intergrades between _moorei_ and _wasatchensis_. they resemble _moorei_ in the shape and size of the tympanic bullae, and are intermediate in the size and shape of the foramen magnum. in the majority of characters they resemble _wasatchensis_ to which they are here referred. the animals from east of salt lake city in salt lake county are intergrades between _oquirrhensis_ and _wasatchensis_ and show some characters of _uinta_, but are referable to _wasatchensis_. animals from morgan county and western summit county are intergrades between _wasatchensis_ and _uinta_. they resemble _uinta_ in size, shape of nasals and size of tympanic bullae. the remainder of the cranial details place them with _wasatchensis_. morphologically the animals from wellsville, cache county, were the closest to the topotypes of any obtained and are nearly indistinguishable from them. like the topotypes of _wasatchensis_ this population inhabits a high valley. the remaining specimens from cache county resemble those from morgan and summit counties. _specimens examined._--total, , distributed as follows: _cache county_: logan canyon, beaver basin, utah-idaho line, (u. s. a. c); logan canyon, tony grove camp, (u. s. a. c); logan canyon, green camp, (u. s. a. c); logan canyon, (u. s. a. c); logan mountains, mi. e logan, (u. s. a. c); logan peak area, (u. s. a. c); near providence peak, logan mountains, (u. s. a. c.); wellsville, (u. s. a. c); hardware ranch, blacksmith fork, (u. s. a. c); avon, (u. s. a. c); mi. e avon, (u. s. a. c); - mi. e avon, (u. s. a. c). _weber county_: south fork, ogden river, mi. e ogden, (m. v. z.). _morgan county_: east canyon, mi. nw park city, , ft., . _davis county_: mi. ne salt lake city, . _salt lake county_: mouth of dry canyon, mi. ne salt lake city, ; mi. above mouth city creek canyon, , ft., ; mouth of emigration canyon, ; mouth of millcreek canyon, ; lambs canyon, mi. se salt lake city, (c. m.); mouth of big cottonwood canyon, . _summit county_: park city, (u. s. n. m.). _wasatch county_: midway, , ft., . _utah county_: mt. timpanogos, mi. n aspen grove, , ft., ; aspen grove, mt. timpanogos, ( , u. s. a. c.; , b. y. u.); head of grove creek, mt. timpanogos, (b. y. u.). _additional records_: _weber county_: ogden, . _salt lake county_: parleys canyon, (bailey, : ). =thomomys talpoides oquirrhensis= durrant _thomomys talpoides oquirrhensis_ durrant, bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , october , . _type._--male, adult, skin and skull; no. , museum of zoölogy, university of utah; settlement creek, oquirrh mountains, , ft., tooele county, utah; june , ; collected by s. d. durrant; original number . _range._--known only from the oquirrh mountains, which are in salt lake, tooele and utah counties, utah. _diagnosis._--size medium (see measurements); ear long; tail short, claws of front feet long and slender. color: upper parts buckthorn brown, mixed with black, grading over the sides and flanks to pinkish buff on the ventral surface; feet white; nose grayish black; postauricular patches medium in size and black; chin and throat with varying amounts of white; proximal two-thirds of tail dark brown, distal third white. skull: long and slender, but relatively wide across mastoidal region; nasals long and rounded posteriorly; rostrum long and narrow; zygomatic arches weak and not widely spreading, tending to be slightly bowed out posteriorly, but in the main roughly parallel to the sides of the skull; outer margin of zygomatic arch slightly concave, and zygomatic arch dips deeply ventrad; dorsal surface of skull smooth, with weakly defined parietal crests; parietal crest nearly parallel, but bowed medially, in parietal region, and flaring widely posteriorly to pass lateral to interparietal; tympanic bullae large, truncate anteriorly and markedly inflated ventrally; upper incisors short and fairly robust. _comparisons._--from _thomomys talpoides uinta_, _oquirrhensis_ may be differentiated as follows: color: darker throughout; postauricular patches larger and darker; ears longer and more pointed; inner margin of pinna heavily pigmented; external opening of ear smaller. skull: nasals rounded posteriorly rather than deeply emarginate, and less flaring distally; zygomatic arches weaker and markedly less widely spreading; pterygoid hamulae weaker; basisphenoid narrower; upper incisors shorter and wider. for comparisons between _oquirrhensis_ and _thomomys talpoides gracilis_, and _oquirrhensis_ and _wasatchensis_, see comparisons under those forms. topotypical specimens of _oquirrhensis_ can be distinguished from those of _thomomys talpoides moorei_ as follows: color generally darker, due to greater admixture of black; terminal bands of hair actually lighter; postauricular patches larger and darker; ears longer, more pointed and with more heavily pigmented pinnae; tail shorter. skull: about the same size; smoother; zygomatic arches weaker and less widely spreading; nasals rounded posteriorly as opposed to emarginate; mastoid breadth less; pterygoid hamulae weaker; upper incisors wider. _remarks._--this race is limited to the oquirrh mountains, a high mountain range that lies parallel to, and just west of the wasatch mountains, in utah, salt lake and tooele counties. these mountains were connected in past times to the wasatch mountains by the transverse range, and by a sand and gravel bar deposited by pleistocene lake bonneville. the jordan river in its course from utah lake to the great salt lake has cut a channel through the aforementioned bar. this channel has been cut to the level of the surrounding valleys as is indicated by the meandering nature of the stream through this part of its course. as a result the oquirrh mountains are relatively isolated. although separated from the wasatch mountains by the jordan river valley only a few miles wide, the pocket gophers are distinct on each mountain. a population of _t. bottae_ is interposed between the two mountain ranges as is indicated by specimens from riverton, six miles north of the transverse range. the populations of _bottae_ are subspecifically the same on the two sides of the jordan river. on the east side of the oquirrh mountains, pocket gophers collected from the jordan valley up rose canyon to about , feet elevation were all of the species _t. bottae_. between , and , feet there is an area in which the ranges of _bottae_ and _talpoides_ overlap. when trapping, it is possible to predict what species will be taken by the types of burrows and soil. gophers of the _bottae_ group have their burrows in the areas of the deepest soil and heaviest vegetation, whereas the areas of shallow, rocky soil covered with sparse vegetation are the habitat of _talpoides_. above , feet the only gopher encountered is _talpoides_. along settlement creek on the west side of the oquirrh mountains, which is the type locality of _oquirrhensis_, _bottae_ and _talpoides_ have essentially the same vertical distribution as in rose canyon. on this mountain the two species appear to be in competition. the available information, based on collections, indicates that the oquirrh mountains are the only mountains west of the wasatch range upon which _talpoides_ occurs. in utah, all other mountains to the west, as far as known, are inhabited by subspecies of of _thomomys bottae_. _specimens examined._--total, , as follows: _tooele county_: settlement creek, oquirrh mountains, , ft., . _salt lake county_: rose canyon, oquirrh mountains, , ft., . =thomomys talpoides uinta= merriam _thomomys uinta_ merriam, proc. biol. soc. washington, : , july , ; bailey, n. amer. fauna, : , november , ; barnes, bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , april, ; bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , june, ; stanford, journ. mamm., : ; november , ; goldman, journ. washington acad. sci., : , july , ; davis, the recent mammals of idaho, pp. , , the caxton printers, ltd., caldwell, idaho, april , . _thomomys talpoides uinta_ goldman, journ. mamm., : , may , . _thomomys quadratus uinta hall_, univ. california publ. zoöl., : , april , . _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. / , u. s. national museum (biological surveys collection); north base gilbert peak, uinta mountains, , ft., summit county, utah; june , ; collected by vernon bailey; original number (after merriam, type not seen). _range._--uinta mountains in duchesne county, eastern wasatch and summit counties, and western uintah county south to the roan, brown and book cliffs in carbon county. _diagnosis._--size medium (see measurements). color: upper parts snuff brown finely mixed with black, paling over sides and flanks to near pinkish buff on underparts; postauricular patches relatively small and dusky; external opening of ear large; pinnae usually lightly pigmented; hind feet white; front feet usually white only at base of toes; distal third to half of tail white; tail usually light below, with proximal dorsal half covered with darker hairs; nose, chin, cheeks and top of head dusky; usually considerable white on throat. skull: small, slender, and not heavily ridged; nasals short and dilated distally; posterior margins of nasals emarginate; zygomatic arches moderately widely spreading, widest posteriorly; interparietal pentagonal or subquadrangular; interpterygoid space v-shaped; tympanic bullae well inflated ventrally; upper incisors long and narrow. _comparisons._--for comparisons with other subspecies of _thomomys talpoides_, see accounts of those forms. _remarks._--the range formerly ascribed to _uinta_ (bailey, : ; barnes, : , : ) is now known to be inhabited by animals belonging to three distinct subspecies. the range of _uinta_ as now understood is restricted to the southern and western parts of the uinta mountains and their environs. three specimens from the book cliffs, sunnyside, carbon county, are not typical, but in a majority of their characters agree with _uinta_ to which they are here referred. i have seen only one specimen from the type locality. it is one of the series on which merriam ( : ) based his original description. in addition, i have studied several large series of near topotypes. from the material at hand, and from merriam's description (_loc. cit._), i regard the animals on which the name _uinta_ was based as intergrades between _thomomys talpoides ravus_, the race to the northeast, on the one hand and the animals of the western and southern parts of the uinta mountains on the other hand. the affinities of the type series are with the animals from the latter area which are here all referred to _uinta_. _specimens examined._--total, , distributed as follows: _summit county_: mi. s junction bear river and haydens fork, (c. m.); n base, gilbert peak, , ft., (u. s. n. m.); smith and moorehouse creek, ; bald peak, mi. ne kamas, ( , m. v. z.; , c. m.). _duchesne county_: petty mountain, mi. n mountain home, , ft., (c. m.). _wasatch county_: wolf creek pass, mi. nw hanna, (u. s. a. c.); lost lake, uinta mountains, (b. y. u.); current creek, uinta mountains, (u. s. n. m.). _carbon county_: forks, sunnyside, , ft., . _additional records._--_summit county_: uinta mountains, (see bailey, : ). =thomomys talpoides pygmaeus= merriam _thomomys pygmaeus_ merriam, proc. biol. soc. washington, : . july , . _thomomys talpoides pygmaeus_ davis, the recent mammals of idaho, p. , the caxton printers, ltd., caldwell, idaho, april , . _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. , u. s. national museum (biological surveys collection); mi. ne montpelier, in open sagebrush of transition zone, , ft., bear county, idaho; july , ; collected by vernon bailey: original number (after merriam, type not seen: see, also, bailey, : ). _range._--limited to daggett county. _diagnosis._--size: small (see measurements). color: upper parts near bister slightly mixed with black, grading over sides and flanks to ochraceous buff on underparts; postauricular patches small and dusky; hind feet white; front feet dusky, being white only at base of claws; chin and nose dusky; tail brown, lighter below and tipped with white. skull: very small, slender and smooth; nasals short and slender; zygomatic arches weak and not widely spreading; rostrum narrow; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals short; parietal ridges hardly noticeable; interparietal large; extension of supraoccipital posterior to lambdoidal suture long; tympanic bullae actually small, but relatively large; basioccipital narrow; interpterygoid space narrow and acutely angled; upper incisors markedly recurved; molariform teeth relatively large. _comparisons._--this small pocket gopher can be distinguished from all other members of _thomomys talpoides_ occurring in utah by remarkably small size, and slender, weak, small skull with strongly recurved upper incisors. _remarks._--the specimens used in this study were those recorded by svihla ( : ). she reports that they were obtained in the flood-plain banks of the streamsides, and preferred the pine belt. this shows probably an extension of range with reference to life zones, as heretofore the main reported localities of capture have been in sagebrush in the transition life-zone. insofar as i am aware, mrs. svihla's specimens are the only ones of this subspecies ever obtained in utah. additional work is necessary in southwestern wyoming to outline accurately the geographic distribution of this subspecies. in comparison with topotypes, the specimens from utah are lighter in color and some specimens have slightly larger skulls, suggesting slight intergradation with _thomomys talpoides uinta_. _specimens examined._--total, (all in museum of zoölogy, university of michigan), distributed as follows: _daggett county_: sheep creek, ; mi. w summit springs, ; beaver creek, mi. s manila, ; granite park, mi. s manila, . =thomomys talpoides ravus= new subspecies _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. , carnegie museum; vernal-manila highway, mi. n vernal, , ft., uintah county, utah; august , ; collected by j. k. and m. t. doutt; original number . _range._--uinta mountains in daggett, northern uintah and northern summit counties. _diagnosis._--size large (see measurements); ears relatively narrow; hind foot relatively small. color: upper parts between drab and light drab, darkest along middorsal line due to mixture of hairs tipped with light brown; sides and flanks light drab; entire underparts creamy white; front and hind feet, ventral surface of tail and end of tail white; proximal two-thirds of tail covered dorsally with light brown hairs; nose and cheeks dusky; postauricular patches black. skull: large, heavy and ridged; rostrum long and narrow; nasals long, moderately dilated distally and with a distal hump; posterior ends of nasals emarginate; parietal and lambdoidal crests well developed; zygomatic arches moderately heavy and widely spreading, widest posteriorly; zygomatic processes of maxillae moderately heavy and flaring abruptly from base of rostrum; marked middorsal depression in frontals present; interparietal pentagonal; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals long; posterior tongues of premaxillae long, slender and rounded proximally; braincase high, vaulted and relatively narrow; tympanic bullae well inflated ventrally, and ridged in old animals; pterygoid hamulae long; interpterygoid space narrowly v-shaped; upper incisors long and narrow; molariform teeth medium. _comparisons._--compared with topotypes of _thomomys talpoides bridgeri_, _ravus_ differs as follows: size larger; hind foot smaller; ears narrower. color: lighter throughout, grayish as opposed to brown. skull: smaller, narrower, less angular and less massive; nasals, rostrum, zygomatic processes of maxillae, ascending branches of premaxillae and posterior tongues of premaxillae all narrower; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals longer; interparietal wider; braincase higher and narrower; tympanic bullae approximately the same size, but more inflated ventrally; interpterygoid space more narrowly v-shaped; upper incisors narrower; molariform teeth weaker. compared with topotypes and near topotypes of _thomomys talpoides uinta_, _ravus_ differs as follows: size larger in every measurement taken. color: lighter throughout, being grayish as opposed to brown. skull: larger in every measurement taken; rostrum and nasals actually as well as relatively longer; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals longer; upper incisors longer and wider; molariform teeth larger. there is only one other gray subspecies of _thomomys talpoides_ in utah, _thomomys talpoides ocius_. topotypes of _ravus_ differ from it as follows: size markedly larger in every measurement taken. color: darker, more brown hairs. skull: larger in every measurement taken; premaxillae extended farther posteriorly to nasals; extension of supraoccipital posterior to lambdoidal suture markedly less; tympanic bullae actually as well as relatively smaller; upper incisors longer and more procumbent. this new subspecies can be readily distinguished from all other subspecies of _thomomys talpoides_ occurring in utah by markedly greater size and paler, more grayish color. _remarks._--the range of this form appears to be limited to the north slopes of the uinta mountains, except in daggett county where it occurs also on the south slopes. intergradation in color and in cranial details with _bridgeri_ is shown by animals from the east fork of blacks fork, thirty-one miles ssw fort bridger, and by those from henrys fork, , ft., both in summit county. due to the grayish color and the narrower, weaker skull they are referred to _ravus_. intergradation with _uinta_ is shown by specimens from the type locality of the latter race. the type series of _uinta_ consists of intergrades between _ravus_ and the animals to the west and south (see remarks under _uinta_). it is doubtful whether _bridgeri_ occurs in utah. material from rich county and extreme northern cache county would settle the question. perhaps _bridgeri_ is restricted to the lower valleys in southwestern wyoming. two specimens from northern cache county, from logan canyon, beaver basin, utah-idaho line appear to be intergrades between _bridgeri_ and _wasatchensis_, but are referable to the latter race. _specimens examined._--total, , distributed as follows: _summit county_: henrys fork, , ft., ; e fork, blacks fork, mi. ssw fort bridger, (c. m.). _daggett county_: vernal-manila road, mi. w green's lake, , ft., (c. m.); elk park, uinta mountains, (b. y. u.). _uintah county_: trout creek, se trout peak, mi. nw vernal, , ft., (c. m.); vernal-manila highway, mi. n vernal, , ft., (c. m.); taylor peak, mi. n vernal, (c. m.). =thomomys talpoides ocius= merriam _thomomys clusius ocius_ merriam, proc. biol. soc. washington, : , july , . _thomomys clusius_ allen, bull. amer. mus. nat. hist., : , november , . _thomomys ocius_ bailey, n. amer. fauna, : , november , ; barnes, bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , april, ; bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , june, . _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. / , u. s. national museum (biological surveys collection); dry sagebrush mesas at harveys ranch, smiths fork, mi. sw fort bridger, , ft., uinta county, wyoming; may , ; collected by vernon bailey; original number (after bailey, type not seen). _diagnosis._--size small (see measurements). color: upper parts tilleul buff overlaid with avellaneous, grading over sides and flanks to nearly white on underparts; underparts with faint wash of creamy white; postauricular patches small and dusky and completely circling the ear; nose and cheeks dusky; front feet, hind feet, throat, ventral surface of tail and distal half of tail white. skull: small, slender but compact; nasals rounded posteriorly; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals very short; zygomatic arches robust, but not widely spreading, widest posteriorly; interparietal large and pentagonal in shape; extension of supraoccipital posterior to lambdoidal suture long; tympanic bullae actually as well as relatively large; basioccipital narrow; pterygoid hamulae long and ridged; upper incisors short and strongly recurved. _comparisons._--compared with one topotype and seven near topotypes of _thomomys talpoides pygmaeus_, _ocius_ differs as follows: size larger in every measurement taken. color: lighter throughout, grayish as opposed to brown; distal half of tail white as opposed to only a few white hairs at tip of tail. skull: larger in every measurement taken; skull more compact; zygomatic arches heavier and more widely spreading posteriorly; tympanic bullae larger; upper incisors larger, but equally strongly recurved; molariform teeth larger. topotypes of ocius can be distinguished from those of _thomomys talpoides uinta_ as follows: color: lighter throughout, grayish as opposed to brown. skull: nasals rounded posteriorly as opposed to emarginate; zygomatic arches more robust; interparietal pentagonal as opposed to subquadrangular; extension of supraoccipital posterior to lambdoidal suture markedly greater; tympanic bullae actually as well as relatively much larger; upper incisors short and strongly recurved as opposed to long and procumbent. specimens of this subspecies can be distinguished from all other members of the species _thomomys talpoides_ occurring in utah by their grayish color, and by small, compact skulls with very large tympanic bullae and short strongly recurved upper incisors. _remarks._--two specimens from vernal, uintah county, are intergrades between _ocius_ and _uinta_. they resemble _uinta_ in size and dorsal color, but are slightly lighter tending toward the color of _ocius_. ventrally they are intermediate in color but more like _ocius_. the skulls are more like those of _ocius_ in general appearance, extension of supraoccipital posterior to the lambdoidal suture, shape and thickness of the zygomatic arches, posterior tongues of premaxillae, size of tympanic bullae and recurved upper incisors. they more closely resemble _uinta_ in shape of posterior ends of nasals, basioccipital and shape of the zygomatic processes of the squamosals. in all of the above mentioned characters, they are intermediate between the two named forms, but tend towards one or the other as listed. the majority of characters are more as in _ocius_ to which they are here referred. when goldman ( : , ) listed the named subspecies of _thomomys talpoides_, he hesitated to include _ocius_ and merely mentioned that _ocius_, _pygmaeus_ and _idahoensis_ might also belong to _talpoides_. davis ( : , ) found intergradation between _idahoensis_ and _fuscus_ and also between _idahoensis_ and _pygmaeus_, and, therefore, arranged the last two mentioned forms as subspecies of _talpoides_. this present study reveals intergradation between _ocius_ and _uinta_, and also between _ocius_ and _fossor_ (see account of _fossor_). therefore, _ocius_ is properly to be treated as a subspecies of the series of intergrading forms of which _talpoides_ is the earliest named. all specimens of _ocius_ known from utah are from the extreme eastern part of the northeastern corner of the state. the type locality of _ocius_ is near fort bridger, wyoming, which is north of utah. i have seen one specimen from miles west of linwood, daggett county, utah, on henrys fork in wyoming. additional collecting in northern utah probably will reveal _ocius_ to inhabit also parts of northern utah. _specimens examined._--total, , distributed as follows: _uintah county_: vernal, (c. m.); uncompahgre indian reservation, (a. m. n. h.). =thomomys talpoides moorei= goldman _thomomys fossor moorei_ goldman, journ. washington acad. sci., : , july , . _thomomys talpoides moorei_ goldman, journ. mamm., : , may , . _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. , u. s. national museum (biological surveys collection); mi. s fairview, , ft., sanpete county, utah; february , ; collected by a. w. moore; x-catalogue number (after goldman, type not seen). _range._--wasatch plateau in sanpete, utah, carbon and emery counties, and in wasatch mountains south of spanish fork canyon. _diagnosis._--size medium (see measurements). color: upper parts between cinnamon and sayal brown, with mixture of black hairs, grading through cinnamon on sides and flanks to pale pinkish buff on underparts, clearest on inguinal and pectoral regions; nose and cheeks dusky; postauricular patches medium in size and black; ears black; chin buffy white; front and hind feet white; tail mostly white with brownish hairs on dorsal surface. skull: large, robust; nasals long and deeply emarginate on posterior ends, and dilated distally; zygomatic arches robust and widely spreading; zygomatic processes of maxillae heavy; interparietal comparatively small, but always wider than long; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals short; tympanic bullae moderate in size, but markedly inflated ventrally; pterygoid hamulae long; interpterygoid space narrowly v-shaped; upper incisors long and moderately recurved; molariform teeth light. _comparisons._--topotypes of _moorei_ differ from topotypes and near topotypes of _thomomys talpoides uinta_ as follows: size slightly larger. color: upper parts and sides lighter; tail lighter; postauricular patches larger and darker; ears more pointed, smaller and darker. skull: larger, heavier and more massive; nasals longer, but deeply emarginate posteriorly as in _uinta_; rostrum wider and longer; zygomatic arches heavier and more angular; zygomatic processes of maxillae heavier; interparietal generally smaller and shorter; braincase wider; tympanic bullae more inflated ventrally; interpterygoid space more narrowly v-shaped; upper incisors longer, but not as procumbent; molariform teeth smaller. topotypes of _moorei_ can be distinguished from those of _thomomys talpoides oquirrhensis_ as follows: size slightly larger; tail longer; ears larger, less pointed. color: lighter throughout; postauricular patches larger. skull: more ridged and angular; nasals narrower posteriorly, but more dilated distally; posterior ends of nasals more deeply emarginate (while shallowly emarginate in _oquirrhensis_, they tend to be somewhat rounded); rostrum narrower; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals greater; least interorbital breadth less; zygomatic arches more angular and widely spreading; zygomatic processes of maxillae heavier; interparietal smaller; tympanic bullae larger and more inflated ventrally; upper incisors generally longer. the characters that distinguish _moorei_ from _thomomys talpoides parowanensis_ are: color: lighter throughout. skull: broader, more angular and more nearly flat; zygomatic arches more widely spreading; zygomatic processes of maxillae heavier; posterior ends of nasals emarginate rather than rounded; upper incisors longer. for comparisons of _moorei_ with _thomomys talpoides levis_ and _wasatchensis_ see accounts of these forms. _remarks._--specimens from colton, show intergradation between _moorei_, _uinta_ and _wasatchensis_, but are referable to _moorei_ in the majority of characters. specimens from mount nebo, and the mouth of reddicks canyon, in the wasatch and san pitch mountains, respectively, are intergrades between _moorei_ and _wasatchensis_, but are referable to _moorei_. that part of the wasatch mountains south of spanish fork canyon is inhabited by pocket gophers that are intergrades between _moorei_ and _wasatchensis_, but the cranial details show them to be referable to _moorei_. the range here ascribed to _moorei_ consists of the wasatch plateau to the east of sanpete valley, the san pitch mountains and the southern part of the wasatch mountains. the type locality of _moorei_ is situated in the southern end of a high valley that separates the wasatch plateau from the san pitch and wasatch mountains. topotypical animals are larger and have more ridged, angular skulls than those from the mountains. _specimens examined._--total, , distributed as follows: _utah county_: near payson lake, (r. h.); mt. nebo, mi. se payson, , ft., ; colton, (b. y. u.). _sanpete county_: mi. s fairview, , ft., (u. s. n. m.). _juab county_: mouth of reddicks canyon, wales mountain (= san pitch mountains), , ft., . _emery county_: lake creek, mi. e mt. pleasant, (c. m.). _additional records._--_sanpete county_: ephraim, (see goldman, : ). =thomomys talpoides fossor= allen _thomomys fossor_ allen, bull. amer. mus. nat. hist., : , april , ; bailey, n. amer. fauna, : , november , ; barnes, bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , april, ; bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , june, ; hall, univ. california publ. zoöl., : , april , . _thomomys talpoides fossor_ goldman, journ. mamm., : , may , . _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. / , american museum of natural history; florida, , ft., la plata county, colorado; june , ; collected by charles p. rowley (after allen, type not seen). _range._--in the mountains of san juan and grand counties, east of the colorado and green rivers. _diagnosis._--size medium (see measurements). color: upper parts dresden brown, grading over sides to pale buff on underparts; chin white; ears small, pointed, with deeply pigmented pinnae; postauricular patches grayish black; nose dusky. skull: long and narrow; nasals long, rounded proximally and usually simple distally; rostrum long; interparietal triangular; tympanic bullae large, and well inflated ventrally; basioccipital narrow; palate narrow; palatal pits shallow; dentition light. _comparisons._--near topotypes of _fossor_ can be distinguished from topotypes of _thomomys talpoides ocius_ as follows: size larger throughout. color: darker throughout, being dark brown as opposed to grayish. skull: longer and narrower; nasals and rostrum longer; extension of supraoccipital posterior to lambdoidal suture markedly less; tympanic bullae markedly smaller; upper incisors longer and not as strongly recurved. among the races of _thomomys talpoides_ occurring in utah, _fossor_ most closely resembles _thomomys talpoides uinta_ in color and size, but differs from it as follows: ears smaller, more pointed and with more darkly pigmented pinnae. skull: longer, narrower and weaker; rostrum longer; nasals longer, and rounded proximally as opposed to markedly emarginate; interparietal triangular instead of roughly pentagonal; tympanic bullae larger and more inflated ventrally; basioccipital narrower; palate narrower, palatal pits shallower; dentition lighter. _remarks._--bailey ( : ) remarked that _fossor_ was one form that held its distinctive characters over a wide range. at that time, its range was understood to include practically all of the mountainous parts of colorado, utah as far west as the central part of the state, and parts of new mexico, arizona and wyoming. subsequently three new forms have been named from central utah, (goldman : - ) thereby showing variation to be much more prevalent than formerly supposed. the range of _fossor_ in utah, as now understood, is limited to the mountainous parts of the state south and east of the colorado and green rivers in grand and san juan counties. the utah specimens are not typical. at first glance some differences are noted in the premaxillae and nasals. four specimens in the collections of the museum of natural history, university of kansas, three from miles east of creede, mineral county, and one from miles east of lake city, hinsdale county, colorado, both of which lie north and east of the type locality of _fossor_ show the same characters as the utah specimens. eight specimens from oak spring are intergrades between _fossor_ and _ocius_. in size and color they are like _fossor_, but the skulls are intermediate. because the animals are more like _fossor_ in the majority of characters, they are here referred to that race. as a result of these studies and due to the paucity of specimens from utah, it is advisable, for the present, to refer all these utah animals to _fossor_. additional specimens may reveal characters that will merit the separation of the utah animals from typical _fossor_; a desertlike area unfavorable to _thomomys_ exists between the type locality and eastern utah. _specimens examined._--total, , distributed as follows: _grand county_: oak spring, middle fork willow creek, mi. n thompson, (c. m.); la sal mountains, (u. s. n. m.); warner ranger station, la sal mountains, (b. y. u.). _san juan county_: geyser pass, mi. se moab, la sal mountains, ( , b. y. u.; , c. m.); mi. w monticello, (c. m.); cooley pass, mi. w monticello, (c. m.); joshua flat, elk ridge, , ft., (m. v. z.). =thomomys talpoides parowanensis= goldman _thomomys fossor parowanensis_ goldman, journ. washington acad. sci., : , july , . _thomomys talpoides parowanensis_ goldman, journ. mamm., : , may , ; long, journ. mamm., : , may , . _thomomys fossor_ bailey, n. amer. fauna, : , november , ; barnes, bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , april, ; bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , june, ; hall, univ. california publ. zoöl., : , april , ; presnall, zion-bryce mus. bull., : , january, ; tanner, great basin nat., : , . _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. , u. s. national museum (biological surveys collection); brian head, parowan mountains, , ft., iron county, utah; september , ; collected by w. h. osgood; original number (after goldman, type not seen). _range._--high mountains of eastern iron and beaver counties, and western kane and garfield counties. _diagnosis._--size medium (see measurements). color: upper parts sayal brown moderately mixed with black, lightest on head; sides lightly washed with buff; underparts pinkish buff, clearest on inguinal and pectoral regions; nose and cheeks dusky; postauricular patches large and black; front feet, hind feet and distal half of tail white. skull: long and fairly slender; zygomatic arches not widely spreading; nasals long; rostrum long and slender; posterior ends of nasals truncate or moderately emarginate; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals usually short; tympanic bullae relatively small; upper incisors long and narrow; molariform teeth large. _comparisons._--compared with _thomomys talpoides kaibabensis_, _parowanensis_ differs as follows: size smaller. skull: shorter; nasals shorter; zygomatic breadth less; nasals truncate or shallowly emarginate posteriorly as opposed to rounded; upper incisors narrower. topotypes of _parowanensis_ differ from topotypes and near topotypes of _thomomys talpoides uinta_ as follows: size larger. color: usually lighter; postauricular patches larger and darker; ears small with pinnae deeply pigmented as opposed to large and lightly pigmented. skull: larger; zygomatic arches more widely spreading; nasals longer; rostrum longer; posterior ends of nasals truncate or shallowly emarginate as opposed to deeply emarginate; sides of zygomatic arches nearly parallel and not so divergent posteriorly; interparietal larger and less quadrangular; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals less; upper incisors less procumbent; molariform teeth larger. among named races of _thomomys talpoides_, _parowanensis_ most closely resembles _levis_, the race nearest geographically to the east, but differs from _levis_ as follows: size larger. skull: longer and wider; rostrum and nasals longer; interparietal quadrangular as opposed to roughly elliptical; upper incisors longer. for comparisons with _thomomys talpoides moorei_ and _wasatchensis_ see accounts of those forms. _remarks._--the mountains of south central utah are inhabited by pocket gophers that have been designated as _thomomys talpoides parowanensis_ and _t. t. levis_ by goldman ( : , ). they are nearly indistinguishable in color and each is variable in cranial details. the diagnostic characters of each form occasionally appear, in varying degrees, throughout the range of the other. the sevier river valley separates the ranges ascribed to these two forms. this valley is inhabited by pocket gophers that belong to a different species, _thomomys bottae_. the ranges of these two races of _talpoides_ converge southward at the headwaters of the sevier river. specimens of _parowanensis_ from the northern limits of its range from the beaver mountains in eastern beaver county and those of _levis_ from the northern limits of its range in the fish lake mountains are readily distinguishable from each other. as the ranges converge to the southward, there is progressively more intergradation. the type locality of _parowanensis_ is located in the southern part of its range, while that of _levis_ is in the extreme northern part of its range. therefore, due to the convergence of the two ranges at the south, the specimens from localities near the type locality of _parowanensis_ show the greatest amount of intergradation, if we regard specimens of _parowanensis_ from the type locality as typical of the race. four specimens from webster flat, sixteen miles east of cedar city, iron county, and three from duck creek, cedar mountains, kane county could equally well be assigned to either _levis_ or _parowanensis_. _specimens examined._--total, , distributed as follows: _beaver county_: britts meadows, beaver mountains, , ft., ( , m. v. z.; , u. s. n. m.; , c. m.); puffer lake, beaver mountains, (u. s. n. m.); kents lake, beaver mountains, (r. h.). _iron county_: lava beds, - / mi. sw panquitch lake, (c. m.); brian head, parowan mountains, ( , u. s. n. m.; , c. m.); webster flat, mi. e cedar city, ; bear valley, mi. e b. v. ranger station, (r. h.). _garfield county_: / mi. w sunset point, bryce national park, , ft., (m. v. z.). _kane county_: navajo lake, (r. h.); duck creek, cedar mountains, , ft., ( , r. h.). _additional records._--_garfield county_: panquitch lake, (see goldman : ). _iron county_: beaver mountains, (see bailey, : ); buckskin valley, (see goldman, : ). =thomomys talpoides levis= goldman _thomomys fossor levis_ goldman, journ. washington acad. sci., : , july , . _thomomys talpoides levis_ goldman, journ. mamm., : , may , . _thomomys fossor_ bailey, n. amer. fauna, : , november , ; barnes, bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , april, ; bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , june, . _type._--female, adult, skin and skull, no. , u. s. national museum (biological surveys collection); seven mile flat, mi. n fish lake, fish lake plateau, , ft., sevier county, utah; october , ; collected by w. h. osgood; original number (after goldman, type not seen). _range._--fish lake mountains in sevier county south into garfield county, utah. _diagnosis._--size medium (see measurements). color: upper parts near sayal brown, moderately mixed with black, darkest on head and middorsal region, grading to cinnamon buff on sides and flanks; underparts pinkish buff, clearest on inguinal and pectoral regions; chin, cheeks and nose dusky; postauricular patches large and black; front feet, hind feet and distal half of tail white; ears small and deeply pigmented. skull: slender and weak; zygomatic arches not widely spreading; posterior ends of nasals rounded; nasals moderately long and narrow; rostrum long and narrow; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals short; interparietal usually much wider than long; pterygoid hamulae ridged; interpterygoid space usually narrowly v-shaped; upper incisors short. _comparisons._--compared with topotypes of _thomomys talpoides moorei_, _levis_ differs as follows: size smaller; tail shorter. color: darker throughout, especially on dorsal surface due to more black of the underfur; underparts deeper buff. skull: narrower, less massive; zygomatic processes of maxillae weaker and not as widely spreading; interparietal generally wider; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals less; posterior ends of nasals rounded rather than emarginate; upper incisors shorter, less procumbent. topotypes of _levis_ differ from near topotypes of _thomomys talpoides uinta_ as follows: size larger. color: upper parts slightly darker; postauricular patches much darker and larger; ears small and deeply pigmented as opposed to large and lightly pigmented; tail darker all around at base, with white part more extensive and with fewer buff-colored hairs. skull: more convex dorsally; zygomatic arches more widely spreading and angular; nasals longer; rostrum longer; interparietal wider and more elliptical; posterior ends of nasals rounded as opposed to emarginate; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals less; pterygoid hamulae more ridged; interpterygoid space more narrowly v-shaped; upper incisors shorter and less procumbent. topotypes of _levis_ can be distinguished from those of _thomomys talpoides kaibabensis_ by markedly smaller measurements. for comparisons with _thomomys talpoides parowanensis_ and _wasatchensis_ see accounts of those forms. _remarks._--specimens from the escalante mountains and the aquarius plateau are not typical. they are of approximately the same color as _levis_, but are larger than _levis_ and have cranial details that indicate intergradation with _kaibabensis_ to the south. they resemble _kaibabensis_ in large size, long nasals and widely spreading zygomatic arches, but are like _levis_ in shape of the interparietal, extension of premaxillae posterior to the nasals, rounded posterior ends of nasals, ridged pterygoid hamulae and relatively short upper incisors. additional material from these regions may prove these animals to merit separation and naming. _specimens examined._--total, , distributed as follows: _sevier county_: seven mile flat, mi. n fish lake, fish lake plateau, , ft., (u. s. n. m.); fish lake experiment station, (u. s. a. c). _garfield county_: posy lake, aquarius plateau, (b. y. u.); mi. n escalante, , ft., ; steep creek, boulder-teasdale road, boulder mountain, (b. y. u.); summit birch creek, escalante mountains, (b. y. u.). measurements of adult males of thomomys (in millimeters) ====================================================================== total length | length of tail | | length of hind foot | | | basilar length | | | | length of nasals | | | | | zygomatic breadth | | | | | | mastoid breadth | | | | | | | interorbital breadth | | | | | | | | alveolar length of | | | | | | | | upper molar series | | | | | | | | | extension of premax | | | | | | | | | post. to nasals | | | | | | | | | | length of | | | | | | | | | | rostrum | | | | | | | | | | | breadth | | | | | | | | | | | of rostrum ---------------------------------------------------------------------- _t. t. gracilis_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. t. oquirrhensis_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. t. wasatchensis_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. t. uinta_, ; sw slope bald peak, uinta mts. av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. t. moorei_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. t. fossor_, ; cascade creek, la plata co., colo. av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. t. ravus_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . no. (u. s. n. m.) _t. t. pygmaeus_, ; topotype . . . . . . . . . no. (u. s. n. m.) _t. t. ocius_, ; mi. w linwood, henrys fork, wyo. . . . . . . . . . _t. t. parowanensis_, ; britts meadow, beaver mountains av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . ---------------------------------------------------------------------- measurements of adult females of thomomys (in millimeters) ====================================================================== total length | length of tail | | length of hind foot | | | basilar length | | | | length of nasals | | | | | zygomatic breadth | | | | | | mastoid breadth | | | | | | | interorbital breadth | | | | | | | | alveolar length of | | | | | | | | upper molar series | | | | | | | | | extension of premax | | | | | | | | | post. to nasals | | | | | | | | | | length of | | | | | | | | | | rostrum | | | | | | | | | | | breadth | | | | | | | | | | | of rostrum ---------------------------------------------------------------------- _t. t. gracilis_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. t. oquirrhensis_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. t. wasatchensis_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. t. uinta_, ; sw slope bald peak, uinta mts. av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. t. moorei_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. t. fossor_, ; cascade creek, la plata co., colo. av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . no. (c. m.) _t. t. ravus_, ; topotype . . . . . . . . . no. (u. s. n. m.) _t. t. pygmaeus_, ; fossil, wyo. . . . . . . . . . _t. t. ocius_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. t. parowanensis_, ; britts meadow, beaver mountains av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. t. levis_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . ---------------------------------------------------------------------- =thomomys bottae= (eydoux and gervais) _thomomys bottae_ is a southern species that, within the great basin, reaches the most northern limits of its distribution in utah. the animals of this species inhabit the lower valleys, and with the exception of the oquirrh mountains, inhabit also the mountains in that part of the state west of the central mountain ranges. the specific characters are: sphenorbital fissure present; incisive foramina posterior to infraorbital canal; anterior prism of p rounded; interparietal relatively small; lambdoidal suture straight in region of interparietal, in utah specimens. =thomomys bottae aureiventris= hall _thomomys perpallidus aureiventris_ hall, univ. california publ. zoöl., : , july , ; univ. california publ. zoöl., : , april , . _thomomys bottae aureiventris_ goldman, proc. biol. soc. washington, : , october , . _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. , museum of vertebrate zoölogy, university of california; fehlman ranch, mi. n kelton, , ft., box elder county, utah; september , ; collected by louise kellogg; original number . _range._--northwestern utah, and extreme western utah as far south as the southern end of the deep creek mountains. _diagnosis._--size medium (see measurements); claws on front feet small. color: near cinnamon on dorsal and ventral surfaces; inguinal region, front and hind feet and distal third to half of tail white; nose, cheeks and postauricular patches grayish black. skull: moderately angular and ridged; zygomatic arches nearly parallel with sides of skull; jugals vertical; marked thickening at union of jugal and zygomatic process of maxilla; greatest zygomatic breadth at anterior part of arches; interpterygoid space lyre-shaped; ventral margin of jugal concave dorsally; nasals long and denticulate distally; parietal ridges bowed in at two places, at coronal suture and at middle of interparietal; paroccipital processes extremely well developed; dorsal frontomaxillary suture usually straight. _comparisons._--from near topotypes of _thomomys bottae centralis_, _aureiventris_ differs as follows: size larger; tail shorter; hind foot longer; claws on front feet shorter. color: slightly darker on upper parts, but with greater extension of white on ventral surface. skull: zygomatic breadth greater; greatest width across zygomatic arches at anterior rather than posterior region; zygomatic arches thicker at union of jugals and zygomatic processes of maxillae; dorsal frontomaxillary suture less convex medially; mastoid breadth greater; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals less; interpterygoid space lyre-shaped rather than v-shaped. from topotypes of _thomomys bottae albicaudatus_, _aureiventris_ can be distinguished by: size larger; hind foot longer. color: markedly lighter throughout, cinnamon as opposed to near ( ''''_n_) black. skull: larger in all but three measurements taken; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals less; alveolar length of upper molar series shorter; zygomatic arches widest anteriorly rather than posteriorly; thickening at union of jugal and zygomatic process of maxilla markedly greater; interpterygoid space lyre-shaped as opposed to v-shaped; lacrimal processes more globose at tips. _thomomys bottae aureiventris_ can be readily distinguished from _t. b. bonnevillei_, _sevieri_, _wahwahensis_, and _convexus_ by larger size in all measurements taken and darker coloration. the same differences obtain in comparison with _t. b. tivius_ and _stansburyi_ except that _aureiventris_ is much lighter colored. see comparisons under those forms. _remarks._--_t. b. aureiventris_ has one of the most extensive ranges of any race of _t. bottae_ occurring in utah. the range extends from the valleys of the northwest corner of the state south along the extreme western margin of the state approximately to the southern end of the deep creek mountains. this ascribed range practically bounds the northwest and western margins of the great salt desert in box elder and tooele counties. as far as known, this great waste area harbors no members of the geomyidae. pocket gophers were available from four localities in addition to the type locality. in these four localities all of the animals were intergrades. the three specimens from queen of sheba canyon, deep creek mountains, although smaller than _aureiventris_ in every measurement taken, resemble it in color and general configuration of the skull. the animals from trout creek and ibapah at the southern end of the range, although referred to _aureiventris_, are intermediate between it and _centralis_. in color and measurements they more closely resemble _centralis_, but the skulls closely resemble those of _aureiventris_. the skulls show some slight characteristics of _bonnevillei_, the form to the east, which indicate an early relationship between the two. specimens from the east side of tecoma range, adjacent to pilot peak, although referred to _aureiventris_ are intergrades between it and _centralis_. although this locality is nearer the type locality of _aureiventris_ than any of the other record stations, the animals show the maximum departure from topotypes in morphological features. in color they approach _centralis_, and agree with it in one-half of the measured characters. the general configuration of the skull and a majority of the critical diagnostic characters, for example, jugal thickening, are more nearly as in _aureiventris_. from the above remarks it is readily understood that this subspecies is extremely variable. _specimens examined._--total, , distributed as follows: _box elder county_: fehlman ranch, mi. n kelton, , ft., ( , m. v. z.); utah-nevada boundary, e side tecoma range, , ft., . _tooele county_: ibapah, , ft., . _juab county_: queen of sheba canyon, w side deep creek mountains, , ft., . =thomomys bottae robustus= new subspecies _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. , museum of zoölogy, university of utah; orr's ranch, skull valley, , ft., tooele county, utah; june , ; collected by s. d. durrant; original number . _range._--skull valley, tooele county, utah. _diagnosis._--size medium (see measurements); tail short; hind foot short. color: in a series of animals, upper parts vary from pale smoke gray ( specimens) through cinnamon buff ( specimens) to dark mouse gray ( specimen). the cinnamon buff color is considered to be typical. color grading to lighter on underparts; postauricular patches small and grayish black; front and hind feet and distal part of tail white. skull: small, flat and heavily ridged; nasals short; zygomatic arches heavy and widely spreading, widest posteriorly at union of jugal and squamosal; union of jugal and zygomatic process of maxilla thickened, with a ventrally directed spinous process in sixty percent of the specimens; occasionally there is a second process, also directed ventrally at union of jugal and zygomatic process of squamosal; zygomatic arches convex dorsally; deep dorsal depression present in frontal bones in mature specimens; lacrimal processes prominent, projecting well above the arch at the anteromedial angle of the orbit; interpterygoid spaces v-shaped; tympanic bullae well inflated ventrally; upper incisors short, and pale; when placed on a flat plane the dorsal surface of the skull is nearly parallel to the substratum; space enclosed within the zygomatic arches nearly quadrangular. _comparisons._--from topotypes of _thomomys bottae aureiventris_, _robustus_ can be distinguished as follows: size smaller; tail and hind foot shorter. color: lighter throughout. skull: smaller, more heavily ridged and more nearly flat; nasals shorter; rostrum relatively wider and shorter; zygomatic arches shorter and relatively more widely spreading with greatest width posteriorly as opposed to anteriorly; junction of jugal and zygomatic process of maxilla not as prominent; _aureiventris_ shows no spinous process at this junction; lacrimal processes larger and projecting farther dorsally; enclosed space within zygomatic arches roughly quadrangular as opposed to triangular; mastoidal part of tympanic bullae less exposed; sphenorbital fissure smaller; interpterygoid space v-shaped rather than lyre-shaped; palatal pits smaller and shallower; tympanic bullae smaller, but more inflated ventrally; basioccipital averaging relatively wider; molars smaller; upper incisors shorter, smaller and cadmium yellow as opposed to orange yellow. comparisons of _robustus_ with topotypes of _thomomys bottae albicaudatus_ show the following: size smaller. color: lighter throughout; postauricular patches smaller and lighter. skull: smaller, more compact and more nearly flat; rostrum shorter and more nearly straight; lacrimal processes larger, projecting higher above the anteromedial angle of the orbit; parietal ridges uniformly heavier; mastoid width actually as well as relatively wider; zygomatic arches heavier and relatively much wider (males . percent of basilar length, females . percent as opposed to males . percent and females . percent); union of jugal and zygomatic process of maxilla uniformly more thickened; spinous process at jugal-maxillary suture present; zygomatic arches much more concave on ventral surface; uniform deep depression present in mature adults, between frontal processes of premaxillae, and anterior interorbital region of frontals; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals less; sphenorbital fissure more constricted; tympanic bullae more inflated ventrally, extending well ventrad of basioccipital; palatal pits shallower and smaller; molars smaller; upper incisors shorter, narrower and paler (see comparison of _aureiventris_). from near topotypes of _thomomys bottae centralis_ from mile east of garrison, millard county, utah, _robustus_ differs in: size smaller; tail and hind foot shorter. color: lighter, terminal bands of hair cinnamon, but because more black in underfur the animals appear darker; postauricular patches smaller and lighter. skull: shorter, more nearly flat and much more heavily ridged; nasals shorter; rostrum shorter and wider; lacrimal processes larger and projecting higher above anteromedial angle of orbit; zygomatic arches heavier, shorter, more angular and actually as well as relatively wider; jugals thicker; angle between maxillary plate and rostrum less obtuse; spinous process at jugal-maxillary suture present; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals less; parietal ridges much more pronounced; looked at from above, space enclosed within zygomatic arches more quadrangular in shape as opposed to roughly triangular; tympanic bullae more inflated ventrally; molars smaller; upper incisors shorter, narrower and paler. the characters that distinguish _robustus_ from topotypes of _thomomys bottae wahwahensis_ are: size slightly smaller. color: darker throughout. skull: rostrum longer and narrower; nasals longer; zygomatic arches wider and longer; lacrimal processes larger and projecting higher above anteromedial angle of the orbit; parietal ridges more roughened; tympanic bullae much larger and more inflated ventrally; supraoccipital higher; middorsal depression in frontals present. for comparisons with _thomomys bottae bonnevillei_ see account of that form. the remaining forms from the bonneville basin, namely, _thomomys bottae sevieri_, _convexus_, _tivius_ and _stansburyi_ are all easily distinguished from _robustus_. specimens of _sevieri_ are paler, smaller in every measurement taken, and the skulls are weaker and less angular. all specimens of _convexus_ are paler, the skulls are more convex dorsally and narrower, with less ridging and angularity. both _tivius_ and _stansburyi_ are small dark forms, with weak, smooth, small skulls as compared with _robustus_ which is light colored and has compact, ridged and angular skulls. _remarks._--twenty-three specimens were obtained at a small isolated spring. critical study of animals taken only a few miles to the east prove them to be so different as to be referable to another subspecies, _albicaudatus_. _t. b. robustus_ is an endemic form in this desert valley. the variable color is noteworthy but difficult to explain in an isolated population as small as this one. all five of the gray animals are females of which four are lactating adults. the affinities of this subspecies are with _albicaudatus_ to the east, but enough time has elapsed since isolation to enable them to differentiate. _specimens examined._--total, , from the type locality. =thomomys bottae minimus= durrant _thomomys bottae minimus_ durrant, proc. biol. soc. washington, : , october , ; marshall, journ. mamm., : , may , . _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. , u. s. national museum (biological surveys collection); stansbury island, great salt lake, tooele county, utah; june , ; collected by william h. marshall; original number . _range._--known only from the type locality. _diagnosis._--size small (see measurements); tail relatively long. color: upper parts pinkish buff, darker on head; underparts pale pinkish buff; front and hind feet white; nose, chin and postauricular patches black. skull: long, slender and nearly devoid of ridges; braincase moderately inflated; interparietal quadrangular; zygomatic arches weak, widest in temporal region, but neither widely spreading nor angular; nasals straight and truncate posteriorly; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals relatively great; tympanic bullae moderately inflated; palatal pits deep; rostrum short but narrow; interpterygoid space moderately lyre-shaped; upper incisors narrow; molars light. _comparisons._--compared with topotypes of _thomomys bottae albicaudatus_, _minimus_ differs as follows: size markedly smaller; claws on front feet shorter and weaker. color: markedly lighter throughout, being pinkish buff as contrasted with near ( ''''_n_) black. skull: smaller in every measurement taken; slender, smooth, weak and nonangular as opposed to ridged, robust, wide and angular; zygomatic arches much weaker and not so widely spreading posteriorly; ascending processes of premaxillae much narrower; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals less; interpterygoid space moderately lyre-shaped as opposed to v-shaped; dentition lighter. topotypes of _minimus_ differ from those of _thomomys bottae aureiventris_ as follows: size markedly smaller. color: lighter dorsally and no "gold color" on underparts. skull: markedly smaller in every measurement taken; weak, smooth and slender as opposed to ridged, angular and robust; zygomatic arches weak and widest posteriorly rather than heavy and widest anteriorly; no great thickening at region of union of jugal and zygomatic process of the maxilla; jugals more nearly straight rather than concave laterally; interpterygoid space not so markedly lyre-shaped; dentition lighter. the races nearest geographically to _minimus_ are _thomomys bottae nesophilus_ and _t. b. stansburyi_. for comparisons see accounts of those forms. _remarks._--this subspecies is the smallest of all the races of _thomomys bottae_ occurring in utah. as far as known it is endemic to stansbury island, and since the pleistocene lake bonneville attained its highest level has remained on that part of stansbury island that was above this high level. (see comments under _nesophilus_.) the sandy nature of the soil and the desert conditions of the area that has since been exposed at lower levels apparently do not constitute a favorable environment. unlike _nesophilus_ from antelope island, this form does not have its affinities with _albicaudatus_, the valley form of the adjacent mainland, but does show affinities with _stansburyi_, the nearest mountain form on the mainland. this is easily understood when one realizes that stansbury island is only an isolated part of stansbury mountain that projects northward as a peninsula into great salt lake. the history of stansbury island with reference to isolation of _minimus_ parallels that of _nesophilus_ on antelope island. see discussion under _nesophilus_. _specimens examined._--total, , as follows: _tooele county_: stansbury island, great salt lake, (u. s. n. m.). =thomomys bottae nesophilus= durrant _thomomys bottae nesophilus_ durrant, bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , october, ; marshall, journ. mamm., : , may , . _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. , museum of zoölogy, university of utah; antelope island, great salt lake, davis county, utah; april , ; collected by s. d. durrant; original number . _range._--known only from the type locality. _diagnosis._--size medium (see measurements); claws on front feet long. color: upper parts cinnamon buff; lighter below; sides pinkish buff interspersed with gray; pectoral and inguinal regions cinnamon; nose grayish black; postauricular patches black. skull: interparietal wedge-shaped; tympanic bullae small; dorsal surface of lambdoidal prominence mm. wide rather than developed as a crest; jugals nearly straight; zygomatic arches strongly rectangular. _comparisons._--compared with topotypes of _thomomys bottae albicaudatus_, _nesophilus_ is of approximately the same size, but differs as follows: claws on front feet longer. color: lighter throughout; tail white terminally, but much darker at base; postauricular patches smaller. skull: interparietal wedge-shaped as opposed to roughly quadrangular; lambdoidal eminence more of a crest than a ridge; tympanic bullae smaller; jugals more nearly straight; zygomatic arches more nearly rectangular. from topotypes of _thomomys bottae aureiventris_, _nesophilus_ differs in: size smaller; claws on front feet longer. color: darker throughout; postauricular patches larger. skull: heavier, more massive; zygomatic arches more robust and convex laterally rather than concave; interparietal wedge-shaped rather than roughly quadrangular; braincase more nearly flat; tympanic bullae markedly smaller; upper molariform series longer; molariform teeth wider and heavier; interpterygoid space v-shaped rather than lyre-shaped. the race nearest geographically to _nesophilus_ is _t. b. minimus_ from stansbury island, great salt lake. it can easily be distinguished from _minimus_ by the following features: size much larger; claws on front feet longer and thicker. color: darker throughout; postauricular patches larger and with more admixture of buff colored hairs. skull: larger in every measurement taken; wide and robust as opposed to narrow and slender; zygomatic arches more widely spreading and angular; braincase more nearly flat; tympanic bullae actually larger, but relatively smaller; lambdoidal eminence flat-topped rather than a crest; interparietal wedge-shaped as opposed to quadrangular; teeth larger. _remarks._--the affinities of _nesophilus_ of antelope island are unquestionably with _albicaudatus_ of the eastern and southern mainland. at the time of this writing ( ), antelope island is not truly an island, but only the tip of a broad peninsula projecting westward into great salt lake. nevertheless, the area of occurrence of _nesophilus_ is effectively isolated by the exposed, sandy lake bottom that is unsuited to occupancy by pocket gophers. fluctuations in the level of the great salt lake have broken and reëstablished this connection with the mainland many times. each of the several other kinds of mammals which are known from both the island and the mainland show no differentiation on the island. these are kinds (see marshall, : ), which more freely cross the exposed, sandy lake bottom. i, myself, have noted tracks of coyotes going to and from the island. the pocket gopher, _nesophilus_, so far as known is the only mammal which has developed a subspecies endemic to the island. the beach levels of pleistocene lake bonneville are well marked on both antelope island and stansbury island, which is fifteen miles west of antelope island. on the eastern side of antelope island the lower beach levels of this prehistoric lake are farmed. although sought for elsewhere on this island, pocket gophers were found only in the farmed land. on stansbury island there has been no farming, and the endemic pocket gophers, _minimus_, although sought for elsewhere on that island were found only above the highest beach levels of the ancient lake. evidently these pocket gophers still occupy only that part of stansbury island that projected above water during the greatest height of lake bonneville. farming on antelope island may have developed a more favorable environment for pocket gophers, thus causing them to move down to the lower levels from that part of the island that was above water during pleistocene times. _specimens examined._--total, , from the type locality. =thomomys bottae stansburyi= new subspecies _type._--female, adult, skin and skull, no. , museum of zoölogy, university of utah; south willow creek, stansbury mountains, , ft., tooele county, utah; july , ; collected by o. s. walsh and s. d. durrant; original number of durrant. _range._--stansbury mountains, tooele county, utah. _diagnosis._--size small (see measurements). color: upper parts saccardo's umber, darker on head; sides and underparts pinkish buff; nose, chin and postauricular patches black; front and hind feet and distal third to half of tail white. skull: small, slender, weak and smooth; zygomatic arches light and not widely spreading; zygomatic arches actually as well as relatively short; interparietal generally quadrangular; nasals relatively long and slender; interpterygoid space narrowly v-shaped; basioccipital fairly wide; tympanic bullae moderately inflated ventrally; dentition light. _comparisons._--topotypical specimens of _stansburyi_ can be readily distinguished from those of _thomomys bottae centralis_, _aureiventris_ and _albicaudatus_ by being smaller in every measurement taken, particularly those of the skull; the skull is weaker and smoother. in color _stansburyi_ is like _albicaudatus_ but is much darker throughout than _aureiventris_ and _centralis_. comparisons of topotypes of _stansburyi_ with those of _thomomys bottae sevieri_ show them to be of approximately the same size, but to differ as follows: color: darker throughout. skull: zygomatic arches shorter; tympanic bullae less inflated ventrally; zygomatic breadth less; mastoid breadth greater; width across alveolar processes of maxillae greater; alveolar length of upper molar series greater; molariform teeth larger. compared with topotypes of _thomomys bottae minimus_, _stansburyi_ is seen to be of larger size and darker color throughout, with a skull that is larger in most every measurement taken, although of the same slender, smooth, nonangular type. among named races of _thomomys bottae_, _stansburyi_ most closely resembles tivius, a small, dark, mountain form from central utah. size and color are almost the same but _stansburyi_ differs in: tail shorter; hind foot averaging slightly longer. skull: generally larger in every measurement taken; zygomatic arches shorter; width across alveolar processes of maxillae greater; zygomatic arches more widely spreading, and widest in extreme posterior region rather than in region of jugal-squamosal suture. _remarks._--the stansbury mountains are separated from the oquirrh mountains by the stockton bar, and from the onaqui mountains, which are in reality a continuation of the stansbury mountains, by only a low pass. pocket gophers from clover creek, onaqui mountains and little valley, sheeprock mountains, although intergrades between _robustus_ and _albicaudatus_ are dark in color like _stansburyi_. these intergrades are large, dark colored, and have heavy, ridged, angular skulls. it appears that _stansburyi_ is a mountain subspecies derived from _albicaudatus_ of the valley. it would be instructive to artificially transplant gophers from mountains to valleys, and _vice versa_, so as to reveal what effects if any on the animals' morphology the environment might have in one or a few generations. gophers are well known to be very plastic, and such an experiment as suggested might call for modification of the view, held here, that the differential features of gophers from south willow creek and, say, bauer, are hereditary. _specimens examined._--total, , from the type locality. =thomomys bottae albicaudatus= hall _thomomys perpallidus albicaudatus_ hall, univ. california publ. zoöl., : , july , ; univ. california publ. zoöl., : , april , . _thomomys bottae albicaudatus_ goldman, proc. biol. soc. washington, : , october , ; durrant, bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , august , . _thomomys perpallidus aureiventris_ hall, univ. california publ. zoöl., : , april , . _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. , museum of vertebrate zoölogy, university of california; provo, , ft., utah county, utah; october , ; collected by annie m. alexander; original number . _range._--from the area between the great salt lake and the wasatch mountains south along the western margin of the central mountains of the state to the sevier river, in juab county, west into tooele county to the onaqui and sheeprock mountains. _diagnosis._--size medium (see measurements); claws on front feet medium. color: upper parts near ( ''''_n_) black, grading over sides and flanks to pinkish cinnamon on underparts; chin, nose, top of head and postauricular patches black; front feet, hind feet and distal third to half of tail white. skull: angular and ridged; zygomatic arches moderately wide spreading, widest posteriorly; paroccipital processes weak; zygomatic processes of maxillae convex anteriorly; lacrimal processes small and peglike; jugals convex dorsally on ventral surface; nasals short, rounded distally and truncate proximally; parietal crests bowed in, in two places; interpterygoid space broadly v-shaped. _comparisons._-for comparisons of _albicaudatus_ with _thomomys bottae aureiventris_ and _centralis_ see accounts of those forms. topotypes of _albicaudatus_ are dark colored and can be distinguished from those of _thomomys bottae birdseyei_, _tivius_, _stansburyi_ and _contractus_ which are also dark forms, by larger size and larger, more robust skulls (see accounts of those forms). it can be distinguished from the remainder of the known subspecies of _thomomys bottae_ in utah by darker color and by cranial details (see accounts of those forms). _remarks._--the range of _albicaudatus_ is larger than that of any other race of _thomomys bottae_ limited to utah. specimens are available from thirty localities which represent widely varied habitats and environments. this subspecies consists of many highly variable local populations, and the marginal populations intergrade freely with adjacent races. in many populations, it is really difficult to recognize the relationships on account of the great variation, and one is frequently tempted to name some of them as distinct. careful study of the large number of specimens has enabled me to recognize diagnostic characters common to all of these variable populations. the animals range from large and dark at the north to small and light at the south. the jordan river bisects salt lake county from north to south. pocket gophers were taken at nine places east of the river, and at three places west of it. gophers from salt lake city and environs (east of the river) vary in color from almost black to dark cinnamon. specimens from draper, which locality is likewise east of the river, are uniformly lighter, but also vary in color. the skulls of animals from both localities are indistinguishable from each other and closely resemble those of topotypes. specimens from the west side of the river, from riverton, two miles west of murray and rose canyon, oquirrh mountains, all are lighter in color than topotypes. the color varies from darkest at the north at murray to lightest at the south at riverton. this is exactly the reverse of what would be expected since riverton is the locality geographically nearest to the type locality, provo. the skulls are quite uniform and are all referable to _albicaudatus_. the jordan river may be one factor which causes this lack of uniformity between the animals from the two sides of the river. davis ( : - ) states that rivers are not barriers to movement of pocket gophers where the river completely freezes over and has the ice covered with thick snow. although the jordan river does occasionally freeze over, it is never frozen for more than a few days at a time, and snow in this area does not last for long periods. the material at hand indicates that the gophers from both sides of the river are referable to the same subspecies _albicaudatus_. the animals from the east side of the river are in the aggregate of characters the most typical of _albicaudatus_ of any in the entire range. those from the west side of the river, although definitely referable to _albicaudatus_ do show some intergradation with _thomomys bottae robustus_, the subspecies to the west. the specimens from bauer, tooele county, are relatively uniform in color, and are considerably lighter than topotypes of _albicaudatus_. their upper parts vary from sepia to saccardo's umber as compared with near ( ''''_n_) black of the topotypes. the sides and underparts are lighter, due primarily to much less black in the underfur. they average slightly longer in total length, but shorter in hind foot. all cranial measurements are slightly smaller than in topotypes of _albicaudatus_. the shape of the skull closely resembles that of _albicaudatus_, although the rostrum, nasals, upper incisors and posterior tongues of the premaxillae tend to be narrower. this narrowness indicates intergradation with _thomomys bottae stansburyi_, the race nearest to the west. these animals are in the majority of characters referable to _albicaudatus_. bauer is situated in extreme western tooele valley at the foot of stockton bar, a low pass between the stansbury and the oquirrh mountains. this valley lies to the west of the aforementioned jordan river. although these gophers are definitely referable to _albicaudatus_ they are more unlike topotypes than are the animals from riverton. the specimens from settlement canyon, oquirrh mountains, tooele county, show the same characteristics as those from bauer. in a large series of animals from st. john, in rush valley, tooele county, the upper parts vary from black, even darker than topotypes of _albicaudatus_, to tawny olive, and the underparts vary from black through cinnamon buff to pinkish buff. most of the animals are cinnamon buff. although variable they approach _albicaudatus_ in color. the total length, tail and hind foot of males are longer than in topotypes of _albicaudatus_; females differ in the same direction but only slightly. in both sexes the zygomatic breadth is less, but the mastoid breadth is greater than in _albicaudatus_. in size and shape of the lacrimal processes, and the great thickening of the jugal at the maxillo-jugal suture they approach _robustus_. they are much larger, however, and in the majority of characters are referable to _albicaudatus_. what has just been said relative to the animals from st. john applies also to those from clover creek in the onaqui mountains of tooele county. at the latter locality the tendencies towards _robustus_ are accentuated. this is to be expected, since this locality is midway between st. john and the type locality of _robustus_. all characters considered, these animals are all referable to _albicaudatus_. the animals from little valley, sheeprock mountains, tooele county, resemble _albicaudatus_ in color. they vary on the upper parts from near ( ) sepia to clay color, and ventrally from nearly black to pinkish buff. they are markedly smaller in every measurement taken, except zygomatic and mastoidal breadths, and extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals. this relatively greater breadth indicates intergradation with _robustus_ to the west. these gophers are smaller in most measurements than any other population referred to _albicaudatus_. this is understandable because gophers from mountains usually are smaller and have weaker, smoother skulls than animals from low lands. although approaching _robustus_ in size and in some aforementioned cranial details, the aggregate of characters including color, make these animals referable to _albicaudatus_. the animals from fairfield, utah county, are closer geographically to the type locality of _albicaudatus_ than any other series, but morphologically are the least like topotypes. at first glance one is struck with the differences. they are uniformly clay color above, with cinnamon buff sides and flanks and pinkish buff underparts. their color closely approaches that of _robustus_ to the west which has cinnamon buff on the upper parts. examination of eleven measurements of males and the same number for females, shows that the animals are nearest to _robustus_ in two measurements, to _albicaudatus_ in , distinct in and intermediate in one. the general appearance of the skull is intermediate between that of the two above mentioned forms. the differences from _albicaudatus_ in size and color may be correlated with the differences in soil at fairfield and provo. at fairfield the soil is light-colored clay, but at provo it is sandy and darker. although they are intergrades between _robustus_ and _albicaudatus_, the animals are referred to the latter race. utah lake and its outlet, the jordan river, make a partial barrier between populations at fairfield and at the type locality at provo. during pleistocene times, when lake bonneville was present it formed a complete barrier. enough time has evidently elapsed since the disappearance of this lake to allow _albicaudatus_, the mainland form, to expand its range to the west. intergradation has taken place, with the result that the animals from fairfield, although unstable, agree with the mainland form, _albicaudatus_, in a majority of their characters. pocket gophers were taken at four localities from north to south in eastern juab county. they range in color from ochraceous tawny on the upper parts and cinnamon buff on the underparts to shades that are slightly lighter. all are much lighter than topotypes of _albicaudatus_. the general configuration of the skull is the same as that of _albicaudatus_, and this is especially true in the females. in the narrower rostrum and weaker dentition they approach _contractus_, but are distinctly lighter colored. hall ( : ) referred one specimen from nephi, juab county, to _thomomys bottae aureiventris_. since that time _thomomys bottae lenis_ which has some affinities with _aureiventris_ has been described (see account of _contractus_). the large series now available from nephi and nearby localities do show some intergradation with _lenis_, in that four characters are more as in _lenis_ and _contractus_ and seven characters are more as in _albicaudatus_. although differing markedly in many respects from topotypes of _albicaudatus_ they fit the aforementioned concept of this subspecies, and are being treated as a variable local population of it. provo is the locality listed for specimens which were available to naturalists from - . to these specimens the following names were applied: _thomomys talpoides bulbivorus_ coues ( : ; : ) and _thomomys talpoides umbrinus_ coues and yarrow ( : ). possibly these names were applied to the animals currently known as _thomomys bottae albicaudatus_ which does occur at provo. without the opportunity to examine the actual specimens, which so far as i know are no longer in existence, i cannot exclude the possibility that the locality designation "provo" was used in a general sense to include pocket gophers taken a few miles to the eastward of provo, where it is known that pocket gophers of only the species _thomomys talpoides_ (current terminology) occur. _specimens examined._--total, , distributed as follows: _davis county_: bountiful, , ft., . _salt lake county_: salt lake city and environs, , ft., ; mi. w murray, , ft., ; riverton, , ft., ; draper, , ft., ; rose canyon, oquirrh mountains, , ft., . _tooele county_: bauer, , ft., ; settlement creek, oquirrh mountains, , ft., ; st. john, , ft., ; clover creek, onaqui mountains, , ft., ; vernon, , ft., (u. s. a. c.); little valley, sheeprock mountains, , ft., . _utah county_: fairfield, , ft., ; provo, , ft., ( , b. y. u.; , m. v. z.). _juab county_: neff farm, mi. n nephi, , ft., ( , r. h.); nephi, , ft., (m. v. z.); mi. s nephi, , ft., ; mi. sw nephi, , ft., . =thomomys bottae bonnevillei= new subspecies _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. , museum of zoölogy, university of utah; fish springs, , ft., juab county, utah; june , ; collected by s. d. durrant; original number . _range._--known only from the type locality. _diagnosis._--size medium (see measurements); claws on front feet small. color: entire dorsal surface warm buff; sides near (_e_) cinnamon buff, underparts near ( ") pale pinkish buff; inguinal region, front and hind feet and distal part of tail white: top of head, nose and cheeks grayish black; postauricular patches small and grayish black; ears small, pointed and with heavily pigmented pinnae. skull: angular, short and wide; nasals of medium length, narrow proximally but widely flared distally; interparietal small; lambdoidal suture concave towards the interparietal; zygomatic arches uniformly widely spreading; interpterygoid space widely v-shaped; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals long; lambdoidal crest well developed. _comparisons._--from topotypes of _thomomys bottae aureiventris_, _bonnevillei_ differs as follows: size smaller, hind foot shorter. color: upper parts and sides lighter; underparts pale buff rather than "gold." skull: shorter and relatively wider; rostrum wider and heavier; zygomatic arches relatively wider and more massive, with greatest width posteriorly instead of anteriorly; interpterygoid space widely v-shaped rather than lyre-shaped; thickening at union of jugal and zygomatic process of maxilla less developed; anterior palatine foramina larger; nasals shorter and more markedly flared distally; zygomatic breadth relatively, and mastoidal breadth actually, wider; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals greater; tympanic bullae more inflated ventrally; upper incisors wider. from near topotypes of _thomomys bottae centralis_, from mile east of garrison, millard county, utah, _bonnevillei_ differs as follows: size smaller; hind foot and tail shorter. color: generally darker above and lighter below; top of head darker; postauricular patches smaller and lighter. skull: shorter and wider (zygomatic breadth expressed in percent of basilar length being, in males, . in _bonnevillei_ and . in _centralis_); interpterygoid space more widely v-shaped; interparietal smaller, and more triangular; nasals shorter and much more dilated distally, as well as more constricted proximally; lacrimal processes smaller and less globuse at tips; temporal fossae larger; braincase and entire dorsal surface of skull more nearly flat; lambdoidal suture convex posteriorly as opposed to nearly straight; tympanic bullae more inflated ventrally. comparisons of _bonnevillei_ with the type and type series of _thomomys bottae wahwahensis_ show them to be of approximately the same size, but to differ as follows: color: slightly darker above and lighter below; postauricular patches smaller and lighter. skull: larger in every measurement taken, except breadth of rostrum which is smaller; skull not as flat; tympanic bullae more inflated ventrally; nasals and rostrum longer; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals greater; interparietal smaller and more triangular; zygomatic arches more bowed out laterally; jugals heavier; interpterygoid space more widely v-shaped; upper incisors less massive. the characters that distinguish _bonnevillei_ from _thomomys bottae albicaudatus_ are: size smaller. color: markedly lighter throughout. skull: shorter and wider; mastoid and zygomatic breadths greater; rostrum narrower but shorter; angle between rostrum and zygomatic processes of maxillae less; interparietal smaller and more triangular; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals greater; upper incisors shorter, narrower and more recurved. _t. b. bonnevillei_ is indistinguishable in color from _thomomys bottae convexus_, but differs from it in the following features: size larger in nearly every measurement taken. skull: flattened dorsally as opposed to convex; zygomatic arches longer and weaker; jugals more nearly perpendicular; tympanic bullae larger; upper incisors longer; alveolar length of upper molar series the same, but molars narrower; rostrum longer but nasals shorter; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals greater. topotypes of _bonnevillei_ can be distinguished from those of both _thomomys bottae tivius_ and _stansburyi_ by being larger in every measurement taken, by markedly lighter color throughout, and by ridged, massive, angular skulls rather than smooth, weak, nonangular skulls. the races closest geographically to _bonnevillei_ are _thomomys bottae robustus_ and _t. b. sevieri_. compared with topotypes of _robustus_, _bonnevillei_ differs in: size larger. color: lighter throughout. skull: larger, although not as compact; zygomatic arches more widely spreading; jugals lighter; lacrimal processes not as prominent; zygomatic processes of maxillae not as robust; nasals more flared distally; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals greater; alveolar length of upper molar series longer; molars larger; upper incisors longer, wider and darker in color; when placed ventral side down on a surface, the dorsal face of a skull of _robustus_ is approximately parallel to the surface, whereas one of _bonnevillei_ dips down in the occipital region. _t. b. sevieri_ can be easily distinguished from _bonnevillei_ by being smaller in every measurement taken, darker in color, and by small, weak, smooth skulls as opposed to large, robust, ridged skulls. _remarks._--fish springs, where _bonnevillei_ occurs is a marshy area south of the barren, salt-desert country of western utah. the source of water is springs at the base of the north end of the fish springs mountains. only the moist area supports pocket gophers. specimens from trout creek, juab county, twenty-five miles to the southwest are intergrades between _bonnevillei_ and _aureiventris_, and are referred to the latter subspecies. the country between fish springs and trout creek in and lacked pocket gophers; it was of the playa and sand type. probably _t. b. bonnevillei_ was derived from _t. b. aureiventris_, a western mainland form of pleistocene lake bonneville, through isolation and subsequent differentiation morphologically. the moist soils at cane springs, seven miles south of fish springs, had no pocket gophers when visited in . _specimens examined._--total, , from the type locality. =thomomys bottae centralis= hall _thomomys perpallidus centralis_ hall, univ. california publ. zoöl., : , july , . _thomomys bottae centralis_ goldman, proc. biol. soc. washington, : , october , ; hall and johnson, proc. utah acad. sci. arts and letters, : , . _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. , museum of vertebrate zoölogy, university of california; - / mi. e baker ( - / mi. w nevada-utah boundary on th parallel), , ft., white pine county, nevada; may , ; collected by e. raymond hall; original number . _range._--extreme western utah, in millard, beaver and iron counties. _diagnosis._--size medium (see measurements); tail long; claws on front feet long. color: near cinnamon buff on upper parts, darker in middorsal region, grading to pinkish buff on underparts, more accentuated in pectoral and inguinal regions; nose, cheeks and postauricular patches grayish black; front and hind feet and distal half of tail white. skull: robust and moderately ridged; zygomatic breadth about the same for entire length of arches; jugals vertical posterior to middle; moderate thickening present at region of maxillo-jugal suture; interpterygoid space narrowly v-shaped; dorsal frontomaxillary sutures convex medially; lacrimal processes globose and well developed; nasals long and with distal denticulations; paroccipital processes well developed. _comparisons._--compared with topotypes of _thomomys bottae albicaudatus_, _centralis_ differs as follows: size larger; tail longer; claws on front feet longer. color: lighter throughout, cinnamon buff as opposed to near ( ''''_n_) black. skull: basilar length and length of nasals greater; zygomatic breadth less; zygomatic arches thicker at region of maxillo-jugal sutures; interpterygoid space more broadly v-shaped; dorsal frontomaxillary sutures convex medially as opposed to straight; paroccipital processes more developed; zygomatic arches approximately the same width throughout as opposed to widest posteriorly. for comparisons with _thomomys bottae aureiventris_ see account of that form. _t. b. centralis_ can be distinguished from _thomomys bottae bonnevillei_, _robustus_, _sevieri_ and _convexus_ by larger size throughout and generally darker color (see accounts of those forms). from _thomomys bottae stansburyi_ and _tivius_, _centralis_ differs in larger size throughout and lighter color (see accounts of those forms). _remarks._--_thomomys bottae centralis_ has one of the most extensive ranges of any of the known races of _t. bottae_. the eastern limits extend into extreme western utah. specimens from utah for the most part are intergrades between _centralis_ and _aureiventris_, the race to the north. some minor intergradation is also noted between _centralis_ and _sevieri_ and _bonnevillei_, the races to the east. intergradation is the expected condition because the animals belonging to _centralis_ are at the extremes of their range in this area. the greater affinities of these animals with _aureiventris_ is to be expected because both _aureiventris_ and _centralis_ are forms of the western mainland of the pleistocene lake bonneville; while the races to the east, although closest geographically, were isolated from the gophers of the western mainland during prehistoric times by this lake. they are still isolated and enough time has elapsed so that only vestiges of morphological intergradation exist between _centralis_ and these eastern forms. two specimens from cedar city, iron county, are intergrades between _thomomys bottae wahwahensis_, _centralis_ and _planirostris_. their skulls are slightly convex as in _planirostris_, and the rostrum is short and wide as in _wahwahensis_. in shape of the zygomatic arches, length of the nasals, and color, they resemble _centralis_ to which they are here referred. _specimens examined._--total, , distributed as follows: _millard county_: mi. se gandy, , ft., (m. v. z.); white valley (tule spring), mi. w delta, , ( in r. w. fautin vertebrate collection); robison ranch, , ft., (on hendry creek) simonsons ranch, , ft., (m. v. z.); mi. e garrison, , ft., ; mi. s garrison, , ft., (m. v. z.). _iron county_: cedar city, (m. v. z.). =thomomys bottae sevieri= new subspecies _type._--female, adult, skin and skull, no. , museum of zoölogy, university of utah; swasey spring, house mountains, , ft., millard county, utah; may , ; collected by s. d. durrant; original number . _range._--known only from the type locality. _diagnosis._--size medium (see measurements); claws on front feet short and weak; ears short; tail relatively long. color: upper parts pinkish buff, grading over sides to pale pinkish buff on underparts; nose, top of head, chin and cheeks grayish black; postauricular patches small and grayish black; front and hind feet and distal two-thirds of tail white. skull: small, weak and smooth; rostrum narrow; nasals narrow, not markedly flared distally; zygomatic arches weak, not angular, and of "graceful" contour; lacrimal processes small; characteristic dorsal depression present in region of sagitto-coronal suture; mastoid and zygomatic breadths narrow; occiput narrow and high; braincase well inflated; paroccipital processes small and smooth; interpterygoid space narrowly v-shaped; tympanic bullae small, but well inflated ventrally; alveolar length of upper molar series short; molars small; upper incisors short, but narrow. _comparisons._--from topotypes of _thomomys bottae aureiventris_, _sevieri_ differs as follows: size smaller. color: lighter throughout, no "gold" on underparts. skull: much smaller in every measurement taken, less massive and not angular; zygomatic arches weaker and widest posteriorly rather than anteriorly; union of jugal and zygomatic process of maxilla not greatly thickened; interpterygoid space narrowly v-shaped rather than lyre-shaped; pterygoid hamulae shorter and weaker; tympanic bullae smaller, but markedly more inflated ventrally; dentition smaller and weaker. from near topotypes of _thomomys bottae centralis_, _sevieri_ can be distinguished by the following features: size markedly smaller. color: lighter throughout. skull: markedly smaller in every measurement taken, weaker and smoother; zygomatic arches weaker, less angular and more "graceful"; rostrum shorter, but narrower; lacrimal processes smaller; tympanic bullae smaller, but more inflated ventrally, being triangular in shape as opposed to ovate and with anteromedial margin decidedly pointed; pterygoid hamulae smaller and weaker; dentition smaller and weaker. _t. b. sevieri_ can readily be distinguished from _thomomys bottae albicaudatus_ by the following features: size smaller in every measurement taken. color: markedly lighter throughout. skull: smaller, and weaker; rostrum shorter and narrower; ascending processes of premaxillae narrower; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals shorter; posterior tongues of premaxillae narrower; dentition much lighter. comparisons of _sevieri_ with topotypes of _thomomys bottae wahwahensis_ show them to be of approximately the same size, but to differ as follows: hind foot longer; ear shorter. color: slightly darker. skull: smaller, weaker, less ridged; zygomatic breadth less; zygomatic arches markedly less angular; mastoid breadth less; rostrum much longer and narrower, not as blunt nor flattened; tympanic bullae much larger and more inflated ventrally; braincase vaulted as opposed to flattened. from topotypes of _thomomys bottae bonnevillei_, _sevieri_ differs in: size smaller throughout. skull: smaller in every measurement taken, weaker, smoother and less angular; dentition smaller and weaker. topotypes of _sevieri_ are easily distinguished from those of _thomomys bottae robustus_ by smaller size, and smaller, markedly weaker skull which is less angular and ridged. among named races of _thomomys bottae_, _sevieri_ is closest geographically to _convexus_, but differs from it as follows: size larger; hind foot longer. skull: smaller in every measurement taken; nasals shorter and not so flaring distally; rostrum weaker, narrower and not so depressed; zygomatic arches markedly weaker and less angular; lacrimal processes smaller; supraoccipital narrower and higher; paroccipital processes weaker; tympanic bullae smaller; dentition markedly weaker. topotypical specimens of _sevieri_ can be readily distinguished from those of _thomomys bottae tivius_ by pinkish buff instead of mummy brown on upper parts. tympanic bullae larger and markedly more inflated; nasals longer; zygomatic and mastoidal breadths greater; rostrum longer and more depressed; upper incisors longer and wider; molariform teeth smaller. the skulls of _sevieri_ resemble those of _tivius_ more closely than those of any other subspecies. _remarks._--the house mountains in western millard county are surrounded by desertlike terrain that is seemingly unsuited to pocket gophers. in these mountains, gophers were sought in vain at several localities, including antelope springs which superficially appeared suitable for the animals. pocket gophers were found only at the type locality, swasey spring, which is well above the highest level of the pleistocene lake bonneville. _t. b. sevieri_, like _t. b. minimus_ on stansbury island, great salt lake, appears to remain only on land that was an island when lake bonneville was at its highest level. _specimens examined._--total, , from the type locality. =thomomys bottae convexus= durrant _thomomys bottae convexus_ durrant, proc. biol. soc. washington, : , october , . _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. , museum of zoölogy, university of utah; e side clear lake, , ft., millard county, utah; may , ; collected by s. d. durrant; original number . _range._--westcentral utah in delta valley. _diagnosis._--size medium (see measurements). color: upper parts and sides pinkish buff, purest on sides; underparts pale pinkish cinnamon; inguinal and pectoral regions pale pinkish buff; nearly all specimens have white on perineal region; nose grayish black; front feet, hind feet and distal third to half of tail white; postauricular patches black. skull: braincase moderately convex on dorsal surface; rostrum strongly depressed, giving the entire dorsal surface of the skull a "rocker-shape"; zygomatic arches heavy, short and widely spreading, widest posteriorly; upper incisors recurved, short and wide; molariform teeth large; alveolar length of upper molar series long; palatal pits deep; tympanic bullae moderately inflated ventrally; mastoidal breadth actually as well as relatively wide. _comparisons._--compared with topotypes of _thomomys bottae wahwahensis_, _convexus_ is of approximately the same color, but differs as follows: size smaller; tail, hind foot, and ear shorter. skull: rostrum longer, narrower and more depressed; skull convex rather than flat; nasals longer, and convex rather than flat; tympanic bullae larger; zygomatic arches shorter and more massive; molariform teeth larger. from topotypes of _thomomys bottae centralis_, _convexus_ differs in: size smaller; tail and hind foot shorter. color: uniformly lighter, more white in perineal region. skull: smaller, more convex; rostrum shorter, wider and more depressed; zygomatic arches shorter and heavier; mastoidal breadth actually, as well as relatively wider; tympanic bullae more inflated ventrally; upper incisors shorter and wider. comparatively, topotypes of _convexus_ can be distinguished from those of _thomomys bottae aureiventris_ by: size smaller; tail and hind foot shorter. color: darker on upper parts; no "gold" on underparts. skull: smaller and more nearly flat; rostrum shorter and more depressed; zygomatic arches shorter, heavier and widest posteriorly rather than anteriorly; interpterygoid space v-shaped as opposed to lyre-shaped; upper incisors shorter, narrower and more recurved. topotypical specimens of _convexus_ differ from those of _thomomys bottae nesophilus_ as follows: size smaller; tail and hind foot shorter. color: uniformly lighter throughout, cinnamon buff as opposed to pinkish buff. skull: smaller; rostrum heavier, shorter and more depressed; zygomatic arches shorter, heavier and not so widely spreading; no widening of supraoccipital as in _nesophilus_; upper incisors shorter and more recurved. when compared with topotypes of _thomomys bottae albicaudatus_, _convexus_ shows the following differences: size smaller; tail and hind foot shorter. color: markedly lighter throughout. skull: smaller, more convex and compact; rostrum shorter, heavier, more depressed and compact; zygomatic arches shorter and more robust; upper incisors shorter and more recurved. _thomomys bottae tivius_ is the race closest geographically to _convexus_. from it, _convexus_ can be readily distinguished by: size larger; tail shorter; hind foot longer. color: markedly lighter throughout. skull: much heavier and more compact, weights of skulls of males and females of the two subspecies being . grs., . ; . , . , respectively; rostrum heavier, wider and more depressed; zygomatic arches shorter, and more massive; upper incisors shorter, wider and more recurved; molariform teeth larger. for comparisons with _thomomys bottae lenis_, _contractus_, _sevieri_, _bonnevillei_, and _robustus_ see accounts of those forms. _remarks._--_t. b. convexus_ is limited to the area around clear lake in millard county. this lake is surrounded by areas of loose, shifting sand and flat areas of barren alkali. the lake is fed by springs which flow from lava outcroppings on its eastern side. as far as discernible, the only area populated by pocket gophers ( ) was that adjacent to the lake where vegetation had trapped the sand. the factor which limits the extension of range of this subspecies probably is plant food. also, the soil is mechanically poor for burrowing, since it caves in easily and burrows were found only in the sand where salt grass (_distichlis stricta_) had trapped and stabilized it. burrows were found from the edge of the water back as far as this grass persisted. _specimens examined._--total, , from the type locality. =thomomys bottae tivius= durrant _thomomys bottae tivius_ durrant, bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , august , . _type._--female, adult, skin and skull, no. , museum of zoölogy, university of utah; oak creek canyon, mi. e oak city, , ft., millard county, utah; september , ; collected by s. d. durrant; original number . _range._--limited to the cañon mountains, millard county. _diagnosis._--size small (see measurements). color: upper parts mummy brown, grading through cinnamon on the sides to pale cinnamon on the underparts; cheeks cinnamon; postauricular patches black; distal third to half of tail white. skull: small, weak; zygomatic arches weak, not widely spreading, widest posteriorly; tympanic bullae large; interpterygoid space v-shaped; nasals short, usually simple distally, but with some denticulations in some specimens; palatal pits deep; palate narrow; paroccipital processes small; incisors, both upper and lower, narrow; molariform teeth small. _comparisons._--topotypes of _tivius_ differ from those of _thomomys bottae albicaudatus_ as follows: size markedly smaller in every measurement taken. color: lighter, mummy brown as opposed to near ( ''''_n_) black. skull: smaller, slenderer and weaker; zygomatic arches weak and not widely spreading as opposed to massive and wide spreading; nasals and rostrum narrower and shorter; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals shorter; tympanic bullae smaller; molariform teeth smaller. for comparisons with _thomomys bottae stansburyi_ and _t. b. contractus_ see accounts of those forms. the four subspecies _tivius_, _albicaudatus_, _stansburyi_, and _contractus_ are the darkest in color of all the _thomomys bottae_ occurring within the state. _remarks._--this small, dark subspecies is limited to the cañon mountains in eastern millard county. apparently it is a mountain derivative of _thomomys bottae contractus_ which occurs in the valleys to the east and west of these mountains. intergradation is noted with animals from the valleys on either side. for further comments on distributional problems of this type see remarks under _thomomys bottae stansburyi_. _specimens examined._--total, , from the type locality. =thomomys bottae contractus= new subspecies _thomomys perpallidus albicaudatus_ hall, univ. california publ. zoöl., : , april , . _thomomys bottae albicaudatus_ durrant. bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , august , . _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. , museum of zoölogy, university of utah; scipio, , ft., millard county, utah; september , ; collected by s. d. durrant; original number . _range._--extreme eastern millard and beaver counties, utah. _diagnosis._--size medium (see measurements). color: upper parts cinnamon buff, mixed with black giving a color of dresden brown; sides between cinnamon buff and pinkish buff; underparts pinkish buff, purest on inguinal and pectoral regions; postauricular patches medium in size and black; ears covered with black hairs; nose, chin, cheeks and top of head dusky; front feet, hind feet and distal third to half of tail white; proximal part of tail covered all around with buff-colored hairs. skull: long, slender, moderately ridged and convex transversally at proximal ends of nasals; nasals long; rostrum long and narrow; posterior ends of nasals truncate or shallowly emarginate; ascending processes of premaxillae slender; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals long; zygomatic arches neither robust nor widely spreading; interparietal subquadrangular; supraoccipital extending horizontally well behind lambdoidal suture instead of dropping off abruptly to the foramen magnum; interpterygoid space moderately v-shaped in some specimens, but somewhat lyre-shaped in others; tympanic bullae large and truncate anteriorly; upper incisors long and narrow; molariform teeth small and light. _comparisons._--compared with topotypes of _thomomys bottae albicaudatus_, _contractus_ differs as follows: tail longer. color: lighter throughout. skull: slenderer, less ridged and angular; rostrum narrower; zygomatic and mastoidal breadths less; ascending processes of premaxillae narrower; posterior tongues of premaxillae narrower; posterior ends of nasals less truncate; zygomatic arches weaker, less angular, and less widely spreading posteriorly; interparietal larger; paroccipital processes weaker; interpterygoid space not as widely v-shaped; upper incisors longer and narrower; molariform teeth smaller. topotypes of _contractus_ can be distinguished from those of _thomomys bottae convexus_ by the following: size larger, tail longer; hind foot larger. color: darker throughout. skull: longer, narrower, and not as massive; top of skull moderately, as opposed to strongly, convex; nasals arched rather than straight; zygomatic arches neither as widely spreading, angular nor massive; space enclosed within zygomatic arches longer; interparietal larger; interpterygoid space more narrowly v-shaped; upper incisors longer and narrower; molariform teeth much lighter. comparisons of topotypes of _contractus_ with near topotypes of _thomomys bottae centralis_ show them to be approximately the same size, but to differ as follows: color: darker throughout. skull: shorter and slenderer; rostrum narrower; region between posterior tongues of premaxillae narrower and more convex transversally; nasals more truncate; zygomatic breadth less, but arches relatively more widely spreading posteriorly; interparietal larger; interpterygoid space generally narrower; upper incisors longer and narrower; molariform teeth smaller. topotypes of _contractus_ differ from those of _thomomys bottae aureiventris_ as follows: size smaller; tail longer; hind foot shorter. color: darker throughout. skull: shorter but slenderer; rostrum narrower; nasals shorter but slenderer, and more truncate posteriorly; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals longer; zygomatic arches weaker and less angular; zygomatic processes of maxillae weaker and with no marked thickenings at union of maxilla and jugals; interparietal larger; interpterygoid space more generally v-shaped; upper incisors longer and narrower; molariform teeth smaller. compared with topotypes of _thomomys bottae planirostris_, _contractus_ differs in: size smaller throughout. color: darker, more black and less cinnamon in pelage. skull: smaller in every measurement taken; rostrum narrower; nasals arched instead of flat; zygomatic arches neither angular, massive nor widely spreading; upper incisors narrower; molariform teeth markedly smaller and weaker. topotypes of _contractus_ differ from those of _thomomys bottae levidensis_ in larger size, darker color and longer, slenderer skulls. among named races of _t. bottae_, _contractus_ is closest morphologically to _tivius_. it differs from it as follows: size larger throughout. color: lighter throughout. skull: the same general shape and proportions, but larger in every measurement taken; rostrum longer and narrower; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals longer; posterior tongues of premaxillae narrower. _remarks._--fifteen animals from oak city are intergrades between _contractus_ and _tivius_. intergradation with _lenis_ is also shown in some specimens by the widely spreading zygomatic arches. in the majority of characters including the diagnostic long, slender, narrow rostrum they are more like _contractus_ to which they are here referred. nine animals from beaver were considered by hall ( : ) and durrant ( : ) to be intergrades between _thomomys bottae albicaudatus_ and _thomomys bottae centralis_. restudy of these specimens in the light of additional material now shows them to be intergrades between _t. b. centralis_, _t. b. planirostris_ and _t. b. contractus_. the majority of these animals are intermediate in color between _centralis_ and _contractus_, but a few have the reddish cast of _planirostris_. the shape of the nasals is characteristic of _planirostris_, while the zygomatic arches are as in _centralis_. in the remainder of the diagnostic characters they are like _contractus_ to which they are here referred. strong affinities exist between _albicaudatus_, _tivius_ and _contractus_. all three of these races probably stemmed from a dark form which formerly inhabited the eastern mainland of the pleistocene lake bonneville. at present, _tivius_ is isolated on the cañon mountains in eastern millard county, while the range of _albicaudatus_ and _contractus_ have been separated by that of _lenis_. _t. b. lenis_ has the majority of its affinities with _aureiventris_ which is an inhabitant of the western mainland of this ancient lake. an understanding of the history of the sevier river valley will probably clarify this distribution of pocket gophers. _specimens examined._--total, , distributed as follows: _millard county_: oak city, , ft., ; scipio, , ft., . _beaver county_: beaver, , ft., (m. v. z.). =thomomys bottae lenis= goldman _thomomys townsendii lenis_ goldman, proc. biol. soc. washington, : , june , . _thomomys perpallidus aureus_ moore, journ. mamm., : ; november , . _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. , u. s. national museum (biological surveys collection); richfield, , ft., sevier county, utah; march , ; collected by a. w. moore; x-catalogue number (after goldman, type not seen). _range._--sevier river valley from piute county north to southwestern juab and northeastern millard counties, utah. _diagnosis._--size large (see measurements). color: upper parts cinnamon buff mixed with black in middorsal region; sides, flanks, forearms, thighs and underparts pinkish buff; inguinal region, front feet, hind feet, underpart of tail and end of tail white; postauricular patches small and dusky; chin, cheeks, nose and top of head dusky. skull: largest of utah gophers, massive and angular; nasals long and denticulate distally; rostrum long and relatively narrow; zygomatic arches widely spreading and heavy throughout; jugals nearly vertical; zygomatic processes of maxillae heavy and flaring out abruptly from base of rostrum; union of zygomatic process of maxilla and jugal greatly thickened; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals long; posterior tongues of premaxillae relatively narrow; lacrimal processes small; pterygoid hamulae long; interpterygoid space moderately v-shaped, tending to be somewhat lyre-shaped in some specimens; tympanic bullae somewhat flattened, only moderately inflated ventrally; upper incisors long and narrow; molariform teeth actually large, but relatively small. _comparisons._--topotypes of _lenis_ can be distinguished from those of _thomomys bottae tivius_, _convexus_, _contractus_, _albicaudatus_, _levidensis_, _centralis_ and _aureiventris_ by the following markedly greater average measurements of males: total length, mm.; length of nasals, . ; zygomatic breadth, . ; mastoid breadth, . ; and length of rostrum, . . other distinguishing characters are: zygomatic arches more widely spreading; length of zygomatic processes of maxillae greater; and relatively longer, narrower rostrum. _remarks._--twenty-one animals obtained from lynndyl, millard county, are all intergrades between _lenis_ and _aureiventris_. they are like _aureiventris_ in the shape of the zygomatic arches, and in the bowing of the parietal crests. slight intergradation with _centralis_ is indicated by color and the shape of the nasals. the transverse arching of the posterior part of the rostrum is indicative of some relationship with _contractus_. in six other characters studied they most closely approach _lenis_ to which they are here referred. large size is the distinctive feature of _thomomys bottae lenis_. the skulls are the largest of any species or subspecies of _thomomys_ found in utah. in total length, however, these animals are no longer than the extremes found in other named races. when goldman ( : ) described this race as new, he referred it to the species _thomomys townsendii_, but remarked that the animal from richfield was different enough from any other form then named to merit probably full specific status. i know of no character other than size to separate _thomomys townsendii_ from _thomomys bottae_, and since intergradation has been shown to exist between these alleged _townsendii_ from richfield and animals from extreme western utah known to belong to the species _bottae_, _lenis_ is here arranged as a subspecies of _thomomys bottae_ which name has priority over _geomys townsendii_. the range here ascribed to this race is the sevier river valley from piute county as far downstream as the town of lynndyl which is near the eastern mainland of pleistocene lake bonneville. the sevier river continues farther out into delta valley ultimately to empty into sevier lake, which at present is adjacent to the area that formerly constituted the western mainland of the aforementioned ancient lake. this watercourse may have provided a migration route in ancient times, during the fluctuations of lake bonneville, whereby the animals formerly of the western mainland were able to come far eastward. the animals from lynndyl which are intergrades between _lenis_, an eastern mainland form, and _centralis_ and _aureiventris_ which are western mainland forms of lake bonneville lend support to this hypothesis. _specimens examined._--total, , distributed as follows: _millard county_: lynndyl, , ft., . _juab county_: u. b. (= yuba) dam, , ft., . _sevier county_: salina, , ft., ; richfield, , ft., . (u. s. n. m.). =thomomys bottae levidensis= goldman _thomomys bottae levidensis_ goldman, proc. biol. soc. washington, : , june , . _thomomys perpallidus aureus_ bailey, n. amer. fauna, : , november , ; barnes, bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , april, ; bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , june, . _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. , u. s. national museum (merriam collection); manti, , ft., sanpete county, utah; december , ; collected by vernon bailey; original number (after goldman, type not seen). _range._--san pitch river valley, sanpete county, utah. _diagnosis._--size small (see measurements). color: upper parts and sides cinnamon buff, finely mixed with black along median line of back; underparts pinkish buff; nose, cheeks and chin grayish black; postauricular patches fairly large and grayish black; front and hind feet white (examples from type series badly stained); tail light buff but apparently white distally (the color of these specimens has apparently changed with age). skull: small, fairly robust; basilar length short; zygomatic arches weak, but widely spreading; tympanic bullae small; nasals short and simple distally; ventral margin of jugals convex dorsally; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals relatively as well as actually long; posterior tongues of premaxillae relatively wide. _comparisons._--topotypes of _levidensis_ differ from those of _thomomys bottae absonus_ as follows: size smaller. color: lighter throughout. skull: shorter, weaker and less ridged and angular, but relatively wider. compared with topotypes of _thomomys bottae albicaudatus_, _levidensis_ differs as follows: size smaller in every measurement taken. color: markedly lighter throughout. skull: smaller in every measurement taken; width relatively greater; skull smooth, weak and nonangular as opposed to ridged, robust and angular. for comparisons with _thomomys bottae lenis_ and _contractus_ see accounts of those forms. _remarks._--the range here ascribed to _levidensis_ is the san pitch river valley, which gradually merges southward into the sevier river valley. the latter valley in this area is inhabited by pocket gophers that belong to another subspecies, _lenis_. nephi valley to the west of san pitch river valley is inhabited by animals belonging to the subspecies _albicaudatus_. no known specimens show intergradation between _lenis_ and _levidensis_, but intergradation between _lenis_ and _albicaudatus_ is noted in the nephi valley animals (see account of _albicaudatus_). superficially _levidensis_ resembles _absonus_ in size and color, but the skulls closely resemble those of _albicaudatus_, except for size in which they are smaller in all measurements. _t. b. albicaudatus_ is the most variable subspecies of _t. bottae_ occurring in utah, and additional material from the sevier river valley between san pitch river valley and nephi valley may show _levidensis_ to be only a local variant of the highly variable subspecies, _albicaudatus_. _specimens examined._--total, , from the type locality. =thomomys bottae osgoodi= goldman _thomomys perpallidus osgoodi_ goldman, journ. washington acad. sci., : , october , . _thomomys bottae osgoodi_ goldman, proc. biol. soc. washington, : ; october , . _thomomys perpallidus aureus_ bailey, n. amer. fauna, : , november , ; barnes, bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , april, ; bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , june, . _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. , u. s. national museum (biological surveys collection); hanksville, wayne county, utah; october , ; collected by w. h. osgood; original number (after goldman, type not seen). _range._--eastern utah in the valleys of the drainage of the san rafael, dirty devil and price rivers. _diagnosis._--size medium (see measurements). color: upper parts near (_e_) pale ochraceous buff, definitely yellow in appearance; sides pale ochraceous buff; entire underparts white, with a wash of light buff in the pectoral and inguinal regions; top of head, nose, cheeks, and chin dusky; postauricular patches grayish black; front feet, hind feet and distal part of tail white. skull: fairly robust but narrow; zygomatic arches concave medially in mid-jugal region; skull moderately convex dorsally, due to swelling in region of base of rostrum; lambdoidal suture situated well ahead of posterior margin of skull, with supraoccipital forming a side shelf at posterior part of skull; interpterygoid space narrowly v-shaped; tympanic bullae well inflated ventrally; basioccipital short; nasals rounded posteriorly; molariform teeth large. _comparisons._--topotypes of _osgoodi_ differ from those of _thomomys bottae absonus_ as follows: size generally smaller. color: lighter throughout, more yellowish in appearance as opposed to buffy. skull: smaller in all measurements, except length of nasals, mastoid breadth, and alveolar length of upper molar series which are larger; rostrum shorter but relatively wider; zygomatic arches more robust and concave medially; palate wider; supraoccipital more bulging posteriorly; tympanic bullae more inflated ventrally; molariform teeth larger. for comparisons with _thomomys bottae aureus_ and _t. b. dissimilis_ see accounts of those forms. _remarks._--the animals here referred to _osgoodi_ are remarkably uniform in color, but vary widely in cranial details. specimens from carbon county are not typical and when more material becomes available it may prove that these animals from the northern part of the range of _osgoodi_ will merit separation and naming. the specimens from emery county are not typical but resemble _osgoodi_ more than do the animals from carbon county. the range here ascribed to _osgoodi_ is in that part of the eastern utah desert that is bounded on the east by the green and colorado rivers, on the west by the high mountains of central utah, on the north by the book cliffs and on the south by the dirty devil river. this area is an uninviting wasteland in which there are relatively few roads and little water. in addition, it is greatly cut up by washes and gullies which contain water only during a few weeks of the year. the continuation of this area of wasteland southward beyond the dirty devil river is inhabited by pocket gophers belonging to the subspecies _absonus_. if specimens were available they would undoubtedly show intergradation to exist between _osgoodi_ and _absonus_. _specimens examined._--total, , distributed as follows: _carbon county_: - mi. n spring glen, , ft., ; spring glen, , ft., ; mi. e spring glen, , ft., . _emery county_: price river, mi. se woodside, , ft., (c. m.); green river, , ft., (m. v. z.). _wayne county_: hanksville, (u. s. n. m.). =thomomys bottae howelli= goldman _thomomys bottae howelli_ goldman, journ. washington acad. sci., : , march , . _type._--female, adult, skin and skull, no. , u. s. national museum (biological surveys collection); grand junction, , ft., mesa county, colorado; november , ; collected by a. h. howell; original number (after goldman, type not seen). _range._--in the valleys of eastern utah, east of the green river and north of the colorado river. _diagnosis and comparisons._--inasmuch as there is but one specimen, the holotype known, and as it was impossible to study it, the following diagnoses and comparisons are from goldman, ( : ). "_general characters._--a rather large, pallid subspecies with a broad, flattened cranium. similar to the palest specimens of _thomomys bottae aureus_ of the san juan river valley, southeastern utah, in color, but underparts more thinly overlaid with buffy white, and cranial characters, especially the broad, flat braincase, distinctive. approaching _thomomys bottae osgoodi_ of the fremont river valley, utah, in color, but much larger and skull widely different. "_color._--type (winter pelage): upper parts in general between tilleul buff and pale olive buff (ridgway ), somewhat darkened on head by a mixture of cinnamon buff and brown; a few inconspicuous dusky-tipped hairs along median line of back; muzzle dusky; ears and postauricular spots deep, contrasting black; underparts thinly overlaid with buffy white, the hairs becoming pure white to roots on inguinal region; thighs pure white to roots all around; feet white; tail buffy whitish, slightly paler below than above. "_skull._--similar in general to that of _t. b. aureus_, but braincase conspicuously broader and flatter; zygomata more widely spreading; nasals shorter; premaxillae more attenuate posteriorly; interparietal larger; audital bullae more rounded and fully inflated anteriorly; incisors short, as in _aureus_, but less strongly recurved. compared with that of _t. b. osgoodi_ the skull is much larger, with flatter braincase, shorter nasals, and posteriorly narrower premaxillae." _remarks._--six specimens, in the carnegie museum from miles north of moab, grand county, utah, were available for this study. they are not typical of _howelli_ as it is diagnosed by goldman (_loc. cit._). they appear to be intergrades between _howelli_ and _osgoodi_ in cranial characters, but more closely resemble _howelli_, particularly in the flat, widened, low braincase. in color, some specimens seem to intergrade toward _aureus_. the range ascribed to this form in utah appears to be one of the most natural ones within the state since it is bounded by the green and colorado rivers which have formed deep rocky gorges in this region. _specimens examined._--total, , as follows: _grand county_: mi. n moab, (c. m.). =thomomys bottae wahwahensis= durrant _thomomys bottae wahwahensis_ durrant, bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , august , . _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. , museum of zoölogy, university of utah, wah wah springs, mi. w milford, , ft., beaver county, utah; july , ; collected by s. d. durrant; original number . _range._--westcentral utah, in wah wah mountains, and pine valley to the west of these mountains. _diagnosis._--size medium (see measurements). color: upper parts pinkish buff; underparts pale pinkish buff with considerable admixture of gray; inguinal and pectoral regions pale pinkish buff; nose and cheeks grayish black; postauricular patches small and black; front feet, hind feet and distal one-third to one-half of tail white. skull: flat dorsoventrally; rostrum short and wide; premaxillae broad and heavy; nasals short and straight, with no arching as viewed laterally; tympanic bullae small; space enclosed within zygomatic arches short antero-posteriorly; alveolar length of upper molar series short; molariform teeth small. _comparisons._--from topotypes of _thomomys bottae centralis_, _wahwahensis_ differs as follows: size smaller in every measurement taken. color: lighter, pinkish buff as opposed to cinnamon buff. skull: rostrum wider, shorter and more nearly flat; nasals straight as opposed to moderately convex; tympanic bullae smaller and less inflated ventrally; zygomatic arches more widely spreading and angular; molariform teeth smaller; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals less. from topotypes of _thomomys bottae albicaudatus_, _wahwahensis_ differs as follows: hind foot shorter. color: lighter throughout, pinkish buff as opposed to ( ''''_n_) black. skull: smaller and more nearly flat; rostrum shorter, wider and more nearly flat; nasals straight as opposed to convex; zygomatic breadth less but mastoid breadth greater; tympanic bullae smaller, and less inflated ventrally; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals less; molariform teeth smaller. from topotypes of _thomomys bottae aureiventris_, _wahwahensis_ differs in the following features: size smaller; hind foot shorter. color: lighter throughout, no "gold" on underparts. skull: smaller in nearly every measurement taken; rostrum shorter and relatively wider; zygomatic arches more angular and relatively more widely spreading; nasals shorter and more nearly flat; thickening at union of jugal and zygomatic process of maxilla less; interpterygoid space v-shaped as opposed to lyre-shaped; tympanic bullae much smaller, and less inflated ventrally; molariform teeth much smaller. topotypes of _wahwahensis_ can be easily distinguished from those of _thomomys bottae tivius_ by their markedly larger size in every measurement taken, lighter color, and larger, more robust and more nearly flat skull. for comparisons of _wahwahensis_ with _thomomys bottae sevieri_, _robustus_, _bonnevillei_ and _convexus_ see comparisons under those forms. among the named races of _thomomys bottae_, _wahwahensis_ definitely has its affinities with _planirostris_ from zion national park. both possess flat skulls with wide, short rostra. it differs from the latter in: size smaller in every measurement taken. color: lighter throughout. skulls: nasals and rostrum shorter and more nearly flat; tympanic bullae markedly smaller; alveolar length of upper molar series shorter; molariform teeth markedly smaller and weaker. _remarks._--wah wah springs, the type locality of _wahwahensis_, are on the summit of a low pass in the wah wah mountains in the desert of west central utah. the surrounding valleys, for many miles, as far as my investigations show, are not inhabited by pocket gophers, except the desert range experiment station of the united states forest service in pine valley to the west of these mountains. there, pocket gophers were obtained which are intergrades between _centralis_ and _wahwahensis_. in five out of seven characters investigated these gophers resemble _wahwahensis_, to which they are here referred. study of the topography reveals the probable means by which the animals reached this valley. the long axis of the wah wah mountains is north and south, but a westward arm forms the northern boundary of pine valley. around springs in this westward projecting arm workings of pocket gophers were found. with the development of water at the desert range experiment station, and subsequent improvement of forage, these animals probably came down into the valley from the springs to the north. the terrain between the desert range experiment station in pine valley and snake creek (where _centralis_ occurs) to the west is not inhabited by pocket gophers at present. this area, however, forms part of the southwest mainland of pleistocene lake bonneville, which mainland in times past was probably suitable for pocket gophers. since the close of the pleistocene, aridity has rendered most of it unfit for pocket gophers, and they remain only in isolated areas where suitable environments still persist. _specimens examined._--total, , distributed as follows: _millard county_: desert range experiment station, united states forest service, sec. , t. s, r. w, salt lake base meridian, . _beaver county_: wah wah springs, wah wah mountains, mi. w milford, , ft., ( , m. v. z.). =thomomys bottae dissimilis= goldman _thomomys perpallidus dissimilis_ goldman, journ. washington acad. sci., : , october , . _thomomys bottae dissimilis_ goldman, proc. biol. soc. washington, : , october , . _thomomys perpallidus aureus_ bailey, n. amer. fauna : , november , ; barnes, bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , april, ; bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , june, . _type._--female, adult, skin and skull, no. , u. s. national museum (biological surveys collection); e slope mount ellen, henry mountains, , ft., garfield county, utah; october , ; collected by w. h. osgood; original number (after goldman, type not seen). _range._--known only from the type locality. _diagnosis._--size small (see measurements). color: upper parts light buff, grading over sides to nearly white on underparts; underparts lightly washed with pale buff, more marked in inguinal and pectoral regions; postauricular patches grayish black; nose, chin, cheeks and top of head dusky; front feet, hind feet and distal half of tail white. skull: small and weak; zygomatic arches long, but lying close to skull, giving it a slender appearance; supraoccipital markedly projecting posteriorly from lambdoidal suture; rostrum relatively long and narrow; nasals long; tympanic bullae well inflated ventrally, with a median ventral ridge; pterygoid hamulae weak; interpterygoid space narrowly v-shaped; upper incisors short and light in color; molariform teeth relatively large. _comparisons._--comparison of one topotype of _dissimilis_ with topotypes of _thomomys bottae aureus_ shows it to differ as follows: size smaller throughout. color: lighter dorsally and on sides, pale buff as contrasted with rich ochraceous; underparts more buffy. skull: smaller in every measurement taken; zygomatic arches markedly less widely spreading; braincase narrower and more vaulted; tympanic bullae with a median ventral ridge as opposed to smooth; pterygoid hamulae slenderer; interpterygoid space narrowly v-shaped as opposed to u-shaped; upper incisors smaller and lighter in color. compared with topotypes of _thomomys bottae absonus_, _dissimilis_ differs in the following features: size smaller in every measurement taken. color: lighter throughout. skull: smaller in every measurement taken, except alveolar length of upper molar series which is greater; skull narrower and weaker; zygomatic arches weaker and less widely spreading; tympanic bullae more ridged on ventral surface and shorter (more rounded) in antero-posterior measurement; upper incisors shorter and narrower; molariform teeth larger. _thomomys bottae dissimilis_ resembles _t. b. osgoodi_ more than any other subspecies but differs in: size smaller throughout. color: slightly darker dorsally. skull: smaller in every measurement taken, and slenderer; rostrum relatively longer; zygomatic arches weaker, and less widely spreading, more converging anteriorly; tympanic bullae less rounded, more ridged medioventrally; upper incisors shorter but narrower; molariform teeth smaller. _remarks._--the henry mountains, in eastern garfield county, are in the colorado river drainage. the surrounding country is desertlike and cut by gullies and washes with sheer escarpments and precipitous draws. the type locality of _dissimilis_ is possibly in an isolated area. only three specimens were available to goldman when he named _dissimilis_. he commented on the close resemblance to _osgoodi_ which inhabits the country to the north. i have examined only one of the three specimens available to goldman. although i can see the characters that he mentioned, i am not fully convinced that _dissimilis_ is separable from _osgoodi_. two specimens from escalante, garfield county, are referred to _absonus_, but they show intergradation with _dissimilis_. _specimens examined._--one (u. s. n. m.) from e slope mount ellen, henry mountains, , ft., garfield county. =thomomys bottae aureus= allen _thomomys aureus_ allen, bull. amer. mus. nat. hist., : , april , . _thomomys bottae aureus_ goldman, proc. biol. soc. washington, : , october , ; benson, univ. california publ. zoöl., : , december , . _thomomys fulvus aureus_ goldman, journ. washington acad. sci., : , october , ; journ. washington acad. sci., : , october , . _thomomys perpallidus aureus_ bailey, n. amer. fauna, : , november , ; barnes, bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , april, ; bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , june, . _type._--no. / . american museum of natural history; bluff city, san juan county, utah; may , ; collected by charles p. rowley (after allen, type not seen). _range._--all of san juan county (except extreme southwestern part) and grand county east of the colorado river. _diagnosis._--size large (see measurements). color: upper parts cinnamon buff, lighter on sides; underparts generally white, or if colored at all with only a faint wash of light buff; nose and chin blackish gray; top of head blackish due to admixture of black hairs; postauricular patches small and dusky; front feet and hind feet white. skull: long, narrow but massive; zygomatic arches not widely spreading, but heavy; jugals thick, union of jugals and zygomatic processes of maxillae thickened; rostrum long but wide; top of rostrum convex in lateral view; ascending processes of premaxillae wide and heavy; nasals thin proximally; braincase long and narrow; tympanic bullae well inflated ventrally; alveolar length of upper molar series long; molars large; pterygoid hamulae heavy; interpterygoid space u-shaped; palate arched; upper incisors long and wide. _comparisons._--compared with topotypes of _thomomys bottae osgoodi_, _aureus_ differs as follows: size larger in every measurement taken, except tail which is shorter. color: darker throughout except on ventral surface which is lighter. skull: larger, longer and wider; nasals longer; rostrum wider and longer; zygomatic arches more nearly straight and heavier; ascending processes of premaxillae wider; basioccipital longer; interpterygoid space u-shaped as opposed to v-shaped; tympanic bullae larger; upper incisors longer, wider; molars larger. topotypical specimens of _aureus_ can be distinguished from those of _thomomys bottae dissimilis_ by: size larger throughout. color: a trifle darker on dorsal surface. skull: larger in every measurement taken; zygomatic arches heavier and more nearly straight; tympanic bullae larger and more inflated ventrally; interpterygoid space u-shaped as opposed to v-shaped; alveolar length of upper molar series longer; molars larger; upper incisors longer and wider. topotypes of _aureus_ differ from those of _thomomys bottae absonus_ as follows: size larger in every measurement taken. color: darker dorsally, light ochraceous as opposed to cinnamon buff; due to admixture of gray, _absonus_ has more of a grayish cast. skull: larger in every measurement taken, longer, narrower and more compact; zygomatic arches heavier; ascending processes of premaxillae wider; jugals heavier; tympanic bullae larger; interpterygoid space u-shaped rather than v-shaped; upper incisors longer and wider; molars larger. from topotypes of _thomomys bottae planirostris_, _aureus_ can be distinguished as follows: size larger; tail shorter. color: lighter throughout. skull: larger in every measurement taken except zygomatic breadth, extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals, and length of upper molariform series which are less; rostrum longer, wider and more convex; nasals slightly arched rather than straight; depression absent rather than present in posterior region of nasals; zygomatic arches not so widely spreading, but equally heavy. for comparisons with _thomomys bottae alexandrae_, see accounts under that form. _remarks._--topotypes of _aureus_ are among the largest pocket gophers in the state. they are exceeded in total length only by _t. b. lenis_ and are approached by _t. b. aureiventris_ and _t. b. planirostris_. on the average they have the longest hind foot, body and ear. the length of the skull is second only to that of _lenis_ as also is the length and breadth of the rostrum relative to the basilar length. from the time of the original description of _aureus_ in until , all light colored gophers from utah were referred to that form. barnes ( : ) gives the range of _aureus_ as extending completely across southern utah and on the west and east sides as far north as central utah. since , forms named by e. r. hall, w. h. burt, e. a. goldman and the writer have restricted the range of _aureus_ in utah to that part of the state east of the colorado river. _specimens examined._--total, , as follows: _san juan county_: bluff, , ft., ( , m. v. z.). =thomomys bottae birdseyei= goldman _thomomys bottae birdseyei_ goldman. proc. biol. soc. washington, : , september , . _thomomys perpallidus aureus_ bailey, n. amer. fauna, : , november , ; barnes, bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , april, ; bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , june, . _type._--male, adult skin and skull, no. . u. s. national museum (biological surveys collection); pine valley mountains, mi. e pine valley, , ft., washington county, utah; april , ; collected by clarence birdseye; original number (after goldman, type not seen). _range._--high mountains and plateaus of southwestern utah. _diagnosis._--size medium (see measurements). color: upper parts between cinnamon and sayal brown, finely mixed with black in median dorsal region, grading over sides and flanks to cinnamon on underparts; front feet, hind feet, and distal part of tail white; postauricular patches, chin, cheeks and top of head grayish black. skull: depressed along median line of frontals and posterior ends of nasals; region of nasofrontal suture concave ventrally; zygomatic arches heavy and widely spreading, widest posteriorly; posterior ends of nasals straight, tending to be somewhat rounded in some specimens; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals moderate; tympanic bullae moderately inflated ventrally; basioccipital wide; interpterygoid space widely v-shaped. _comparisons._--topotypes of _birdseyei_ differ from near topotypes of _thomomys bottae virgineus_, from beaverdam wash as follows: size larger; tail and hind foot longer. color: darker throughout, between cinnamon and sayal brown as opposed to cinnamon buff. skull: larger in every measurement taken except extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals, and length and width of rostrum which are less; skull more depressed in nasofrontal region; zygomatic arches more widely spreading; zygomatic processes of squamosals shorter; pterygoid hamulae longer; tympanic bullae smaller and less inflated ventrally. among named races of _t. bottae_, _birdseyei_ most closely resembles _trumbullensis_ in size, but differs as follows: hind foot and tail longer. color: lighter throughout; postauricular patches smaller and lighter. skull: larger; mastoid breadth less; zygomatic arches wider and more widely spreading posteriorly; median frontal depression more marked; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals greater; tympanic bullae less inflated ventrally; molariform teeth larger. for comparisons with _thomomys bottae planirostris_ see account of that form. _remarks._--_t. b. birdseyei_ is apparently endemic to the mountainous area of southwestern utah in washington and iron counties. it intergrades with _virgineus_ and with _planirostris_ as described in the account of the latter. _specimens examined._--total, , distributed as follows: _washington county_: pine valley, (u. s. n. m.); pine valley mountains, mi. e pine valley, , ft., (u. s. n. m.); pine valley campground, , ft., (r. h.); / mi. e town of pine valley, , ft., (r. h.). _additional records._--_washington county_: hebron, ; mountain meadows, (bailey : ). =thomomys bottae virgineus= goldman _thomomys bottae virgineus_ goldman, proc. biol. soc. washington, : , september , . _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. , u. s. national museum (biological surveys collection); beaverdam creek, near confluence with virgin river, littlefield, , ft., mohave county, arizona; october , ; collected by luther c. goldman; original number (after goldman, type not seen). _range._--extreme southwestern utah, in beaverdam wash, washington county, utah. _diagnosis._--size medium (see measurements). color: upper parts cinnamon buff, finely mixed with black; sides and flanks pinkish buff; underparts pale pinkish buff; front feet, hind feet, and distal part of tail white; nose, cheeks, chin and top of head grayish black. skull: robust, with moderately wide zygomatic arches; zygomatic processes of maxillae wide; zygomatic processes of squamosals long; jugals concave laterally, giving the zygomatic arches the appearance of double bowing; nasals long; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals long; tympanic bullae well inflated ventrally; pterygoid hamulae heavy; interpterygoid space widely v-shaped; molariform teeth large. _comparisons._--for comparisons of _virgineus_ with _thomomys bottae planirostris_ and _t. b. birdseyei_ see accounts under those forms. topotypical specimens of _virgineus_ can be distinguished from those of _thomomys bottae trumbullensis_ as follows: size smaller. color: lighter throughout. skull: zygomatic arches less widely spreading; jugals more bowed medially; zygomatic processes of squamosals longer; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals greater; tympanic bullae larger and more inflated ventrally; molariform teeth larger. compared with topotypes of _thomomys bottae centralis_, _virgineus_ differs in: size smaller; tail shorter; hind foot smaller. color: deeper cinnamon buff, thus darker in overall appearance. skull: smaller, but relatively wider; zygomatic processes of maxillae heavier; region of maxillo-jugal sutures thicker; jugals more concave laterally; tympanic bullae more inflated ventrally; molariform teeth larger. _remarks._--this pocket gopher occupies practically the same range in utah as the large kangaroo rat _dipodomys deserti deserti_ stephens. both are found in the beaverdam wash. the type locality of _virgineus_ is but a short distance down the beaverdam creek at littlefield, arizona. it intergrades with _birdseyei_, the mountain form to the north and east (see remarks under _birdseyei_). there are evidences of intergradation with _planirostris_ of the virgin river valley above the narrows of the virgin river where it cuts through the beaverdam mountains (see the discussion under _planirostris_). there are intergradational tendencies exhibited towards _centralis_ in some specimens. some of the animals are practically indistinguishable in color and there are intergrading cranial characters in the nasals, zygomatic arches and tympanic bullae. _specimens examined._--total, , distributed as follows: _washington county_: beaverdam wash, mi. n utah-arizona border, ; beaverdam wash, mi. n utah-arizona border, , ft., . =thomomys bottae planirostris= burt _thomomys perpallidus planirostris_ burt, proc. biol. soc. washington, : , may , . _thomomys bottae planirostris_ hall and davis, proc. biol. soc. washington, : , february , ; goldman, proc. biol. soc. washington, : , october , ; presnall, zion-bryce mus. bull., : , january, ; long, journ. mamm., : , may , . _thomomys perpallidus aureus_ bailey, n. amer. fauna, : , november , ; barnes, bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , april, ; bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , june, ; woodbury, ecological monographs, : , april, . _thomomys bottae centralis_ hall and davis, proc. biol. soc. washington, : , february , ; presnall, zion-bryce mus. bull., : , january, . _thomomys perpallidus centralis_ hall, univ. california publ. zoöl., : , july , . _thomomys bottae nicholi_ goldman, journ. washington acad. sci., : , july , , type from shivwits plateau, mi. s wolf hole (road to parashonts), , ft., mohave county, arizona; hardy, ecological monographs, : , january, . _thomomys bottae trumbullensis_ hall and davis, proc. biol. soc. washington, : , february , . _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. , collection of donald r. dickey; zion national park, washington county, utah; may , ; collected by a. brazier howell; original number (after burt, type not seen). _range._--valley of the virgin river from zion national park west to the beaverdam mountains. _diagnosis._--size large (see measurements); tail long. color: upper parts sayal brown; underparts between vinaceous cinnamon and cinnamon, grading to pinkish cinnamon in some specimens; nose, chin, cheeks, postauricular patches, and top of head grayish black; front feet and hind feet white; tail pinkish buff, with distal third white. skull: massive and ridged; nasals straight and flat, simple distally; dorsal surface of rostrum slightly concave at proximal end of nasals; zygomatic arches widely spreading, widest posteriorly; zygomatic processes of maxillae heavy; premaxillae broad and extending far beyond posterior end of nasals; rostrum wide and heavy; palate slightly arched; pterygoid hamulae heavy; interpterygoid space v-shaped; tympanic bullae moderately inflated ventrally, somewhat compressed laterally; upper incisors long and heavy; molariform teeth large. _comparisons._--compared with topotypes of _thomomys bottae birdseyei_, _planirostris_ differs as follows: size larger, except total length which averages slightly less in females. color: lighter throughout. skull: larger in every measurement taken; more massive; rostrum wider, longer and more nearly flat; nasals straight and not inflated dorsally on distal end; premaxillae wider at posterior ends; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals greater; zygomatic arches heavier, especially the zygomatic processes of the maxillae; posterior ends of nasals more nearly truncate as opposed to generally rounded; tympanic bullae more nearly flat and relatively smaller; upper incisors longer and heavier; interpterygoid space more narrowly v-shaped; molariform teeth much heavier. topotypes of _planirostris_ differ from near topotypes of _thomomys bottae virgineus_ as follows: size larger; tail and hind foot longer. color: slightly darker dorsally, but markedly darker ventrally; postauricular patches smaller and lighter. skull: larger in every measurement taken; skull more massive; nasals flat, neither arched nor swollen distally; rostrum wider; nasofrontal region flattened or concave as opposed to convex; premaxillae relatively narrower; zygomatic arches heavier, especially in the processes of the maxillae; tympanic bullae smaller and less inflated ventrally; interpterygoid space generally more narrowly v-shaped; upper incisors longer and heavier; molariform teeth larger. from topotypes of _thomomys bottae trumbullensis_, _planirostris_ differs in: size larger throughout; tail longer. color: much lighter throughout. skull: more convex dorsally; rostrum wider and more depressed distally; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals greater; zygomatic arches shorter, and not as widely spreading posteriorly; interpterygoid space more narrowly v-shaped; tympanic bullae smaller; upper incisors wider and longer; molariform teeth larger. topotypes of _planirostris_ can be easily distinguished from those of _thomomys bottae absonus_ by darker color throughout and markedly larger size. _remarks._--from the synonomy at the beginning of this account one may note that the animals here ascribed to this subspecies have had nearly as many subspecific names applied to them as there have been investigators who have written about them. although each of the previous writers had but a small amount of material upon which to base his opinion, the diversity of opinion as to subspecific status bespeaks the instability of these animals. the present study is based upon eighty animals including additional comparative material. all animals from zion national park have the characters pointed out by burt ( : ) in his description of this form. farther down the virgin river valley towards st. george, however, some very perplexing problems of intergradation are encountered. st. george and environs may correctly be thought of as a "melting pot." each of the fifty-seven animals studied from this region is an intergrade; some specimens combine the characters of three subspecies. as may be seen on the distribution map, three different subspecies of _thomomys bottae_ occur in washington county. down the river, below st. george, the race _virgineus_ inhabits the virgin river valley below the narrows of the beaverdam mountains. because these narrows are filled with water from wall to wall during periods of high runoff, they form an effective barrier at present to migration of pocket gophers. the mountains to the north of st. george are inhabited by the dark form, _birdseyei_. the type locality of _planirostris_ is on the middle reaches of the virgin river, in zion national park. in addition mount trumbull to the south, in northern arizona, is the locality of another subspecies, _trumbullensis_. unquestionably the easiest route of migration into the st. george area is down the virgin river from zion national park; no barrier to gophers occurs between the park and st. george. although the animals from st. george are all intergrades, the majority of their affinities as would be expected are with _planirostris_ from zion national park. the river itself is not an impassable barrier for gophers to the north and south of it, since this stream frequently changes its course, and often nearly dries up. the virgin river valley in zion national park is in the bottom of a relatively deep, narrow canyon which has sheer rock escarpments. the upper reaches of the river are inhabited by pocket gophers of another species, _thomomys talpoides_. two specimens from st. george, north of the virgin river, were identified as _centralis_ by hall and davis ( : ), but were stated to be intergrades between _centralis_, _trumbullensis_ and _planirostris_. goldman ( : ) referred twelve specimens from st. george to _nicholi_, but stated that they intergraded with _planirostris_. twenty-six other specimens from three miles southwest of st. george on the west side of santa clara creek, about one-half mile above its confluence with the virgin river and on its north side, like the topotypes of _planirostris_ were taken in may and have complete, fresh summer pelage. with the exception of two specimens which show the ventral color of _virgineus_, these animals are indistinguishable in color from the topotypes of _planirostris_. a study of eleven measurements of the males of this series yield the following data: like _planirostris_ in four measurements, _birdseyei_ in one, _virgineus_ in one; intergrade between _planirostris_ and _birdseyei_ in two, _planirostris_ and _virgineus_ in two and _birdseyei_ and _virgineus_ in one. corresponding measurements of the females show the animals to be: like _planirostris_ in four measurements, _birdseyei_ in one, _virgineus_ in two; intergrade between _planirostris_ and _birdseyei_ in two, _planirostris_ and _virgineus_ in one and _birdseyei_ and _virgineus_ in one. in eight of eleven measurements the males either are like _planirostris_ or intergrade towards it, and the females are similarly allied to _planirostris_ in seven out of eleven measurements. in none of the measurements was either sex referable to _trumbullensis_. intergradation was noted in still other cranial details. in the heavy, relatively straight zygomatic arches, a majority of the skulls resemble those of _planirostris_, although some show the elongated zygomatic processes of the squamosals that are characteristic of _virgineus_. some skulls show a tendency toward _birdseyei_ in the widely spreading posterior regions of the zygomatic arches. the nasals for the most part are as in _planirostris_. intergradation between all three subspecies is shown in the extension of the premaxillae posterior to the nasals. some skulls show the lateral concavity of the jugals which is characteristic of _virgineus_. the tympanic bullae are variable but on the average are intermediate between those of _planirostris_ and _birdseyei_, but more as in the latter. the size of the pterygoid hamulae is like that of _planirostris_, but the shape of the interpterygoid space is more like that of _birdseyei_. the size of the molariform teeth is as in _birdseyei_. the incisors are intermediate between those of _planirostris_ and _birdseyei_, but more like those of _birdseyei_. eighteen specimens from st. george and its environs, on the north side of the virgin river, agree with the twenty-six specimens just described, except that they show more evidence of intergradation with _birdseyei_ in slightly darker color, length of hind foot, length of nasals and alveolar length of the upper molar series. one specimen from three miles south, two from two miles southwest, another from four miles southeast of st. george, and four immature animals from short creek road south of the town of virgin, all on the south side of the virgin river, are darker than topotypes of _planirostris_ and show intergradation with _trumbullensis_ to the south. in size they are likewise closer to the latter race. they intergrade with _trumbullensis_ in the size and shape of the zygomatic arches and tympanic bullae. in the majority of cranial details, however, they are like _planirostris_ to which they are here referred. one specimen, a skin only, from danish ranch, miles northwest of leeds, north of the virgin river is an intergrade in size and color between _birdseyei_ and _planirostris_, but referable to the latter. three specimens from the east entrance, and three from near the east entrance to zion national park are much darker than topotypes of _planirostris_. all of these animals are in worn pelage, thus allowing a great amount of the black underfur to show, which gives a markedly darker color. the unworn hair is only slightly darker than that of the topotypes. the cranial details prove these animals to be intergrades between _planirostris_ and _trumbullensis_. they resemble _trumbullensis_ in size of tympanic bullae, extension of the premaxillae posterior to the nasals and shape of the nasals. the majority of the cranial details are as in _planirostris_ to which they are here referred. when goldman ( : ) named _thomomys bottae nicholi_ from northern arizona he referred twelve specimens from st. george, washington county, utah, to his newly named race. he noted that the animals from this region intergrade with _planirostris_. i have had occasion to study one-fourth of the material available to goldman for his original description of _nicholi_. for his specimens listed as from st. george, the exact locality of capture, which is so essential in this distributional study, was not given. all of the specimens that i have seen from the biological surveys collection are from the south side of the virgin river, while st. george itself is on the north side. as noted earlier in this account there are differences between the gophers from the two sides of the virgin river in this area. those from the north side are intergrades between _birdseyei_, _planirostris_ and _virgineus_, while those from the south side are intergrades between _planirostris_ and _trumbullensis_. goldman (_loc. cit._) mentioned several times that the skulls of nicholi were nearly indistinguishable from, or closely resembled those of, _trumbullensis_. color was the only truly diagnostic character mentioned by goldman. my study reveals the same differences and likenesses found by goldman, but i consider color alone insufficient basis in this instance for establishing a new subspecies, and regard _thomomys bottae nicholi_ as a synonym of the earlier proposed name, _thomomys bottae trumbullensis_. the animals from the south side of the virgin river, labelled as from st. george, washington county, heretofore referred by goldman to _nicholi_, are intergrades between _trumbullensis_ and _planirostris_ and along with other specimens from the same place are referable to the latter race. _specimens examined._--total, , distributed as follows: _washington county_: danish ranch, mi. nw leeds, ; zion national park, (m. v. z.); grotto camp, zion national park, , ft., (n. h. m. s. d.); springdale, , ft., (k. u.); near short creek road, s town of virgin, (r. h.); st. george, n virgin river, , ft., ( , m. v. z.; , r. h.; , n. h. m. s. d.); santa clara creek, mi. sw st. george, , ft., ; st. george, s virgin river, ( , m. v. z.; , u. s. n. m.); mi. se st. george, , ft., (n. h. m. s. d.); mi. s st. george, (c. m.); mi. se st. george, s virgin river, (r. h.); mi. s st. george, , ft., (k. u.). _kane county_: east entrance zion national park, , ft., (n. h. m. s. d.); near east entrance zion national park, , ft., (n. h. m. s. d.). _additional records._--_washington county_: zion national park, ; washington, (burt, : ); st. george, ; santa clara, (bailey, : ). =thomomys bottae absonus= goldman _thomomys perpallidus absonus_ goldman, journ. washington acad. sci., : , october , . _thomomys bottae absonus_ hall and davis, proc. biol. soc. washington, : , february , ; goldman, proc. biol. soc. washington, : , october , . _thomomys perpallidus aureus_ bailey, n. amer. fauna, : , november , ; barnes, bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , april, ; bull. univ. utah, (no. ): , june, . _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. , u. s. national museum (biological surveys collection); jacobs pools, houserock valley, , ft., coconino county, arizona; june , ; collected by e. a. goldman; original number (after goldman, type not seen). _range._--southern utah in kane and garfield counties, in the drainages of kanab creek, johnson creek, paria river and escalante river. _diagnosis._--size medium (see measurements). color: upper parts ochraceous buff mixed with dusky; sides and underparts light ochraceous buff; chin, nose, cheeks and top of head grayish black; postauricular patches black mixed with buff; front feet, hind feet, inguinal region and distal third of tail white. skull: nasals relatively long; rostrum narrow; ascending processes of premaxillae narrow; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals short; lambdoidal and sagittal crests poorly developed; zygomatic arches light; jugals nearly straight; palate narrow; molariform teeth small. _comparisons._--compared with topotypes of _thomomys bottae trumbullensis_, _absonus_ differs in: size smaller. color: markedly lighter throughout. skull: smoother, less angular; zygomatic arches weak as opposed to robust; nasals more convex as viewed laterally; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals less; ascending processes of premaxillae narrower; palate narrower; palatal pits shallower; rostrum narrower; molariform teeth smaller. for comparisons of _absonus_ with _thomomys bottae aureus_ see account under that form. among named races of _thomomys bottae_, _absonus_ most closely resembles _planirostris_, but can be distinguished from the topotypes as follows: size markedly smaller. color: lighter, more buffy throughout. skull: smaller, less ridged and more nearly flat; nasals convex as opposed to flat; extension of premaxillae posterior to nasals less; width of ascending processes of premaxillae less; zygomatic arches weaker; palate narrower; alveolar length of upper molar series shorter; tympanic bullae more inflated ventrally; molariform teeth smaller and lighter. _remarks._--one specimen from kanab is an intergrade between _trumbullensis_ and _absonus_. the majority of its characters are with _absonus_ to which it is referred (see hall and davis, : ). two specimens from escalante are intergrades between _absonus_ and _dissimilis_, but are referable to _absonus_. _specimens examined._--total, , distributed as follows: _garfield county_: escalante, , ft., (b. y. u.), _kane county_: kanab, , ft., (m. v. z.). =thomomys bottae alexandrae= goldman _thomomys alexandrae_ goldman, journ. washington acad. sci., : , october , . _thomomys bottae alexandrae_ benson, univ. california publ. zoöl., : , december , . _type._--male, adult, skin and skull, no. , u. s. national museum (biological surveys collection); mi. se rainbow lodge, near navajo mountain, coconino county, arizona; june , ; collected by e. a. goldman; original number (after goldman, type not seen). _range._--in extreme southwestern san juan county, utah. known only from navajo mountain, probably limited to the area enclosed on the north by the colorado and san juan rivers, on the east and west by navajo and piute canyons, respectively. _diagnosis._--size small (see measurements). color: upper parts cinnamon buff, grading over the sides to pinkish buff on underparts; nose and top of head grayish black; hind feet and tail white; postauricular patches large and dark. skull: small and not heavily ridged; zygomatic arches widely spreading but weak; zygomatic arches nearly parallel; tympanic bullae moderately inflated ventrally; palate not arched; interpterygoid space u-shaped; dentition light. _comparisons._--compared to topotypes of _thomomys bottae absonus_, _alexandrae_ differs as follows: size smaller in every measurement taken. color: upper parts cinnamon buff as contrasted with light ochraceous buff. skull: smaller in every measurement taken except interorbital breadth and alveolar length of upper molar series which are larger; molariform teeth larger. among named races of _thomomys bottae_ occurring in utah, _alexandrae_ most resembles _t. b. aureus_ to the northeast. it can be distinguished from topotypes of the latter by: size smaller in every measurement taken. color: darker throughout. skull: smaller, slenderer and more nearly flat; palate nearly flat as opposed to arched; zygomatic arches weaker and not so widely spreading; interparietal narrower; tympanic bullae smaller; dentition weaker. _remarks._--goldman ( : ) accorded _alexandrae_ full specific status, because he found no intergradation with other races, from which he thought _alexandrae_ had been isolated perhaps for thousands of years by the barriers of the surrounding terrain. benson ( : ) noted resemblances between _alexandrae_ and specimens of _latirostris_ from keams canyon, zuni well, and winslow in navajo county, arizona (= _aureus_), and also between _alexandrae_ and _absonus_ from houserock valley, arizona. he thought that _alexandrae_ is no more differentiated or isolated than each of several other kinds of desert pocket gophers, and, therefore, accorded _alexandrae_ only subspecific status, as i, also, am inclined to do. _specimens examined._--one (m. v. z.) from soldier spring, navajo mountain, , ft., san juan county. fourteen topotypes from arizona also were examined. measurements of adult males of thomomys (in millimeters) ====================================================================== total length | length of tail | | length of hind foot | | | basilar length | | | | length of nasals | | | | | zygomatic breadth | | | | | | mastoid breadth | | | | | | | interorbital breadth | | | | | | | | alveolar length of | | | | | | | | upper molar series | | | | | | | | | extension of premax | | | | | | | | | post. to nasals | | | | | | | | | | length of | | | | | | | | | | rostrum | | | | | | | | | | | breadth | | | | | | | | | | | of rostrum ---------------------------------------------------------------------- _t. b. aureiventris_, ; topotypes (hall, : ) av. . . . . . . . .... ... min. . . . . . . . .... ... max. . . . . . . . .... ... _t. b. centralis_, ; topotypes (hall, : ) av. . . . . . . . .... ... min. . . . . . . . .... ... max. . . . . . . . .... ... _t. b. albicaudatus_, ; topotypes (hall, : ) av. . . . . . . . .... ... min. . . . . . . . .... ... max. . . . . . . . .... ... _t. b. robustus_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. b. stansburyi_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. b. nesophilus_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. b. minimus_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. b. lenis_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. b. contractus_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . ---------------------------------------------------------------------- measurements of adult males of thomomys--_continued_ ====================================================================== total length | length of tail | | length of hind foot | | | basilar length | | | | length of nasals | | | | | zygomatic breadth | | | | | | mastoid breadth | | | | | | | interorbital breadth | | | | | | | | alveolar length of | | | | | | | | upper molar series | | | | | | | | | extension of premax | | | | | | | | | post. to nasals | | | | | | | | | | length of | | | | | | | | | | rostrum | | | | | | | | | | | breadth | | | | | | | | | | | of rostrum ---------------------------------------------------------------------- no. (u. s. n. m.) _t. b. levidensis_, ; topotype . . . . . . . . . _t. b. convexus_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. b. tivius_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. b. bonnevillei_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. b. sevieri_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. b. wahwahensis_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. b. planirostris_, ; topotypes (burt, : ) av. . . . . . . . .... . min. . . . . . . . .... . max. . . . . . . . .... . _t. b. birdseyei_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. b. virgineus_, ; beaverdam wash, mi. n utah-arizona line av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. b. aureus_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . ---------------------------------------------------------------------- measurements of adult males of thomomys--_concluded_ ====================================================================== total length | length of tail | | length of hind foot | | | basilar length | | | | length of nasals | | | | | zygomatic breadth | | | | | | mastoid breadth | | | | | | | interorbital breadth | | | | | | | | alveolar length of | | | | | | | | upper molar series | | | | | | | | | extension of premax | | | | | | | | | post. to nasals | | | | | | | | | | length of | | | | | | | | | | rostrum | | | | | | | | | | | breadth | | | | | | | | | | | of rostrum ---------------------------------------------------------------------- _t. b. howelli_, ; mi. n moab av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . no. (u. u.) _t. b. absonus_, ; topotype . . . . . . . . . no. (u. s. n. m.) _t. b. osgoodi_, ; topotype . . . . . . . . . _t. b. alexandrae_, ; topotype (benson, : ) . . . . . . ... . . ---------------------------------------------------------------------- measurements of adult females of thomomys (in millimeters) ====================================================================== total length | length of tail | | length of hind foot | | | basilar length | | | | length of nasals | | | | | zygomatic breadth | | | | | | mastoid breadth | | | | | | | interorbital breadth | | | | | | | | alveolar length of | | | | | | | | upper molar series | | | | | | | | | extension of premax | | | | | | | | | post. to nasals | | | | | | | | | | length of | | | | | | | | | | rostrum | | | | | | | | | | | breadth | | | | | | | | | | | of rostrum ---------------------------------------------------------------------- _t. b. aureiventris_, ; topotypes (hall, : ) av. . . . . . . . .... ... min. . . . . . . . .... ... max. . . . . . . . .... ... _t. b. centralis_, ; topotypes (hall, : ) av. . . . . . . . .... ... min. . . . . . . . .... ... max. . . . . . . . .... ... _t. b. albicaudatus_, ; topotypes (hall, : ) av. . . . . . . . .... ... min. . . . . . . . .... ... max. . . . . . . . .... ... _t. b. robustus_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. b. stansburyi_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . no. (u. u.) _t. b. nesophilus_, ; topotype . . . . . . . . . _t. b. minimus_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. b. contractus_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. b. levidensis_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . ---------------------------------------------------------------------- measurements of adult females of thomomys--_continued_ ====================================================================== total length | length of tail | | length of hind foot | | | basilar length | | | | length of nasals | | | | | zygomatic breadth | | | | | | mastoid breadth | | | | | | | interorbital breadth | | | | | | | | alveolar length of | | | | | | | | upper molar series | | | | | | | | | extension of premax | | | | | | | | | post. to nasals | | | | | | | | | | length of | | | | | | | | | | rostrum | | | | | | | | | | | breadth | | | | | | | | | | | of rostrum ---------------------------------------------------------------------- _t. b. convexus_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. b. tivius_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. b. bonnevillei_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. b. sevieri_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. b. wahwahensis_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. b. planirostris_, ; topotypes (burt, : ) av. . . . . . . . .... . min. . . . . . . . .... . max. . . . . . . . .... . _t. b. birdseyei_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. b. virgineus_, ; beaverdam wash, mi. n utah-arizona line av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . _t. b. aureus_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . no. (c. m.) _t. b. howelli_, ; mi. n moab . . . . . . . . . ---------------------------------------------------------------------- measurements of adult females of thomomys--_concluded_ ====================================================================== total length | length of tail | | length of hind foot | | | basilar length | | | | length of nasals | | | | | zygomatic breadth | | | | | | mastoid breadth | | | | | | | interorbital breadth | | | | | | | | alveolar length of | | | | | | | | upper molar series | | | | | | | | | extension of premax | | | | | | | | | post. to nasals | | | | | | | | | | length of | | | | | | | | | | rostrum | | | | | | | | | | | breadth | | | | | | | | | | | of rostrum ---------------------------------------------------------------------- no. (u. s. n. m.) _t. b. dissimilis_, ; topotype . . . . . . . . . no. (u. s. n. m.) _t. b. osgoodi_, ; topotype . . .. . . . . . . _t. b. alexandrae_, ; topotypes av. . . . . . . . . . min. . . . . . . . . . max. . . . . . . . . . -------------------------------------------------------------------------- literature cited allen, j. a. . notes on the mammals of portions of kansas, colorado, wyoming and utah, part iv. on the mammals of the great salt lake valley, utah. bull. essex inst., : - , . . descriptions of four new species of _thomomys_ with remarks on other species of the genus. bull. amer. mus. nat. hist., : - , april , . . list of mammals collected by mr. charles p. rowley in the san juan region of colorado, new mexico and utah, with descriptions of new species. bull. amer. mus. nat. hist., : - , april , . . list of mammals collected by mr. walter w. granger in new mexico, utah, wyoming and nebraska, - , with field notes by the collector. bull. amer. mus. nat. hist., : - , november , . . mammals from beaver county, utah, collected by the museum expedition of . brooklyn inst. mus. sci. bull., : - , march , . bailey, vernon. . revision of the pocket gophers of the genus _thomomys_. n. amer. fauna, : - , pls. , figs., november , . barnes, claude t. . mammals of utah. bull. univ. utah, (no. ): - , figs., april, . . utah mammals. bull. univ. utah, (no. ): - , figs., june, . benson, seth b. . a biological reconnaissance of navajo mountain, utah. univ. california publ. zoöl., : - , december , . burt, william h. . a new pocket gopher of the genus _thomomys_ from utah. proc. biol. soc. washington, : - , may , . coues, e. . abstract of results of a study of the genera _geomys_ and _thomomys_. part iii. zoölogy, in explorations of the colorado river of the west and its tributaries, explored in , , and under the direction of the smithsonian institution, reported by j. w. powell, gov't printing office, washington, d. c., . . monographs of north american rodents, no. x, geomyidae, pp. - , u. s. geol. surv. of the territories, gov't printing office, washington, d. c., . coues, e., and yarrow, h. c. . report upon the collection of mammals made in portions of nevada, utah, california, new mexico and arizona during the years - . wheeler's rept. expl. w of th mer. vol. , pp. - , . davis, william b. . the recent mammals of idaho. the caxton printers, ltd., caldwell, idaho, pp. - , pls. , figs., april , . durrant, stephen d. . two new gophers from utah. bull. univ. utah, (no. ): - , august , . . a new pocket gopher of the _thomomys quadratus_ group from the northern great basin region. bull. univ. utah, (no. ): - , february , . goldman, e. a. . new mammals from arizona, new mexico and colorado. journ. washington acad. sci., : - , october , . . new pocket gophers of the genus _thomomys_. journ. washington acad. sci., : - , march , . . new pocket gophers of the genus _thomomys_ from arizona and utah. journ. washington acad. sci., : - , july , . . remarks on pocket gophers, with special reference to _thomomys talpoides_. journ. mamm., : - , may , . . three new rodents from southern utah. proc. biol. soc. washington, : - , july , . hall, e. raymond. . critical comments on mammals from utah, with descriptions of new forms from utah, nevada and washington. univ. california publ. zoöl., : - , april , . hall, e. raymond, and davis, william b. . notes on arizona rodents. proc. biol. soc. washington, : - , february , . hayward, c. lynn. . a bibliography of utah mammalogy; including references to names and type localities applied to utah mammals. utah acad. sci. arts and letters, : - , . . a bibliography of utah mammalogy; including references to names and type localities (first supplement). great basin nat., : - , december , . marshall, william h. . a survey of the mammals of the islands in great salt lake, utah. journ. mamm., : - , pls., map, may , . merriam, c. hart. . descriptions of twenty-three new pocket gophers of the genus _thomomys_. proc. biol. soc. washington, : - , july , . miller, gerritt s., jr. . list of north american recent mammals, . u. s. nat. mus. bull., , pp. i-xvi, + - , govt. printing office, washington, d. c., march , . svihla, ruth dowell. . mammals of the uinta mountains region. journ. mamm., : - , pls. , fig., august , . - * * * * * transcriber's notes made minor punctuation corrections, and the following changes: page : changed oquirrah mountains to oquirrh mountains. page : changed interptergoid to interpterygoid. page : changed acccounts to accounts. page : changed distiguished to distinguished. page : changed hpyothesis to hypothesis. page : changed under parts to underparts. formatted tables to fit width guidelines. bold text is shown within =equal signs=. italicized text is shown within _underscores_. (mormontextsproject.org), with thanks to tom williams for proofreading. jacob hamblin, a narrative of his personal experience, as a frontiersman, missionary to the indians and explorer, disclosing interpositions of providence, severe privations, perilous situations and remarkable escapes. fifth book of the faith-promoting series, by james a. little. designed for the instruction and encouragement of young latter-day saints. juvenile instructor office, salt lake city, utah. . the faith-promoting series, i. my first mission, by prest. geo. q. cannon. price, cts. ii. a string of pearls, from the pen of prest. taylor and others. price, cts. iii. leaves from my journal, by prest. wilford woodruff. price, cts. iv. gems for the young folks, by bp. a. a. kimball, bp. benj. brown, and others. price, cts. v. jacob hamblin, a narrative of his personal experience, as a frontiersman, missionary to the indians and explorer. price, cts. preface. in issuing to the public this, the fifth volume of the faith-promoting series, we feel that we are making an addition to our home literature that will be appreciated by the saints generally. the manner in which the former volumes of this series have been received, encourages us to entertain this hope. brother jacob hamblin has spent the most of his life as a faithful, humble worker in the cause of god. though he has labored as a missionary such a great proportion of his time during the past forty years, it has been in a sphere which has not brought him into prominence before the public. even his name has seldom appeared in public print. brother hamblin has never sought notoriety. he has been prompted by motives far more noble. he is such a modest man that he would be content to ever remain in obscurity. indeed, it was only after earnest solicitation that he was induced to narrate, for brother james a. little's pen to record, the incidents herein published, however, though not written for that purpose, we trust the publication of this book will result in making him better known and appreciated by his brethren and sisters. it is a simple, unvarnished recital of incidents of thrilling interest, remarkable adventures and special manifestations of providence, that we think cannot fail to entertain and benefit all who read it. brother hamblin's testimony of god's goodness towards him, and his willingness to answer prayer, should inspire and strengthen young latter-day saints. his cheerful self-denial, his devotion to the work of the lord, and the joy he has found in it should stimulate them to zeal in emulating his example. his portrayal of the policy pursued by the saints in dealing with the indians, should enlighten strangers who may read this book upon a subject about which this people have been greatly maligned. there are many important lessons to be learned from the narrative herein published, and we trust that it may prove profitable to all who read it. contents. chapter i. early incidents of my life--providential care over me--marriage--hear the gospel, and embrace it--signs follow--opposed by relatives--predict my father's baptism--my father healed in answer to prayer. chapter ii. arrival at nauvoo--my first interview with the prophet joseph--some first impressions of the character of the gathered saints--go east on an important mission--death of the prophet--return to nauvoo--providential circumstance on the journey. chapter iii. sidney rigdon strives for the guardianship of the church--he urges his claims at the conference--brigham young, president of the twelve, and others of the quorum appear in the stand--a remarkable testimony that the mantle of joseph had fallen upon brigham young--persecutions of the saints--baptism of my parents--preparations for the exodus--sickness--a methodist comforter--answer to prayer--harvest of quails--miraculous incidents on the journey to utah. chapter iv. locate in tooele valley--indian troubles--escape death by an indian, by following the warning of the spirit--hunting indians--sudden aversion to shedding their blood--decide to protect them at the risk of my life--sent again to hunt and kill indians--testimony that the lord did not want me to kill them, but to carry peace to them--a dream and its fulfillment. chapter v. mission to southern utah--locate at harmony--remarkable prophecies of heber c. kimball fulfilled--indians harvesting--indian "medicine man"--indian woman healed under our administration--accompany a hunting party--a fight for a squaw, in which i am compelled to take part--sickness--take my family to southern utah--build a fort on the santa clara--rain in answer to prayer--counsel from president young--we refuse to administer to the sick until they are washed--a sick boy dies, and the indians grow mad and threaten us--we follow and pacify them. chapter vi. retributive justice to the indians--we gain influence by it--the lord gives the indians testimonies of the truth--war between two bands of indians--a woman burned to death from revenge--promptings of the spirit--stolen horses recovered--government among the indians--appointed president of the indian mission--visit of apostle george a. smith--united states army on its way to utah--elder smith's advice to the saints--mountain meadow massacre. chapter vii. president young requests me to pilot a company to california--save a white man from being tortured by the indians--indians determined to kill the company--i pacify them--elders ira hatch and dudley leavitt sentenced to be killed by the mohaves--elder hatch softens their hearts by offering a prayer--allowed to escape on foot. chapter viii. president young's indian policy--expedition to los vegas and colorado rivers--suspicious steamer in the colorado--learn its purpose--go after a load of lead--our horses stolen--eat poison cactus--led by the spirit providentially. chapter ix. visit to salt lake city--interview between elder george a. smith and governor cumming--elder smith urges an investigation of the mountain meadow massacre--governor cumming objects--appointed sub-indian agents--nearly killed by a fall from a tree--a remarkable vision--first mission to the moquis--description of their towns, customs and traditions--some of the brethren remain with them--difficult journey home--moquis prediction. chapter x. second trip to the moquis--two elders left to labor with them--lack of success, owing to traditions of the indians--third mission to the east side of the colorado--george a. smith, jr., shot by the navajoes--very trying experience--the wounded man dies in the saddle, while traveling--forced to leave his body unburied--bitter reflections. chapter xi. arrival at spaneshanks' camp--his friendly spirit--return home--journey in the winter to recover the remains of george a. smith, jr.--destitute condition of my family. chapter xii. many saints called to settle southern utah--destructive flood on the santa clara--narrow escape from drowning--another visit across the colorado--a new route--moquis indians pray for rain--their prayers answered--three indians return with us--their devotion and reverence--they visit salt lake city. chapter xiii. the moquis visitors taken home--singular presentiment of my indian boy--the route south of st. george taken the second time--cataract canyon--the lost moquis and the "medicine man"--meeting with the brethren who had been left at the moquis towns--explorations about the san francisco mountains--return home--great suffering with thirst--my indian boy dead and buried, as he had predicted he would be. chapter xiv. change in the spirit of the indians--some insight into their privations and trials--they threaten hostilities--difficulties with them settled--a kind, peaceful policy the best--visit to the moquis towns--the people are invited to live with the saints--their objections to removing--hostile attitude of the navajoes--return home--suffering with thirst--a providential supply of water--dr. whitmore killed--severe sickness--healed in answer to prayer. chapter xv. travels among the indians--watching the frontiers--trip to the moquis towns--great raid of the navajoes--a good opportunity lost of recovering stolen stock--skirmishes with raiders--a peaceable agreement with the navajoes desirable--visit of president young to kanab. chapter xvi. visits among utah indians--meet major powell--employed to accompany him--council with the shi-vwits--major powell's description of it. chapter xvii. journey to port defiance--interesting visit among the moquis towns--arrival at fort defiance--general council of the chiefs of the navajoe nation--great peace talk--return home--treaty of peace in one of the moquis towns--stolen sheep recovered for a navajoe. chapter xviii. moquis indians destroy many navajoes--an oriba and his wife accompany us home--peace talk with the piutes--a dream and its fulfillment--tuba's prayer--choog, the indian prophet--his prediction--fatal fire in kanab. chapter xix. visit of tuba and his wife to the washington factory and flouring mill--many navajoes come to trade with our people--take tuba and his wife home--more talk about the death of young george a. smith--saints called to settle in arizona--they become discouraged and return to utah--navajoes murdered in grass valley--war imminent--sent to settle the difficulty--two miners accompany me--indians call a council. chapter xx. indians assemble--the council lodge--accused of lying to the indians--informed that i must die--privilege granted the smith brothers of escaping--they refuse to desert me to save their lives--violent speeches--young indians eager for revenge--interpreters afraid to speak--indians propose a compromise-- head of cattle and horses demanded--i refuse to pay for a crime the "mormons" never committed--they threaten to burn me--my coolness creates a favorable impression--an agreement--we regain our liberty. chapter xxi. smith's version of the trying ordeal--a graphic description from a gentile standpoint--explanation. chapter xxii. start home--meet emigrants to moancoppy--visit presidents young and smith--return to meet the indians--providence favors me--hastele fails to meet me--return home--moancoppy mission broken up--sent with d. d. mcarthur to establish a trading post--hastele visits kanab, and starts to the sevier to learn about the murder--i stay at home--testimony that i should accompany him--indian discernment--hastele is satisfied. chapter xxiii. visit port defiance--mr. daniels, inspector of indian agencies--his prejudice against the "mormons"--mr. trewax, the preacher--peace talk--mission re-established. chapter xxiv. company start to visit the arizona settlements--disaster in the colorado--bishop roundy drowned--explore a new route--promise fulfilled--visit settlements--severe experience on homeward trip--assurance of approval from president young--trip across the colorado in search of a criminal--moquis ceremonies to bring rain--conclusion. jacob hamblin. a narrative of personal experience. chapter i i was born in salem, ashtabula co., ohio, on the th of april, . when i was three months old, my father removed to geauga co., in the same state. that country was then a wilderness, covered with a heavy growth of timber. in my early life i assisted my father in chopping timber and clearing land. it required twenty faithful days' work to clear one acre, and render it fit for the harrow and a crop of wheat. in about three years the roots of the trees would decay, so that the soil could be worked with a plow. in , i removed, with my father, to wisconsin territory. i remember passing through chicago, then a mere hamlet, but now a large and wealthy city. seventy miles north-west of chicago, my father, in company with two friends, messrs. pratt and harvey, located at a place called spring prairie. it was the most delightful country i had ever seen. it was beautiful with rolling prairies, groves of timber, numerous springs of pure water, and an occasional lake abounding with fish. my father and i each made a claim on eighty acres of government land which was expected soon to come into the market. i was not yet of age, and my father, wishing to return to ohio for his family, proffered to give me the remainder of my time, during the summer, if i would take care of the crop already sown. during his absence, i had the misfortune to cut one of my knees. i took cold in it, and it became much inflamed and swollen. the family with whom i was living did not think i could get well. the swelling had reached my body, and as soon as it extended a little farther, the people expected me to die. i quite despaired of ever seeing my parents again. in my childhood, i had imbibed a belief that there was a god who would hear my prayers when i was in trouble. i managed to drag myself a short distance into a hazel thicket, where i besought the lord to have mercy upon me, and not let me die. that evening, a mrs. campbell called at the house. she said she was passing by and felt impressed to call in, but did not know for what purpose. after explaining to her my situation, she said "i now know why i came in here, for i can bring that swelling all out." this was accomplished by steaming, and i soon got about, and again had the privilege of meeting my parents and other relatives. the second season after this occurrence my father told me that, as i had been a faithful boy, i might go and do something for myself. i took a bundle of clothing, and travelled westward miles to the galena lead mines. i worked there nearly a year. twice during that time i barely escaped being buried about feet under ground, by the caving in of the earth. at one time, when feet below the surface of the ground, a rock fell on a man who was working with me, and killed him instantly. while dragging his mangled body along the drift, and arranging a rope by which to raise it up the shaft, such an aversion to mining came over me, that i did not go back to my labor again. i returned with the money i had earned, and paid for my land. in the autumn of i married lucinda taylor. she, as well as myself, had a numerous circle of relatives. i enclosed my land with a good fence, built a comfortable house, and made up my mind to live and die on the place. i believed the bible, but was without faith in any of the religious sects of the day, and had given up all hope of finding a religion that i could believe to be true. in february, , a neighbor called at my house and told me that he had heard a "mormon" elder preach. he asserted that he preached more bible doctrine than any other man he had ever listened to, and that he knew what he preached was true. he claimed that the gospel had been restored to the earth, and that it was the privilege of all who heard it to know and understand it for themselves. what this neighbor told me so influenced my mind, that i could scarcely attend to my ordinary business. the elder had left an appointment to preach again at the same place, and i went to hear him. when i entered the house he had already commenced his discourse. i shall never forget the feeling that came over me when i saw his face and heard his voice. he preached that which i had long been seeking for; i felt that it was indeed the gospel. the principles he taught appeared so plain and natural, that i thought it would be easy to convince any one of their truth. in closing his remarks, the elder bore testimony to the truth of the gospel. the query came to my mind: how shall i know whether or not these things are so, and be satisfied? as if the spirit prompted him to answer my inquiry, he again arose to his feet and said: "if there is anyone in the congregation who wishes to know how he can satisfy himself of the truth of these things, i can assure him that if he will be baptized, and have hands laid upon him for the gift of the holy ghost, he shall have an assurance of their truth." this so fired up my mind, that i at once determined to be baptized, and that too, if necessary, at the sacrifice of the friendship of my kindred and of every earthly tie. i immediately went home and informed my wife of my intentions. she told me that if i was baptized into the "mormon" church, i need not expect her to live with me any more. the evening after the elder had preached i went in search of him, and found him quite late at night. i told him my purpose, and requested him to give me a "mormon bible." he handed me the old and new testament. i said, "i thought you had a new bible." he then explained about the coming forth of the book of mormon, and handed me a copy of it. the impressions i received at the time cannot be forgotten. the spirit rested upon me and bore testimony of its truth, and i felt like opening my mouth and declaring it to be a revelation from god. on the rd of march, , as soon as it was light in the morning, i started for a pool of water where i had arranged to meet with the elder, to attend to the ordinance of baptism. on the way, the thought of the sacrifice i was making of wife, of father, mother, brothers, sister and numerous other connections, caused my resolution to waver. as my pace slackened, some person appeared to come from above, who, i thought, was my grandfather. he seemed to say to me, "go on, my son; your heart cannot conceive, neither has it entered into your mind to imagine the blessings that are in store for you, if you go on and continue in this work." i lagged no more, but hurried to the pool, where i was baptized by elder lyman stoddard. it was said in my confirmation, that the spirits in prison greatly rejoiced over what i had done. i told elder stoddard my experience on my way to the water. he then explained to me the work there was for me to do for my fathers, if i was faithful, all of which i believed and greatly rejoiced in. on my way home, i called at the house of one of my neighbors. the family asked me if i had not been baptized by the "mormon" elder. i replied that i had. they stated that they believed what he preached to be the truth, and hoped they might have the opportunity of being baptized. the following day elder stoddard came to my house, and told me that he had intended to leave the country, but could not go without coming to see me. for what purpose he had come, he knew not. i related to him what my neighbors had said. he held more meetings in the place, and organized a branch before leaving. when my father learned that i had joined the "mormons," he said he thought he had brought up his children so that none of them would ever be deceived by priestcraft; at the same time he turned from my gate, and refused to enter my house. other relatives said that my father knew better than to be deceived as i had been. i answered them by predicting that, much as he knew, i would baptize him into the church before i was two years older. all my relatives, except one brother, turned against me, and seemed to take pleasure in speaking all manner of evil against me. i felt that i was hated by all my former acquaintances. this was a great mystery to me. i prayed to the lord and was comforted. i knew that i had found the valuable treasure spoken of by our savior, and i was willing to sacrifice all things for it. my wife's father took great pains to abuse and insult me with his tongue. without having any conception how my prediction would be fulfilled, i said to him one day, "you will not have the privilege of abusing me much more." a few days after he was taken sick, and died. soon after the death of her father, my wife asked me, good-naturedly, why i did not pray in the house or with her. i replied, that i felt better to pray by myself than i did before unbelievers. she said that she was a believer; that her father had appeared to her in a dream, and told her not to oppose me any more as she had done; and that he was in trouble on account of the way he had used me. soon after this she was baptized, which was a great comfort to me. in the autumn of , elder stoddard returned to the country where i lived, to labor in the ministry, and ordained me an elder. about the same time my wife was taken very sick. by her request, i administered to her, and she was immediately healed. i visited my father and told him that signs followed the believer, as in the days of the apostles; that i was a believer, and had been ordained an elder in the church of jesus christ of latter-day saints, and that the signs followed my ministrations. he ordered me out of his house for believing such nonsense. i went out, reflecting as to whether or not i had done wrong in predicting that i would baptize him in less than two years. some time after this he was taken sick, and i went to see him. my mother told me he had the spotted fever, and that there was no hope of his recovery. she believed he was dying, and so it appeared to me; but i thought that god could and would save him if i prayed for him. i retired to a private place, and prayed to the god of abraham to have mercy on my father and heal him, that he might have an opportunity of obeying the gospel. it was a moonlight night, and when i returned to the house my mother stood at the door. she spoke to me very kindly, and said: "jacob, the fever has left your father; he has spoken and wants to see you." as i approached him he said, "the fever has left me, and your mother says that you came to me and went away again. what has made such a sudden change? do you know?" i answered that i had prayed for him, that i was a believer in the gospel of the son of god, and in the signs following those that believe. "well," said he, "if it is the gospel, i would like to know it; but if it is priestcraft, i want nothing to do with it." soon after the sickness of my father, i sold my home, gathered up my effects and started for nauvoo, hancock co., illinois. in passing my father's house i found him quite well, and he desired me to remain over night. he showed much interest in the principles of the gospel, and, when i left his house in the morning, the spirit manifested to me that my father and his household would yet accept the truth. chapter ii i traveled westward about miles to the mississippi river, where i took passage on a steamer to nauvoo. i landed in the night. in the morning, i asked a young man where the prophet lived. he pointed out the way to the residence of joseph smith, jr., and said, "if you are going to see the prophet, do not take any money with you. if you do, he will get it." i asked the youth if he was a "mormon." he replied that he was, and that his father was a high priest. i thought it strange that he should talk as he did. as i passed along one of the streets of the town, i saw a tall, noble-looking man talking with another. an impression came over me that he was the person i was looking for. inquiring of a bystander, i learned that my impression was correct. one of the company asked the prophet for some money he had loaned him. he replied that he would try and get it during the day. i offered him the money, but he said: "keep your money. i will not borrow until i try to get what is owing me. if you have just come in and wish to pay your tithing, you can pay it to brother hyrum; he sees to that." i soon learned to discriminate between the different kinds of people who had gathered to nauvoo. some were living the lives of saints; others were full of deceit and were stumbling-blocks in the way of those who were striving to do right. the following winter i chopped wood on an island in the mississippi river, twenty miles above nauvoo. the prophet joseph had told the people that the time had come which was spoken of by the prophet malachi, when the hearts of the fathers must turn to the children, and the hearts of the children to the fathers; the saints must seek for the spirit of this great latter-day work, and that they must pray for it until they received it. i had made a practice for several days, of retiring to a private place early each morning, to pray for this spirit and blessing, when an influence came over me that made manifest to me my nothingness before the lord. this so affected me for a time, that i was almost led to wish that i had never been born. when thus humbled, it was shown to me how a man could obtain salvation, and what he might attain to. with this i felt satisfied. what was then shown me has been of great worth to me since. i then comprehended that the most implicit obedience to the will of god was necessary in order to attain to eternal life. in february, , joseph smith, the prophet, published an address to the people of the united states, on the powers and policy of the general government, and offered himself as a candidate for the office of president of the united states. the same year, at the april conference, elders were called and sent forth, two by two, into each state of the union, with the "address to the people of the united states," in pamphlet form, for distribution, and to preach the gospel. i was sent with brother john myers, to the state of maryland. we took passage on the steamer _osprey_, in company with seven of the quorum of the twelve apostles, and seventy-one of the seventies. my companion and i went to pittsburg, penn., and from there we traveled on foot with our valises, without purse of scrip, through the state of pennsylvania. we were often hungry and weary, and, in some instances, were accused of being beggars and deceivers. this, coupled with my natural independence of character, seemed humiliating, and made our travels anything but agreeable. we journeyed through derrytown, hagerstown, sharpsburg and antietam, and preached in the states of pennsylvania, virginia and maryland. we visited some places where branches of the church had been previously organized. the way appeared to be opening up for a good work to be done in that country, when, about the th of july, news reached me that the prophet, about whom i had preached so much, had been shot by a mob when confined in jail. i did not believe the report until i offered to preach to those who were gathered around me in the small town of mechanicsburg. they manifested a spirit of exultation, and a feeling of deep gloom passed over me. i felt more like weeping than preaching. i concluded to hunt up my companion, from whom i was then separated. for this purpose i started for hagerstown, where i hoped to find him, or learn of his whereabouts. i had traveled about a mile when i came to a cross road, and the spirit whispered to me, "stop here, and brother myers will soon be along." i remained on the spot about ten minutes, when i saw him coming, with his hat in one hand and his valise in the other. he did not believe that the prophet was killed. we journeyed together to lightersburg. after meeting and passing many people, the spirit indicated to us that a man on the opposite side of the street was an elder in israel. it proved to be a latter-day saint elder, who had reliable information of the murder of the prophet joseph and the patriarch hyrum smith. he also informed us that the elders who were abroad were all called home. on the th of july, , when taking leave of a small branch of the church in lightersburg, one of the sisters offered me some money that she had earned in the harvest field. i took one dollar, and told her that i could get home with that. after starting, i began to reflect on my situation. i must travel on the river steamers from pittsburg to nauvoo, via cincinnati and st. louis, and i had only two dollars in my pocket. i had been often surprised, when traveling on foot at the pains people would take to invite me to ride or to step into a grocery and take a lunch, and i had considerable faith that the lord would soften the heart of some one to assist me, when i was in need. when i arrived in pittsburg, i had one dollar left. there were two steamers at the landing about to start for st. louis. they offered to take passengers very cheap. i told the captain of one of them, that i would give all the money i had for a passage to st. louis. he took my money and gave me a ticket, but appeared rather cross. i was soon on my way down the river, but still a long way from home, and without money or anything to eat. i began to feel the want of food. nothing special occurred with me until evening, when the lamps were lit in the passengers' cabin. i was then asked by a young married lady, if i was not a "mormon" elder. i replied that i was; and she told me that her little child was dying with the scarlet fever, and she wished me to lay hands on it and heal it. i replied that i could administer to it, and i presumed that the lord would heal it. i asked her if she believed in such things. she said that she did, and that she belonged to the church, but her husband did not. i was puzzled in my mind to know what to do, for the boat was crowded with passengers, and all unbelievers excepting the mother of the sick child and myself. it seemed like a special providence that, just then, the lamp in the cabin should fall from its hangings, and leave us all in the dark. before another lamp could be lit, i had administered to the child, and rebuked the fever in the name of the lord jesus, unobserved by those around. the lord blessed the administration, and the child was healed. the mother called her husband, and said to him, "little mary is healed; not do not say anything against 'mormonism.'" the man looked at his child, and said to me, "i am not a believer in any kind of religion, but i am on my way to iowa, opposite to nauvoo, where i presume you are going. you are welcome to board with me all the way, and if you want any money i will let you have it." i arrived in nauvoo on the th of august, . chapter iii at nauvoo i found sidney rigdon busy among the saints, trying to establish his claim to the presidency of the church. he was first counselor to the prophet joseph at the time of the latter's death. the church was fourteen years old, and he claimed that it was its privilege and duty to appoint a guardian; and he wished the people to sanction his guardianship. i was much dissatisfied with the course he was taking, and as i could not sustain him, i felt to leave nauvoo for a season. i went into the country, where i had left my wife and two children with my sister melissa. when i met my sister, she threw her arms around my neck and thanked the lord that i had returned. she had seen an account of a man being drowned in the ohio river, and, from the description, thought that it might have been me. on the th of august, , i attended a general meeting of the saints. elder rigdon was there, urging his claims to the presidency of the church. his voice did not sound like the voice of the true shepherd. when he was about to call a vote of the congregation to sustain him as president of the church, elders brigham young, parley p. pratt and heber c. kimball stepped into the stand. brigham young remarked to the congregation: "i will manage this voting for elder rigdon. he does not preside here. this child" (meaning himself) "will manage this flock for a season." the voice and gestures of the man were those of the prophet joseph. the people, with few exceptions, visibly saw that the mantle of the prophet joseph smith had fallen upon brigham young. to some it seemed as though joseph again stood before them. i arose to my feet and said to a man sitting by me, "that is the voice of the true shepherd--the chief of the apostles." our enemies, finding that the death of the prophet did not break up "mormonism," as they had expected, began their persecutions again, by burning the houses of the brethren in the outlying settlements. i joined a company of minute men to assist in protecting the saints. in one of our scouts we visited carthage. i examined the jail in which joseph and hyrum were assassinated. i noticed that the latches on the two doors that the mob broke in, when they killed the prophets, had been rendered useless by bending down the catches, so that the latches would clear them. all the entrances to the prison yard appeared to me to have been prepared beforehand for the easy admittance of the mob. the blood on the floor where the patriarch fell, had left a black spot about the size and shape of the body. the ball holes in the plastering about the window out of which joseph leaped, and those in the door and in the wall above where hyrum had lain, and also where john taylor had been shot at, denoted that the assailants were desperadoes and well prepared for their work. when the district court sat in hancock county, the judge allowed one of the leaders of the mob to act as an official. he also professed to try to have the murderers indicted, but as several of them were on the grand jury, there were no indictments found against them. the following winter i assisted in guarding the saints in and around the city of nauvoo. my brother obed lived about thirty miles out in the country. he was taken sick, and sent for me to come and see him. on arriving at his house, i found that he had been sick nearly three months, and that doubts were entertained of his recovery. i anointed him with holy oil in the name of the lord jesus, laid on hands, and prayed for him, and told him that he should recover, which he did immediately. this occurrence had much influence on my parents. they both attended the following april conference. at its close, my father asked me if i did not wish to baptize him and my mother. as they were both desirous that i should do so, i baptized them in the mississippi river, on april th, . my father told me that it was not any man's preaching that had convinced him of the truth of the gospel, but the lord had shown it to him in night visions. said he, "it is your privilege to baptize your parents, for you have prayed for them in secret and in public; you never gave them up; you will be a joseph to your father's house." in , i labored on the nauvoo temple, doing any work that was required of me. in the autumn, the enemies of the saints commenced to plunder in the country settlements. teams were sent from nauvoo to save and bring in what grain they could. it was necessary to send guards with the teams. these afflictions, heaped upon the saints by their enemies when they were struggling to complete the temple, in compliance with the word of the lord, greatly added to their difficulties. when winter came, they were instructed to unite their efforts to manufacture wagons, and make preparations for a long journey. i assisted in getting out timber for wagons. the house of the lord being far enough completed to give endowments and do other necessary work, i received my blessings in it just before crossing the mississippi river, in february, . i labored with the company of pioneers to prepare the way for the saints through iowa, after which i had the privilege of returning to nauvoo for my family, which consisted of my wife and three children. i moved them out into iowa, miles, where i left them, and returned miles to settlements, in order to obtain food and other necessaries. i was taken sick, and sent for my family to return to me. my wife and two children were taken sick the day after their arrival. we found shelter in a miserable hut, some distance from water. one day i made an effort to get some water for my suffering family, but failed through weakness. night came on and my family were burning with fever and calling for water. these very trying circumstances called up some bitter feelings within me. it seemed as though in this, my terrible extremity, the lord permitted the devil to try me, for just then a methodist class leader came along, and remarked that i was in a very bad situation. he assured me that he had a comfortable house that i could move into, and that he had plenty of everything, and would assist me if i would renounce "mormonism." i refused and he passed on. i afterwards knelt down and asked the lord to pity us in our miserable condition, and to soften the heart of some one to administer to us in our affliction. about an hour after this, a man by the name of william johnson came with a three gallon jug full of water, set it down and said: "i came home this evening, weary, having been working with a threshing machine during the day, but, when i lay down i could not sleep; something told me that you were suffering for water. i took this jug, went over to custer's well and got this for you. i feel now as though i could go home and sleep. i have plenty of chickens and other things at my house, that are good for sick people. when you need anything i will let you have it." i knew this was from the lord in answer to my prayer. the following day the quails came out of the thickets, and were so easily caught that i picked up what i needed without difficulty. i afterwards learned that the camps of the saints had been supplied with food in the same way. the spring following these events my eldest brother came from pottawatomie co., iowa, with a team to take me home with him. while preparing to leave, the team became frightened, ran along a steep side hill, capsized the wagon, and i was thrown down the hill and the load came on top of me. the same mr. johnson who had before administered to my wants, took me into his house. this was in the morning, and i knew nothing until ten o'clock in the evening. when i became conscious, i was lying on a mattress covered with blood. i looked around the room, and asked what it all meant. the lady of the house informed me what had happened, and told me that mr. johnson did not expect me to live. she further stated that he had called in some of the neighbors, that the doctor had been to see me and wished to bleed me, but i would not let him; that i told them that if they knew where there were any of the elders of israel, i wanted them sent for. she informed me that i said other things which displeased the doctor and the neighbors, and they went away. i assured the family that i was not responsible for what i had said or done, for i knew nothing about it. mrs. johnson said that she did not hear or see anything wrong, but the neighbors believed that i was trying to palm off some great "mormon" miracle on them. i denied trying to deceive any one, but all to no purpose. the owner of the house i had rented hurried me out of it, saying i could not live in his house any longer. in the month of march i moved into the wagon, with my wife and four children, the youngest not two weeks old. on the th of the following april, , i arrived at my father's house, in western iowa. i had previously baptized four of my brothers, and all my father's family had embraced the gospel. my mother had sunk under hardships, and died on the road from nauvoo, yet i was thankful to find all my relatives rejoicing in the truth. in the spring of i felt like making an effort to gather with the saints in the mountains. this at first appeared impossible, as my animals had all strayed off, and i could not learn of their whereabouts. i had concluded to remain another year, when i dreamed, for three nights in succession, where my oxen were, and went and got them. i found my other lost animals in the same manner. these kind providences, with strict economy, enabled me to make a start for utah with the company of aaron johnson, in the spring of , as i had desired. i joined the camp, to travel over a thousand miles of desert, with nine in family, one small wagon, one yoke of oxen and two cows. while crossing the ferry over the missouri river, with a boat load of cattle, they crowded to one side of the boat and capsized it. some of the people on board saved themselves by getting on to the bottom of the boat, others by holding on to planks. i made an effort to swim to the landing, below which was some three miles of perpendicular river bank, and the water along the bank was full of whirlpools and eddies. despite my efforts, the current took me past the landing. as i was almost carried under by a strong eddy, i began to despair of saving myself. fortunately, i discovered where a path had been cut through the bank to the water's edge. i succeeded in getting so near the top of the bank, that a woman who was near, and had discovered my situation, managed to get hold of my hand, and, with a great effort, i was saved from the surging waters. in traveling up the platte river on our way to the mountains, we found the road side, in places, strewn with human bones. the discovery of gold in california and the excitement it had created, had induced many of the missouri mobocrats, the year previous, to leave their homes in search of the god of this world. the cholera had raged among them to such an extent, that the dead were buried without coffins, and with but a slight covering of earth. the wolves had dug up and feasted upon their carcasses, and their bones lay bleaching on the desert. there were days of travel in which human skeletons were usually in sight. we saw the literal fulfillment of the predictions of joseph the prophet, during the persecutions of the saints in missouri. he said that those who took an active part in driving them from their homes, should themselves die away from home without a decent burial; that their flesh should be devoured by wild beasts, and their bones should bleach on the plains. boards had usually been placed at the heads of the graves, on which were the names of those who had been buried in them. many of these names were those of well-known missouri mobocrats. the destroyer came into our company, and several persons died. i told my family that it was a plague from the lord, that nothing but his power could save them from it, and that it would attack some of the family. my wife thought that i had done wrong in asserting that it would attack our family, as the children would be afraid and be more likely to have it. i told her that it would come, but when it did we must depend entirely upon the lord and all would be right. one evening, as i returned to my wagon from assisting to bury a sister hunt, sister hamblin was taken violently with the cholera, and she exclaimed, "o lord, help, or i die!" i anointed her with consecrated oil in the name of the lord jesus, and she was instantly healed. the next day the cholera attacked me and i was healed under the hands of my father. i was advised to get into the wagon and ride the remainder of the day. as my eldest son, a small lad, took the whip to drive the team, he fell forward to the ground and both wheels on the left side of the wagon ran over his body. it appeared to me that he never could breathe again. my father took him out of the road, administered to him, and he arose to his feet and said that he was not hurt. my youngest son, lyman, was taken with the cholera, and my father in administering to him, rebuked the destroyer, and commanded it to depart from him, from the family and from the company. to my knowledge no more cases of the cholera occurred after that in the company. we arrived in salt lake valley on the st of september, . chapter iv i settled, with my father and brothers, in tooele valley, thirty-five miles west of salt lake city. the people built their houses in the form of a fort, to protect themselves from the indians, who frequently stole their horses and cattle. men were sent against them from salt lake city, but all to no purpose. the indians would watch them during the day, and steal from them at night. this kind of warfare was carried on for about three years, during which time there was no safety for our horses or cattle. we had a military company, of which i was first lieutenant. i went with the captain on several expeditions against the thieves, but without accomplishing much good. they would watch our movements in the canyons, and continually annoy us. at one time, i took my wife three miles up a canyon, to gather wild fruit while i got down timber from the mountain. we had intended to remain over night, but while preparing a place to sleep, a feeling came over me that the indians were watching with the intention of killing us during the night. i at once yoked my oxen, put my wife and her babe on the wagon, and went home in the evening. my wife expressed surprise at my movements, and i told her that the indians were watching us. she wished to know how i knew this, and asked if i had seen or heard them. i replied that i knew it on the same principle that i knew that the gospel was true. the following day i returned to the canyon. three indians had come down on the road during the night, and robbed a wagon of a gun, ammunition and other valuables. one of them, from the size of the track, must have been an indian known as "old big foot." i thanked the lord that he had warned me in time to save my wife and child, as well as myself. the following winter i asked for a company of men to make another effort to hunt up the indians. on this scout we traveled at night and watched during the day, until we discovered the location of a band of them. one morning at daybreak, we surrounded their camp before they were aware of our presence. the chief among them sprang to his feet, and stepping towards me, said, "i never hurt you, and i do not want to. if you shoot, i will; if you do not, i will not." i was not familiar with their language, but i knew what he said. such an influence came over me that i would not have killed one of them for all the cattle in tooele valley. the running of the women and the crying of the children aroused my sympathies, and i felt inspired to do my best to prevent the company from shooting any of them. some shots were fired, but no one was injured, except that the legs and feet of some of the indians were bruised by jumping among the rocks. i wished some of the men to go with us to the settlement. they were somewhat afraid, but confided in my assurance that they should not be injured. on my arrival home, my superior officer ignored the promise of safety i had given the indians, and decided to have them shot. i told them i did not care to live after i had seen the indians whose safety i had guaranteed, murdered, and as it made but little difference with me, if there were any shot i should be the first. at the same time i placed myself in front of the indians. this ended the matter, and they were set at liberty. from the feelings manifested by the bishop and the people generally, i thought that i might possibly be mistaken in the whole affair. the people had long suffered from the depredations of these indians, and they might be readily excused for their exasperated feelings, but, right or wrong, a different feeling actuated me. after this affair, the presiding elder directed me to take another company of men, go after the indians, to shoot all we found, and bring no more into the settlement. again we traveled at night and watched during the day. we found the trail of a small band who had come near the valley, and then turned back on account of a light fall of snow, which would make their trail too easily discovered for thieving operations. we surprised them near a large mountain between tooele and skull valleys. they scattered in the foot hills, and the company divided to the right and left to keep them from the mountains. i rode my horse as far as he could go on account of the difficulties of the ground, then left him, and secreted myself behind a rock in a narrow pass, through which i presumed some of the indians would attempt to escape. i had not been there long before an indian came within a few paces of me. i leveled my rifle on him, and it missed fire. he sent an arrow at me, and it struck my gun as i was in the act of re-capping it; he sent the second, and it passed through my hat; the third barely missed my head; the fourth passed through my coat and vest. as i could not discharge my gun, i defended myself as well as i could with stones. the indian soon left the ground to me. i afterwards learned that as he went on, he met two others of our company and passed them safely, as their guns also missed fire. when the company gathered back to the place from which they scattered, we learned that not one was able to discharge his gun when within range of an indian. one of the company received a slight arrow wound, which was the only injury inflicted. in my subsequent reflections, it appeared evident to me that a special providence had been over us, in this and the two previous expeditions, to prevent us from shedding the blood of the indians. the holy spirit forcibly impressed me that it was not my calling to shed the blood of the scattered remnant of israel, but to be a messenger of peace to them. it was also made manifest to me that if i would not thirst for their blood, i should never fall by their hands. the most of the men who went on this last expedition, also received an impression that it was wrong to kill these indians. on a fourth expedition against them, we again surprised their camp. when i saw the women and children fleeing for their lives, barefooted over the rocks and through the snow, leaving a trail of blood, i fully made up my mind, that if i had anything more to do with the indians, it would be in a different way. i did not wish to injure these women and children, but, learning that "old big foot" was there, and feeling that he deserved killing, i soon found his trail and followed it. there being snow on the ground, his trail was easily seen. it passed along the highest ridges. as i approached a cedar tree with low, thick foliage, a feeling came over me not to go near it. i passed it under the brow of a steep hill. when beyond it, i saw that no trail had passed on. i circled around in sight of the indian, but he in some way slipped off unobserved. afterwards, when trying to make peace with these indians, "big foot" told me, that himself and party had laid their plans to kill me and my wife and child, the summer before when in pine canyon, had we remained there over night. during the same interview he said, placing his finger on his arrow, "if, when you followed me in the cedar hills, you had come three steps nearer the tree where i was, i would have put an arrow into you up to the feather." i thanked the lord, as i often felt to do, for the revelations of his spirit. after returning home from the expedition, in which i had followed the trail of "old big foot," i dreamed, three nights in succession, of being out west, alone, with the indians that we had been trying about three years to destroy. i saw myself walk with them in a friendly manner, and, while doing so, pick up a lump of shining substance, some of which stuck to my fingers, and the more i endeavored to brush it off the brighter it became. this dream made such an impression on my mind, that i took my blankets, gun and ammunition, and went alone into their country. i remained with them several days, hunting deer and duck, occasionally loaning them my rifle, and assisting to bring in their game. i also did all i could to induce them to be at peace with us. one day, in my rambles, i came to a lodge where there was a squaw, and a boy about ten years old. as soon as i saw the boy, the spirit said to me, "take that lad home with you; that is part of your mission here, and here is the bright substance which you dreamed of picking up." i talked with him and asked him if he would not go with me. he at once replied that he would. the mother, naturally enough, in a deprecating tone, asked me if i wanted to take her boy away from her. but after some further conversation she consented to the arrangement. at this time i had not learned much of the language of these indians, but i seemed to have the gift of making myself understood. when i left, the boy took his bows and arrows and accompanied me. the woman appeared to feel so bad, and made so much ado, that i told the lad he had better go back to his mother; but he would not do so. we went to the side of the mountain where i agreed to meet the indians. his mother, still anxious about her boy, came to our camp in the evening. the following morning, she told me that she heard i had a good heart, for the indians told her that i had been true to what i said, and the boy could go with me if i would always be his father and own him as my son. this boy became very much attached to me, and was very particular to do as he was told. i asked him why he was so willing to come with me the first time we met. he replied that i was the first white man he ever saw; that he knew a man would come to his mother's lodge to see him, on the day of my arrival, for he was told so the night before, and that when the man came he must go with him; that he knew i was the man when he saw me a long way off, and built a smoke so that i would come there. chapter v at the april conference of , i was called, with a number of others, on a mission to the indians in southern utah. taking a horse, cow, garden seeds and some farming tools, i joined in with brother robert ritchie, and was soon on my way. we commenced operations at a place we called harmony, twenty miles south of cedar city, in iron county. i made it my principal business to learn the indian language, and become familiar with their character. about the end of may of that year, president brigham young, heber c. kimball, parley p. pratt and others to the number of twenty persons, came to visit us. president young gave much instruction about conducting the mission and building up the settlement we had commenced. he said if the elders wanted influence with the indians, they must associate with them in their expeditions. brother kimball prophesied that, if the brethren were united, they would be prospered and blessed, but if they permitted the spirit of strife and contention to come into their midst, the place would come to an end in a scene of bloodshed. previous to this meeting, president young asked some brethren who had been into the country south of harmony if they thought a wagon road could be made down to the rio virgen. their replies were very discouraging, but, in the face of this report, brother kimball prophesied in this meeting, that a road would be made from harmony over the black ridge; and a temple would be built on the rio virgen, and the lamanites would come from the east side of the colorado river and get their endowments in it. all these prophecies have since been fulfilled. on the st of june, , i went with elder r. c. allen and others, to visit the indians on the rio virgen and santa clara, two streams now well known as forming a junction south of the city of st. george. on the th of june, we camped on ground now enclosed in the washington field. there we saw many indian women gathering a red, sweet berry, called "opie." the indians were also harvesting their wheat. their manner of doing so was very primitive. one would loosen the roots of the wheat with a stick, another would pull up the plant, beat the dirt off from the roots and set it up in bunches. i loaned them a long sharp knife, which greatly assisted them in their labors. the company returned to harmony with the exception of brother william hennefer and myself, who were left to visit the indians on the upper santa clara. we found a few lodges, and with them a very sick woman. the medicine man of the tribe was going through a round of ceremonies in order to heal her. he stuck arrows into the ground at the entrance of the lodge, placed his medicine bow in a conspicuous place, adorned his head with eagle's feathers, and then walked back and forth in an austere manner, making strange gestures with his hands, and hideous noises at the top of his voice. he would then enter the lodge, and place his mouth to the woman's, in order to drive away the evil spirits, and charm away the pain. some one told the sick woman that the "mormons" believed in "poogi," which, in their language, means administering to the sick. she wished us to wait, and if the piute charm did not work, to try if we could do her any good. the medicine man howled and kept up his performances the most of the night. the sick woman's friends then carried her some distance away from the lodge, and left her to die. some of her relatives asked us to go and administer to her. we could not feel to refuse, so we laid on hands and prayed for her. when we returned to our camp, she arose and followed us, and said she was hungry. we sent her to her own lodge. some of the inmates were frightened at seeing her, as they had considered her a dead woman. we returned to harmony about the last of june. on the rd of july, i accompanied a hunting party of indians into the mountains east of harmony. while with them, i spared no labor in learning their language, and getting an insight into their character. i had ever felt an aversion to white men shedding the blood of these ignorant barbarians. when the white man has settled on their lands, and his cattle have destroyed much of their scanty living, there has always appeared in them a disposition to make all reasonable allowances for these wrongs. ever since i was old enough to understand, and more especially after being with them around their camp fires, where i learned their simple and child-like ways, and heard them talk over their wrongs, i fully made up my mind to do all i could to alleviate their condition. from time to time, when the saints have had any trouble with them, and i have had anything to do with settling the difficulty, i have made it a specialty to go among them, regardless of their numbers or anger. through the blessing of the lord, i have never yet failed in accomplishing my object, where no other persons have interfered in a matter they did not understand. returning from this hunting expedition, i made my way, in september, to tooele valley, to visit my family, and found them well. i remained with them but a short time, and returned to my missionary labors in southern utah. our crops had done well. after assisting to gather them, i labored for a season on the fort we were building, the better to defend ourselves in case of trouble with the indians. in november, i was sent alone among the indians on the santa clara, to use my influence to keep them from disturbing the travelers on the southern route to california. when there, without a white companion, a dispute arose between some of the indians about a squaw. as was their custom, they decided that the claimant should do battle for her in the following manner: the warriors of the band were to form in two files, and a claimant should pass between the files leading the squaw, and prepared to fight anyone that opposed his claim. the affair had made considerable progress, when one of the parties who had been roughly handled, claimed kinship with me by calling me brother, and asked me to help him. not wishing to take part in any of their barbarous customs, i objected. the indians then taunted me with being a coward, called me a squaw, etc. i soon took in the situation, and saw that it would not be well to lose caste among them. i accepted the challenge under the promise that they would not be angry with me if i should hurt some of them. i had but little anxiety about the result, for they were not adept in the art of self-defense. the indians, numbering about one hundred and twenty, formed in two lines, and i took the squaw by the hand, and commenced my passage between them. only one indian disputed my progress. with one blow i stretched him on the ground. all would probably have passed off well enough, had i not kicked him as he fell. this was contrary to their code of honor, and i paid a fine for this breach of custom. i was acknowledged the victor, and it was decided that the squaw was mine. i immediately turned her over to the indian that she desired for a husband. this was my first and last fight for a squaw. it gave me a prestige among them that greatly added to my subsequent influence. this short and lonely mission was brought to a close by my return to harmony. in the beginning of winter, i went down to the santa clara in company with brothers ira hatch, samuel knight, thales haskell and a. p. hardy. we worked with the indians, and gained much influence over them. we built a log cabin, and a dam to take out the waters of the santa clara creek to irrigate the bottom land. hard labor and exposure brought on me a severe attack of sickness. at the same time there came a heavy fall of snow, which made it impracticable to get any assistance from the nearest settlement, forty miles distant. the brethren began to entertain some doubts about my recovery. however, after laying sick fourteen days, with nothing to nourish me but bread made of moldy, bitter corn meal, brother samuel atwood arrived from harmony with some good things to strengthen me. after a few days, i started with brother atwood on horseback, for harmony. i rode to cottonwood creek, where the town of harrisburg now stands. i felt exhausted, and could go no farther. i was assisted off my horse and lay on the ground, where i fainted. brother atwood brought some water in the leather holster of his pistol, and put some of it in my mouth and on my head, which revived me. with slow and careful traveling i was able to reach harmony; but i was so reduced in flesh that my friends did not recognize me. as soon as my health would permit, i returned to the santa clara. i have before referred to a custom among the piutes of taking women from each other. sometimes two claimants decided who should be the possessor of the woman, by single combat; but more generally, each claimant would gather to his assistance all the friends he could, and the fighting would be kept up until one side was conquered, when the claimant who had led the victorious party, would take possession of the woman. i have seen such engagements last all day and a part of the night. in one of these, in which over one hundred men took a part, some of the combatants became angry, and fought in good earnest. at the close of the day, it was still undecided who was the victor. at night large fires were lighted, arranged in a circle, and some forty of the combatants came in to decide the matter. they pulled each other's hair and fought desperately, regardless of the rules usually governing such affairs. the unoffending woman seemed to fare quite as hard, or worse than the combatants. she was finally trampled under foot, and the women who looked on became excited. some ran with their willow trays filled with coals from the fire, which they threw over the men and burnt them out, as each one found employment in running and brushing the coals from his hair and back. in the meantime, the woman lay on the ground with her mouth filled with blood and dirt. at this stage of the affair we used our persuasive powers, and succeeded in inducing the men to let the woman go with the man she wanted. in the summer of , we cultivated a few acres of land on the santa clara. we raised melons, and had the privilege of disposing of them ourselves. i do not think that the indians ever took any without leave. we raised a small amount of cotton, which was probably the first grown in utah territory. in the autumn of , i returned to tooele valley, and removed my family to the santa clara. my brother oscar, also brother dudley leavitt, and their families, accompanied me. in the winter of - we were instructed to build a fort for our protection. there were at that time on the santa clara, ten missionaries, and four stonemasons from cedar city. we employed indian help, and everything we put our hands to prospered, so that in less than ten days we built a fort one hundred feet square, of hammer-faced rock, the wall two feet thick and twelve feet high. it was afterwards said by president young to be the best fort then in the territory. we invited the indians to assist us to construct a strong, high dam to take the water out of the santa clara to a choice piece of land. for this purpose they gathered into the settlement to the number of about thirty lodges, but rather reluctantly, for they believed that the _tonaquint_, their name for the santa clara, would dry up the coming season, as there was but little snow in the mountains. with much hard labor we completed our dam, and watered our crops once in the spring of . the water then failed, and our growing crops began to wither. the indians then came to me and said, "you promised us water if we would help build a dam and plant corn. what about the promise, now the creek is dry? what will we do for something to eat next winter?" the chief saw that i was troubled in my mind over the matter, and said, "we have one medicine man; i will send him to the great mountain to make rain medicine, and you do the best you can, and maybe the rain will come; but it will take strong medicine, as i never knew it to rain this moon." i went up the creek, and found it dry for twelve miles. the following morning at daylight, i saw the smoke of the medicine man ascending from the side of the big mountain, as the indians called what is now known as the pine valley mountain. being among some indians, i went aside by myself, and prayed to the god of abraham to forgive me if i had been unwise in promising the indians water for their crops if they would plant; and that the heavens might give rain, that we might not lose the influence we had over them. it was a clear, cloudless morning, but, while still on my knees, heavy drops of rain fell on my back for about three seconds. i knew it to be a sign that my prayers were answered. i told the indians that the rain would come. when i returned to the settlement, i told the brethren that we would have all the water we wanted. the next morning, a gentle rain commenced falling. the water arose to its ordinary stage in the creek, and, what was unusual, it was clear. we watered our crops all that we wished, and both whites and indians acknowledged the event to be a special providence. i think more corn and squash were grown that year, by us, than i ever saw before or since, on the same number of acres. the indians gathered and stored up a large amount of corn, beans and dried squash. from that time they began to look upon us as having great influence with the clouds. they also believed that we could cause sickness to come upon any of them if we wished. we labored to have them understand these things in their true light, but this was difficult on account of their ignorance and superstitions. about this time an indian came in from another small band east of the santa clara. the indians who worked with us told him how matters were going with them. he ridiculed them for their faith in us and what we taught them, and told them that they were fools for living without meat, when there were plenty of cattle in sight. to more fully exemplify his views and set an example of self-assurance, he killed one of our oxen. four or five of the brethren went to him, armed. i felt impressed that a peaceful policy would be the best, and, for that reason, i requested them to let me manage the matter. i went into his lodge and sat down by him. i told him that he had done a great wrong, for we were working to do the indians good. he talked insultingly, and wanted to know if i wished to kill him, or if i could make medicine strong enough to kill him. i told him that he had made his own medicine, and that some evil would befall him before he got home. about this time, the president of the mission received a letter from president brigham young, requiring us to say to the indians that if they would live cleanly and observe certain things pertaining to the gospel, they should grow and increase in the land. also, that we should require them to wash the sick before we administered to them. an indian wished us to administer to his sick boy. we required him to wash his child; he refused to do so, and the boy died. the man burnt his lodge, went to the mountains, and called on others to follow him. some did so, and before leaving, burned a log store house which they had filled with supplies. the angry man's name was ag-ara-poots. the chief of the band came to me and said, "old ag-ara-poots will never be satisfied until he has killed you or some one who is with you. you know that he has killed two piutes since you came here. the piutes are all afraid of him. i am going away." i asked him if he would not go to ag-ara-poots with me. "no;" he replied, "he thinks that you let his boy die, and he will never be satisfied until he has blood. there are many with him, and you must not go where he is." as i felt like seeing him, i invited all the missionary brethren, one by one, to go with me, but they all refused except brother thales haskell. one of the brethren remarked that he would as soon go into a den of grizzly bears. when i went to the house of brother haskell and opened the door, he said, "i know what you want. you wish me to go with you to see ag-ara-poots. i am just the man you want." the difference between me and my brethren in this instance did not arise from superior personal courage in myself, but in the fact that i have mentioned before: that i had received from the lord an assurance that i should never fall by the hands of the indians, if i did not thirst for their blood. that assurance has been, and is still with me, in all my intercourse with them. brother haskell seemed inspired to go with me on this occasion. we started in the morning, and followed the trail of ag-ara-poots until afternoon, when we found him and his band. his face was blackened, and he sat with his head down, apparently in rather a surly mood. i told him that i had heard that he intended to kill me the first opportunity. said he: "who told you that i wanted to kill you?" i answered that the piutes had told me so. he declared that it was a lie; but he had been mad and was mad then, because i had let his boy die. i told him that _he_ had let his boy die, because he did not think enough of him to wash him so that the lord would heal him, and now he was mad at someone else. i told him we were hungry, and were going to eat with a man who was not mad, and that he had better go with us. as we left his lodge, he arose to go with us, but trembled, staggered and sat down in the sand. all the indians but ag-ara-poots gathered around us. we told them they had been foolish in burning up their food, going into the mountains, and leaving their friends; that the women and children had better go back to the settlement where there was something to eat, and let the men who wished to hunt, remain. the most of them started for the settlement the same night. the following day titse-gavats, the chief, came to me and said, "the band have all come on to the clara except ag-ara-poots, and he came on to the bluff in sight of it, and his heart hardened. you cannot soften his heart again. he has gone off alone. you had better pray for him to die, then there will be no bloodshed. do not tell him what i have said to you." i did ask the lord that, if it would be for the glory of his name, ag-ara-poots might not have strength to shed the blood of any of us. in a few days the piutes told me that he was not able to walk nor help himself to a drink of water. he lingered until spring and died. chapter vi a petty chief, living west of the settlement on the santa clara, and on the california road, came to me and said that he had stolen from some "mormons" as they passed by; that there could not be medicine made to kill him, for he was a hard one to kill, and he would steal from the "mormons" again the first opportunity. some two weeks after this conversation, the indians told me that this chief was dead. in going home from the santa clara settlement, he stole an animal from a "mormon" traveler, and hid it up until he had gone by; then drove it to his lodge, killed it, and when it was about half skinned he was taken sick, went to his lodge and died. an indian living near us said he had killed an animal, and wished to pay for it. i took some pay from him that he might be satisfied, and told him to go his way and steal no more. he was afterwards caught stealing another ox, after which i chanced to meet him alone. he asked me what i was going to do about it. i replied, "nothing." he talked in an excited manner, and said in an angry tone, "if you are going to do anything, do it now; do it here." i explained to him that if evil came upon people they brought it upon themselves by their mean acts. he talked and acted in such a rascally manner that i was disgusted. i told him that he was in the hands of the lord; if he would forgive him, i would, but i did not believe that he would. this man died in a few days after this conversation. the lord had sent the gospel of their fathers to these indians, and with it the testimony of many special manifestations, so evident to them, even in their ignorance, that they might be without excuse. in addition to the destruction of the wilfully wicked and perverse, many promises to them were fulfilled, their sick were healed, etc. these testimonies more fully established the influence of the elders among this people, and they looked to us for counsel, and endeavored to do as they were instructed. the men ceased to abuse their families, and they did as well as could be expected of people in their low condition. they would wash the sick, and ask the elders to lay hands on and pray for them. the lord had great regard for our administrations, for i do not recollect administering to one that did not recover. we were careful not to say or do anything wrong, and i feel that a good spirit governed us in all our intercourse with this people. they soon learned to regard our words as law. at length the santa clara and muddy indians got into a quarrel, and began to kill each other whenever they could get an advantage. we endeavored to make peace between them, but blood had been spilled, and nothing but blood would satisfy them. one morning, a muddy creek indian killed one of the santa clara band in the wood near our fort. the santa clara indians farther up the stream, hearing of it, took a moapats woman, fastened her to a small tree and burned her. when they first tied her, a young indian came in haste to let me know what was going on. i hurried towards the spot, but before i arrived there another boy met me, and said that it was of no use for me to go on, for matters had gone too far to save the woman. i think they had hurried to consummate the terrible deed before i could get there. when i talked with the perpetrators they cried, and said that they could not have done less than they did. that is, they were so bound up in their traditions and customs, that what they had done was a necessary duty. they appeared so child-like, and so anxious to have me think that what they had done was all right, that i said nothing, but felt that i would be truly thankful if i should ever be so fortunate as to be called to labor among a higher class of people. these things took place in the summer and autumn of . soon after the burning of the indian woman, brother ira hatch and i started for cedar city, by way of the mountain meadows. at night we camped near another trail which crossed the one on which we were traveling. when we arose in the morning, i told my companion that the cedar indians had been to the muddy to attack the indians living there, and had got the worst of it; that on their return they had stolen the horses from the santa clara. we had never traveled the trail they were on, but i told brother hatch that if he would take it, he would find the thieves camped at a certain spring, and when they saw him they would be so surprised that they would let him have the horses without any difficulty. brother hatch found matters as i had predicted, and the indians got up the horses for him, and appeared anxious to have him take them away. we afterwards learned that the cedar indians had gone to the muddy, and stolen two squaws from the band that lived on that creek. the muddy indians had pursued the robbers, and retaliated by killing a chief of the cedar indians, and wounding two more of their party. they also recovered the captive squaws. it was by the dictation of the holy spirit that i sent brother hatch to recover the horses. it was the same spirit that had influenced me to take my wife and child out of pine canyon the evening before i had intended to, and thereby saved their lives and my own. it was the same also that had saved me from being killed by "old big foot," when i lived in tooele valley. at this time we had established as good a form of government among the santa clara indians as their circumstances would permit. they worked for a living, and promised to be honest. if anyone stole, he either paid a price for what he had taken, or was stripped, tied to a tree and whipped, according to the magnitude of the offense. the indians did the whipping, while i generally dictated the number and severity of the lashes. in the winter of - , after the indians had been trying for some time to follow our counsels, they said to me, "we cannot be good; we must be piutes. we want you to be kind to us. it may be that some of our children will be good, but we want to follow our old customs." they again began to paint themselves, and to abuse their women, as they had done before we went among them. up to this time, elder r. c. allen had been president of the southern indian mission, and had generally resided at harmony. he had given me charge of the settlement on the santa clara creek. the following letter shows his release, and my appointment to take his place, and exhibits the indian policy of president brigham young: "president's office, great salt lake city, august , . "elder jacob hamblin:--you are hereby appointed to succeed elder r. c. allen (whom i have released) as president of the santa clara indian mission. i wish you to enter upon the duties of your office immediately. "continue the conciliatory policy towards the indians which i have ever commended, and seek by works of righteousness to obtain their love and confidence. omit promises where you are not sure you can fill them; and seek to unite the hearts of the brethren on that mission, and let all under your direction be united together in holy bonds of love and unity. "all is peace here, and the lord is eminently blessing our labors; grain is abundant, and our cities are alive with the busy hum of industry. "do not permit the brethren to part with their guns and ammunition, but save them against the hour of need. "seek the spirit of the lord to direct you, and that he may qualify you for every duty, is the prayer of your fellow-laborer in the gospel of salvation, "brigham young." early in the autumn of , apostle george a. smith visited the settlements in southern utah. he informed the saints that a united states army was on the way to utah. what the result would be, he said he did not know. he advised the people to be saving their grain, and not sell any to travelers to feed their teams; for they could live on grass better than our women and children. he thought that all we could afford to do, under the circumstances, was to furnish travelers with bread. that if we would not deny the gospel, we might yet suffer much persecution, and be compelled to hide up in the mountains. "at all events," said he, "bread is good to have." when president smith returned to salt lake city, brother thales haskell and i accompanied him. on our way we camped over night on corn creek, twelve miles south of fillmore, with a party of emigrants from arkansas, traveling on what was then known as the southern route to california. they inquired of me about the road, and wrote the information down that i gave them. they expressed a wish to lay by at some suitable place to recruit their teams before crossing the desert. i recommended to them, for this purpose, the south end of the mountain meadows, three miles from where my family resided. after our arrival in salt lake city, news reached us that this company of emigrants, on their way south, had behaved badly, that they had robbed hen-roosts, and been guilty of other irregularities, and had used abusive language to those who had remonstrated with them. it was also reported that they threatened, when the army came into the north end of the territory, to get a good outfit from the weaker settlements in the south. a messenger came to president young, informing him of these things, and asking advice. in reply, brigham young sent general instructions to the settlements, advising the people to let the emigrants pass as quietly as possible; and stating that there was an army on our borders, and we could not tell what we might be obliged to do before the troubles were over. he said we might be under the necessity of going into the mountains, and that he wished all supplies of food to be in a shape to be readily available in such an emergency; and we would do the best we could. brother haskell and i remained in salt lake city one week, and then started for our homes in southern utah. on the way, we heard that the arkansas company of emigrants had been destroyed at the mountain meadows, by the indians. we met john d. lee at fillmore. he told us that the indians attacked the company, and that he and some other white men joined them in the perpetration of the deed. this deplorable affair caused a sensation of horror and deep regret throughout the entire community, by whom it was unqualifiedly condemned. in cove creek valley we met others from the south, who told us that the indians were gathering to attack another company of emigrants. i procured a horse, left the wagons, and rode on day and night. at cedar city i found brothers samuel knight and dudley leavitt. as i was weary with hard riding and want of sleep, i hurried them on after the emigrants, while i traveled more slowly. i instructed these men to make every possible effort to save the company and their effects, and to save their lives at all hazards. they overtook the company one hundred and fifty-six miles from cedar city, on muddy creek, in the heart of the indian country. they found a large body of excited indians preparing to attack and destroy them. finding it altogether impossible to control the indians, they compromised the matter. the indians agreed to only take the loose stock of the company, and not meddle with the teams and wagons, and not make any effort to take their lives. the indians took the loose stock, amounting to four hundred and eighty head, on the fifty-mile desert beyond the muddy. the brethren remained with the company, determined to assist in its defense, should the indians attempt anything more than they had agreed. the company continued their journey safely to california. brothers knight and leavitt returned to the santa clara. as soon as possible, i talked with the principal indians engaged in this affair, and they agreed that the stock not killed should be given up. i wrote to the owners in california, and they sent their agent, mr. lane, with whom i went to the muddy, and the stock was delivered to him as the indians had agreed. chapter vii in the winter season, my family usually lived at the santa clara settlement, thirty miles south of the mountain meadows, to which place they moved in the spring, to keep stock during the summer. late in the autumn of , a company came along on their way to california. they brought a letter from president brigham young, directing me to see this company and their effects safely through to california. they were mostly merchants who had been doing business in salt lake city, and, anticipating difficulty between the people of utah and the united states army, were fleeing to the eastern states by way of california and the isthmus of panama. when the company arrived in cedar city, they sent a messenger ahead of them with the letter to me. having occasion to go to cedar city about the same time, i met the messenger. i directed him to return to the company and tell them to come on, and i would be with them in time. i returned to santa clara to make some preparations for the journey, and then started to meet the company on the creek, twelve miles from the settlement. when i reached the california road, the company had passed, and was some distance ahead of me. while traveling to overtake it, i found a man who had been traveling alone, also in pursuit of the company, with a view of getting through with it to california. when i found him he was already in the hands of the indians, and stripped of his clothing. they were making calculations to have a good time with him, as they expressed it, that is, they intended to take him to their camp and torture him. the stranger, seeing i had influence with the indians, begged me to save his life, and said if i would do so he would serve me as long as he lived. i replied that i did not wish any reward for saving him. in answer to his inquiry, i informed him that i was a "mormon." "well," said he, "i am not a mormon, but i wish you would save my life." i assured him that it made no difference to me whether he was a "mormon" or not. i told the indians to bring back his clothing, which they did, except his shoes, and i took him along with me to the company. i found a few indians around the company, and there appeared to be some excitement. one of the merchants asked me if i could save the ship. i replied that i could see nothing to hinder me. he said: "you can take the helm, but do not run it too near the rocks or shoals; we have plenty of presents for the indians." he wished to know what they should do with their animals. i told him i knew where there was good grass, and i would send two indians to take care of them; to let the two indians have their suppers, and a shirt each when they brought in the animals in the morning. at first they refused to let the animals go. i assured them that if i was to direct matters, i should do it in my own way. after some consultation, they concluded to let me have my own way. the animals were sent out to feed in charge of the indians, but i presume that some of the company did not sleep much during the night. the animals were all brought safely into camp in the morning. after that the company appeared to feel quite safe, and took much pains to have things move as i directed. when we had traveled about sixty miles towards muddy creek, a moapat indian told me that the indians on that stream were preparing to attack the company. i started at daydawn the following morning, and arrived at the crossing of the muddy about two hours in advance of the company. the indians had collected in the vicinity of the crossing, with the view of attacking the company when in camp. they believed they could easily kill the men, and obtain a large amount of spoil. i called them together, and sat down and smoked a little tobacco with them, which i had brought along for that purpose. i then said: "you have listened to my talk in times past; you believe that it is good to hear and do what i say." they all answered, "yes." i then told them i was going through to california with some friends, americans and merchants; and that we had brought along many blankets, shirts and other useful articles. i hoped they would see that none of the animals were stolen, and if any strayed, they would bring them into camp. some of the indians did not readily consent to let the company pass in peace. for further security, i sent for their women and children to come out of their hiding place, where they had been sent for safety, as is the custom of the indians when preparing for battle. i had matters in a much better shape on the arrival of the company than i found them. i was careful to listen to all the talk of the indians, and spent the evening and also the night with the largest collection of them, so that they could not make any general move without my knowledge. we continued our journey across the fifty-six mile desert to los vegas springs. there we met brothers ira hatch and dudley leavitt, on their return from a mission to the mohave indians. those indians, on the arrival of these brethren among them, took their horses, and then held a council to decide whether they should kill the brethren or not. the chief called a vote of his people, and it was decided that the brethren should die. a piute friend who had accompanied the elders from las vegas, began to mourn over their fate, and said to them, "i told you that the mohaves would kill you if you came here, and now they are going to do it." brother hatch told their piute friend, who acted as interpreter, to tell the mohave chief, chanawanse, to let him pray before he was killed. the chief consented, and brother hatch knelt down among the bloodthirsty savages, and asked the lord to soften their hearts, that they might not shed their blood. he also said more that was appropriate to the occasion. the prayer was repeated in measured sentences by the interpreter. it had the desired effect. the heart of the chief was softened. he took the brethren to his lodge, and put them at the farther end of it, in a secure place. there he guarded them until nearly morning, then told them to go as fast as they could to las vegas, eighty miles distant. they traveled this distance on foot, and with but little food. when i met them they were living on muskeet bread. this is an article of food manufactured from a pod resembling that of a bean, which grows on the muskeet tree. these circumstances were related to me by the elders when we met. at las vegas i learned that the indians there expected that the company would have been massacred at the muddy creek. after we left this watering place, three indians followed us and made an effort to steal. they were brought into camp and guarded until morning. the remainder of the journey we had no more trouble with the indians. we met companies of our people on their way from san bernardino to utah. i was engaged the remainder of the autumn and the winter of - , on the road between the santa clara and las vegas springs, in assisting the saints who were moving to utah. on the return of spring i removed my family, as was my custom, to the mountain meadows, to take care of our stock. chapter viii the following letter from president brigham young so well illustrates his peaceable and civilizing policy towards the indians, that i think it should find a place in this narrative: "president's office, great salt lake city, march , . "dear brother:--your note of the th of last month came to hand on the rd inst. i was happy to learn of the success and the general prosperity of the mission, and trust that the genial and salutary influences now so rapidly extending to the various tribes in that region, may continue to spread abroad until it shall pervade every son and daughter of abraham in their fallen condition. "the hour of their redemption draws nigh, and the time is not far distant when they will receive knowledge, and begin to rise and increase in the land, and become a people whom the lord will bless. "the indians should be encouraged in keeping and taking care of stock. i highly approve of your designs in doing your farming through the natives; it teaches them to obtain a subsistence by their own industry, and leaves you more at liberty to visit others, and extend your missionary labors among them. a few missionaries to show and instruct them how to raise stock and grain, and then not eat it up for them, is most judicious. you should always be careful to impress upon them that they should not infringe upon the rights of others; and our brethren should be very careful not to infringe upon their rights in any particular, thus cultivating honor and good principles in their midst by example as well as precept. "as ever, i remain your brother in the gospel of salvation, "brigham young." the sending of an army by the general government to look after the affairs of the saints, occasioned some excitement and much talk among the people. the terrible wrongs and persecutions of missouri and illinois came up vividly in the minds of those who had suffered in them, and greatly intensified the public feeling concerning the wrongs which the general government evidently intended to inflict upon the saints in utah. elders coming in from the european missions, by way of california, thought the government would send a force into southern utah by that route. it being expected that i would visit the indians and look after matters a little in that direction, in the spring of i took five men and went by way of las vegas springs to the river colorado, at the foot of the cottonwood islands, miles from the santa clara settlement. as was my policy at all times, i cultivated the good feelings of the indians in that country. a small steamer lay at the head of the islands, and a company of men, with animals, were making their way up the river, on the opposite side from us. i requested brother thales haskell to hail the boat's crew from a thicket of willows, while the rest of the company remained secreted. if a boat were sent to take him over, he was to pass as a renegade from utah, and learn who they were and their intentions. brother haskell was soon taken on board of the steamer. i prayed for him that night, for my mind was filled with gloomy forebodings. i dreamed that the officer in charge of the boat, offered the indians a large reward for my scalp. at day dawn i sent two men back on our trail to see if there was any one on it, with instructions if they saw anything wrong to not return, but go on their way homeward. soon afterwards we saw the yawl from the steamer land brother haskell. he informed us that the company was of a military character, and exhibited very hostile feelings against our people; that the expedition had been sent out by the government to examine the river, and learn if a force could be taken into southern utah from that direction, should it be needed, to subjugate the "mormons." we were soon on our way homeward. the first night out from the river, a las vegas indian overtook us, and informed us that soon after we left the river, the steamer came down below the cottonwood islands, brought a large amount of blankets and other goods ashore, made some presents to the mohaves and piutes, and offered to pay well for the capture of any "mormon" they found in their country. when we overtook the brethren sent out early in the morning, they told us that they met two of the boat's crew examining the trail we traveled on to the river. the two men started for the steamer, and the brethren traveled the other way. at this time there were three or four brethren at las vegas springs, laboring to make a settlement. we counseled together, and it was thought advisable to vacate the place. some of them started for home. my brother, oscar hamblin, remained to assist the indians in putting in their crops. brother dudley leavitt and i went thirty-five miles west, on the road to california, to a lead mine, to obtain a load of lead. as i had some knowledge of smelting the ore, our efforts were a success. the evening after completing our load, i started up the mountain on the side of which the mine was located, to look at it before leaving. i stepped back, and calling brother leavitt, i told him that an indian was watching our horses, and if he did not bring them in and tie them up, they would be run off as soon as it was dark. he replied that he would see to it. being strongly impressed with the danger of losing our horses, i warned him a second time, to which he made an indifferent reply. when i returned it was nearly dark and brother leavitt had just started for the horses. all we ever saw of them afterwards was their tracks, and the trail of the indian that had driven them off. the indians in that section of the country did not keep horses, and therefore were not accustomed to the use of them, but stole them for food. brother leavitt was under the necessity of going to las vegas, thirty-five miles distant, to get my brother to come with his team to take our wagon home. as he did not return as soon as expected, i started to meet him. not meeting him the first day, i stopped in a small cave for the night. i had nothing to eat, and gathered some cactus leaves, or pods, to roast for supper. they were a new variety to me, and had scarlet spots on them. (i afterwards learned from the indians that they were poisonous.) after cooking them in the embers, i ate a little, but they did not taste right. they produced a burning sensation in my stomach and pain in the glands of my mouth and throat. i soon became satisfied that i was poisoned. my misery increased, and i became dizzy-headed. with no help near, i felt that my earthly career was nearly terminated, unless the god of israel saved me, as i knew he had done many times before. i knelt down and earnestly asked him to be merciful to me in my extremity, and save my life. i then became very sick at the stomach, and vomited freely. great thirst succeeded, and i soon exhausted the small supply of water in my canteen. this i soon ejected, when i became easy and lay down and slept until morning. not knowing whether my brother would come or not, i continued on my way to las vegas. i was lank and hungry, and if i ever felt the want of food it was then. about noon i saw my brother coming to my relief. it was a welcome sight. still farther west from the lead mine, there were two roads for about thirty miles. one of them was not usually traveled, but came into the main road. some time before we were there, a company that had taken this by-road, had left wagons on it, and we were desirous of obtaining some of the iron. when my brother oscar and i arrived at the lead mine, we concluded to leave the lead where it was, and go west on this unfrequented road, to a spring, twenty-five miles from the lead mine, and get the iron that was left there. on arriving at the spring we did not find as much iron as we expected, but we put what there was into the wagon. before i went on this trip to las vegas and the colorado river, my team, driven by my indian boy, albert, had gone with brother calvin read to lower california. they had been gone nearly three months. the morning after our arrival at the spring, when at prayer, the spirit showed to me a company of our people, a few miles still farther west, on the by-road. i told my brother this, and that my team was with them, and my indian boy was herding the animals on one side of the wagons near the spring. i proposed that we unload the iron and drive in that direction. my brother objected and said he had never heard of water in that direction short of twenty miles. after much persuasion, my brother consented to unload the iron, but he drove on very reluctantly, telling me that i was a visionary man, and always seeing something. we traveled about three miles, and came in sight of a camp. i found my boy albert watching the horses; there was a good spring of water and plenty of grass. just beyond were the wagons. the brethren said they never rejoiced more to see anyone than they did us. they were unacquainted with the country, and needed our help to get into las vegas. chapter ix after my return from the colorado river, i had occasion to go to salt lake city. i arrived there soon after the united states army had entered salt lake valley. the people north of utah county had vacated their homes and moved south. through the instrumentality of colonel thomas l. kane, a peaceable solution of our difficulties with the general government had been arrived at, and the saints were returning to their vacated homes. it is generally known that the enemies of the latter-day saints have accused them of shielding from justice the white men, who, it was supposed, joined with the indians in the mountain meadow massacre. mr. cumming succeeded president brigham young as governor of utah territory in the early spring, before the arrival of the united states army in salt lake valley. president brigham young requested elder george a. smith to have an interview with the new governor, and learn his views concerning the mountain meadow massacre, and assure him that all possible assistance would be rendered the united states courts to have it thoroughly investigated. brother smith took me with him, and introduced me as a man who was well informed regarding indian matters in southern utah, and would impart to him any information required that i might be in possession of. he also urged upon governor cumming the propriety of an investigation of this horrid affair, that, if there were any white men engaged in it, they might be justly punished for their crimes. governor cumming replied that president buchanan had issued a proclamation of amnesty and pardon to the "mormon" people, and he did not wish to go behind it to search out crime. brother smith urged that the crime was exclusively personal in its character, and had nothing to do with the "mormons" as a people, or with the general officers of the territory, and, therefore, was a fit subject for an investigation before the united states courts. mr. cumming still objected to interfering, on account of the president's proclamation. brother smith replied substantially as follows: "if the business had not been taken out of our hands by a change of officers in the territory, the mountain meadow affair is one of the first things we should have attended to when a united states court sat in southern utah. we would see whether or not white men were concerned in the affair, with the indians." at salt lake city, i was appointed sub-indian agent. during the summer of , when i was at my home on the santa clara, one morning about o'clock, while engaged in cutting some of the large branches from a cottonwood tree, i fell a distance of twenty or thirty feet to the ground. i was badly bruised and was carried to my house for dead, or nearly so. i came to my senses about o'clock in the evening, and threw off from my stomach quite a quantity of blood. i requested the brethren who were standing around to administer to me, and they did so. from the time i fell from the tree until then was lost to me, so far as earthly matters were concerned. during the time my body lay in this condition, it seemed to me that i went up from the earth and looked down upon it, and it appeared like a dark ball. the place where i was seemed very desirable to remain in. it was divided into compartments by walls, from which appeared to grow out vines and flowers, displaying an endless variety of colors. i thought i saw my father there, but separated from me. i wished him to let me into his compartment, but he replied that it was not time for me to come to him. i then asked why i could not come. he answered, "your work is not yet done." i attempted to speak about it again, but he motioned me away with his hand, and, in a moment i was back to this earth. i saw the brethren carrying my body along, and it was loathsome to me in appearance. a day or two after my fall from the tree, i was carried to the mountain meadows, where i was fed on goat's milk and soon recovered. in the autumn of this year, , i received instructions from president brigham young to take a company of men and visit the moquis, or town indians, on the east side of the colorado river. the object of this visit was to learn something of the character and condition of this people, and to take advantage of any opening there might be to preach the gospel to them and do them good. my companions for this trip were brothers dudley and thomas leavitt, two of my brothers, frederick and william hamblin, samuel knight, ira hatch, andrew gibbons, benjamin knell, ammon m. tenney (spanish interpreter), james davis (welsh interpreter), and naraguts, an indian guide. a spanish interpreter was thought advisable, from the fact that the spanish language was spoken and understood by many of the indians in that region of country. a welsh interpreter was taken along, thinking it possible that there might be some truth in a report which had been circulated that there were evidences of welsh descent among these indians. an indian guide was requisite, from the fact the none of the brethren had traveled the route. this was the first of a series of journeys to this people. the company, consisting of twelve men, including myself, left the santa clara settlement on the th of october. our general course of travel was a little south of east. the third night we camped at pipe springs, a place now occupied by a stone fort, and known as winsor castle. while there, two or three piutes came to our camp. one of them asked me to go with him to some large rocks, which lay under the high cliffs near by. as we approached them he showed me a human skeleton. "there," said he, "are the bones of nahguts, who killed your ox on the clara. he came as far as here, was taken blind, could not find the spring and died." the following evening we camped at the foot of the kibab, or buckskin mountain, with the chief and nearly all the tribe of kibab indians. they provided supper by cooking a large number of rabbits. they put these in a pile, and covered them with hot ashes and coals. when sufficiently cooked, the chief performed the ceremony of thanking the father for the success of their hunt, and asked for a continuation of his blessings in obtaining food. he then divided the rabbits among the company. we all joined in the feast. they gave us meat and we gave them bread. i noticed an indian sitting moodily, alone, and eating nothing. i sat down by him, and asked what he was thinking about. said he, "i am thinking of my brother, whom you killed with bad medicine." i told him that his brother had made his own medicine, that he came to the clara, killed an ox, and had brought a curse upon himself. i advised the indian to eat with the company, and not make any bad medicine and kill himself. this very prevalent idea of good and bad medicine, among these indians, gives evidence of a very general belief in witchcraft. the indian took a piece of bread, saying he did not wish to die. i was told by our guide that this indian had said, that in the night, when i was asleep, he intended to chop an axe into my head, but being afraid it would make bad medicine for him, he did not do it. after climbing dangerous cliffs and crossing extensive fissures in the rocks, the tenth day out from home we crossed the colorado river, at the ute ford, known in spanish history as "the crossing of the fathers." the trail beyond the river was not only difficult, but sometimes very dangerous. while traveling in the night, one of the animals that carried our provisions, ran off. two men went in pursuit of it, while the company went on. the third day after losing our provisions, having had but little to eat, we came to a place where sheep had been herded, then to a garden under a cliff of rocks. it was watered from a small spring and occupied fine terraces, walled up on three sides. as we passed, we saw that onions, pepper and other vegetables, such as we raised in our own gardens at home, had been grown there. on arriving at the summit of the cliff, we discovered a squash, which evidently had been left when the crop had been gathered. we appropriated it to our use. it tasted delicious, and we supposed it to be a better variety than we had before known, but we afterwards found that hunger had made it taste sweet. four miles farther on we came to an oriba village, of about three hundred dwellings. the buildings were of rock, laid in clay mortar. the village stands on a cliff with perpendicular sides, and which juts out into the plain like a promontory into the sea. the promontory is narrow where it joins the table land back of it. across this the houses were joined together. the entrance to the town on the east side, was narrow and difficult. the town was evidently located and constructed for defense from the marauding tribes around. the houses are usually three stories high. the second and third stories are set back from the front the width of the one below, so that the roofs of the lower stories have the appearance of terraces. for security, the first story can only be entered by ascending to the roof, and then going down a ladder into the room below. after our arrival in the village, the leading men counseled together a few minutes, when we were separated and invited to dine with different families. a man beckoned me to follow him. after traversing several streets, and climbing a ladder to the roof of the first story of a house, i was ushered into a room furnished with sheepskins, blankets, earthen cooking utensils, water urns, and other useful articles. it seemed to me strangely furnished, yet it had an air of comfort; perhaps the more so, for the reason that the previous few days had been spent in very laborious traveling, on rather low diet. the hostess made a comfortable seat with blankets, and motioned me to occupy it. a liberal repast was provided. it consisted of stewed meat, beans, peaches and a basket of corn bread which they called _peke_. it was about the thickness of brown paper, dry and crumbling, yet quite palatable. the hostess, apparently surmising that i would not know how to partake of the bean soup without a spoon, dexterously thrust her fingers, closed tightly together, into the dish containing it, and, with a very rapid motion carried the soup to her mouth. then she motioned me to eat. hunger was pressing, and a hint was sufficient. the day following, the two brethren we had left behind came in with the runaway mule, and a part of our supplies. we visited seven of these towns, all similarly located and constructed. the people generally used asses for packing all their supplies, except water, up the cliffs to their dwellings. the water was usually brought up by the women, in jugs, flattened on one side to fit the neck and shoulders of the carrier, and this was fastened with a strap which passed around in front of the body. most of the families owned a flock of sheep. these might be seen in all directions going out in the morning to feed, and returning in the evening. they were driven into or near the towns at night, and corralled and guarded to keep them from being stolen by the thieving navajoes. we found a few persons in all the villages who could speak the ute language. they told us some of their traditions, which indicate that their fathers knew the mexicans, and something about the montezumas. a very aged man said that when he was a young man, his father told him that he would live to see white men come among them, who would bring them great blessings, such as their fathers had enjoyed, and that these men would come from the west. he believed that he had lived to see the prediction fulfilled in us. we thought it advisable for some of the brethren to remain with this people for a season, to study their language, get acquainted with them, and, as they are of the blood of israel, offer them the gospel. elders wm. m. hamblin, andrew gibbons, thomas leavitt and benjamin knell were selected for this purpose. bidding adieu to our moqui friends, and to our brethren who were to remain with them, we started for home. sixteen days of hard travel would be necessary to accomplish the journey. we expected to obtain supplies at the oriba village, but failed on account of scarcity. we had nothing for our animals but the dry grass, and they were somewhat jaded. the cold north wind blew in our faces, and we lit no fires at night, as they would have revealed our position to the roving indians. the journey home was very laborious and disagreeable. with provisions scarcely sufficient for our journey, we again lost some of them by a runaway, and, failing to get meat from the indians as we expected, we were reduced to very short rations. at pipe spring the snow was knee deep, and falling fast. we made only eight miles to cedar ridge the first day, from that place. as night came on we counseled together over our situation. taking into consideration our empty stomachs and the difficulty of traveling in the snow, it appeared quite impossible to get home without killing one of our horses for food. we lived on this rather objectionable kind of food for two days. on arriving home it was very pleasant to find a change of diet, and our families and friends all well. during our absence, the brethren had some difficulty with the santa clara indians, and the management of it seemed leading to bad results. i visited the natives, and found that there were no bad intentions on their part, and they were all much pleased to have the matter understood and settled. the brethren whom we left with the moquis returned home the same winter. a division arose among the people as to whether we were the men prophesied of by their fathers, who would come among them with the knowledge that their fathers possessed. this dispute ran so high that the brethren felt that but little or no good could result from remaining longer. besides, the chief men among the moquis advised their return. the brethren suffered much privation and hardship in this effort to preach the gospel to this people. the indians said that they did not want to cross the colorado river to live with the "mormons," for they had a tradition from their fathers that they must not cross that river until the three prophets who took them into the country they now occupy, should visit them again. their chief men also prophesied that the "mormons" would settle in the country south of them, and that their route of travel would be up the little colorado. this looked very improbable to us at that time, but all has since been fulfilled. chapter x early in the autumn of , i again visited salt lake city, when president brigham young called upon me to make another visit to the moquis, and take with me brother marion j. shelton, whom we had called to labor with that people, to learn their language and teach them. he directed me to leave with him one of the brethren who had been with me for some time among the indians. president young also put in my charge sixty dollars worth of goods, consisting of wool-cards, spades, shovels and other articles which would be of value to the indians, with instructions to dispense them in the best manner to create a good influence among them. i returned home, and immediately made arrangements to carry out these instructions. our company consisted of marion j. shelton, thales haskell, taylor crosby, benjamin knell, ira hatch, john w. young and myself. we left the santa clara settlement on the th of october. nothing of special interest occurred on our journey, except that at one time we did not find water where we expected, and were suffering with thirst, when some piutes saw our fire and came to us. they informed us where water was located and in the morning piloted us to it. we arrived among the moquis on the th of november. we visited and talked with them three days. i was at a loss to know who to leave with brother shelton, and was desirous that it might be made manifest to me. my mind rested upon brother thales haskell. i went to him and told him that he was the only one i could think of to remain with brother shelton, but he had been out so much that i disliked to mention the subject to him. he replied that he was the man, for it had been made known to him that he would be asked to remain before leaving home, but he had said nothing about it. we left our moqui friends and brothers shelton and haskell on the th of november, and arrived home on the th. brothers shelton and haskell remained on their mission until early spring, when they returned home and reported that the moquis were kind to them, but they could not make much progress in the object of their mission. the fathers of the people told them, very emphatically, that they still believed that the "mormons" who had visited them were the men prophesied of by their fathers, that would come among them from the west to do them good. but they could make no move until the re-appearance of the three prophets who led their fathers to that land, and told them to remain on those rocks until they should come again and tell them what to do. under these circumstances the brethren thought best to return home. in the fall of , i was directed to make another effort to establish a mission in some of the moqui towns, and take with me george a. smith, jr., son of the late president george a. smith. i left the santa clara in october with a company of nine men: thales haskell, george a. smith, jr., jehiel mcconnell, ira hatch, isaac riddle, amos thornton, francis m. hamblin, james pierce, and an indian we called enos. we took sufficient to sustain us in the moqui country for one year. in speaking at a public meeting the day before leaving, i said i felt different from what i had ever previously done on leaving home; that something unusual would happen. what it would be i did not know. whether we should ever see home again or not i did not know, but i knew we were told to go among the moquis and stay for one year, and that i should do so if i could get there. when we arrived at the crossing of the colorado river, i again felt the same gloomy forebodings i spoke of before leaving home. on the morning before crossing, the brethren said i had spoken discouragingly several times, and they wished to know if there was any one in the company that i did not wish to go on. i assured them that there was no one that i did not wish to go along, but i knew there would be something happen that would be very unpleasant, and that there would be very hard times for some of us. young george a. smith said: "you will see one thing, that is, i will stick to it to the last. that is what i came for." we all crossed the colorado river with a firm determination to do the best we could to fill our mission. the second day's travel from the river we found no water, as we had expected, and what little we had brought with us was exhausted. about two o'clock in the afternoon, four navajos came to us, and told us that if we went on to the next watering place we would all be killed. they invited us to go with them to spaneshanks' camp, where they assured us we would find protection. we counseled about the matter, and concluded that the animals were too nearly famished for want of water to reach spaneshanks' camp. if what the four navajos told us about danger ahead was true, we were in danger from enemies if we went on to water and of perishing with thirst if we attempted to reach spaneshanks' camp. as the water was but a short distance ahead on our route, we concluded to push on to it and risk the consequences. i requested brother thales haskell to go on with the company and water the animals, he having been there before, and being, for this reason, acquainted with the ground. i directed him, for security, to take our animals on to the top of a table rock where there were about forty acres of grass, and which could be reached only through a narrow pass in the rocks, which would enable us to easily defend ourselves in case of attack. the navajos were gathering around us from different directions, and the indian interpreter we had brought with us informed me that they were evidently bent on mischief. i determined to remain behind with them for awhile, and learn what i could by the interpreter and by observation. the interpreter learned from their conversation, that they were determined we should not go on to the moqui towns, but they appeared undecided whether to kill us or let us go home. we had taken two indian women with us, thinking that they might be a great help in introducing something like cleanliness in cooking, among the people we were going to visit. the navajos said we might go home if we would leave them. i directed the interpreter to tell them that one of the women was brother hatch's wife, and the other was mine. they replied that they would not kill the men who had married them. two of the navajos then hurried on to our camp, which was by the narrow pass, on to the table rock. there the navajos made a treaty with us that if we would trade them the goods we had brought along, and especially the ammunition, we might go home. as it seemed impossible to fill our mission, we felt justified in concluding to return. the following morning we commenced to exchange articles of trade for blankets. while thus engaged, our animals were taken off the rock to water. when returning from the water, brother george a. smith's horse turned back on a trail, which, in a short distance, led over a hill and out of sight. as he started after it, i told him that he had better not go alone, to which he made an indifferent reply. something else immediately attracted my attention, and he was forgotten until the navajos in our camp suddenly left, when i learned that he was after his horse, alone and out of sight. i sent two men after him. they went about a mile, and found him lying by the trail, with three bullet wounds through the lower part of his body, and four arrow wounds between the shoulders. i mounted a horse and rode to the spot, and learned that brother george a. had found a mounted indian leading off his horse, and that he took the indian's horse by the bit, when the stolen horse was readily given up, with which the owner started for camp. the indian who had taken the horse and a companion then rode a short distance together, when one came up by the side of brother george a., and asked him for his revolver. not suspecting any treachery, he passed it to the indian, who handed it to his companion a little in the rear. the latter then fired three shots into him, with the revolver only a few feet from his body. brother smith was paralyzed, and soon fell from his horse. the two indians then dismounted, and one threw his buckskin shirt over his head, and the other shot the arrows between his shoulders. we took the dying man on a blanket near to the camp, when he earnestly requested us to lay him down and let him die in peace. during this time about forty navajos had gathered at a difficult place on the trail leading to the moqui towns, probably anticipating that we would make an effort to go in that direction. i sent our interpreter to ask them what they meant by shooting a man after they had agreed with us that if we would trade with them we might go in peace. he returned with a message to the effect that three relatives of the indians had been killed by pale faces like us, and, to avenge their death they had shot one of our men. they said: "tell jacob that he need not bury him, for we will eat him, and the women and children will help do it. we want to kill two more; and if jacob will give them up or let us quietly kill them, the rest of the company may go in peace." the question was asked me, "what are you going to do?" under the trying circumstances, it was a serious question; and the query was an earnest one with us all, "what can we do?" the heavens seemed like brass over our heads, and the earth as iron beneath our feet. it seemed utterly impossible to reach the moqui towns, which were almost in sight, and like certain death to attempt to escape in the night with our jaded animals. our interpreter thought it would be better for two of the company to die, than for all to be killed. i told him to go and tell the navajos that there were only a few of us, but we were well armed, and should fight as long as there was one left. he turned to go, rather reluctantly, saying again that he thought it better for only two to die than all. i replied that i did not think so; that i would not give a cent to live after i had given up two men to be murdered; that i would rather die like a man than live like a dog. as the interpreter turned to go, the two indian women we had brought with us wept aloud, and accused me of bringing them along to be murdered. i went a little way off by myself and asked the lord to be merciful, and pity us in our miserable and apparently helpless condition, and to make known to me what to do and say to extricate us from our difficulties. i returned to camp and told the company that we would leave as soon as possible. some thought it was certain death whether we went or remained where we were. i told them, however, that there would not be another one of us injured. our four navajo friends who had come to us the day before, had remained, and now helped to gather our animals and pack up. we were soon on our way. i told brother george a. that we must return home to save our lives, for we could not go any farther, as the navajos were guarding the pass. "well," said he, "leave me; it will make but very little difference with me; it may make much with you. you cannot go very fast if you take me." we put him in a saddle upon a mule, with brother jehiel mcconnell behind him, to hold him on. we left our camp kettles over the fire containing our breakfast, untouched, and all our camp outfit that we could possibly do without. the navajos who had been guarding our trail beyond the camp, started after us, coming down like a whirlwind. some of our party predicted that in ten minutes there would not be one of us left, but there was no flinching, no wilting in the emergency. i again predicted that there would not be one of us hurt, for so the spirit whispered to me. the navajos came almost within range of our rifles, and then turned suddenly to the right. as they passed, the mule that carried our supplies went after them; but, to our surprise, it was brought back to us by a friendly navajo. we traveled as fast as possible, while the four old gray-headed navajo friends guarded our front and rear. they often asked us to leave the dying man, as he was no longer of any use; that the one who shot him would follow to obtain his scalp, and that if we stopped to bury him they would leave, for our enemies would have his scalp if they had to dig his body up. about sun-down george a. asked me to stop, and said that everything looked dark to him, and he was dying. our navajo friends again said if we stopped they would go on. i said to brother george a., "it will not do to stop now." he asked, "why?" when i told him, he said, "oh, well, go on then; but i wish i could die in peace." these were the last words that he said. a few minutes afterwards, the navajo friends said, "the man is dead. if you will leave him, we will take you to spaneshanks' camp, where you will have friends." our last ray of hope for getting the body of george a. where we could lay it safely away in the rocks, was now gone. i said to the company, "what shall we do?" the answer was, "what can we do, only lay the body on the ground and leave it?" i replied that such was my mind, for we would only risk our lives by making an effort to bury the dead, in which we would probably be unsuccessful. we wrapped the body in a blanket, and laid it in a hollow place by the side of the trail, and then rode on as fast as our jaded animals could well carry us, until late in the night. we halted on a patch of grass, held our animals by the lariats, and also put out a guard. i sat down and leaned over on my saddle, but could not sleep. the scenes of the past two days were before me in vivid reality. the thought of carrying the wounded man with his life's blood dripping out of him along the trail, without his having the privilege of dying in peace, combined with the leaving of his body to be devoured by wolves and vultures, seemed almost too much to bear. my imagination pictured another scene. south of us, in the distance, we could see a large fire, around which we presumed the navajos were having a war dance over the scalp of our brother. then the thought of conveying the sad news to his father and mother and affectionate sister, all old and valued acquaintances of mine, pierced me like barbed arrows, and caused me the most bitter reflections that i have ever experienced in my life. chapter xi at daydawn a navajo came to us, and asked me to give him something as a present. i did so, and, as he turned away, i recognized brother george a. smith's revolver in his belt. we were soon on our way for spaneshanks' camp, where we found water, grass and friends. that evening our indian messenger came, and had an interview with spaneshanks. our interpreter informed me that the message sent to our navajo friends was, that they ought to kill us that night; and that spaneshanks replied to the message that he was chief in that country and we should not be hurt. we were further informed that the party that had done the mischief were from fort defiance. we were warned that ahead of us was a narrow pass, where the navajos had lately attacked the utes, and killed their chief, wahnonee, and that possibly they might attack us in the same place. the following morning we left the friendly spaneshanks, and, by making good use of our time, we watered our animals and got them on to a table rock before dark. deep cuts and fissures setting in from the north and east rendered our location unapproachable except by the way we had come. we placed one watch in the most difficult part of the trail, and felt safe for the first time in six days. in the morning we discovered a gun barrel with the stock shivered to pieces, shreds of blankets and clothing, and other signs which indicated that the place had been recently occupied. we concluded it was the spot where the navajos had taken advantage of the utes. the second day from spaneshanks' camp we crossed to the north side of the colorado river. four days afterwards on the buckskin mountain, the piutes brought us an abundance of pine nuts. the supply was very acceptable, as edibles were scarce in camp. five days subsequently we arrived home on the santa clara, jaded and worn with hard travel and much anxiety of mind. our relatives and friends had been much troubled in their minds concerning us in our absence. some had unfavorable dreams, and they were filled with gloomy forebodings. a young lad, a nephew of mine, told his mother that there was something the matter with me, for he saw me walking along and weeping bitterly. he asked me what was the matter, and i replied, "do not ask me, for it is too bad to tell." i know that some people do not believe in dreams and night visions. i do not believe in them when occasioned by a disordered stomach, the result of eating unwisely, but in those of a different nature i have often been forewarned of things about to come to pass, and i have also received much instruction. i wrote quite a full account of this trip to president george a. smith, after which he came to my house on the santa clara. in conversing with him about the affair, he remarked, "i was much shocked on hearing of the death of my boy; but upon reflection, we all, in the historian's office, came to the conclusion that the lord wanted the young man just in the way he took him." president young also looked upon the matter in the same light. after this conversation, brother smith gave me a note from president brigham young, in which was a written request to raise a company of twenty men, and bring in what we could find of the remains of brother george a. smith, jr. winter having set in, i considered this a difficult task. it was necessary to go to parowan for men and supplies, a distance of some seventy miles. this accomplished, we were soon on our way. our route was a difficult one to travel in the winter season. the ford of the colorado was deep and dangerous at any time, but especially when the ice was running. sometimes there were steep rocks to climb, at other times the trail ran along the almost perpendicular sides of deep rock fissures, narrow, with frequent short turns, where a misstep might plunge us or our animals hundreds of feet below. sometimes the precipitous rocks were covered with ice, which had to be hacked with our hatchets before we could feel any surety of a foothold. at one time we waited until nearly midday for the sun to melt the frost and ice on a steep rock, that we might be able to get our animals out of a gulch on to the plain above. on this occasion my pack mule slipped and fell, then rolled and slid down to within about a yard of the edge of a chasm below. we fastened a long lariat to the animal, and saved it and the pack. on arriving at the place where we had left the body of young brother smith, we found the head and some of the larger bones. we prepared them for carrying as well as we could. at our last camp in going out, the chief who had led the hostile navajos on our previous trip, came to us, accompanied by his wife, and said if he had known what he afterwards learned about us, he would have protected instead of injuring us. nothing of special interest took place in returning home. i went with the remains of george a. smith, jr., to salt lake city, and delivered them to his friends. this completed one of the most trying series of circumstances of my life. that the misfortune was no greater is due to the kindly providence of our heavenly father, and the faith in him and confidence in each other, of the brethren involved in it. president young proffered to pay us for our trip. i replied that no one who went with me made any charge, and, as for myself, i was willing to wait for my pay until the resurrection of the just. on my return to the mountain meadows, i found my family out of flour, and the roads blocked with snow, so that a team could not get in nor out of the meadows. i had left my family with plenty of food, but they had lent it to their neighbors. i was under the necessity of hauling both fuel and flour for them on a hand sled. chapter xii it was nearly two years before we made another trip to the moqui towns. many of the brethren appeared to think that no good could be accomplished in that direction. in the autumn of , many saints were called from the north to form settlements in southern utah. the city of st. george was founded, and settlements were extended, so as to occupy the fertile spots along the waters of the rio virgen and santa clara. during the winter of - there was an unusual amount of rain-fall. about the middle of february, it rained most of the time for a number of days, and the santa clara creek rose so high that the water spread across the bottom from bluff to bluff, and became a turbulent muddy river. our little farms and the cottonwood trees that grew on the bottom lands were disappearing. the flood wood sometimes accumulated in a pile, and would throw the current of water on to ground which had apparently before been safe from its inroads. our fort, constructed of stone, and which was one hundred feet square, with walls twelve feet high and two feet thick, stood a considerable distance north of the original bed of the creek. inside the walls were rooms occupied by families, and we had considered it safe from the flood. one night, when most of the people were asleep, some one discovered that the water was washing away the bank on the south side of it, and also that the water was beginning to run around it, between it and the bluff. it was raining heavily at the same time. the people were removed from the fort as soon as possible, and some temporary shelter was constructed of boards, blankets, etc. while i was making an effort to save some property near the caving bank of the stream, the ground on which i stood suddenly slid into the water, about twenty feet below, and took me with it. i still stood on the mass of dirt, but realized that it was being rapidly washed away from under me, and that i was liable at any moment to be precipitated into the raging torrent. the thought flashed through my mind that there was not one chance in a thousand of my being saved. i heard someone say above me that i was gone; it was of no use to try to save. i shouted at the top of my voice "it is of use to try to save me! bring a rope and throw to me, and haul me out before the bank caves and i am gone!" in a few moments i felt a rope drop over my head and shoulders. i lost no time in grasping it, and was pulled up just as i felt the last foothold giving way under me. again was my life preserved by that kindly providence which has so often saved me when in imminent peril. what seems remarkable in the history of that gloomy night is, that in a few minutes after being rescued from death myself, i should be the means of saving another life. a heavy and rapidly increasing current of water was now running between the fort and the bluff. in some way or other a sick woman had been left in one of the rooms of the fort, and her husband was almost frantic with the idea that his wife was lost, as he did not think she could be got out. she had a young child, which was safe outside, while the mother was in peril. i took the rope that had been the means of saving myself, tied one end of it to a tree, and holding on to it, got safely to the fort, where i fastened the other end. i entered the room, drew the woman from the bed on to my back, placed her arms over my shoulders and crossed them in front. i told her when i got to the running water that she must hold herself on my back, for i would be obliged to lay hold of the rope with both hands to get through the water. when we arrived at the point of danger, her arms pressed so heavily on my throat that i was nearly strangled. it was a critical moment, for if i let go the rope we were sure to be lost, as the water was surging against me. i made the best possible use of time and strength, and reached the shore safely with my burden, to the great joy of the husband and children. the flood swept away my grist mill and other improvements to the value of several thousand dollars. most of the houses and the cultivated land of the settlement also disappeared. in the autumn of , it was thought best to again visit the moqui villages. president young recommended that we cross the colorado river south of st. george, and explore the country in that direction, with the view of finding a more feasible route than the one we had before traveled. a company of twenty men were set apart for this purpose, by apostles orson pratt and erastus snow. a team accompanied us to the river with a small boat, in which we conveyed our luggage across. our animals swam the river. expecting to return the same way, after crossing the river we cached our boat and some of our supplies. the first day we traveled south, up a "wash," for about thirty miles. we then traveled three days through a rough, bushy country, with some scrub cedar and pine timber. the fourth night from the river we camped at a small "seep" spring. the san francisco mountain lay a little to the southeast of us, and in sight. in the morning our indian guide refused to go farther with us, his reason being that we were going into a country destitute of water. we counseled together, and decided that we could reach the foothills of the san francisco mountain without perishing. the first night from the "seep" spring, a light fall of snow came on. it melted and ran into the hollows of the rocks, and furnished an abundant supply of water. this seemed like a special providence in our favor. the second night we made a dry camp. the third night we arrived at the foot of the san francisco mountain, where we again found snow. the second day after leaving this mountain we reached the little colorado river, and then traveled a little northeast to the moqui towns. we spent two days in visiting among them. we left brothers jehiel mcconnell, thales haskell and ira hatch to labor among them for a season. the moquis had been going through some religious ceremonies to induce the great spirit to send storms to wet their country, that they might raise an abundance of food the coming season. they assured us that their offerings and prayers were heard, for the storm would soon come, and advised us to delay starting for home until it should be over. we had been talking with them about sending some of their chief men with us, to see our people and have a talk with our leaders. they objected on account of a tradition forbidding them to cross the great river, which has been referred to before. we then started for home. the storm came the first night out and wet the country finely. we found shelter under a rock. while there, three moqui men came to us. they informed us that, after further consultation, their chief men had concluded to send them with us. this storm, apparently in answer to the prayers of this simple people, and similar circumstances that have come under my observation among the indians, have given me an assurance that the lord is mindful of the wants of those barbarians, and that he answers their prayers with the blessings they need. the snow fell sufficiently deep to cover up the grass, and our animals had to subsist principally on browse. the traveling was laborious, and when we arrived at the river by our old route, we had eight animals less than we left home with. this loss, and the poor condition of those that remained made traveling slow and tedious. on arriving at the ute crossing of the colorado, we found the water deep and ice running. fording was difficult and dangerous. this, coupled with the traditions of the moquis against crossing this river, visibly affected our moqui friends. anticipating that they might be entirely discouraged and not proceed farther, i forwarded their blankets and provisions by the first ones that crossed over. when we desired them to cross, they expressed a wish to return home, but when i informed them that their things had been taken over, they concluded to follow. when the crossing was successfully accomplished, they returned thanks to the father of all for their preservation. on the north side, it occupied a day to bridge a muddy inlet and get on to the bench above. the crossing was accomplished the first day of the year . brothers l. m. fuller and james andrus, whose animals were still in fair condition, were advised to push on as fast as practicable, and send us back some supplies, as we were very short of food. the rest of the company traveled slowly to save the weak animals. we lay by one day on the pahreah, and killed and cooked crows to help out our rations. six days from the river we camped on kanab creek. that evening, brother lucius m. fuller came into camp with a fat sheep, dressed, and some bread and flour, which were furnished by brother wm. b. maxwell, from his ranch on short creek, forty miles beyond our camp. when the moquis saw this food they thanked the great father that he had pitied us and sent us food. prayer and thanksgiving was the daily custom in our company--but to see these indians, who are looked upon as barbarians, so humble and childlike in their reverence to the great father, seems worthy of special notice. a man who came with brother fuller told me, after supper, that he had heard that one of my sons had been killed at santa clara, by the caving in of a bank of earth, and he thought it was lyman. that night i had a dream or vision, in which i learned that it was duane instead of lyman, and i told the brethren so in the morning. three days afterwards we arrived at the settlements on the rio virgin. the brethren in these settlement furnished us with fresh animals and an abundant supply of food. we found a wide difference between feasting and fasting. soon after arriving home, brother wm. b. maxwell and i took our three moqui friends to salt lake city. the people on the way were very kind and hospitable. arriving there, all possible pains were taken to instruct these men concerning our people, and to show them that which would gratify their curiosity, and increase their knowledge. they said they had been told that their forefathers had the arts of reading, writing, making books, etc. we took them to a welshman who understood the ancient welsh language. he said he could not detect anything in their language that would warrant a belief that they were of welsh descent. as lehi had promised his son joseph that all his seed should not be destroyed, it was the mind of the brethren who reflected upon this subject, that in the moqui people this promise was fulfilled. chapter xiii we left st. george to take the moqui visitors home on the th of march, . the party consisted of six white men and our moqui friends. as i was leaving home, my indian boy, albert, met me, and i remarked to him that the peach trees had begun to bloom, and it would be warmer than it had been. he replied, "yes, and i shall bloom in another place before you get back. i shall be on my mission!" (he doubtless referred by this to a vision which he had of preaching to a multitude of his people.) said i, "what do you mean by that?" he replied, "that i shall be dead and buried when you get back." we again took the route leading south from st. george. when we went out on this route the fall previous, we had expected to return the same way, and had cached our boat and some supplies on the south side of the river. on arriving at the river we constructed a raft of dry timber, on which two men crossed over to obtain the boat. it was in good condition, but our supplies were ruined. on the south side we looked around for a better crossing, as we had been requested to do, and found one five miles higher up the river, and also a good way of getting to and from the river. this is now called pierce's ferry. we were here overtaken by mr. lewis greeley, a nephew of horace greeley, of the new york _tribune_. as he wished to accompany us, brother snow sent a man with him to the river. we took our former trail as far as seep springs, the last water before crossing the three days' desert. the second and third days we found two camps, which, judging from the remains of camp kettles, pack saddles, etc., had doubtless been suddenly broken up, probably by the apaches. we thought they were the camps of miners. at the last camp there were five animals with spanish brands. the moquis desired to take them along, and, after some consultation, we consented for them to do so. at seep springs we found a small band of piutes, who had run off a party of cohoneenes. as we had intended to explore as much as practicable, after consulting with these piutes and our moqui friends, we concluded to take a trail to the left of our former route. this would take us down into cataract canyon, which heads near the foot of the san francisco peaks. we followed down a side canyon all day, leading our animals most of the time, on account of the narrow and precipitous character of the trail. at night we camped without water. about o'clock the next day we came in sight of the main, or cataract canyon. this was still far down in the earth below, and the stream running along its bottom appeared like a bright silver thread glittering in the sun. in coming to this point we, at one time, traveled about three miles continuously on a trail made with considerable labor in the side of shale rock. i do not remember of a place in this distance where we could have turned our animals around to return, had we wished to do so. we afterwards learned that this part of the trail was considered by the people who lived in the canyon, as their strongest point of defense in that direction. we traveled a very circuitous and still difficult trail, until four o'clock in the afternoon, before we arrived at the water we had seen six hours before. we found the stream to be about fifteen yards in width, with an average depth of over a foot. it was rapid and clear, and skirted with cottonwood timber, growing on rich bottom land. the bottom of cataract canyon, lieut. ives informs us, in his "explorations of the colorado," is , feet below the general level of the plateau above. we judged the sides of the canyon where we were, to be one-half of this distance in perpendicular height. the first people that we met had been informed of our approach by one of our moqui companions, whom we had sent ahead of us. while we were talking with them, others arrived from lower down the stream, who inquired rather sharply why we were there. they were soon satisfied with out explanations. we were soon engaged in interesting conversation. they had heard of me and my travels, and appeared pleased to see me. they desired that i would not lead anyone into their hiding place, and particularly a stranger, without their consent. they told us that the horses we had picked up belonged to the walapies, and if we would leave them they would return them to the owners before we came back. we remained with this people one day. in going out we traveled up the main canyon. not long previously these people had been attacked in their stronghold by a band of indians from the southeast. they showed us a narrow pass where they had met them, and killed seven of their number. about three miles above where we first struck the stream, it boils from the bottom of the canyon in a large, beautiful spring. we found no water above this. about nine miles up the canyon above the water, we turned into a left-hand side canyon, through which it was about two miles to the country above. the trail up this canyon was very steep and difficult. the trail we came in on, and this one, are said to be the only means of getting in and out of the cataract canyon. from what we could learn from the indians, we supposed the distance from the spring to where the creek empties into the colorado to be about eighteen miles. through some misunderstanding, two of our moqui friends had continued up the main canyon. we made a dry camp that night. the moqui man who remained with us was a religious leader among his people. he became very anxious about his companions, for he said they would find no water. he went through some religious ceremonies for their safe return. in the night they arrived in camp. they had discovered their mistake, and returned until they found our trail. we had a little water left to relieve their thirst. i should have before stated that these moquis never send out any of their people in the public interest, without sending one of their religious teachers with them. the position of these religious men is probably a traditionary remnant of the pure priesthood held by their fathers. this man who was with us carried a small sack, in which were some consecrated meal, wool, cotton and eagle's feathers. to this sack was attached a stick, which he took out each morning, and, after looking at the sun, made a mark upon, thus keeping a memorandum of the number of days we had spent on the journey. our route was considerably to the north of the one we had traveled when on our former trip. the day after leaving cataract canyon, about o'clock in the afternoon, we came to a cross trail made by wild animals. following it a few hundred yards into the head of a canyon, we found a pool of good water. this was the th of april. we traveled two days without water for our animals, and camped where we could see the water of the little colorado, but it was in a deep gulch, out of our reach. the next day we traveled thirteen miles up the river bank, and camped by the water. the night of the th we were about twelve miles from a moqui town. our moqui companions wished to go home; and did so, while we camped until morning. they informed the three brethren who had remained in the moqui towns during the winter, of our approach, and the following morning these brethren met us about two miles out. they rejoiced much in seeing us, and hearing from their families and friends at home. we remained two days with our moqui friends. taking brothers haskell, hatch and mcconnell with us, on tuesday, the th of april, we started for the san francisco mountain, which was about ninety miles to the southwest. we aimed to strike the beal road, which runs on the south side of the mountain. on the th of april we got into the foothills on the north side of the mountain, where we found plenty of timber, grass, and snow for water. game was abundant, and we had no trouble to kill what we needed. the same day mr. greeley discovered a pond of clear, cold water, several acres in extent, in the crater of a volcanic peak. monday, the st of april, we spent in exploring in different directions. we discovered a wagon road, which proved to be the one laid out by captain beal. we had traveled around on the north side of the mountain, and struck this road six miles west of lareox spring. on the nd we killed two antelopes, and dried the meat, preparatory for starting home. on the th we started for home. we traveled west on the beal road until the th, when we left it and traveled across the desert where lieut. ives and party suffered from thirst. we directed our course for seep springs, spoken of in the account of our outward trip, as our last camp before going into cataract canyon. i was fifty-six hours without any water. brother jehiel mcconnell was so far gone that he could only whisper. both men and animals suffered severely. from seep springs we directed our course for the crossing of the colorado, south of st. george. the third day from seep springs we traveled into the night, and got off our trail. we tied up some of our animals and hobbled others, to wait for daylight. during the night, what we at first supposed to be the hooting of an owl, attracted our attention. after listening a little while we concluded that the hooting was counterfeit; that indians were around us and we had better look after our animals. i followed a trail a few hundred yards by moonlight, and discovered the tracks of two indians. suffice it to say, we lost ten animals out of eighteen. assisted by some piutes, we made an effort the next day to recover them, but failing, on the th of may we continued our journey. five of our animals we packed, which left but three to ride. as there were ten men in the company, we traveled mostly on foot. we afterwards learned that the cataract canyon indians had not returned the walapies' horses as they had agreed to, and the walapies made that an excuse for stealing ours. when we arrived at the river our feet were badly blistered. we had learned to appreciate the value of the animals we had lost. between the ferry and st. george, one day, in the grand wash, our animals becoming dry, a mule smelt of the ground and pawed. we concluded that it smelt water under the ground. we dug down about three feet, and found plenty. there has been water there ever since, and it is called white spring. we arrived in st. george on the th of may, . we had been absent fifty-six days. we had explored a practicable, though difficult route, for a wagon from st. george to the little colorado, had visited the moqui towns, and explored some of the country around the san francisco mountain. i found on my return home that my indian boy, albert, was dead and buried, as he had predicted he would be when i left home. i supposed his age to be about ten years when he came to live with me; he had been with me twelve years, making him twenty-two years old when he died. for a number of years he had charge of my sheep, horses and cattle, and they had increased and prospered in his hands. some time before his death he had a vision, in which he saw himself preaching the gospel to a multitude of his people. he believed that this vision would be realized in the world of spirits. he referred to this when he said that he should die before my return home, and be on his mission. he was a faithful latter-day saint; believed he had a great work to do among his people; had many dreams and visions, and had received his blessings in the house of the lord. chapter xiv at this time a considerable change had taken place in the spirit and feelings of the indians of southern utah, since the settlement of the country in - . up to that time, our visits among them and our long talks around their camp fires, had kept up a friendly feeling in their hearts. after the settlement of st. george, the labors of the indian missionaries, from force of circumstances, became more extended and varied, and the feelings of the indians towards the saints became more indifferent, and their propensity to raid and steal returned. the great numbers of animals brought into the country by the settlers, soon devoured most of the vegetation that had produced nutritious seeds, on which the indians had been accustomed to subsist. when, at the proper season of the year, the natives resorted to these places to gather seeds, they found they had been destroyed by cattle. with, perhaps, their children crying for food, only the poor consolation was left them of gathering around their camp fires and talking over their grievances. those who have caused these troubles have not realized the situation. i have many times been sorely grieved to see the indians with their little ones, glaring upon a table spread with food, and trying to get our people to understand their circumstances, without being able to do so. lank hunger and other influences have caused them to commit many depredations. when our people have retaliated, the unoffending have almost invariably been the ones to suffer. generally those that have done the stealing have been on the alert, and have got out of the way, while those who have desired to be friends, from the want of understanding on the part of our people, have been the sufferers. this has driven those who were well disposed, to desperation. the navajos and other indians east of the colorado river have taken advantage of these circumstances to raid upon the settlements, and drive off many hundreds of cattle and valuable horses and mules. in i visited the indians east of st. george, accompanied by brother george adair. they had gathered between st. george and harrisburg, for the purpose of carrying out their threat to destroy some of the settlements the first favorable opportunity. i was asked how many men i wanted to go with me on my contemplated visit. i replied only one, and that i did not want any arms, not even a knife, in sight. when we arrived in their camp i asked them to come together, and bring their women and children, and all hear what we had to say. they had prepared for hostilities by secreting their women and children, as is their custom. by talking with them, a better influence came over them, and the spirit of peace triumphed over irritation and a sense of wrong. about seventy-five miles west of st. george, a band of piutes had confederated with a band of indians that had been driven out of california, and they threatened the settlements of meadow creek, clover valley and shoal creek. brother andrew gibbons accompanied me on a visit to these indians. it was summer, and they had left their corn fields to dry up, and gone to the mountains. our people had manifested as much hostility as the indians, having killed two of their number. we sent out word for all to come in and see us. we made a feast by killing an ox, and, in a general talk, they told over their grievances. they said that they felt justified in what they had done, and also in what they intended to do. i could not blame them, viewing matters from their standpoint. in the talk i rather justified them in what they expected to do, but told them that in the end it would be worse for them to carry out their plans than to drop them, and smoke the pipe of peace. that the grass upon which the seeds had grown which served them for food was all eaten up, and from that time would be; but if they would be friendly, they could get more food by gleaning our fields than they had before we came into their country. the talk lasted for hours. the difficulty was settled and we returned home. early in , the navajos stole a few horses from kanab. i was requested to go over the colorado, and, if practicable, have a talk with them, and recover the stolen horses. i was also to have a talk with the moquis, and invite them to move over into our country. we did not succeed in recovering the stolen horses. we were informed by the moquis that the old navajo chief, the friendly spaneshanks, had been discarded by his band, that his son had succeeded him as chief, and that he was disposed to raid at any favorable opportunity. for these reasons we thought it would be useless and perhaps dangerous to go into their country. we had a meeting in the oriba village, with the principal men of that place and one of the largest of the moqui towns. it was an interesting interview. we told them we did not expect to visit them much more where they were, and we wished them to move over the river into our country, live with us, and build cities and villages the same as other people. they again told us that they could not leave their present locations until the three prophets who had led them into their country should appear among them again, and tell them what to do. they predicted that our people would yet move into the country south of them, and would travel with wagons up the little colorado. aside from their traditions against moving across the great river, they could not see the utility of going over to live with us when we would yet move into their country. they were quite anxious that we should not be angry with them, as they desired that we should be friends, and thought that we might sometimes visit them. on our return home we were disappointed in not finding water in two places where we had always found a supply on former trips. at the second place we camped for the night. on account of thirst our animals were very uneasy, and we tied them up and guarded them until morning. the nearest water to us was ten miles distant, over a sandy desert, and directly out of our way; that is, we would have to travel twenty miles to get water, and again reach our trail for home. it was nearly two days' travel on our way home to water, and both men and animals were already greatly distressed. i ascended a hill near the camp, and earnestly asked the lord in my heart what i should do under our difficult circumstances. while thus engaged i looked towards the colorado, which was about forty miles distant, and saw a small cloud, apparently about the size of a man's hat. it rapidly increased, and it did not appear to me more than half an hour before we were enveloped in a heavy snow storm. the snow melted and ran into the cavities of the rocks, until there was an abundance of water. when we started on our journey we found the ground dry in less than a mile and a half from our camp. i thanked the lord that he had sent us relief in our great need, but there were those in the company who did not appear to see the hand of the lord in it. in the autumn of dr. whitmore and i made a trip to las vegas springs and the colorado river. we visited the cottonwood island indians and the mohaves. in the winter after our return, dr. whitmore and his herder, young mcintyre, were killed near pipe springs, about fifty-five miles east of st. george, by the navajos, who also drove off their sheep and some cattle. i started out after them with a company, was taken sick, and turned back to go home. i stopped over night on the road in a deserted house, without food, bedding or fire. having an opportunity, i sent word to my family about my condition. i got into the town of washington, twelve miles east of santa clara, and could go no farther. in a day or two my wife, louise, arrived with a team and took me home. my health was very poor for about a year. at one time my friends thought that i was dying. at first i told them that i was willing that it should be so, for i had only been in their way for nearly a year; but my little children were crying around me, and the question came into my mind: what will they do if i am taken away? i could not bear the thought of leaving my family in so helpless a condition. i then asked god, the eternal father, in the name of his son, jesus christ, to spare my life long on the earth, and i would labor for the building up of his kingdom. i afterwards felt a desire for food, and asked for something to eat. i was told that i had eaten nothing for two days. some boiled beef and tea were brought me; i thought that i had never before eaten anything that tasted so good. from that time i slowly recovered. chapter xv in the spring and summer of i was called upon to visit the bands of indians to the east of the settlements on the rio virgen, and farther north. a number of settlements had been deserted on the sevier river, and it was desirable that the temper of the indians should be so modified that they could be re-established. i went east seventy-five miles, to the present location of kanab. after gathering around me some of the indians, and planting some corn and vegetables, i crossed over the rim of the basin, north, and traveled down the valley of the sevier. i sought out places where the indians were gathered in the largest numbers. i had many long talks with them, which seemed to have a good effect. although some of the bands were considered quite hostile and dangerous to visit, i felt that i was laboring for good, and had nothing to fear. in the fall of , as soon as the water in the colorado was low enough for the navajos to ford it, i kept close watch of the eastern frontiers of southern utah. i met with quite a number of young piutes when i first went into the country. they said they had dreamed that i was coming out into their country, and they proposed to assist me in watching the frontiers. they proved to be quite useful in watching the passes, and waylaid and shot several raiders. the season of was spent in a similar manner to that of , in visiting the indians in southeastern utah, and cultivating peace among them. in october, , i was requested to make another trip to the moqui towns, to talk with the people, and learn, if possible, whether there were other indians besides the navajos raiding on our borders. i started with a company of forty men, twenty of the brethren and twenty piutes. we crossed the colorado where lee's ferry now is. our luggage went over on rafts made of floatwood, fastened together by withes. on arriving at the moqui towns, i thought some of the people received us rather coldly. my old acquaintances told me that the navajos intended to make another raid on our people in a short time. i felt like returning to our settlements immediately. when we left the towns, i felt much impressed to take the old ute trail, and cross the river thirty miles above where we crossed going out. some of the company objected to this and made much of the difficulties of the crossing. when we came to where a trail led to each of the crossings, i told the company that i did not know why, but i was satisfied that it was our duty to go home by the old ute trail. i was much surprised to find that more than half of the brethren had made up their minds not to go that way. i told them if i knew anything about the mind and will of the lord, it was for us to go that way. the piutes, to a man, were willing to go the way i desired. the brethren took the lower trail, and on we went. i remarked to them that our trip to the moquis was a failure. when we arrived home, we learned that the navajos had been into the settlements north of where our people had guarded, and driven off twelve or fifteen hundred head of animals, among them many valuable horses and mules. i afterwards learned from the piutes, that if the company had taken the ute trail, we would have met the raiders with all these valuable animals on the open plains, after they had crossed the river. i felt vexed that i did not take the piutes with me and save this valuable lot of stock for our people. i slept out many cold nights in the winter of - , watching and guarding with the piutes. one navajo was shot when two or three hundred yards ahead of his company, which was driving out a small band of horses. the raiders were much frightened, threw down their luggage and wanted the piutes to let them go home. the piutes consented to let the navajos go if they would leave what they had. they gladly accepted the terms. this took place in the pahreah pass, about twenty miles east of kanab. the navajo that was shot was only wounded. i followed his trail the next day, to see what had become of him. i found where he had been picked up by his friends and carried two or three miles. near him was another camp of raiders, resting. one of the piutes who was with me at the time, and had been told in a dream to go with me, shot two of this company, scalped one of them, and said that the other had sandy hair, and he dare not scalp him, for he seemed too much like a white man. at another time, when captain james andrus, with a company of men from st. george, was with us, a few animals passed us in the night. we supposed there were three navajos with them. we followed them one day. by taking a circuitous route we came within range of them unobserved. some of the company fired before the others were ready. two of the raiders fell; the others, quick as thought, drove the horses upon a sharp point of rocks, where they took shelter in such a way that they could guard their horses without exposing themselves. we endeavored to approach them to advantage, but without success. i was fired at several times, as also were several of the other brethren. once, as i was secreted behind a cedar tree, a navajo crawled up behind a sand rift, fired at me, and the bullet just missed my head. finding that the indians had the advantage of us, we left them, only getting one of the horses. the navajos secured ten horses and lost three of their men. captain andrus and company returned to st. george, and left brothers john mangum, hyrum judd, jehiel mcconnell, my son lyman, myself and the piutes to watch the frontiers, as we had done through the winter. the winter of - was one of great hardship for the few brethren who, with the piutes, watched the frontier. they suffered with the cold, and passed many sleepless nights. we crossed the buckskin, or kibab mountain several times, with the snow in some places waist deep. this navajo war caused me many serious reflections. i felt that there was a better way to settle matters, and i made up my mind to go and see the navajos, and have a talk with them as soon as circumstances would permit. in the spring of , president brigham young, his counselor, george a. smith, apostle erastus snow and other leading men of the church, came to kanab, accompanied by twenty men as a guard. as we had been notified of this visit, we had things in as good order as possible. the piutes, seventy in number, washed off the dirt and paint which usually besmeared their persons, and put on a fair appearance for indians. president young at first objected to sending out the animals of the company to feed under an indian guard, but afterwards consented to do so. he expressed himself well satisfied with my labors and policy on the frontiers. i told him that i desired to visit the navajos, and have a talk with them; that there had been a number of raiders killed, and i never saw a navajo's bones on the ground, the flesh having been eaten off by wolves and vultures, but what i felt sorrow for the necessity of such things; that i always abhorred the shedding of blood, and desired to obtain peace in some better way. when president young arrived at toquerville, on his return journey, he sent me a letter of instructions, directing me to do all i could to prevent the shedding of blood; not to let the indians have any firearms or ammunition if i thought they would use them for killing miners or other travelers; and, if it were possible, he wished the people to get along without the killing of any more navajos. chapter xvi i determined to do all i could in the summer of to establish good feelings among the indians in the neighborhood of our people, on the west side of the colorado, that they might be disposed to favor us instead of our enemies. i determined to neglect no opportunity of visiting the navajos, and endeavoring to get a good understanding with them. i visited the red lake utes, spent some time at fish lake, east of parowan, and visited the indians along the sevier. i had many long talks with them, and believe i accomplished much good, in inspiring them with the spirit of peace. i met professor j. w. powell, who stated that he had descended the colorado river the previous year, and that the indians in the neighborhood of mount trumbull, southwest of kanab, had killed three of his men. he wished to visit them, and prevent the repetition of a similar calamity the next season; for he desired to descend the river with a company to explore the grand canyon. he wished to employ someone who understood indian character, and spoke their dialect, to go with him, and president young had recommended me as a suitable person. he offered me liberal terms, and, as i was desirous of seeing the same indians myself, a satisfactory arrangement was soon made. we left kanab for mount trumbull in september, , and took two kanab indians with us. we arrived at our destination the third day, and selected a good camp ground by a spring of water. we found some natives gathering cactus fruit, which grew there in great abundance. i requested them to bring in some of the party who took a part in the killing of mr. powell's men the previous year. some twelve or fifteen indians got together the following day, and we called a council to have a good peace talk. i commenced by explaining to the indians professor powell's business. i endeavored to get them to understand that he did not visit their country for any purpose that would work any evil to them; that he was not hunting gold, silver or other metals; that he would be along the river next season with a party of men, and if they found any of them away from the river in the hills, they must be their friends, and show them places where there was water, if necessary. they answered that some of their friends from the other side of the river crossed on a raft and told them that powell's men were miners, and that miners on their side of the river abused their women. they advised them to kill the three white men who had gone back from the river, for if they found any mines in their country, it would bring great evil among them. the three men were then followed, and killed when asleep. the indians further stated that they believed what i told them, and, had they been correctly informed about the men, they would not have killed them. they said ka-pu-rats could travel and sleep in their country unmolested, and they would show him and his men the watering places. ka-pu-rats, in the piute language, means one arm cut off. major powell had lost an arm in the late war between the northern and southern states. i think that a part of major powell's description of this affair in his "explorations of the colorado river," would not be out of place here: "this evening, the shi-vwits, for whom we have sent, came in, and, after supper, we hold a long council. a blazing fire is built, and around this we sit--the indians living here, the shi-vwits, jacob hamblin and myself. this man, hamblin, speaks their language well, and has a great influence over all the indians in the region round about. he is a silent, reserved man, and when he speaks, it is in a slow, quiet way, that inspires great awe. his talk is so low that they must listen attentively to hear, and they sit around him in death-like silence. when he finishes a measured sentence, the chief repeats it, and they all give a solemn grunt. * * * * "mr. hamblin fell into conversation with one of the men, and held him until the others had left, and then learned more of the particulars of the death of the three men. they came upon the indian village almost starved, and exhausted with fatigue. they were supplied with food, and put on their way to the settlements. shortly after they had left, an indian from the east side of the colorado arrived at their village, and told them about a number of miners having killed a squaw in a drunken brawl, and no doubt these were the men. no person had ever come down the canyon; that was impossible; they were trying to hide their guilt. in this way he worked them into a great rage. they followed, surrounded the men in ambush, and filled them full of arrows. "that night i slept in peace, although these murderers of my men, and their friends, the u-in-ka-rets, were sleeping not five hundred yards away. while we were gone to the canyon, the pack-train and supplies, enough to make an indian rich beyond his wildest dreams, were all left in their charge, and were safe; not even a lump of sugar was pilfered by the children." after this council with the indians, major powell gave me charge of the commissary stores and pack train, and directed me to explore the country east, north and south. this afforded me an excellent opportunity to carry out my mission to the lamanites. i had many interesting talks with them. i labored to have them understand that there was an overruling providence that had much to do with the affairs of men; that god was not pleased with the shedding of blood, and they must stop killing men, women and children, and try to be at peace with all men. these teachings did not appear to have much influence at the time, but afterwards they yielded much good fruit. chapter xvii in the autumn of , major powell concluded to go east, by way of fort defiance, and desired me to accompany him. as this appeared to be an opening for the much-desired peace talk with the navajo indians, i readily accepted the invitation. we started for fort defiance in october. three men who were strangers to me, accompanied us, and brothers ammon m. tenney, ashton nebeker, nathan terry and elijah potter; also frank, a kibab indian. we packed lumber on mules over the kibab, or buckskin mountain, to the crossing of the colorado, now known as lee's ferry. with this we constructed a small boat, in which we conveyed our luggage across. our animals crossed over by swimming. we traveled at night most of the way, to preserve our animals from the indians. we visited all the moqui towns, seven in number, and had much interesting talk with the people. professor powell took much interest in their festivals, dances, religious ceremonies and manner of living. arriving at fort defiance, major powell rendered me much assistance in bringing about peace with the navajos. about six thousand of them were gathered there to receive their annuities. all the chiefs of the nation were requested to meet in council. all the principal chiefs but one, and all the subchiefs but two were there. captain bennett, indian agent, his interpreter, and brother ammon m. tenney were also there. major powell led the way by introducing me to the council as a representative of the people who lived on the west side of the colorado river, called "mormons." he stated that he had lived and traveled with these people, and, by acquaintance, had formed a very favorable opinion of them. he said that they were an industrious people, who paid their quota in taxes in common with other citizens of the united states, from which the navajos were paid their annuities. at the close of his introductory remarks, i arose and spoke about an hour. i stated that the object of my visit was to have a talk with them, and endeavor to bring about a better understanding between them and my people the "mormons," and establish peace and friendship. i explained to them some of the evils of the war which had commenced by killing two men and driving off their stock; that while they had taken from us many horses and mules, they had lost twenty or thirty of their men. that our young men had wanted to come over into their country and kill and drive them, but had been told to stay at home until all other means for obtaining peace had been tried and had failed. i told them i had been acquainted, more or less, with the indians on their side of the great river for many years, and i found that the moquis were obliged to watch their stock, or the navajos would steal it; and the navajos were under the same necessity. neither party could trust their sheep out of sight, through fear that they would never see them again. they dare not send their flocks out into the mountains where grass was abundant, and the result was, that they ate poor meat, and many times not enough of that. continuing, i said: "if you will reflect on your affairs, you will see that this is very bad policy, and that it would be much better to be at peace with your neighbors and with all men. i see much grass and many watering places on each side of the river. if we would live at peace with each other, we could take advantage of all the land, grass and water, and become rich or have all we need. our horses and sheep would be fat. we could sleep in peace, awake in the morning and find our property safe. you cannot but see that this would be the better way. "i hope you will listen to this talk. what shall i tell my people, the 'mormons,' when i return home? that we may expect to live in peace, live as friends, and trade with one another? or shall we look for you to come prowling around our weak settlements, like wolves at night? i hope we may live in peace in time to come. i have now gray hairs on my head, and from my boyhood i have been on the frontiers, doing all i could to preserve peace between white men and indians. "i despise this killing, this shedding of blood. i hope you will stop this, and come and visit, and trade with our people. we would like to hear what you have got to say before we go home." as i took my seat, i noticed the tears start in the eyes of barbenceta, the spanish name of the principal chief of the navajos. he slowly approached, and put his arms around me, saying, "my friend and brother, i will do all i can to bring about what you have advised. we will not give all our answer now. many of the navajos are here. we will talk to them tonight, and will see you on your way home." the principal chiefs spent much of the night talking with their people. captain bennett, the agent, and a u. s. army officer, said that i could not have talked better to bring about peace with the navajos. he manifested much good feeling, and furnished us liberally with supplies for our journey home. this council was held on the nd of november, , the blessings of the lord were over us in our efforts for peace. this was probably the first time that the chiefs of the navajo nation ever heard a gospel discourse adapted to their circumstances; as well as the first time they had heard, from the lips of a white man, a speech that carried with it the spirit and power of a heartfelt friendship. the hearts of many of them were open to reciprocate it. we spent three days at fort defiance, endeavoring to create a good influence, and in getting our supplies ready. brother a. m. tenney, being able to converse in spanish, accomplished much good. on our way home we called at a moqui town. there we met the principal chief of the navajos, those chiefs who were not at fort defiance, and some minor chiefs who did not consider themselves as belonging to the united states agency at fort defiance. we met in a room belonging to the principal man of the village. the navajos, through their chief, told us that they had not come to talk any different from what was said at fort defiance, but to confirm what was said there. they never had heard better talk. they had a great desire to have what was said, carried out. they said, "we have some bad men among us, but, if some do wrong, the wise ones must not act foolishly, like children, but let it be settled according to the spirit of your talk at fort defiance. "here is hastele (one of the principal chiefs); i wish you to take a good look at him, so you will not be mistaken in the man. he never lies or steals. he is a truthful man; we wish all difficult matters settled before him. he lives on the frontier, nearest to the river; you can find him by inquiry." the peace treaty talk here closed by the navajos saying, "we hope we may be able to eat at one table, warm by one fire, smoke one pipe, and sleep under one blanket." one of them gave me a note from the united states agent, stating that the bearer wished me to try and recover some sheep that were stolen from him, and were in one of the moqui towns; and that two attempts had been made to recover them, which had failed. we lay down to sleep about midnight, and were on our way at early dawn to the town, a few miles distant, where the navajos said we should find the sheep. arriving at the residence of the man having the sheep, i found him to be a former acquaintance of mine. he appeared in a surly mood. we talked to him for some time, but could get no answer. i then said, "you are the first man i traded with twelve or thirteen years ago. you told me then that before your father died, he took you in his arms, and told you that you would live to see white men come from the west--good men, men of peace; and that it would be but a short time after they came until you could sleep in peace, eat in peace, and have peace in all things. you told me that you believed we were the men your father meant, and i hope you will not prevent peace coming into your country for the sake of a few sheep." "well," said he, "i will not; i will give up the sheep." they were counted out, and the navajo offered us one or two to eat on our way home. we told him we could get along without taking any of his sheep; he had but few, and would want them. chapter xviii we were told by the moquis that when the navajos were at war with the united states, they were taken advantage of in their scattered condition by the moquis, who hunted out the worst of the thieves among them, and killed them off. for this purpose the moquis were furnished with guns and ammunition. one man told me that he had hunted up and killed eight navajos single handed. i was also informed that the moquis decoyed thirty--five of them into one of their villages, by promising them protection, and then disarmed them, and threw them off a high rock between two of their towns. i went to the place indicated and found a number of skeletons and some remains of blankets. this was done during the winter previous to our visit. the navajos have evidently been the plunderers of the moquis for generations, and the latter have retaliated whenever they have had an opportunity. peace between these tribes would be a great blessing to both. this trip and its influences appears to have been a turning-point--the commencement of a great practical change for the better in the lives of these tribes. the lord's time for a change had evidently come. wishing to do all i could to give strength to a peaceful policy, i invited tuba, a man of good report among his people, to take with him his wife, pulaskanimki, to go home with me; get acquainted with the spirit and policy of our people, and become a truthful representative of them among his people. i promised to pay him for what labor he might perform, and bring him home the next autumn. after counseling with their friends, he and his wife accepted my invitation. when we arrived on the cliffs before crossing the colorado, the piutes living in the navajo country, came to me and said as they had taken a part with the navajos in raiding on our people, they desired to have a good peace talk. they were about thirty in number. after an interesting council, we commenced to descend the difficult cliff to the crossing of the river. while doing so, brother nathan terry said he had a dream the night before, and that it had been on his mind all day, and he believed it meant something. in the dream he saw the company riding along the trail, when he heard the report of a gun. he looked around and saw one of the company fall to the ground, and he thought he went and put the person on his horse, and they continued their journey. after descending the cliff, i was some distance in the rear of the company, when suddenly, what appeared like a flash of lightning came over me. it was with great difficulty that i could breathe. not being able to help myself, i partly fell to the ground. i lay there some time, when one of the kanab indians who was with us came along, saw my situation, and hurried on to camp. brother terry came back to me after dark. he administered to me in the name of the lord, when the death-like grip that seemed to have fastened on my lungs let go its hold, and i could again breathe naturally. on coming to the bank of the river the following day, tuba, the oriba, looked rather sorrowful, and told me that his people once lived on the other side of this river, and their fathers had told them they never would go west of the river again to live. said he, "i am now going on a visit to see my friends. i have worshiped the father of us all in the way you believe to be right; now i wish you would do as the hopees [their name for themselves] think is right before we cross." i assented. he then took his medicine bag from under his shirt, and offered me a little of its contents. i offered my left hand to take it; he requested me to take it in my right. he then knelt with his face to the east, and asked the great father of all to preserve us in crossing the river. he said that he and his wife had left many friends at home, and if they never lived to return, their friends would weep much. he prayed for pity upon his friends, the "mormons," that none of them might drown in crossing; and that all the animals we had with us might be spared, for we needed them all, and to preserve unto us all our food and clothing, that we need not suffer hunger nor cold on our journey. he then arose to his feet. we scattered the ingredients from the medicine bag into the air, on to the land and into the water of the river. to me, the whole ceremony seemed humble and reverential. i felt that the father has regard to such petitions. the scattering of the ingredients from the medicine bag i understood to be intended as a propitiary sacrifice. after this ceremony we drove our animals into the river, and they all swam safely to the opposite shore. in a short time ourselves and effects were safely over. tuba then thanked the great father that he had heard and answered our prayer. arriving at kanab, we found all well. everybody appeared to feel thankful for the success of our mission and the prospects of peace. the kanab indians also congratulated us on our success. some of the piutes from the east side of the river accompanied us home. they spent much of the night in talking over events that had taken place during the previous three years. they said they had not visited each other much during that time. choog, the kibab chief of the piutes, after learning all the particulars from the indians who went with us, came to me and said: "now the indians east of the river have all made peace, the evil spirits will have no place to stop over there. they have followed you here. the destroyer will enter into the wind, fire and water, and do you all the mischief he can. wherever he can get a chance to work he will go." at the close of his remarks i smiled. noticing it, he said with considerable warmth, "you are a wise, good man, and know more than i do; but i know that what i have told you will come to pass." the third night after this conversation with the kibab chief, the night of the th of december, a house in kanab, in which resided the family of brother levi stewart, took fire, from some unknown cause. the room in which the fire originated had but one entrance, and in it were stored some combustible materials. the houses were of logs, built in fort form, and the people and their effects were much crowded together. at the time the fire broke out, people were generally asleep, and six of the family of brother stewart were asleep in the room where the fire originated. before they could be rescued, a can of oil took fire, and the room was in a moment enveloped in an intense flame, which burst out from the only entrance. the shrieks of those in the fire, and the odor of their roasting bodies; the lurid glare of the fire in the darkness of night; the intense anxiety and sorrow depicted on the countenances of the father and husband, brothers, sisters and neighbors, made up a scene that can never be forgotten by those who witnessed it. there were several other fires and accidents in the settlements of southern utah, soon after the fire in kanab, which indicated that the indian chief was prompted by the spirit of prophecy. some people call the indians superstitious. i admit the fact, but do not think that they are more so than many who call themselves civilized. there are few people who have not received superstitious traditions from their fathers. the more intelligent part of the indians believe in one great father of all; also in evil influences, and in revelation and prophecy; and in many of their religious rites and ideas, i think they are quite as consistent as the christian sects of the day. chapter xix a few days after i arrived home from fort defiance, i went on a visit to st. george, and other settlements. i took tuba and his wife with me, that they might have an opportunity of seeing some of our farming and manufacturing industries. after looking through the factory at washington, where some three hundred spindles were in motion, tuba said it spoiled him for being an oriba. he could never think of spinning yarn again with his fingers, to make blankets. his wife, after looking at the flouring mill, thought it was a pity that the hopees (meaning the oriba women) were obliged to work so hard to get a little meal to make their bread, when it could be made so easily. tuba and his wife gleaned cotton in the fields one week, on the santa clara, where the cotton had been gathered by our people, and president young gave him a suit of clothes. when we returned to kanab, we found eighty navajos who had come in there to trade. most of them were on foot, and had brought blankets to trade. some of their women accompanied them, which is their custom when going on a peaceable expedition. comiarrah, one of their leading men, introduced his wife to me. she took hold of my hand and said, "we have come a long way to trade with your people. we are poor and have brought all we could on our backs. we have not much, and we want to do the best we can with it. we came home to our country three years ago, and found it naked and destitute of anything to live on. we once had many sheep and horses, but lost them all in the war. we were taken prisoners and carried to a poor, desert country, where we suffered much with hunger and cold. now we have the privilege of living in our own country. we want to get a start of horses and sheep, and would like you to tell your people to give us as good trade as they can." they traded for fifty horses in kanab, then went to st. george and other settlements, and traded all the blankets they had for horses, and went back to their own country quite satisfied. in september, , i went to take tuba home, as i had promised i would do. brothers i. c. haight, george adair and joseph mangum accompanied us. we went by the old ute crossing, and left some supplies for professor powell's party, at a point which had before been designated. on the east side of the river, we crossed some dangerous places, deep canyons and steep rocks. some of our animals fell and bruised their legs; one was so badly injured that we were compelled to leave it. another fell from a cliff into a canyon and was killed instantly. we made a line long enough to reach the animal by tying together lariats and rope. a place was found where a man could descend to the pack, and the things were hauled up in parcels. after five days' traveling, visiting some of the navajo ranches, and talking with the people, we arrived at tuba's house in the oriba village. after feasting a day or two on peaches and green corn, we started for the navajo agency. we remained there over the sabbath, and attended a meeting conducted by a methodist minister, employed by the government to preach to the navajos. we were granted the privilege of speaking in the afternoon. i spoke on the coming forth of the book of mormon, and about the ancient inhabitants of the american continent. on our way home we visited some of the principal navajo ranches. some navajos came to us to trade for horses. we camped one night with a party at the rock where young geo. a. smith was killed. one of them said he was there when young smith was killed, and that some of the navajos tried to get up a dance over his scalp, but the majority of the party were opposed to it, and the dance did not take place. most of them contended that the "mormons" were a good people. the party that thought it right to kill the "mormon" said, if the man who killed him would go and overtake his friends, and they would give him a present, they would acknowledge the "mormons" to be a good people. he said the navajo went on after us, and returned with a gun that we gave him. the fact that an indian overtook us, and that we gave him a gun, and recognized the revolver of george a. smith on his person, has been mentioned in the account of young brother smith's death. we were told that the murderer soon died a miserable death, and the navajos believed it was because he had killed a "mormon." the navajos continued to come to our settlements to trade, and went about in small parties, or singly, as suited them. they placed all confidence in us as their friends. in - , i explored many places between lee's ferry and uinta valley; assisted in locating a settlement on the pahreah, in starting a ranch in house rock valley, and in building a small boat at lee's ferry. in the winter of - , i was sent to look out a route for a wagon-road from lee's ferry to the san francisco forest, or the head waters of the little colorado. i procured the assistance of a piute who lived on the east side of the colorado, and was somewhat acquainted with the country. we readily found the desired route. in the spring of , a company of about one hundred wagons crossed the colorado, well fitted out, with instructions to form a settlement on the little colorado, or on some of the tributaries of the gila. i was requested to pilot the first ten wagons as far as moancoppy, and remain there for further instructions. for a considerable distance beyond the moancoppy, the country is barren and uninviting. after they left that place, the first company became discouraged and demoralized, and returned. in the meantime, i occupied myself in putting in a crop. with some help, i planted twelve acres with corn, beans, potatoes and other vegetables. the companies that followed the one that had returned from the little colorado, partook of the same demoralizing spirit. they could not be prevailed upon to believe that there was a good country with land, timber and water, a little beyond where the first company had turned back. they all returned into utah, and the great effort to settle the country south of the colorado was, for the time being, a failure. the failure was evidently for want of faith in the mission they had been called upon to fill by the lord, through his servants. when this company was sent into arizona, it was the opportune time for the saints to occupy the country. soon after, the best locations in the country were taken up by others, and our people have since been compelled to pay out many thousands of dollars to obtain suitable places for their homes. the navajos carried on a peaceful trade with our people until the winter of - , when a circumstance occurred which greatly endangered our peaceful relations with that people. a party of four young navajos went to the east fork of the sevier river, to trade with some utes in the neighborhood. in grass valley they encountered a severe snowstorm, which lasted for three days. they found shelter in a vacant house belonging to one mccarty. he did not belong to the church, and had that animosity towards indians, too common with white men, which leads them to slaughter the savages, as they are called, on the most trifling pretences. the navajos, becoming hungry during the delay, killed a small animal belonging to mr. mccarty. in some way he learned of the presence of the party on his ranch, gathered up some men of like spirit with himself, came suddenly upon the navajos, and, without giving them an opportunity of explaining their circumstances, killed three of them and wounded the fourth. the wounded man, after enduring excessive hardships, made his way across the river, and arrived among his own people. telling the story of his wrongs, it aroused all the bitter spirit of retaliation, so characteristic of the indians from tradition and custom. the affair taking place in the "mormon" country, where the navajos naturally supposed they were among friends, and not distinguishing mccarty as an outsider, the murder was laid to the "mormons." the outrage created considerable excitement among both whites and indians. when president young heard of it, he requested me to visit the navajos, and satisfy them that our people were not concerned in it. feeling that the affair, without great care, might bring on a war, i started at once for their country to fill my mission. i left kanab alone. my son joseph overtook me about fifteen miles out, with a note from bishop levi stewart, advising my return, as he had learned from the piutes that the navajos were much exasperated and threatened to retaliate the first opportunity. i had been appointed to a mission by the highest authority of god on the earth. my life was of but small moment compared with the lives of the saints and the interests of the kingdom of god. i determined to trust in the lord and go on. i directed my son to return to kanab, and tell bishop stewart that i could not make up my mind to return. arriving at the settlement of pahreah, i found lehi smithson and another man preparing to start for mowabby. we remained over night to procure animals for the journey. that night, my son joseph came to me again with a note from bishop stewart, advising my return, and stating that if i went on i would surely be killed by the navajos. when we arrived at the mowabby, we found that the store house of two rooms which had been built there, had been fitted up in the best possible manner for defense. this had been done by three or four miners who had remained there, on account of the excitement, for which there appeared to be considerable reason. i felt that i had no time to lose. it was important to get an interview with the navajos before the outbreak. my horse was jaded, and wishing to go to moancoppy, ten or twelve miles farther, that night, two brothers by the name of smith brought in three of their riding horses, offered me one, and they mounted the others to accompany me. at moancoppy i hoped to find some oribas who could give me correct information about the temper of the navajos. arriving there, we found only a piute family and one oriba woman. from them i learned that the young relatives of the navajos killed in grass valley were much exasperated, but the older men expressed a desire to see me before anything was done or anyone hurt. this news was encouraging to me. it being now evening, we lay down and slept until morning. tuba had been living at moancoppy, and had left on account of the excitement. some of his effects were lying around in a way that indicated that he left in a hurry. i was informed that mush-ah, a navajo with whom i was somewhat acquainted, and in whom i had some confidence, was camped at a watering place twelve miles east of moancoppy. i hoped to be able to see and have a talk with him, and get up a conciliatory feeling without exposing myself too much to the ire of the indians. arriving at the water where we expected to find mush-ah, we were disappointed. the place was vacated. we met a navajo messenger, riding fast on his way to mowabby, to learn of affairs at that place. he appeared much pleased to see me. after a little talk, he pointed in the distance to a high mesa, and said the navajos were camped at that point, and wished to see me. we arrived at the lodges after sun down; in the neighborhood were gathered a large number of horses, sheep and goats. two or three gray-headed men came out to meet us good-naturedly, but did not appear as friendly as they had formerly. i told them my business. soon afterwards some young men put in an appearance, whose looks bespoke no good. there being a good moon, a messenger was soon on his way to inform those at a distance of my arrival. i inquired for hastele, who had been shown to me by the principal chief in our final peace talk, three years before, and for whom i was directed to inquire in case of difficulty. i got no answer, which indicated to me that they did not wish for his assistance. i communicated to the old men the circumstances connected with the killing of the navajos in grass valley, as i understood them. they replied that they were not ready for a talk or council, and said, "when the relatives are all here we will talk." my spirit was weighed down with gloomy forebodings, and i would gladly have left the place could i have felt justified in doing so. unless the lord was with us, what were we to do with all these against us? chapter xx the night passed, and a part of the forenoon of the following day, when the navajos who had been sent for began to gather in. about noon, they informed me they were ready for talk. a lodge had been emptied of its contents for a council room. it was about twenty feet long by twelve feet wide. it was constructed of logs, with one end set in the ground, and the top ends leaning to the centre of the lodge, and fitted together. the logs were covered with about six inches of dirt. a fire occupied the centre of the lodge, the smoke escaping through a hole in the roof. there was but one entrance, and that was in the end. into this lodge were crowded some twenty-four navajos, four of whom were councilors of the nation. a few indians were gathered about the entrance. the two smiths and i were at the farther end from the entrance, with apparently not one chance in a hundred of reaching the outside, should it be necessary to make an effort to save our lives. the council opened by the navajo spokesman asserting that what i had said about the murder of their relatives was false. he stated that i had advised their people to cross the great river and trade with my people, and in doing so they had lost three good young men, who lay on our land for the wolves to eat. the fourth, he said, came home with a bullet hole through him, and without a blanket, and he had been thirteen days in that situation, cold and hungry. he also stated that i need not think of going home, but my american friends might if they would start immediately. i informed the two smiths of the intention of the navajos concerning the disposal of myself. i told them they had been obliging to me, and i would not deceive them; the way was open for them to go if they desired to do so. they replied that they would not go until i went. our three revolvers were hanging over my head. it was desirable to have them as well in hand as possible. i took hold of them, at the same time saying to our piute interpreter, "these are in my way; what shall i do with them?" as i spoke, i passed them behind me to the smiths, not wishing to give any cause for suspicion that i had any fears, or expected to use the weapons. i told the smiths not to make any move until we were obliged to. the navajos continued to talk for some time, when i was given to understand that my turn had come. i told them of my long acquaintance with their people, and of my labors to maintain peace. i hoped they would not think of killing me for a wrong with which neither myself nor my people had anything to do; and that strangers had done the deed. i discovered that what i had said the day before had some influence with the gray haired men. none but gray haired men belonged to the council, but others were allowed to speak. the young men evidently feared that the council would oppose their desire for revenge. they evinced great intensity of feeling. the wounded man was brought in, his wounds exposed to the council, and a stirring appeal was made for retaliation by a young warrior. it stirred up the indian blood from its very depths. he closed by asserting that they could do no less than put me to death. for a few minutes i felt that if i was ever permitted to see friends and home again, i should appreciate the privilege. i thought i felt one of the smiths at my back grip his revolver. i said to him quietly, "hold still! do not make the first move, and there will be no move made. they never will get ready to do anything." this assurance came by the whisperings of the spirit within me. when the excitement had died away a little, i spoke to the piute interpreter. he either could not or would not answer me, neither would he answer the navajos, but sat trembling, apparently with fear. the navajos brought in another piute, and recommended him as a man of much courage, and said he would not falter; but he was soon in the same dilemma as the other. after some further conversation they appeared a little modified, and, in lieu of blood revenge, they proposed to take cattle and horses for the injury done them. they required me to give them a writing, obligating me to pay one hundred head of cattle for each of the three navajos killed, and fifty for the wounded one. this was a close place for me. i could go home by simply putting my name to the obligation. i reflected: shall i acknowledge by my act, that my people are guilty of a crime of which i know they are innocent; and neutralize all the good results of our labors among this people for fifteen years? shall i obligate the church to pay three hundred and fifty head of cattle for a crime committed by others? it is perhaps more than i should be able to earn the rest of my life. the sacrifice looked to me more than my life was worth. i replied that i would not sign the obligation. one of them remarked that he thought i would by the time i had been stretched over that bed of coals awhile, pointing to the fire in the middle of the lodge. i answered that i had never lied to them, and that i would not pay for the wrong that other people had done. "let the americans pay for their own mischief, i will not sign a writing to pay you one hoof." here the new piute interpreter would not say anything more. a piute chief standing in the door of the lodge spoke to him in an angry tone, and accused him of having a very small heart and little courage. the chief then asked if i was not scared. i asked, "what is there to scare me?" he replied, "the navajos." i told him i was not afraid of my friends. "friends!" said he, "you have not a friend in the navajo nation. navajo blood has been spilled on your land. you have caused a whole nation to mourn. your friend ketch-e-ne, that used to give you meat when you were hungry, and blankets when you were cold, has gone to mourn for his murdered sons. you have caused the bread he eats to be like coals of fire in his mouth, and the water he drinks like hot ashes. are you not afraid?" "no," i replied, "my heart never knew fear." the navajos wished to know what the piute chief and myself were talking about. the piute repeated the conversation in their language. they then conversed among themselves; at times they manifested considerable warmth. i was asked if i knew hastele. replying in the affirmative, they asked, "what do you know about him?" i answered, "i know that barben-ce-ta and others of your leading men said, at the great peace talk, that he was an honest man, and that all important difficulties between you and our people should be settled before him. i knew this affair should be settled before him, and have known it all the time we have been talking. i came here on a peace mission. if you will send hastele into our country to learn the truth concerning what i have told you, let as many more come along as you like. i wish you would send the best interpreter you have along with him. "it is no use to ask me about pay. in the meantime your people can trade among the 'mormons' in safety. they will be glad to see you if you will come in the day time, as our people come into your country--not to prowl around your lodges to steal and kill. i came to do as i agreed to do at the good talk at fort defiance." i felt that the last i said had the desired effect. their feelings began to soften. after some further conversation among themselves, the interpreter said, "they are talking good about you now." i replied, "i am glad; it is time they talked good. what have they said about me?" "they say you have a good heart. they think they will wait until they see their greater chiefs, and believe that the matter will be settled before hastele." it was then agreed that i should come to mowabby, in twenty-five days, and they would see if it was not advisable to send some one over, and satisfy themselves of the truth of my statement. twenty-five notches were cut in a stick, and when they were all gone by cutting off one notch each morning, i was to be at mowabby. the history of my intercourse with the indians on the east side of the colorado, for fifteen years, had all been talked over. in fact, i had been on trial before them for all my sayings and doings that had come within their knowledge. i was able to answer all their questions, and give good reasons for all my acts. my mind had been taxed to the utmost all this time. i had been in the farther end of a crowded lodge, with no reasonable probability of getting out of it if i wished to, and without the privilege of inhaling a breath of fresh air. some roasted mutton was brought in and presented to me to take the first rib. the sight of the roasted meat, the sudden change of affairs, together with the recollection of the threats of a very different roast to the one i had on hand, turned my stomach. i said to those around me, "i am sick." i went to the door of the lodge. it was refreshing to breathe in the open air, and look out into the glorious moonlight. i thought it was midnight; if so, the council had lasted about twelve hours. a woman's heart seems kindlier than man's among all people. a navajo woman, seeming to comprehend my situation, came to me and asked me if she could not get me something i would like to eat. she mentioned several varieties of food she had on hand, none of which i desired. she said she had been at my house in kanab, and she saw i liked milk, and she would get me some. with a dish in her hand she went about among the goats, stripping them by moonlight. she brought me about a pint of milk, which i drank, went into the lodge, and lay down and slept until some of the party said it was light enough to see to get our horses. i asked the navajos to bring up our horses. i felt it was safer for me to remain in the lodge, than to be out hunting horses, and liable to meet some angry spirits who had been about the council. the horses were brought, and the smiths and i were soon in our saddles, and leaving behind us the locality of the trying scenes of the past night. again was the promise verified, which was given me by the spirit many years before, that if i would not thirst for the blood of the lamanites, i should never die by their hands. chapter xxi i here give place to a letter from mr. smith to the pioche record, which was also re-published in the _deseret news_: "mowabby, mohave co., arizona, february , . "on the th of january, we were in the very act of packing the horses preparatory to a start, when and indian arrived, who proved to be tuba, the chief of the moquis indians, a friendly tribe who live in this part of the country. "i should have mentioned that this (the ferry) is the residence of john d. lee, against whom i was deeply prejudiced on account of his presumed connection with the terrible mountain meadow massacre, and imputation, however, he utterly denies. i found him, on acquaintance, to be a very agreeable gentleman. mr. lee speaks the indian language well, and through hom we learned the cause of the chief's visit. "a navajoe chief who had received favors from mr. lee, and was well disposed toward him, had arrived at tuba's lodge that morning (having ridden all night) to get him to go and tell mr. lee that three navajoe indians had been killed and one wounded by mormons, a few days before, in an affray in the neighborhood of grass valley, on the north fork of the sevier river; that the wounded indian had arrived at his camp the night before, and was now actively engaged in striving to arouse the navajoes to war; that the young me were clamoring for revenge; and to warn him that he would probably be attacked within four days, and to prepare for defense. "here was a dilemma. no possibility of obtaining assistance nearer than one hundred and fifty miles; mrs. lee and five children, and a helpless old man named winburn, disabled by a lame foot, who had no risen from his bed for four months. "after a brief consultation we sent a letter to fort defiance, announcing the condition of affairs, tuba agreeing to forward it forthwith by one of his indians, and mr. lee and his oldest boy started to kanab to bring assistance. as soon as he was gone we place the house in the best state of affairs we could, and awaited the issue. ..."on the third day, a piute indian, sent by the navajos arrived. after a long talk, mrs. lee acting as interpreter, we gathered that the young men of the tribe were at first determined on war, but that the chiefs were opposed to it, for the present, at least; and that they desired to await the arrival of jacob hamblin, who had acted as representative of brigham young, in all negotiations of importance with the indians for the past twenty years, and learn what settlement of the affair he was willing to make. "this was favorable, as two of the slain indians were sons of one of the chiefs. he wound up his remarks by inquiring if, in case the navajoes did come here, we would purchase peace by giving up the old man, winburn, to torture, in which case they would abstain from further hostilities. "with difficulty repressing our strong desire to shoot him on the spot, we declined the offer, and charging him with a message to the chiefs of the nation, that as soon as hamblin arrived we would apprise them of his advent, we let him depart. "matters remained in _status quo_ until the th inst., when when messrs. lee, hamblin, and smithson, a son-in-law of the former, and his wife arrived, the advance guard of a party from kanab, now on the road. "we communicated to mr. hamblin the message from the navajo chiefs, and, merely pausing to take some refreshments, he started at once for the nearest moqui village, to send a messenger to them to notify them of his arrival, and request their presence, my brother and i accompanying him. "we reached there about sundown, and found, to our extreme disappointment, that all the indians had gone to a big dance at the oriba villages, sixty miles distant, with the exception of one lame piute. "we remained there that night, and the next morning started for the oriba villages, taking huck-a-bur, the lame indian, who is a good interpreter, along with us. "we had not rode over fifteen miles, when we met the piute who had acted as the navajo envoy on the former occasion. he said he was going to see if hamblin had arrived, and expressed great delight at seeing him, saying that the indians were extremely anxious to see him, and urging him to go back with him to the camp of the nearest navajo chief, which he said was not more than fifteen miles distant, and talk the matter over there. "after consultation, being anxious to lose no time, we consented, and after riding some twenty-five miles, instead of fifteen, we reached the navajo camp, which consisted of only two lodges. a tall, powerful indian, on whose head the snows of many winters had rested, welcomed us with impressiveness and an embrace like the hug of a grizzly bear, and invited us to enter. "the lodge (wick-c-up), which was substantially built of heavy cedar logs about fifteen feet long, was circular in form, like the skin lodges of the indians of the plains, with an opening near the top to give vent to the smoke, and, being covered with bark and dirt, was very warm and comfortable, which was none the less agreeable to our party, as it had been snowing hard all the afternoon. there were three navajos and three squaws, one of the latter a very pretty girl, and two piutes. "after a friendly smoke, they furnished us a good and substantial supper of broiled and boiled goat's flesh and corn meal mush, the squaws grinding the meal in the old-fashioned way, between two stones. "then the talk commenced. hamblin, be it remembered, though perfectly familiar with the piute tongue, knows nothing or very little of the navajo language, so the services of our huck-a-bur were called into requisition. the chief we came to see, i forgot to mention, was not there, but was only, so they said, distant a few miles. as we were anxious to get back, we got the navajo to despatch the piute to him that night, so that he might be there early in the morning, and the business be closed that day. "after his departure the talk went on. the navajos present expressed themselves anxious that the affair should be settled without further bloodshed, and said that was the wish of the principal men of the tribe. they said the navajos had long known hamblin, and they believed he would do what was right. "everything looked promising, and after smoking innumerable cigarettes with our savage friends, we retired to rest on a pile of buffalo skins and navajo blankets worth a horse apiece, and slept soundly and well. "the next morning the indians gave us an excellent breakfast and we passed the morning sauntering about, examining such articles of indian manufacture as were new to us, and endeavoring to while away the time till the arrival of the chief. "a little before noon twelve navajo braves, armed with bows and arrows and rifles, rode up on a gallop, and dismounting, entered the lodge without shaking hands and called in an insolent tone of voice for tobacco. we gave them some, and after smoking awhile, they threw everything out of the lodge, saying there were more navajos coming, enough to fill the lodge. sure enough, there soon rode up some more navajos, making nineteen in all, but still no chief. "to our inquiry as to his whereabouts, they replied he was gone to fort defiance. we took our seats, completely filling the lodge, and all hands smoked in silence for some time. then the indian whose lodge we occupied commenced talking, and spoke with only an occasional momentary interruption from the others for about an hour. "after him five or six others talked in rapid succession and from their earnest tones and impassioned gestures, so different from the usual manner of indians, we could see they were much excited. "we could not, of course, understand much of what they said, but could gather enough to know that the temper they were in boded no good to us. one old scoundrel, of brawny frame and hair as white as snow, talked in a stentorian voice, and his frequent use of the gestures of drawing his hand across his throat looked particularly ominous. "in about an hour more they ceased speaking, and, after a pause, told their interpreter to talk. he arose slowly and walking across the lodge, seated himself by hamblin. he was a piute, a slave of the navajos, and as they have the unpleasant habit of sometimes killing their interpreters when they don't interpret to suit them, and as what he was about to reveal was not calculated to render us very amiable, i could excuse the tremor that shook him in every limb. "he finally commenced, in a low tone, to speak to the following effect: the navajos believed that all hamblin had said the night before was a lie, that they thought he was one of the parties to the killing, and with the exception of three, our host and two others of the old indians, all had given their voice for death. "most of them were of the opinion that it was best not to kill my brother and myself, as we were 'americans,' but to make us witness the torture of hamblin, and then send us back on foot. as we were not likely to desert a comrade at such a time, this was but small comfort. "hamblin behaved with admirable coolness, not a muscle in his face quivered, not a feature changed, as he communicated to us, in his usual tone of voice, what we then fully believed to be the death warrant of us all. "when the interpreter ceased, he, in the same even tone and collected manner, commenced his reply. he reminded the indians of his long acquaintance with their tribe, of the many negotiations he had conducted between his people and theirs, and his many dealings with them in the years gone by, and challenged them to prove that he had ever deceived them--ever spoken with a forked tongue. he drew a map of the country on the ground, and showed them the impossibility of his having been a participant in the affray. "to their insolent query, 'imme-cotch na-vaggi?' (ain't you afraid?), he replied with admirable presence of mind, 'why should we be afraid of our friends? are not the navajos our friends, and we theirs? else why did we place ourselves in your power?' "he spoke for a long time, and though frequently and rudely interrupted, his patience and nerve never gave way, and when he ceased, it was apparent that his reasoning had not been without effect in their stubborn bosoms. but the good influence was of short duration. "a young indian, whom we afterwards learned was a son of the chief, and brother of two of the slain indians, addressed the assembled warriors, and we could see that the tide was turning fearfully against us. he wound up his impassioned harangue by springing to his feet, and, pointing to an indian who had not yet spoken, called to him to come forward. the indian came and kneeled before him, when with one hand he took back his buckskin hunting shirt, revealing the mark of a recent bullet wound, and with the other pointed to the fire, uttering, or rather hissing, a few emphatic words, which we afterwards learned were a demand for instant death by fire. "the effect was electrical. the sight of the wounded brave roused their passions to the utmost fury, and as we glanced around the savage circle, our hands involuntarily tightened their grasp on our six-shooters, for it seemed that our hour had come. "had we shown a symptom of fear, we were lost; but we sat perfectly quiet, and kept a wary eye on the foe. it was a thrilling scene. the erect, proud, athletic form of the young chief, as he stood pointing his finger to the wound in the kneeling figure before him; the circle of crouching forms; their dusky and painted faces animated by every passion that hatred and ferocity could inspire, and their glittering eyes fixed with one malignant impulse upon us; the whole partially illuminated by the fitful gleam of the firelight (for by this time it was dark), formed a picture not easy to be forgotten. "the suspense was broken by a navajo, our host, who once again raised his voice in our behalf, and after a stormy discussion, hamblin finally compelled him to acknowledge that he had been their friend; that he had never lied to them, and that he was worthy of belief now. "the strain was over, and we breathed freely once more. we smoked the pipe, or rather the cigarette, of peace, and a roasted goat being shortly produced, we fell to with a will, and gnawed ribs together as amicably as if it had not been just previously their benevolent intention to roast us instead of the goat. "by this time it was past midnight, the discussion having been prolonged for eleven hours. i never was so tired in my life. eleven hours in a partially recumbent position, cramped for room, with every nerve strained to its utmost tension, and momentarily expecting a conflict which must be to the death, is tolerably hard work. "after supper, it was arranged by hamblin that we should go home in the morning, and await the arrival of the chief, for whom they promised to dispatch a trusty messenger. we slept by turns till morning broke, when we bid our amiable friends good-by, and started for mowabby, where we arrived about eight o'clock in the evening, to the great joy of boyd and pattie, who had given us up as lost. "this was five days ago, and today the navajo chief arrived, and, after a long discussion, agreed to settle the matter for a certain number of cattle and horses; but their demands were so exorbitant that i am sure they will never be complied with. "mr. hamblin leaves tomorrow morning for st. george, to lay the matter before brigham young, and he is to meet the chiefs here again, with the answer to their demands, in twenty-five days from today. * * * * * "we shall, probably, in the course of the trip, visit the village of the oribas, a people who build three-story houses of stone, and whose greatest term of reproach to one another is he is a _lazy_ man. * * * * * "in conclusion, i wish to give my testimony to the bearing of mr. hamblin during the trying scene i have endeavored to depict. no braver man ever lived. j. e. s." the writer of the foregoing letter and his brother acted a different part from what i did, and acted it well. he describes some things better than i can. as i have before remarked, ever since i began to have a correct insight into indian character, i have felt anxious to do all the good in my power, and have endeavored to settle difficulties with them without bloodshed. much good, i trust, has been done by going into their midst and reasoning with them, when their minds were made up to avenge some wrong. i reason with an indian as an indian. for example, mr. smith did not understand the motive of the piute messenger of the navajoes, who asked, at mowabby, if they would give up the lame man to torture if the navajoes would agree, on that condition, to abstain from further hostilities. the piute thought that the lame man was of but little use, and hoped by the sacrifice of him to save the others. from his standpoint, his motive was good. had mr. smith understood the indian character better, he probably would have had no disposition to kill him. chapter xxii i started home with my jaded horse, and got along by alternately riding and walking. i met some families on their way to settle at moancoppy. i told the brethren that i thought the place could be safely settled, if they would leave their women and children on the west side of the river until matters were arranged. i camped with them over night, and gave them an insight into our affairs with the navajos, and particularly requested that they would not converse with them about their difficulty with us. soon after arriving at kanab, i went to st. george and visited presidents brigham young and george a. smith. i then returned to kanab, and worked about home until it was time to go over the river to meet the navajos as i had agreed to. through hardship and exposure my health was somewhat impaired. i endeavored to get a light wagon, that i might travel more comfortably than on horseback, but without success. i set out with a horse and three blankets. soon after a blowing, chilling storm of rain and sleet commenced, and i became thoroughly wet. i rode twelve miles to johnson, when i was scarcely able to sit on my horse. i could proceed no farther, and stopped with brother watson, who was living in his wagons and a temporary camp prepared for winter. sister watson cared for me as well as circumstances would permit. the storm continued the next day until afternoon, when the weather appeared a little more favorable. i was scarcely able to mount my horse, but i did, and started on my way. the storm soon came on again, and again i was thoroughly wet. i traveled until after dark, and stopped at a vacated house at the navajo wells, ten miles from johnson. in dismounting i fell to the ground. it was in a place where travelers on that road usually camped, and the wood had been gathered for a considerable distance around; and had there been fuel i would not have been able to go after it. it was a dark, dismal time, and it appeared to me that i could not live until morning. i prayed to the lord to have pity on me and save my life. i succeeded in getting myself and horse into the house out of the storm. i felt my way to the fireplace, and was much surprised to find some good, dry wood. i soon had a fire, and, leaning against one side of the fireplace, with my blankets drawn closely around me, and with a small blaze of fire, i was soon warm, and slept until morning. when i awoke i felt well, and quite able to pursue my journey. i went by the pahreah settlement, and from there brothers thos. adair and lehi smithson accompanied me to mowabby. there i found ketch-e-ne and a deputation from the moqui towns. ketch-e-ne renewed the former demand for three hundred and fifty head of cattle for the injury done himself and his people. i told him that when i went home i might talk with the chiefs of my people about it, but would make no promises. hastele, whom i wished to see, did not put in an appearance. i went on and visited all the moqui towns, and told the people the object of my visit. i requested them to tell all the navajos they had an opportunity of seeing that i had come there according to agreement, and as they had failed to meet me as i had expected, if they would come over the river, i would be on hand to show them that i had told the truth. feeling satisfied that things would work all right, i returned home. some of the brethren who went to moancoppy visited the navajos, and talked unwisely about affairs. they in turn, talked and threatened in a way that frightened our people, because they found they could do it, and the mission was broken up. i had passed through many perils to establish a mission among the indians on the east side of the colorado, but on account of the sayings and doings of unwise brethren, the time came for it to be broken up. the moancoppy was ordered to be vacated, and i went to assist in bringing the people away. they brought away the feeling with them that there would be another navajo war. i attended the quarterly conference at st. george, in may. the war question and the necessity of putting a guard at the crossing of the colorado were agitated. in speaking in the tabernacle on sunday, i told the congregation there would be no trouble with the navajos, and as soon as the summer rains commenced, there would be a party of them over. i felt an assurance of this from what i knew of circumstances, and the whisperings of the spirit within me. it was decided to establish a trading post at one of the crossings of the colorado, east of st. george. for this purpose a party was sent out under the direction of bishop daniel d. mcarthur. as i was acquainted with both crossings, i was called upon to go with them. the ferry was selected. in traveling with brother mcarthur to the ute crossing, thirty miles above the ferry, and back, i gave him a detailed account of our affairs with the navajos. i told him that i considered the breaking up of the moancoppy mission as unnecessary; there would be no trouble with the navajos, and some of those among them who had authority to settle their difficulties with us would be over as soon as the first rain fell. that night there was a heavy shower. the following day i started for home by way of the pahreah settlement, and brother mcarthur went on to the ferry. before separating, i told the brethren they would meet the navajo peace party that night at the ferry, and they would travel to kanab together. they asked me how i knew. i told them i knew they would be over, for they would just have time to get to the ferry since the rain. arriving at kanab i found hastele and his party, including two good interpreters. i had been away so much, that my family seemed badly in need of my help at home, and i, at the time, thought i was justified in remaining with them. i requested brother ammon m. tenney to go with hastele over on to the sevier river, and satisfy him of the facts concerning the murder of the young navajos. after the party had gone i began to work in the garden, but everything went wrong, and i felt that i had done wrong in remaining behind. i continued to try to accomplish some necessary work, until i was seized with such a violent pain in one of my knees, that i had to be assisted into the house. i sent for my horse, was assisted into the saddle, and was soon on my way to overtake hastele. the pain left my knee and i was soon all right. i overtook the navajos sixty miles from kanab. everything worked well for showing up the facts connected with the murder. the brethren we fell in with rendered all the assistance in their power. i had talked with the navajos and explained to them the locations of the "mormons" and the gentiles, and what took place at mccarty's ranch. i had telegraphed to bishop thurber, of richfield, and brother helaman pratt to meet us at the lower end of circle valley. we arrived there before them and waited. i told hastele there would be two "mormons" there that evening, who knew more about the affair than i did, and they were men of truth. we were camped near the road, where men were passing both ways, on horseback and in wagons. when the two brethren were approaching, and still a considerable distance off, hastele arose to his feet, saying, "there come the two men we are waiting for." as they drew near, he remarked, "yes, they are good men, men of god." as the brethren dismounted, hastele embraced them in true navajo style. i mention this as one of the many circumstances that have come under my notice, which prove to me that many of the indians, and especially the honest-hearted, are blessed with much of the spirit of revelation and discernment. the following morning, when arranging to visit the spot where the navajos were killed, hastele spoke as follows: "i am satisfied; i have gone far enough; i know our friends, the 'mormons', are our true friends. no other people we ever knew would have taken the trouble they have to show us the truth. i believe they have good hearts. here is jacob; he has been traveling about to do good all winter and spring, and is going yet. when i get home i do not intend my tongue to lay idle until the navajos learn the particulars of this affair." hastele started for kanab; brothers thurber and pratt, a mr. boyd, who was sent by the agent at fort defiance to accompany the navajo delegation, the two navajo interpreters and i went to grass valley, to see the place where the navajos were killed. having satisfied the interpreters, we returned by way of richfield. chapter xxiii returning to kanab, we found hastele and his companion waiting for us. it was thought advisable for me, with brother a. m. tenney as spanish interpreter, to visit the indians on the east side of the colorado river, and go to fort defiance and have matters properly understood there. we visited the moqui towns, and had much interesting talk with the people. arriving at the navajo agency, we found there a mr. daniels, who had been sent out by the government to inspect the indian agencies. he had called on the agent at fort defiance to report the condition of his agency. learning of the utah difficulty with the navajos, he made an effort to throw the blame on the "mormons." the indian who escaped wounded from the massacre in grass valley was there. mr. daniels examined him very closely. he also heard the report of mr. boyd, who accompanied hastele, to learn the facts of the case. all the facts elicited gave a favorable showing for our people. mr. daniels was disappointed and evidently vexed. he gave me to understand that i did not belong to the council, and was not wanted there. as i left the room, a rev. mr. trewax, who was there by government appointment to preach to the indians, invited me to his room, saying that he would very much like to talk with me. i replied that i had no objection to talking with him if his object was to obtain correct information. being seated in his quarters, he asked what our religious faith was, and from what source we had derived it. i told him "we prove the truth of our religion by that book" (pointing to a bible that lay on the table). "if you will read what christ taught, you will learn what our principles are. they are from heaven." "is it possible," said he, "that your people believe the bible?" i replied, "we are the only people i have met during the last forty years that do believe the bible. many profess to believe it, but when i open and read it to them, i find they do not." said he, "my dear sir, i believe every word of it." i replied, "then we are brethren." i spent nearly half a day with him. he assented to the principles of the gospel as expounded in the new testament and to the patriarchal order of marriage. when asked to explain what was meant by the stick of ephraim and the stick of joseph, in the th chapter of ezekiel, he said he thought it meant that both judah and ephraim should write. he believed the bible to be the stick of judah, but where the stick of ephraim was he did not know. he had thought much about it, but it was a mystery to him. i told him to wait a short time, and i would bring him the stick of ephraim. i went out and came back with a copy of the book of mormon, which i had brought from home. he appeared much surprised, and grasped the book with some energy. he examined the testimony of the three witnesses, and said, "surely this book is the best or worst thing that ever was." i permitted him to keep it. when i left the place he told me he had read some thirty pages of it, and had not discovered anything in it contrary to the bible. matters were settled between the "mormons" and navajos on the basis of our great peace talk at the same place, the nd november, . the truth was brought to light, and those who wished to throw the blame of murdering the young navajos upon the saints were confounded. this business was finally closed at fort defiance, on the st of august, . the navajos expressed themselves as fully satisfied that i had told them the truth when i visited them the previous winter. i felt that the lord had greatly blessed me in filling the mission assigned me, of convincing the indians that we had not injured them, and thereby maintaining peace. doubtless a war had been prevented, and the faith of the indians on the east side of the colorado greatly strengthened in our people. it is evident to me that i was indebted to the special favor of my heavenly father, for the preservation of my life to accomplish this work. at the close of these labors i found myself three hundred miles from home, rather jaded and careworn, but full of thanksgiving for the happy termination of my labors. on our way home we had some very pleasant visits with the indians. in the winter of - , i assisted in carrying on a trade with the navajos at lee's ferry. one of my sons was with me. i introduced the boy to ketch-e-ne, the father of two of the indians killed in grass valley. he turned away and wept, apparently much dejected. his friends told me that the loss of his sons was killing him. i afterwards learned that he died about two months after i saw him at the river. the navajos carried on quite an extensive trade with our people, principally in exchanging blankets for horses. in , a number of brethren were called to again establish a mission at moancoppy. the winter of - i had the privilege of remaining at home. my family was destitute of many things. some mining prospectors came along, and offered me five dollars a day to go with them, as a protection against the indians. to go with them could not injure the interests of our people. it seemed like a special providence to provide necessaries for my family, and i accepted the offer. i was gone sixty days, for which i received three hundred dollars. chapter xxiv in may, , brothers d. h. wells, erastus snow and other leading men among the saints, were sent to visit the new settlements in arizona. i was sent with them as a guide. the colorado was then high--a raging torrent. the current shifted from side to side, and the surging of the waters against the rocks caused large and dangerous whirlpools. we put three wagons and some luggage on the ferry boat. we were under the necessity of towing the boat up stream one mile, to give a chance for landing at the proper place on the other side of the river. when taking the boat around a point of rock, the water poured over the bow. word was given to slacken the tow rope. in doing so, the rope caught in the seam of a rock, and the draft on the boat continuing, the bow was drawn under water. in a moment the rapid current swept the boat clear of its contents. men, wagons and luggage went into the surging waters. when i plunged into the cold snow-water to swim, my right arm cramped, which caused me to almost despair of getting ashore. a large oar was passing me, and i threw my arm over it to save myself from sinking. about the same time brother l. john nuttall caught the same oar, so i thought it best to try to swim with one arm. however, i was soon able to use both, and went safely to shore. i ran down the river bank, got into a skiff with two others, pulled out to the head of the rapids, and saved a wagon and its contents on an island. the other two wagons, with all the valuables they contained, including the most of our supplies, passed over the rapids into the grand canyon of the colorado. on getting together we found that brother lorenzo w. roundy was missing. he was said to be a good swimmer, and it is probable he was taken with the cramp and sank at once. his body has never been found. brother lorenzo hatch sank deep into the river, but saved himself from drowning and was picked up by the skiff. brother warren johnson and another man hung to a wagon until they were taken up with the skiff, just in time to save them from going over the rapids. this unfortunate affair occurred on the th of may. we gathered up what was left of our outfit, and visited the missions at mowabby and moancoppy, and the settlements on the little colorado. about the st of december, president young desired me to take a small company, and look out a route for a wagon road from pierce's ferry, south of st. george, to sunset on the little colorado; "for," said he, "our people will want all the choice places where there is water and grass." brothers wilford halliday from kanab, joseph crosby, calvin kelsey, samuel alger and hyrum williams from st. george, accompanied me. we left st. george the th of december, . we took a route to the ferry a little east of our former one, in order to strike the new crossing of the colorado, five miles above the old one. we remained at the river two days, and assisted brother harrison pierce to construct a skiff, with which we conveyed our luggage across; but we forded our animals. after crossing the river, we still took a course east of our former one and the first day arrived in wallipie valley, an unknown country to me. we camped on the north side of the valley under a bluff, where we found a seep of water, or wet ground. we dug a little and found sufficient water for our use. the finding of this water was entirely providential, as none of us were acquainted with the country, and we had no guide. it fulfilled a promise made to us by president young when we left st. george, that when thirsty we should find water where we did not expect it. in the morning we took with us what water we could. we traveled a south-easterly direction, and, as fast as was practicable. at night we made a dry camp, and guarded our animals. the next day we pursued the same course as the day before. during the long, weary day's travel, the brethren asked when i thought we would get water again. i told them they knew as much about the water as i did, on the course we were going, but we were going the course president young had told me to take, and i felt impressed that we would get water that night. we slowly wore away the miles, until, nearing the foothills of a mountain peak, our hopes ran high on discovering signs of stock. two or three miles farther, as we turned around the point of a hill, we came to a house and corral. we found the place occupied by a mr. stevenson. he told us to turn our animals into his yard, and that there was a pump and good water. it was a mining camp, and water had been obtained by digging. from mr. stevenson i obtained information of the watering places between there and the part of the country i had before traveled over. this relieved us from any anxiety about water. the day we left mr. stevenson's we came to an old road which had not been used for some time, but it could be followed. this led us to our settlements on the little colorado. arriving there, we found the saints feeling well. i was much pleased to see my daughter louise. one is likely to appreciate friends and relatives when found by traveling in the desert. after a short visit we started home, intending to return the same way we had come. the third night out it commenced snowing and blowing. in the morning we concluded that it would not do to continue our journey, as we could see only a short distance on account of the storm. the best available shelter we could find was a log cabin without a roof, and the spaces between the logs unchinked. we had a wagon sheet which we stretched over our heads, and we were partially sheltered from the driving storm. there we remained two days and nights, during which time it snowed incessantly. the storm abated the third morning, but the snow lay very deep. hunger and cold had so used up our horses that we concluded to make the best of our way south, out of the mountains. the third day we got out of the snow, and to the sunny side of a hill, where there was plenty of green, luxuriant grass for our animals. they had plenty, but there was little food for ourselves. going out, we had cached supplies for our return trip, but being under the necessity of taking a different route, it was not available. we went to a military post called camp apache, and asked for supplies. we were refused, as it would break orders from the government to let us have them. we applied to a mr. head, who kept a sutler's store, and made known our situation. he thought we ought to know better than to travel without money. i prayed to the lord to soften the heart of some one, that we might obtain food. i again went to mr. head, and told him that we were from utah; that when we left home we did not expect to see any one to spend money with; that instead of money we took plenty of supplies, which we left in the mountains to use on our return trip, but we could not go the same way home on account of the snow, and if he would let us have enough food to last us home we would send him the pay. "oh," said he, "you are mormons, are you! what do you want to last you home?" he then let us have what we asked for. arriving at the crossing of the colorado, south of st. george, we found that the flour and meat we had left there had been used, but we obtained some wheat which we boiled and lived on for five days, or until our arrival in st. george. i gave president young an account of my trip. i had considerable additional conversation with him, in which he said to me: "i know your history. you have always kept the church and kingdom of god first and foremost in your mind. that is right. there is no greater gift than that. if there are any men who have cleared their skirts of the blood of this generation, i believe you are one of them, and you can have all the blessings there are for any men in the temple." it was the last time i talked with president young. he died the following august. the assurance that the lord and his servant accepted my labors up to that time, has been a great comfort to me. in the spring of i thought i would try to raise a crop. i found that the land had been so divided in the kanab field, that what was considered my share was nearly worthless. i sowed some wheat, but it proved a failure. some time in august i gathered up a little grain, and started for the mill, about one mile and a half above kanab, in the canyon. on the way i met an expressman, who had directions for me to start forthwith to the navajo country, with deputy-sheriff fouts, of richfield. a criminal had broken from jail, and it was believed that we could prevent his escape. i took my horses from the wagon, agreed with another man to do my milling, and in a very short time was on my way for the crossing of the colorado. here we first learned of the death of president brigham young. we learned that the man we were in pursuit of had not crossed there. it was thought advisable to visit the moqui agency, and make arrangements to secure his arrest should he appear in that part of the country. we traveled one hundred and fifty miles east, in the hot days of august. in passing through the moqui towns, we found the people making much ado to bring rain to save their crops. they scattered corn meal in the paths leading to their fields; the women dressed in white, and sat on the tops of their houses, looking to the ground through an opening in a blanket wrapped around their heads. others of the people went about with solemn countenances to induce the great father of us all, as they express it, to send rain. by doing as they did, they believed he would be more ready to pity them and grant their request. several came to me and requested that i would pray for rain, asserting that i used to help the piutes to bring rain, and they thought they were as much entitled to my prayers as the piutes. i felt to exercise all the faith i could for them, that they might not suffer from famine. in all their towns there fell, the following night, an abundance of rain. returning from the moqui agency, we found the people of the towns feeling well. they said enough rain had fallen to insure them a crop of corn, squashes and beans. we noticed that in and around their towns and fields it had rained very heavily, but on either side the ground was dry and dusty. on my return home, i found that the fall crop i had planted was too far gone with drouth to make anything but through the blessings of the lord i was able to provide necessaries for my family. this seems a fitting place to close this little narrative of incidents in my life. in my simple way i have furnished the facts for the pen of brother little, with the hope that their publication may be a testimony to many of the truth of the gospel, and of the power of revelation to all who will seek for the whisperings of the holy spirit. i desire this narrative to be a testimony to all who may read it, that the lord is not slack concerning any of his promises to his children. my whole life, since i embraced the gospel, proves this fact. if this little book shall leave a testimony of this to the coming generation, i shall be satisfied.